From (Aman Suliya (Ab17.nliu@gmail - Com) ) - ID (1034) - HISTORY-II
From (Aman Suliya (Ab17.nliu@gmail - Com) ) - ID (1034) - HISTORY-II
From (Aman Suliya (Ab17.nliu@gmail - Com) ) - ID (1034) - HISTORY-II
UNIVERSITY, BHOPAL
SIXTH TRIMESTER
SUBJECT: HISTORY-II
The text reported in the project is the outcome of my own efforts and
no part of this report has been copied in any unauthorized manner
and no part in it has been incorporated without due
acknowledgement-
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
o INTRODUCTION
o STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
BOYCOTT
o CONCLUSION
o REFERENCES
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INTRODUCTION
The Rowlatt Act, the Jalian Wallah Bagh massacre and martial law in Punjab had
belied the generous wartime promises of the British. The Montage Chelmsford
report with its ill-considered scheme of diarchy satisfied few. Gandhi, so far
believing in the justice and fair play of the government, now felt that Non-
Cooperation with the government must be started. At the same time, the harsh
terms of the Treaty of Sevres between the Allies and Turkey was resented by the
Muslims in India. The Muslims started the Khilafat movement and Gandhi
decided to identify himself with them. Gandhi's 'skilful top level political game'
secured in winning over the Muslim support in the coming Non-Cooperation
Movement in India.
Thus the paper discusses the important aspects that led to the non-cooperation
movement in India, and the factors of the failure of the non cooperation
movement.
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STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
5
THE KHILAFAT MOVEMENT:
6
MAHATHMA GANDHI LEADS THE CONGRESS -
DECLARATION OF NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT:
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The extra-territorial loyalty of Khilafat leaders received a final and deadly blow
from the Turks themselves. The charismatic Turkish nationalist leader Mustafa
Kemal's startling secular renaissance, his victories over invading Greek forces
culminating in the abolition of the Sultanate in November 1922, and the
transformation of Turkey into a Republic in October 1923, followed by the
abolition of the Khilafat in March 1924, took the Khilafatists unaware. By 1924
the Khilafat Movement, had become devoid of any relevance and significance
and met its end.
The first stirrings in favour of the Khilafat Movement in Bengal was seen on 30
December 1918 at the 11th Session of the All India muslim league held in Delhi.
In his presidential address, ak fazlul huq voiced concern over the attitude of
Britain and her allies engaged in dividing and distributing the territories of the
defeated Ottoman Empire.
When the Paris Peace Conference (1919) confirmed these apprehensions, Bengali
Khilafat leaders such as Maulana Akram Khan, Abul Kasem, and mujibur
rahman khan held a Public meeting in Calcutta on 9 February 1919 to enlist
public support in favour of preserving the integrity of the Ottoman Empire and
saving the institution of Khilafat.
In Bengal, the Khilafat-Non-Cooperation Movement (1918 to 1924) became a
mass movement in which both Muslims and Hindus participated. The Bengal
movement benefited from coordinated action by and between the Central and
Provincial Khilafat leaders. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad propagated Khilafat
ideas in rural Bengal. In the initial stage, the movement was popularised by
Bengali leaders such as Maulana Akram Khan, maniruzzaman islamabadi,
Mujibur Rahman Khan, the brothers Maulana abdullahil kafi and Maulana
abdullahil baqi, ismail hossain shiraji, Abul Kasem and AK Fazlul Huq. Maulana
Akram Khan and Maniruzzaman Islambadi toured Bengal and organised
Khilafat meetings, particularly in Dhaka and Chittagong. In an article
Asahojogita-o-Amader Kartabya, Maniruzzaman Islambadi declared that to
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protect Khilafat and to acquire Swaraj were the twin aims of the movement and
that it was the sacred duty of every Indian to support these ideas.
During the observance of the first Khilafat Day on 17 October 1919, most Indian-
owned shops remained closed in Calcutta, prayers were offered at different
mosques, and public meetings were held all over Bengal. On 23-24 November
1919 the first All-India Khilafat Conference held in Delhi was presided over by
AK Fazlul Huq from Bengal. It was resolved that pending a resolution of the
Khilafat problem there would be no participation in the proposed peace
celebrations, that British goods should be boycotted, and that a policy of non-
cooperation with the government would be adopted. In early 1920 the Bengal
Provincial Khilafat Committee was organised with Maulana Abdur Rauf as
President, Maniruzzaman Islambadi as Vice President, Maulana Akram Khan as
General Secretary, and Mujibur Rahman and Majid Baksh as Joint Secretaries
respectively. The office of the organisation was located at Hiron Bari Lane of
Kolutola Street in Calcutta.
The first Bengal Provincial Khilafat Conference was held at the Calcutta Town
Hall on 28-29 February 1920. Several members of the Central Khilafat Committee
attended. Prominent Bengali Khilafat leaders such as A K Fazlul Huq, Abul
Kasem, Mujibur Rahman participated in the conference and reiterated the view
that unless their demands on the Khilafat problem were met non-cooperation
and boycott would continue. The conference decided to observe 19 March 1920
as the Second Khilafat Day.
In March 1920 a Khilafat delegation led by Maulana Muhammad Ali went to
England to plead for the Khilafat cause. Abul Kasem represented Bengal in this
delegation. Local Khilafat Committees were also constituted. Maulana Abul
Kalam Azad and Maulvi Abdur Rahman became President and Secretary
respectively of the Calcutta Khilafat Committee. On 20 December 1919 the Dhaka
Committee was founded at the ahsan manzil with Nawab khwaja habibullah as
President, Syed Abdul Hafez as alternate President, and Gholam Quddus as
Secretary. In response to the demands of the citizens of Dhaka, a "Sadar Khilafat
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Committee" was formed; Khwaja Sulaiman Kadar was its President, Maulana
Abdul Jabbar Ansari, Hafez Abdur Razzak, Hafez Abdul Hakim its Vice-
Presidents, and Maulvi Shamsul Huda its Secretary.
On 19 March 1920 the Second Khilafat Day was observed in Bengal. In Calcutta
life almost came to a standstill and numerous Khilafat meetings were held in
Dhaka, Chittagong and Mymensingh. The largest meeting was held in Tangail
and was presided over by abdul halim ghaznavi, the liberal nationalist Muslim
zamindar. At this meeting, Maniruzzaman Islambadi urged the public to adopt
Satyagraha as the symbol of the Khilafat movement.
Most districts of Bengal witnessed a mushroom growth of Khilafat Committees
alongside existing Congress Committees, often with common membership. This
was the first significant anti-British mass movement in which Hindus and
Muslims participated with equal conviction. The media, both Muslim and
Hindu, played a vital role in popularising the movement. 'Mohammadi', 'Al-
Eslam' and 'The Mussalman' were publications, which deserve mention. The
Khilafat Movement engendered a Muslim political consciousness that
reverberated throughout Bengal under the leadership of Maulana Azad, Akram
Khan, Maniruzzaman Islambadi, Bipin Chandra Pal and chitta ranjan das.
Though the Khilafat movement was orthodox in origin, it did manage to
generate liberal ideas among Muslims because of the interaction and close
understanding between Hindus and Muslims. Following the example of
Calcutta, volunteer organisations were set up in rural Bengal to train volunteers
to enforce boycott of foreign goods, courts, and government offices. They were
also engaged in spinning, popularising items of necessity, and raising
contributions for the Khilafat cause. In some areas in Dhaka, Muslim zamindars
extracted 'Khilafat Salami' from Muslim tenants by declaring themselves the
representatives of the Sultan of Turkey. Ironically, due to the ignorance of these
tenants this custom continued long after the Khilafat was abolished.
Visibly shaken by the popularity of the Movement, through a Notification on 19
November 1921 the Government of Bengal declared the activities of the Khilafat
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and Congress volunteers illegal. Government officers raided Khilafat offices,
confiscated documents and papers, banned meetings, and arrested office bearers.
About a hundred and fifty personalities including Maulana Azad, CR Das,
Akram Khan, and Ambika Prashad Bajpai were arrested in Calcutta on 10
December 1921.
At this critical juncture, a rift arose between Khilafat and Non-cooperation
leaders on the issue of boycotting educational institutions and legislative
councils. Some Muslim leaders believed that such boycott would be suicidal for
Muslims. They were in favor of participating in the elections under the India Act
of 1919 that assured self-governing institutions in India.
Prominent among this group of Swarajist leaders were CR Das, Bipin Chandra
Pal, Motilal Nehru, Surendranath Banerjea, Ashutosh Chowdhury, Asutosh
Mookerjee and Sarat Chandra Bose. Notable Muslims subscribing to the same
ideas were AK Fazlul Huq, Abul Kasem, Khwaja Muhammad Azam, Khwaja
Afzal, Nawab Khwaja Habibullah, Hakim Habibur Rahman, Syed Nawab Ali
Chowdhury, Sir Syed Shamsul Huda, Sir Abdullah al-Mamun Suhrawardi,
Maulana Abu Bakr Siddiky (Pir of Furfura), Shah Ahsanullah, Kazem Ali and
Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. Indian National Congress and the Muslim
nationalists were strongly opposed to the idea of joining the councils.
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parts of Bengal. They gained experience in organizing and mobilizing the public.
The Khilafat movement provided an opportunity to throw up a new Mofassil
based leadership, which played a key role in introducing a coherent self-assertive
political identity for Bengali Muslims. After the 1947 Partition, these personalities
played effective roles in their respective areas of activity.
The movement was launched formally on 1st August 1920, after the expiry of the
notice that Gandhi had given to the Viceroy in his letter of 22 June, in which he
had asserted the right recognized 'from time immemorial of the subject to refuse
to assist a ruler who misrules'. At the Calcutta Session (September 1920) the
programme of the movement was clearly stated. It involved the surrender of the
titles and offices and resignation from nominated posts in the local bodies. The
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Non-Cooperators were not to attend Government duties, Durbars and other
functions and they were to withdraw their children from schools and colleges
and establish national schools and colleges. They were to boycott the British
courts and establish private arbitration courts; they were to use swadeshi cloth.
Truth and non-violence were to be strictly observed by Non-Cooperators.
The Calcutta decision was endorsed at the Nagpur Session of the Congress
(December 1920). There the betterment of party organization was emphasized.
Congress membership was thrown open to all adult men and women on
payment of 4 annas as subscription. The adoption of the Non- Cooperation
resolution by the Congress gave it a new energy and from January 1921, it began
to register considerable success all over India. Gandhi along with Ali Brothers
undertook a nation-wide tour during which he addressed hundreds of meetings.
In the first month, 9,000 students left schools and colleges and joined more than
800 national institutions that had sprung up all over the country. The educational
boycott was particularly successful in Bengal under the leadership of Chitta
Ranjan das and subhas chandra bose. Punjab, too, responded to the educational
boycott and Lala Lajpat Rai played the leading role. Other areas that were active
were Bombay, UP, Bihar, Orissa and Assam; Madras remained lukewarm.
BOYCOTT:
The boycott of law courts by lawyers was not as successful as the educational
boycott. Many leading lawyers, like, CR Das, Motilal Nehru, MR Jayakar, S
Kitchlew, V Patel. Asaf Ali Khan and others gave up lucrative practices, and their
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sacrifice became a source of inspiration for many. In number again, Bengal led
followed by Andhra, U P, Karnataka and Punjab.
But perhaps, the most successful item of the programme was the boycott of
foreign cloth. The value of imports of foreign cloth fell from Rs. 102 crore in 1920-
21 to 57 crore in 1921-22.
In July 1921, a new challenge was thrown to the government. Mohammad Ali
along with other leaders was arrested for holding the view that it was 'religiously
unlawful for the Muslims to continue in the British army'. Gandhi as well as the
Congress supported Mohammad Ali and issued a manifesto. The next dramatic
event was the visit of the Prince of Wales that began on 17 November 1921. The
day the Prince landed in Bombay was observed as a day of hartal all over India.
He was greeted with empty streets and downed shutters wherever he went.
Emboldened by their successful defiance of the government, Non-Cooperators
became more and more aggressive. The Congress volunteer corps emerged as a
powerful parallel police, and the sight of its members marching in formation and
dressed in uniform was hardly one that warmed the government heart. The
Congress had already granted permission to the Provincial Congress Committees
to sanction mass civil disobedience including the non-payment of taxes wherever
they thought that the people were ready. The Non-Cooperation Movement had
other indirect effects as well. In UP it became difficult to distinguish between a
Non-Cooperation meeting and a peasant meeting. In Malabar in Kerala it helped
to rouse Muslim tenants against their landlords. In Assam, laborers on tea
plantations went on strike. In Punjab, the Akali movement was a part of the
general movement of Non-Cooperation.
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Ladies Organisation Board of the Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee. Women
of the Samaj organised meetings and propagated the spirit of Non-Cooperation.
Women volunteers were enlisted. Basanti Devi and Urmila Devi, wife and sister
respectively of CR Das, Nellie Sengupta, and wife of JM Sengupta, along with
others like Mohini Devi, Labanya Prabha Chanda played a prominent role in this
movement. Picketing of foreign wine and cloth shops and selling of Khaddar on
the streets happened to be the main areas of their activities. The government
promulgated Sections 108 and 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure at various
centres of the agitation. Volunteers' Corps was declared illegal and by December,
over 30,000 people were arrested from all over India. Among prominent leaders,
only Gandhi remained out of jail. In mid-December there was an abortive
attempt at negotiations, initiated by Malaviya, but the conditions offered were
such that it meant sacrificing the Khilafat leaders, a course that Gandhi would
hardly accept. At that time he had been also under considerable pressure from
the Congress rank and file to start the phase of mass civil disobedience. Gandhi
presented an ultimatum to the government but as the government did not
respond he started to initiate the civil disobedience movement in Bardoli taluqa
of Surat district. Unfortunately at this time the tragedy of Chauri Chaura
occurred which changed the course of the movement. A mob of 3,000 killed
twenty-five policemen and one inspector. This was too much for Gandhi who
stood for complete non-violence. The result was that he gave order for the
fvsuspension of the movement at once. Thus on 12 February 1922, the Non-
Cooperation Movement came to an end.
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The Country was not prepared for such a mass agitation to go in a
disciplined way.
The Congress decision to keep away from the elections to new councils
only opened the field for the traitors to become legislators.
The sudden suspension of the movement was a blunder on the part of
Gandhiji. Gandhi explained his position in the article “The Crime of
Chauri” which was described by Roman Rolland as the most “human
document ever written”. Gandhi was a firm believer in Non-Violence.
Therefore Gandhi could never support any violent movement, much less
lead it. He had made it quite clear that “certainly violence on the part of
Non-Cooperators” would kill the movement. The Chauri Chaura affair
was certainly a very gruesome affair.
The movement took a violent turn because the people were not
adequately trained to receive blows and bullets quietly but the
Government itself was partly responsible for it. It provoked the mob to
become violent by raining lathis on them.
If the movement had continued for a little longer, the Government had
certainly have agreed to negotiate with the Congress. Gandhiji’s mistake
spoiled the chances of success.
Since Gandhiji could neither redress the grievances of Punjab nor fulfill
his promise of securing Swaraj within a year of the launching of
movement, the people were filled with bitter sense of frustration. Those
who had made great sacrifices at the call of gandhiji were rudely shaken
received the severest shock. He espoused the Khilafat with a view to
forging Hindi-Muslim unity but the results obtained were disappointing.
The discord between two communities became wider than it was ever
before, resulting in communal riots at various places. The suspension
movement gave an occasion to the Muslim League to discredit the
Congress.
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Another point that Gandhiji overlooked at the time of joining hands with
the league over the Khilafat issue was that Khilafat was a religious issue in
which not to speak of all Non-Muslims. By confusing a religious issue
with National Struggle, Gandhiji earned nothing but dissatisfaction and
criticism. His effort to promote Hindu-Muslim unity by appeasing the
Muslims also bore bitter fruits in the years that followed.
17
“The movement put a new life into Indian Nationalism. The
old feeling of oppression and fearfulness was completely
gone,” writes Jawaharlalal Nehru.
CONCLUSION
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As regards the limitations and achievements of the Non-Cooperation Movement,
it apparently failed to achieve its object of securing the Khilafat and making good
of the Punjab wrongs. The Swaraj was not attained in a year as promised. Still,
the retreat that was ordered on 12 February 1922 was only a temporary one. The
battle was over, but the war would continue.
REFERENCES
Internet:-
www.indianhistory.com
www.itihas.com
www.swadesh.com
www.indiaheritage.com
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