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Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 39 (2009): 163–180

Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions:

3000 Early Bronze Age burials in the eastern JaΜlān
(Sultanate of Oman)

jessica giraud & serge cleuziou

Summary
Surveys carried out during the last ive years by the Joint Hadd Project have made possible the mapping of over 3000 Early Bronze
Age collective burials (Hait (Дafīt) and Umm an-Nar types) within an area of approximately 3000 km2 in the eastern part of the
province of JaΜlān (Sultanate of Oman). These sites have been plotted in relation to all other features of the natural and cultural
landscape into a GIS system, which allows us to characterize and interpret in depth the location of ancestors during a time span of
over 1000 years in the “Land of Magan”.
The spatial analysis of this extensive and rich funerary data gave the opportunity to study in detail the links between dwellings,
land use (ishing, herding, agriculture, and mineral resources), and the world of the dead as created by Early Bronze Age society. A
predictive model can be built that accounts for the intertwined location of these various types of data, in respect to social evolution
and environmental change. It has already worked as an eficient tool, not only for the interpretation of current data but also for
recovering new data and testing of the accuracy of our database.
Out of this large set of data, we will present several major cases in this evolution, and discuss their relevance for the whole of
the Oman peninsula. This integration of funerary and socio-economic landscapes can give us some insight into the perception of
their space by these populations. Interesting comparisons can also be drawn with the modern perceptions of the Bedouin who have
been our collaborators and local informants during this long-term study.

Keywords: Oman, Early Bronze Age, funerary landscape, environment landscape, social landscape

introduction Muscat (Salvatori & Coppa 2008), or near temporary

campsites such as al-Buhais 18 (Uerpmann, Uerpmann &
The beginning of the Early Bronze Age in the Oman Jasim 2006) in the Emirate of Sharjah.1 These Neolithic
peninsula (Fig. 1) is mainly known through its funerary funerary practices left no visible archaeological imprint
landscape. Thousands of tower-like monuments were built on the landscape, whereas the new type of burials
on mounds, hills, ridges, and crests, easily seen from the originally and durably marked the landscape occupied by
distance in surrounding areas. These are known as “Hait- Early Bronze Age communities (Fig. 2).
type” tombs after the irst place, Hait (Дafīt), where they A new type of funerary landscape appears around
were discovered by the Danish archaeological expedition 2700 BC, with the development of the multi-chambered
to Abu Dhabi. The earliest ones are dated around 3200 “Umm an-Nar-type” tombs. They are usually larger
BC and such graves remained in use for several centuries. (from 6 to 14 m in diameter) and become more and more
Their lattened cone, sometimes up to 8 m high (Yule & monumental towards the end of the third millennium BC,
Weisgerber 1998), covers a single funerary chamber that while burial practices become more and more sophisticated
was used for collective burials, from a few up to thirty (Cleuziou 2002; Cleuziou & Tosi 2007: 105–132). They
individuals (Salvatori 2001). They replace the single are mainly located on the lower terraces or in the plain
or multiple pit burials that were found near the huts of close to the settlements. The ancestors still look out over
earlier settlements, usually grouped as cemeteries dug the territories exploited by the community, whose newly
in previously settled areas, as evidenced at RH–5 near dead members play a new social role in the vicinity of
164 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

figure 1. The location of the province of JaΜalān in the Oman peninsula. (J. Giraud).

the settlements themselves. Because of this new location, of data through methods of spatial analysis allows us to
the tombs were more often plundered than the previous propose a dynamic model of human settlement during
ones in both ancient and modern times, and their spatial this period. What we are looking for through the survey
imprint in the archaeological record is therefore rather of graves is a local evolution of settlement patterns
tenuous although the monuments may have been rather through time, which cannot be generalized all over the
impressive when in use. Oman peninsula as such but which combines various
These changes in funerary practices have often aspects that are relevant for the region as a whole. This is
been considered as indicating changes in economy notably the case of the approach of the funerary landscape
(Potts 2001: 38) or even in populations (Orchard 1994), as a mark of identity for the Early Bronze Age society
while continuity in economy, settlement, socio-political of the “Land of Magan” (Giraud 2007: 63–70). It gave
structure, and type of settlements is much more evident us some understanding of the spatial representations of
from the available data (Cleuziou 2007). The JaΜlān region these populations. The funerary landscape is also a space
(Fig. 1) is an excellent laboratory for the study of such an of life and resource exploitation, which it is possible to
evolution during the third millennium BC. It presents a visualize. Cross-referencing the results of modern surveys
mosaic of dozens of different environments and biotopes with the vernacular geographical knowledge (Collignon
whose change during this period has been documented 2000: 111–120) of the Bedouin who helped us for ive
by some twenty-ive years of palaeo-environmental years,3 made possible our reconstruction of the spatial
studies in conjunction with archaeological surveys and representation of these areas.
excavations.2 The cross-referencing of these two types
 Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions: 3000 Early Bronze Age burials 165

figure 2. Hait and Umm an-Nar tombs in the modern landscape near the village of ShiyāΜ. (J. Giraud).

The archaeological landscape of the JaΜlān Giraud & Gernez 2006).

Extensive and comprehensive exploration was carried
Surveys in the JaΜlān started some twenty-ive years ago out in the whole region (more than 3000 km²). The general
as an original aim of the Joint Hadd Project, co-directed guiding rules of the work evolved according to new
by S. Cleuziou and M. Tosi. They were carried out by discoveries and increasing knowledge of the area. The
various teams at a time when technology and spatial method is based on the model of prospection raisonnée
data available to archaeologists were in constant and promoted by Pierre Gouletquer (1986), in which the
unexpected improvement. Work started with pacing and subjectivity of the researcher is used to create a dynamic
compass using a rather imprecise 1/100.000 map and that can lead him/her to undertake his/her research
low resolution satellite imagery, before moving through using a list of questions to be conirmed or rejected. The
various generations of GPS and ending with high- whole region was fully explored and it became possible
precision devices able to plot precisely monuments that to differentiate between empty zones and those not yet
can now be seen on Google Earth™ images. We collated covered.
this abundant and disparate information in a GIS system Over 4000 archaeological structures were plotted. We
operated with ArcGIS 8™ (Giraud 2007: 327–410). found 3096 possible Hait tombs, out of which only 2661
This was undertaken between 2002 and 2007 during ive were considered for analysis as there was no doubt about
campaigns of intensive surveys carried out by a group of this identiication. Only ninety-three Umm an-Nar (Umm
two to six people with the help of local informants. The al-Nār) tombs were also found although covering a time
number of documented structures rose from about 1000 to span of seven centuries, slightly longer than the previous
over 4000. Biases resulting from work that had concerned Hait-type tombs. This difference in igures is partly due
mainly the coastal zones, with only a few incursions to the taphonomic reasons already mentioned, these tombs
into the main inland sites (the largest and most obvious being more easily destroyed and therefore dificult to
ones), had to be corrected and homogeneity in territorial identify,4 but also to the fact that they accommodate many
coverage had to be insured. The only exceptions now are more corpses.5 As a result, we cannot infer a depopulation
areas where access was too dificult, such as mountains, of the JaΜlān at this time.6 Their global spatial distribution
salt lats (sibakh; sg. sabkhah), and sand dunes, which is similar (cartography of the gravity centre) to that of the
were only tested by transects (Giraud 2007: 331–334; Hait-type tombs. The archaeological map can therefore
166 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

figure 3. Restitution of the coast in the fourth and third millennium BC. (J. Giraud).
 Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions: 3000 Early Bronze Age burials 167

be considered as a suficiently homogeneous ensemble lagoons had a strong inluence on the coastal geography
making our study possible, despite the fact that anthropic of the region. The marine environment was located
ilters should be taken into account when working at several kilometres in from the present coastline, and the
local level in empty sand areas or near villages where the coastline then was totally different from the modern one.
destruction of sites is, regrettably, commonplace. By cross-referencing data on sea levels in the Arabian Sea
and the Gulf with neotectonics and sedimentary studies,
the environmental and social landscape Berger et al. (2005) were able to deine the shores and
during the third millennium bc lagoons at that time (Fig. 3), starting from the hypothesis
that these combined factors had led to a rise of 5 to 6 m
In order to give an account of the whole of the geographic of sea levels, as documented along the coast south of the
space used by the JaΜlān communities during the third modern village of al-Ruways (Giraud 2007: 278–281).
millennium BC, archaeological structures must be studied
in relation to the physical space in which they were built. the social landscape
This requires knowledge of the climate, geography, and
biogeography of the period. Once this physical landscape had been rebuilt, another
space became accessible: that of the production of resources
the environmental landscape and raw materials. The carpological, anthracological, and
zoological data establish the image of a steppe covered
Palynological studies (Lézine et al. 2002; Lézine, in press) with Acacia trees where animals such as gazelles, hyenas,
allow the reconstruction of a semi-desert landscape, still and foxes, ran wild. Fruits of Zizyphus spina-christi, a
with some summer rains at the beginning of the third taxon common in the wadi beds of the JaΜlān were eaten
millennium BC, which had almost disappeared at the end at RaΜs al-Дadd RH–6 and RaΜs al-Jinz (RaΜs al-Junayz)
of this period.7 Rhizopora trees had disappeared from RJ–2 and RJ–1, together with dates most probably grown
the mangroves of Khawr al-Jaramah and al-Suwayh by in the interior (Costantini & Audisio 2001). Domestic
the mid-third millennium BC, while Prosopis cineraria goats are already present on Neolithic sites such as al-
appeared and developed at the same time. This is Suwayh SWY–2 (Charpentier, Blin & Tosi 1998: 29)
conirmed by carpological and anthracological analyses while cattle, sheep, goat, and domestic donkey are found
(Tengberg 2005: 43–44; Cartwright 1998). Malacological at RaΜs al-Jinz RJ–2 (Bököniy 1998).
(Martin 2004) and geomorphological data (Berger et al. The association of date stones and cereals as early
2005) conirm the importance of mangroves that were as 3000 BC on sites such as Hili in the interior oasis
still much more developed than today all along the belt of Oman (Cleuziou & Costantini 1980) allow us to
eastern coast of the JaΜlān, and their retraction throughout hypothesize the existence of an oasis economy based on
the third millennium BC. Mangroves are extremely rich the culture of the date-palm tree, which provides shelter
environments but also very versatile, depending both on for various cultures in arid environments. Palm trees
humidity in the air, on freshwater in the ground, and on protect whatever grows at their foot from the sun and the
sea levels. A single storm destroying the littoral sandbar dryness of the air. The association of date stones, palm-tree
may cause an invasion of seawater and signiicant changes wood, cereals, and fruits (Tengberg 2003: 58) is at present
in the vegetation that usually renews quickly with the attested only at Hili, Bāt, and al-Abraq. The presence
reconstitution of the sandbar (see Ghazanfar & Fisher only of date stones at RaΜs al-Дadd and RaΜs al-Jinz is
1998 for modern mangroves in Dhofar), but frequent therefore most probably an attestation of the importation
repetition of such events may lead it to deteriorate and of agricultural products rather than of its cultivation near
disappear, a phenomenon evidenced by the presence of the site.8 Apart from the presence of date stones, we
peritidal taxons in the foraminiferal assemblages in the therefore need to know if, ecologically, edaphically, and
mangrove of al-Suwayh (Lézine et al. 2002: 228, ig. geographically, the establishment of such agricultural
4) or the decrease of Terebralia palustris shells from systems in the region was possible. In order to answer this
the malacological assemblages. Generally speaking, question, we drew up a map that represents the possible
and although detailed studies on this point remain to be implantation areas for oases in the JaΜlān, considering
done, the water table is usually very close to the surface that according to palm-tree cultivation requirements, the
in modern JaΜlān and the situation was probably similar foundation of the oasis system necessitates the precise
all over the third millennium BC. The presence of these following conditions: water, warmth, permeable ground,
168 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

figure 4. A map of the areas where it is possible to plant an oasis garden. (J. Giraud).
 Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions: 3000 Early Bronze Age burials 169

sand or clay, maximal sun exposure, and protection from Settlements at the centre of necropoleis
violent winds and sandstorms (Peyron 2000). According
to the available data we were able to deine the location Most large and medium necropoleis are not solely made up
of the areas combining all these conditions, represented of tombs. Together with the surrounding plain, they also
in green on Figure 4. contain numerous archaeological remains that are often
The physical and social space thus determined, it not easy to interpret and date precisely. These structures
becomes possible to study our archaeological structures were classiied as hearths, circular and semi-circular
within their original setting and therefore to render structures, rectangular structures, and alignments.
the social landscape and its evolution during the third This led us to investigate the presence of associated
millennium BC. dwellings, by deining a model that could predict possible
dwelling areas associated to Hait tombs. They were
dificult to locate on the ground. Our understanding of
Reconstructing the Hait funerary space: archaeological space allowed the creation of an empirical
from tombs to necropoleis model where, in a hilly landscape, the tombs are located
on the surrounding hills, and the settlements in the plain
The corpus of the Hait tombs is important, with 2661 where agricultural land is also found. We therefore worked
of them certiied. Our irst level of analysis of the Hait out the centre of gravity that summarizes the distribution
spatial system is to characterize the location and layout of of the polygon centre of necropoleis and it turned out that
its primary unit: the tomb (Fig. 5). the centre of these necropoleis was located in the areas
where these unspeciied structures had been found (Fig.
Some tombs 6).
This model based on the centre of gravity of necropoleis
From a geographical point of view, statistics show that is a very powerful tool when it comes to predicting
all units, even those just slightly elevated, are occupied: where the settlements associated with necropoleis can
ridges, mountains, terraces, clay hillocks. Every unit of be found. Such was the case of known settlements such
the environment with suficient space is used, except for as RaΜs al-Дadd HD–6 or RaΜs al-Jinz RJ–2, but it also
the red hillocks of Дawāsinah deposits. led to hypothesize the presence of several other sites in
Tombs are laid out with variable concentration: the the piedmontane area of the Jabal Khamīs, which marks
centre of the area is densely occupied, but the further the western limit of our study area. The detailed survey
away from the centre, the lower the density. However, of this area, the lowermost terrace of a wadi bed, had
each large concentration is separated from the next by yielded Umm an-Nar-type burials and many unspeciied
areas empty of archaeological structures. We are therefore structures over an area of more than 50 ha. Two of them
in the presence of groupings of necropoleis. were selected for trial excavations. ALA–2 excavated
by Olivier Blin (2007) yielded the ruins of a square
Some necropoleis structure with internal dimensions of c. 12 x 12 m, made
of undressed stone blocks with lat slabs placed vertically
A necropolis is characterized by the spatial proximity of along the inner side of the walls. From the sediment, it is
its tombs and the synchronism of its structures. When very probable that the elevation was made of mud bricks.
considering a necropolis, an important question is always A hearth stood at the centre of the inner space, near a round
the deinition of its limits. The method of spatial analysis stone structure located in the north-west corner. Apart
that corresponds to the spatial deinition of a necropolis is from this, no internal divisions were recognized, but post
that of the buffer zones. This method consists in calculating holes allow for the hypothesis that there was a light roof
the shortest distance that separates each structure from the on at least part of the enclosed space. Other hearths were
next within a given radius. A map can then be drawn of located outside. An earlier construction followed a similar
the structures linked to each other by a zone of the same setting and an earlier stage was evidenced by post holes at
chosen distance (500 m, 1000 m, etc.) (Fig. 6). the bottom of a c. 40 cm stratigraphic. Only a few items
This method and various others have been tested were found including several small fragments of copper,
(Giraud 2007: 427–429). They determine ifty-four laked lints, and shells (Conus sp., Anadara sp., Engina
necropoleis of different sizes, which can be classiied mendicaria) often used as beads, while several fragments
according to four or ive different categories. of a reddish coated pottery were found on the earliest
170 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

figure 5. A map of the geographical distribution of Hait tombs.

Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions: 3000 Early Bronze Age burials 171

figure 6. A map of Hait necropoleis with their gravity centre and the relationship
that exists with some unspeciied archaeological structures. (J. Giraud).
172 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

level, which can be dated from the third millennium the previous one. There are ninety-three Umm an-Nar
BC.9 Several bones of terrestrial mammals were present tombs (Fig. 8).
together with two charred date stones.10 Considering that
the whole area is still settled by a small village of ive Some tombs
families cultivating palm-tree gardens with the water from
a nearby spring, we consider that the conditions required Tombs are mainly located in the plain, on low terraces,
for the presence of an oasis during the third millennium or on the edge of higher terraces overlooking wadi beds.
BC are fulilled. Some twelve similar structures are found They concentrate within small areas and no model of
all over the terrace. There is deinitely no large tower in dense centre and less dense periphery appears. We are
the area, such as the numerous ones known in the Early dealing with small and well-delimited graveyards that are
Bronze Age oases of Oman, and al-ΚAyn may represent topographically far away from each other (Fig. 9).
a type of settlement whose presence is probably highly
underestimated in the archaeology of this region. For our Some necropoleis
present concern, we should note that the settlement is
located in the visual centre of the necropolis and becomes There are twenty-eight necropoleis of variable sizes in
its centre of gravity. the JaΜlān region. Some hierarchy can be made between
necropoleis of two to six tombs and others with isolated
Some oases tombs or small groupings of two or three tombs.

A comparison of the predictive map of possible garden Some settlements

areas with the layout of the Hait tombs shows that most of
the necropoleis are found in areas where oasis agriculture Umm an-Nar-type tombs are known in association with
is possible. This of course remains to be conirmed by settlement all over the Oman peninsula, at Umm an-Nar,
further excavations, but the example of al-ΚAyn is already al-Abraq, Hili (Hilī), or Bāt for instance. In the JaΜlān,
a good indication of the validity of such a hypothesis. the most representative excavated site is RaΜs al-Jinz
(Cleuziou & Tosi 2000) where houses were found at RJ–2
A spatial model for early third-millennium and RJ–3, overlooked by the graves of RJ–1 (at least ive)
dwellings–oasis–necropolis and RJ–11 (possibly three). As for dwellings that have not
yet been located, the method used to ind dwellings related
The use of the gravitarian model developed by geographers to “Hait” seems to function (Fig. 9). There appears to be
(Pumain & Saint-Julien 2001: 184; Nuninger 2002: 129), a positive match between the structures and the gravity
allowed us to establish a central hierarchy between the centre of the necropolis. As necropoleis are much smaller,
dwellings and evidence their relations. All the maps we can deduce that those of Umm an-Nar are linked with
generated by the model show that the organization of the the dwellings. The funerary space and the living one are
sites is in fact regional, based on four or ive large centres both merged into a single unit.
that, in the early third millennium BC, were all turned
towards the shores, whether of the lagoon or of the sea Some oases
(Fig. 7). Inland, when their inluence does not go beyond
5 km, small piedmontane necropoleis are structured The localization of Umm an-Nar necropoleis corresponds
following a network that remains supra-local. There are a exactly to the location of the large Hait ones. The
few larger centres but their inluence remains local. The interpretation we drew about the links of the Hait groups
most important known sites, such as RaΜs al-Дadd, or with the potentially cultivable areas remains true in the
predicted by the model, such as Malahi, are located along following period.
the coast.
The Umm an-Nar geographic space
Reconstructing the Umm an-Nar funerary
space: from tombs to necropoleis Dwellings, necropoleis, and gardens are associated at the
centre as in the ancient system of Hait dwellings, but the
Using the same model and the same method of analysis gravity model tested on Umm an-Nar necropoleis shows
shows that the geographical space as seen from the completely different results. Where the Hait system was
location of the Umm an-Nar-type tombs is identical to based on ive coastal centres, with minor centres in the
Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions: 3000 Early Bronze Age burials 173

figure 7. A map of the lux of Hait sites calculated with the gravity model:
ive attraction centres appear.
174 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

figure 8. A map of the geographical distribution of Umm an-Nar tombs. (J. Giraud).
Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions: 3000 Early Bronze Age burials 175

figure 9. A map of Umm an-Nar necropoleis with their gravity centre and the relationship
that exists with some unspeciied archaeological structures (J. Giraud).
176 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

figure 10. A map of the lux of Umm an-Nar sites calculated with the gravity model:
four attraction centres appear (J. Giraud).
 Funerary landscape as part of the social landscape and its perceptions: 3000 Early Bronze Age burials 177

piedmont, the Umm an-Nar system seems to be reversed even cancels out the need for a further appropriation of
(Fig. 10). The piedmontane area becomes the driving space, which is already marked by the tombs of more
force. A major site remains located on the coast at RaΜs al- and more distant ancestors. Relations between local and
Jinz and RaΜs al-Дadd is almost not represented, although regional levels remain to be investigated.
a large settlement site is known with its harbour and
handicraft areas.11 To the south, the absence of Umm an-
Nar tombs near the late third-millennium site of al-Suwayh Notes
SWY–3 may be due to the problems of prospection in
sabkhah zones. The coast remains important for seasonal 1
In the JaΜlān area, such graves have been excavated
ishing and trade, i.e. activities linked with the outside, at al-Suwayh SWY–1 (Charpentier, Marquis &
while the piedmontane zones appear to be directing local Pellé 2003), or RaΜs al-Khabbah KHB–1 (Cavulli,
relations. We are still far away from fully understanding forthcoming).
this situation. We have not yet taken into account, for 2
Main contributions were made by Curtis Larsen,
instance, the importance of piedmontane oases compared Jean-Claude Plaziat, Mauro Cremaschi, Anne-Marie
with the large unknown oasis settlements in Wādī al- Lézine, Jean-François Berger, Gourguen Davtian,
BaΓΉāΜ,12 although their economic importance should not Chloé Martin, and many others to whom the authors
be underestimated. of this paper are deeply indebted.
3
We are deeply indebted to our friend Khamis bin
conclusion Nasser bin Khamis al-ΚAmri who guided us all
with enthusiasm and patience through a sometimes
Linking the archaeological and environmental knowledge treacherous landscape, recovering the knowledge of
obtained during twenty-ive years of ieldwork allows some many others, in particular his father Sheikh Nasser, the
understanding of the cultural space in the JaΜlān and its gentle traditional authority of RaΜs al-Jinz village. We
evolution during the Early Bronze Age. The Hait system are more generally indebted to the warm hospitality
is closely related to social organization. The funerary of most families in the region, who kindly answered
structures appear as marks of dwelling and evidence our strange questions and never hesitated to show us
for the appropriation of the immediate environment and remote remains that were known only to them.
resources through a discursive organization of space 4
Some tombs are not even visible from the ground,
based on ancestors and genealogy. From then on, we can such as, for instance, Tomb 1 at RJ–1 (Monchablon et
speak of the appropriation of the territory in a practical al. 2003).
and symbolic sense. The representation of space seems 5
Figures of over 300 are often quoted for Tomb A at
to be based on the visual clues still used today by the Hili North, al-Sufouh, al-Abraq, and other sites.
Bedouin when getting their bearings in the desert. This 6
On the contrary, anthropological studies of Tomb 1 at
could explain the ostentatious location of the tombs. On RJ–1 (c. 2600–2400 BC) indicate a population in slow
the other hand, the Umm an-Nar system is characterized growth (Munoz & Cleuziou, forthcoming).
by a continuity of population as no tomb or dwellings in 7
They still exist today and the JaΜlān was severely
this period could be found in an otherwise empty area. The affected by the torrential rains of cyclone Gonu in
larger funerary monuments are no longer located around June 2007.
the dwellings, but at their very heart. They are no longer 8
At present, with the very recent exception of a few
found on the high points of the landscape, but in the plain. ornamental trees, there is no cultivation of date palms
The funerary world seems to be organized around the at all along coastal JaΜlān.
world of the living. The physical and social investment 9
The presence of Engina mendicaria, which disappears
of the funerary monuments might be compared with the from the archaeological assemblages of the second
ampliication of the oasis phenomenon and be related part of the third millennium BC, is a good although not
to the general tendency of the socio-cultural evolution fully decisive indicator of an early third-millennium
observed in eastern Arabia. It seems that the integration of date.
the tombs with the dwellings is the result of a shift from the 10
These were identiied in the ield by Dr Margareta
spatial importance of funerary structures to one of social Tengberg, and are awaiting a radiocarbon date.
signiicance. The presence of the Hait tombs everywhere The bones remain to be identiied, although their
in the landscape around the settlements diminishes or fragmentary condition is not very promising.
178 Jessica Giraud & Serge Cleuziou

11
Only one Umm an-Nar tomb was uncovered during Cleuziou, forthcoming).
a rescue excavation at site HD–7, overlooking the 12
There have been almost no surveys and no excavations
small settlement HD–98 located at the entrance of the in Wādī al-BaΓΉāΜ, but the fact that Hait-type burials
dried-up lagoon that once provided wealth to HD–6, in the vicinity of modern oases occur by the thousands
while several nearby Hait graves were reused during may give an idea of the dissymmetry between these
the second part of the third millennium (Munoz & two parts of the JaΜlān.

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Authors’ addresses
Dr Jessica Giraud, UMR 7041, Maison de l’archéologie et de l’ethnologie, Équipe du Village à l’état au Proche et
Moyen-Orient, Boîte 14, 21 allée de l’Université, 92023 Nanterre Cedex, France.
e-mail giraud.jessica@gmail.com

Prof. Serge Cleuziou, UMR 7041, Maison de l’archéologie et de l’ethnologie, Équipe du Village à l’état au Proche et
Moyen-Orient, Boîte 14, 21 allée de l’Université, 92023 Nanterre Cedex, France.
e-mail serge.cleuziou@mae.u-paris10.fr