Negotiating cultural identity through eating habits

Second-generation immigrants talk about memories, values and cultural

heritage attached to food

Rossella Tatti
International Migration and Ethnic Relations
Bachelor Thesis 15 credits
Spring 2019: IM245L
Supervisor: Beint Magnus Aamodt Bentsen
Word count: 13163
Abstract
This thesis explores eating habits among seven second-generation immigrants born, raised and
living in Scania, southern Sweden. It does so by using a thematic analysis on data gathered
through semi-structured interviews. The theoretical framework combines Douglas’ symbolism,
Bandura’s social learning theory and acculturation models. The results show that interviewees
maintain memories from childhood and emotions attached to eating habits; parents play an
important role in shaping the individuals’ habits as well as their successful assimilation of the
majority traditions. Moreover, there is a general preference for social eating rather than eating
alone, and a strong connection between traditional food and cultural belonging. Differences in
eating habits were recognized as reasons of discrimination and feeling of alienation. However,
thanks to their parent’s influence, interviewees negotiate the different cultural realities they live
in. The findings contribute to research in the sociology of food and eating and can be employed
in policy development.

Keywords: Social learning theory, symbolism of rituals, cultural negotiation, assimilation,

Scania

Word count: 13163

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Abstract ................................................................................................................ 2

Acknowledgements.............................................................................................. 5

Introduction ......................................................................................................... 6
Aim, hypothesis and research question .................................................................................. 6
Limitations, delimitations and assumptions of the study ....................................................... 7
Thesis outline ......................................................................................................................... 7
Background.......................................................................................................... 7
Context ................................................................................................................................... 8
Religious origins of the traditional meal ................................................................................ 9
Previous research .............................................................................................. 10
Emotions and values attached to food .................................................................................. 10
Socialization and eating habits ............................................................................................. 11
Social connection, eating habits and cultural identity .......................................................... 12
Relation to the out-groups .................................................................................................... 13
Social constructivist and naturalistic perspectives ............................................................... 13
Theoretical framework ..................................................................................... 14
Post-structuralist approach ................................................................................................... 14
Mary Douglas’ symbolism ................................................................................................... 15
Bandura’s social learning theory .......................................................................................... 16
Acculturation models ........................................................................................................... 17
Methodological framework .............................................................................. 18
Material ................................................................................................................................ 19
Operationalization and interpretation of data ....................................................................... 20
Methodological implications ................................................................................................ 22
Validity, reliability and falsifiability of the research.....................................................................23

Strengths and weaknesses .................................................................................................... 23

Empirical analysis ............................................................................................. 24
Emotions and values attached to food .................................................................................. 24
Socialization and eating habits ............................................................................................. 27
Social connection and cultural identity ................................................................................ 29
Relation to the out-groups .................................................................................................... 30
Discussion of results............................................................................................................. 32

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Conclusion.......................................................................................................... 35

Bibliography ...................................................................................................... 38

Appendix A – Interview guidelines.................................................................. 45

Ethical assessment ................................................................................................................ 45
Themes and sub-questions ................................................................................................... 46
Appendix B ........................................................................................................ 50

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Acknowledgements

I want to thank my supervisor and the teachers who have showed interest in this topic since the
first drafts,

thanks to the interviewees who made this work become possible,

and a big thank you to my family who made me passionate about food and has always been
interested in my thesis topic

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Introduction
This thesis explores second-generation immigrants’ experiences and perspectives on eating
habits in the region of Scania, southern Sweden. This is based on the idea that habits have the
power to create, influence and divide groups (Hastorf, 2017, p.67). The focus is put on the
connection between eating habits and cultural identity. Some of the topics explored are
emotional and social values as well as identity formation attached to food. The theoretical
framework combines Douglas’ symbolism, Bandura’s social learning theory (SLT) and
acculturation models, and the analysis of primary data is done following a thematic analysis
framework. Employing post-structuralist approaches to the study of sociology of food and
eating (Lupton, 2012, p.12), this research values the importance of factors such as childhood
experience and learning process within the familiar sphere (Kaisari & Higgs, 2014),
generational change (Lupton, 2012, p.25), environmental conditions (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011,
p.86) and the symbolic power of food and eating habits (Douglas, 1972).

Aim, hypothesis and research question

The aim of this paper is to explore how second-generation immigrants experience eating habits
in terms of cultural negotiation in relation to their individual and group identity, as well as to
the majority population. Broad research covers both the value that certain cultures give to food
and the differences in conviviality patterns existing around the globe (Nilsson, 2017). However,
this research aims to examine the connection between value given to food and commensality
patterns, adding the topic of negotiation of cultural identities and their parent’s cultural
background. It wants to bring up the issue of cultural negotiation attached to eating habits. It
will do so by addressing the following research question: What does food mean for the
interviewees in terms of cultural belonging?

The research question will be answered through four sub-questions:

1. Which are the themes most often named by the interviewees in regard to their memories,
thoughts and values related to eating?
2. What role does socialization play in the interviewee’s personal development of eating
habits?
3. How do the patterns identified embody the individual’s cultural identity?
4. What is the interviewee’s experience of the relationship with the majority population
and other ethnic groups?

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Limitations, delimitations and assumptions of the study
Outlining limitations, delimitations and assumptions gives value to the work and
acknowledges the perspective for which “post-structuralist perspective reject(s) pre-
suppositionless representation…” (Agger, 1991, p.106). Generalization and bias may arise as a
consequence of focusing only on concepts of ethnicity, cultural background and assimilation
processes, with a lack of attention on other factors that daily shape someone’s identity (Lawler,
2011). However, this paper does not aim to expose a theory of behaviors and emotions related
to food and conviviality experienced by second-generation immigrants. Instead, it wants to
highlight key concepts surrounding negotiation of eating habits and cultural belonging. It does
want to take position in the discussion surrounding multiculturalism and ethnic variety by high-
lighting processes of identity development and negotiation, within and between minority
groups, and in relation to the majority population.
With the aim to explore the development of an individual’s cultural identity and the
following negotiation with other groups’ identities, this study contributes to research in the
context of the development of cultural identity both in the micro and meso level. Moreover, as
it aims to uncover attitudes towards other groups based on their eating habits, it can be of
interest within the area of prejudice development in inter-minority relationship.

Thesis outline
This thesis will be structured as follows. Firstly, a background of the research area and sample
will be presented, including demographic, historical and urban features. Secondly, there will be
a collection of previous research from a sociological, psychological and anthropological
perspective, connected to the field of international migration and ethnic relations. Thirdly,
theoretical and conceptual tools essential for the analysis of the material will be provided.
Fourthly, the material will be presented to later progress to the analytical section. The last part
will summarize the thesis’ aim and the results in light of background research, theoretical and
methodological framework.

Background
Dinner is something we gather around; we praise our Gods and share stories from the day. Food
shapes our identity, be it personal, familiar, societal or national (Sibal, 2018, p.3). It preserves
and transmits cultures and can be recognized as a commonality between nationals of the same
country who have different backgrounds, or between migrants from a same place who meet in

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a common host country. Food allows to cross cultures and to create new identities thanks to a
cross-cultural understanding of different eating habits (Hastorf, 2017, p.69), of which food or
new ways of adapting food into another environment are some practical examples (Bellesia,
2017, p.90). Food also helps to learn about a specific culture and to be admitted into a social
network when arriving into a new place (ibid., p.85), as food and drinks can work as social
lubricants (Fox, 2014, p.12). For a migrant food has the power to connect and ensure one’s own
identity and the bound with a group (Gasparetti, 2009, p.2), but also to initiate the process of
integration through the host country’s food habits. Food has always represented a broad part of
human existence and is therefore a good ground for analysis on an anthropological and
sociological level.

Context
Migration during the 1973-1990s economic restructuring (Castles et al., 2014, pp.111-112) led
to significant demographic shifts in many European countries. Sweden received 1.8 million
new citizens (Nilsson, 2004, p.3). Between 1975 and 2003, one third of the immigrant
population originated from Asia, with Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Lebanon and Syria being the most
represented countries of origin (ibid., p.96). First-generation immigrants represent 19.1% of the
population (SCB, 2018) and second-generation immigrants constitute up to 5.8% in 2018
(ibid.). Multicultural variety motivates inter-ethnic relationships and cultural awareness.
Positive effects of these relationships on the individual’s identity have been discussed (Prentice
& Miller, 2001). Multicultural endorsement was shown to be related to decrease in social
distance (Hindriks et al., 2011). Our social identity is a projection of the relationship with the
others (Hinton, 2000, p.113), and according to Tajfel’s concept of in-group identities, the self-
confidence built in belonging to a minority cultural group (Alavi, 2014, p.16), which together
with other minorities has the power of being felt as a collective wider group.
Since the stronger the sense of belonging, the higher the self-confidence and feeling of
acceptance, (Nandi & Platt, 2015, p.2), one can say that multicultural closeness lead people to
easily open up about issues regarding their cultural particularity. Cultural immersion provides
people with multicultural awareness and understanding (Fu et al., 2017; Conroy & Taggart,
2016). Växjö and Kristianstad are multicultural areas and the interviewees either live or often
visit Malmö, appreciated for the characteristics previously listed.
People who moved here still are willing and conscious of keeping a strong bond with
their homelands. Food “can create a sense of continued belonging and reiterate affiliations to

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‘home’” (Abbots, 2016, p.1). This also paves the way for a future research regarding the
majority outcomes of contact with the minorities when it comes to eating patterns, as according
to contact hypothesis “if we can bring the two social groups together in a positive way, ‘…’ the
first group will view the second more accurately and stereotype change will occur” (Hinton,
2000, p.102). By presenting interviewees’ responses on their cultural connection to food, this
thesis wants to contribute to the discussion and the power that food holds when it comes to
unifying people with different backgrounds.
In order to find second-generation immigrants (Bartram, 2014, pp.124-128) connected
to the migrant background of Scania, this research limits the time frame of the migration year
between 1960s and early 2000s, and the age of the interviewees between 18 and 35. According
to social learning theory (Bandura, 1978), the identity of an individual is determined by external
factors than their self-identity, namely environmental factors. Connected to this, the third reason
of the sample, mostly connected to the age of the interviewees, is connected to 1) the ability of
the interviewees to relate to questions regarding self-identity and cultural belonging, and 2) the
contact developed with the majority population and tradition, in multiple areas other than family
and school, such as for example job and/or academic environment, multicultural relationships,
etc. Finally, by focusing on Scania as a demographical area close to the researcher, it was
possible to gather primary data although limited resources thanks to data reachability (Eco,
2015, p.47).

Religious origins of the traditional meal

According to Durkheim, “everything is religious in principle” (Datta & Milbrandt, 2014,
p.473). Religion takes an important position in the development of conviviality and symbolism
regarding food as it informs about dietary habits to follow, the time of the day when to eat and
pray, the meal to be prepared and the eventual abstinence from food (Kwon & Tamang, 2015;
Sibal, 2018); in Islam, fasting during Ramadan “is meant to teach Muslims patience, modesty
and spirituality” (BCFN1, 2010, p.10). Religion is relevant in regard to the of food chosen and
the dish preferred to be prepared and served within a specific group (ibid., pp.45-46; Kocturk,
2002, pp.137-139); for example, in Orthodox Church the Paska bread mirrors “the fact
that Jesus was crucified during the Jewish Passover” (Kwon & Tamang, 2015, p.46). However,
differences still occur within same-faith groups, which shows the importance of the role played

1
Barilla Center for Food and Nutrition

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by the individual, familial and other environmental factors on dietary choice (Sibal, 2018, p.4).
In this study, the focus is not on the religiousness of the individual, rather on the influence that
dietary rules included in the religion may have on the eating habits of the person interviewed.

Previous research
Research that sees food as an important factor in people’s life is found within different branches
of academia and levels of society. The micro- and meso- level are explored in sociology with
regards to the emotional value attached to food, and the understanding of the relationships
maintained through eating habits (Albertini et al., 2018). This thesis explores the sociology and
culture of food and eating and will therefore navigate previous research in anthropology,
psychology and sociology. As the sample is second-generation immigrants, relevant topics are
the cultural affiliation felt and represented through eating habits and the acculturation patterns
of these people in relation to the majority population. This chapter will focus on the individual’s
connection to food habits, discuss the social environments in which individuals learn and
develop these habits and their effect on one’s own identity; moreover, the connection between
social and cultural identity will be illustrated along with research about the development of in-
and out-groups based on of differences in eating habits.

Emotions and values attached to food

An individual’s attachment to food habits can be described by developments in the emotional
and psychological areas. Identity formation and emotional values attached to food develop in
different stages of a person’s life. Different studies show that eating patterns are developed
within the familiar sphere (Lupton, 2012; Kaisari & Higgs, 2015) and closely connected to
development and communication of love to the rest of the family through childhood years
(Lupton, 2012, p.37). Children experience a period during which they grasp demonstration of
affect, an essential part of one’s emotional intelligence and something that will be broadly
mirrored in their adulthood (ibid., p.46). The family is often responsible for the ritual of eating
(Douglas, 1972; Visser, 1993) which in turn will provide the person with adequate emotional
awareness and preparedness for adult life.
Two perspectives are presented in academia regarding the place taken and influence
played by food and eating habits in a person’s life. With his “centrality-flexibility” perspective,
Sibal takes up the question of whether food plays an equal role in everyone’s identity shaping
and daily life, or whether this entity is flexible and takes up a different value throughout one’s

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identity formation (Sibal, 2018, p.11). A person’s behavior in regard to food traditions and
habits can be flexible throughout life. This view is agreed upon in studies about the dietary
habits of immigrant women in Italy (Casali et al., 2015) and about the dietary acculturation of
immigrant women in Norway (Terragni et al., 2014). Accordingly, women in the first post-
migration time, go through changes in their dietary habits. Opposed to this view, the immobility
of these habits through life is high-lighted. Fischler argues that it is not easy to learn whether
cultural traditions define our tastes, or if rather we are able to affect our preferences in fact of
food (Fischler, 1980, p.939). Pollan argues instead that traditions of food and eating are “stable
and resistant to change” and that “the refrigerator of an immigrant is decidedly the last place in
which to look to see signs of integration” (BCFN, 2010, p.11). This thesis sees eating habits as
flexible throughout an individual’s life and affected by external factors rather than only by one’s
own rational choice and will.

Socialization and eating habits

Important in this research, is the importance given to conviviality around food.
Academic discussions touch upon concepts of social ties (Sobal & Nelson, 2003), identity
formation (Neil, 2015), cultural meaning (BCFN, 2010) and knowledge about the other
(Oussedik, 2012). The household is essential for the development of eating habits. In fact, the
family holds the responsibility of communicating love to the children and being a first link
between domestic life and the external reality in society (ibid., p. 37); conviviality is one
contributing factor in this process (Lupton, 2012). Food can be linked to a person’s life as a
tool to express “maternal love, romantic love and wifely concern for the well-being of one’s
husband” (ibid., 37). The meal is more important than the food itself, and a “potent symbol of
the family itself” (ibid., 39). Family meal and dinner table are used by Lupton to identify the
importance of sharing on individuals who will be active participants and social actors within
society (ibid.). The concepts of commensality (from Latin ‘com’=together and ‘mensa’=table)
and conviviality (‘con’=together and ‘vīvō’=to live) are employed interchangeably, as
researchers in the field have used both terms and the background research was not filtered only
through one of them (Fischler, 2011; Nugent, 2010).
It is interesting to explore the entity of food as representative or shaper of society. Food
can be seen as a representation of society since it is a way to express values (Höijer et al., 2014,
p.498), traditions, hierarchies (Mintz & Du Bois, 2002, p.102) and preferences that belong to
specific cultures. However, one can analyze food’s power to shape societies and its individuals.

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We have the understanding of food as an active agent in the social life of an individual (Hastorf,
2017, p.3). Hastorf takes up the issue on whether food reflects social life or whether they are
active agents in social life. This thesis agrees with both views, seeing food as being a
consequence of social norms and behaviors previously developed, but also as a social lubricant
and assisting the development of social relationships.
Many cultures see in the provision of food a symbol of motherhood. In Lupton’s
argument, food is strictly connected to the concepts of femininity and motherhood and the
‘family meal and the dinner table are potent symbols, even metonyms, of the family itself’
(Lupton, 2012, p.39), a comment which draws upon both Mary Douglas’ concept of metonyms
(Douglas, 1972, p.76). According to Douglas, food encodes and gives meaning to social rituals,
through which relationships, values and emotions are preserved and developed (ibid.).
Nostalgia, for instance, is enhanced by memories of childhood experiences related to food
preparation and consumption (Lupton, 2012, pp.49-55), but also by migrants who long to their
homeland’s tastes (Terragni et al., 2014, p.277). A migrant experience of connection to his
homeland is often centered on the food tradition bound to his culture. Many times, immigrants
may look for signifiers in other countries in order to seek connection with their homelands
(Gasparetti, 2009, p.14).

Social connection, eating habits and cultural identity

Migrants who arrive in a new country feel a belonging to their lands and community through
food traditions they have been used to and that other people share the same emotions for
(Nugent, 2010, p.107). In this way, food can be a tool to connect and unify people with more
or less similar backgrounds. Additionally, food originating from the host-country can also be a
way for people to connect with natives. It is in this context that we can start to talk of the
acculturation of food and eating habits among second-generation immigrants. As bi-cultural
individuals (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, p.83), second-generation immigrants may show
attachment to their parent’s culture through the taste of familiar meals, which sometimes is the
only bound they have to their ‘home-land’.
Not always are second-generation immigrants interested and willing to taste and adopt
their parent’s eating habits. More second-generation immigrants are losing traditional ways of
eating and rituals in order to adapt to a more ‘conformist’ eating style (BCFN, 2010, p.22).
However, the fact that second-generation immigrants negotiate a multiplicity of cultures
belonging to various minority groups, may show a stronger interest proved by the self-esteem

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one may feel towards their own cultural group (Alavi, 2014, p.16). This thesis will explore
whether the second-generation immigrants who were interviewed do apply to these patterns, or
if they are connected to their parent’s habits by embodying eating traditions and rituals.
We talk of acculturation of eating habits when an individual learns values, norms and
behavior attached to food. This occurs thanks to the social environments previously presented
and can be identified as an important factor in shaping someone’s recognition of cultural
belonging. Acculturation patterns can include for example, patterns of consumption which can
be seen as symbols of integration in the context of second-generation immigrants (Sekhon &
Szmigin, 2011, p.79).

Relation to the out-groups

The development of groups can lead to the development of out- and in-groups dynamics. The
difference of habits may motivate the development of stronger attitudes towards one’s own
cultural traditions but also judgements of the others. Food helps to strengthen our group identity
but also “separate us from the others” (BCFN, 2010, p.12). It can represent a reason for
stereotyped rejection of a particular group’s habits. Based on theories of stigma and on
academic research regarding judgements of others based on what and how they eat (Stein &
Nemeroff, 1995). This thesis will explore attitudes towards others connected to eating habits.
From this discussion, interview questions regarding the effect that the group has on food choice
and vice-versa have been developed.
Coffee culture is not only represented by the beverage but gains the significance of
taking a break and getting together among the others (Sibal, 2018, n.d.). In some cultures,
“finally being admitted to coffee- and tea-drinking, then, is a minor initiation rite: you are old
enough to ‘take it’, and by that time you are also likely to know how to ‘behave’” (Visser, 1993,
p.48). This thesis explores the cultural connection felt by the respondents through the adoption
of particular traditions around the dinner table. By exploring their emotional value, we will
gather and analyze data while trying to uncover the meaning given to particular eating traditions
and sharing situations. Respondents will be asked about which traditions of their parents’
culture they have adopted and the meaning they have grasped throughout them.

Social constructivist and naturalistic perspectives

In this research a constructivist approach is adopted, since identity, attitudes and behaviors are
influenced by factors such as age and cultural upbringing of the participant. Anthropological,

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sociological and cultural were some of the perspectives worth a look when researching this area
of interest. One of the prerequisites for this research is that the perspective a person has on
sharing a meal, is deeply linked to the culture he/she has grown up in. It involves a general
knowledge or theory – deduction – as a primary tool for the development of the research. It also
implies a different development of views, identities and relations to group that is based on the
variety of environments which are offered to the individual. This idea of a variety of realities is
antonym to the naturalist way based on a unique reality to be believed in, of which knowledge
we can only learn by direct observation and without generalizations and deductions.

Theoretical framework
The psychological, anthropological and linguistic perspectives on the topic mirrors the aim of
presenting a multidisciplinary work. It can so comprehend the diversity of experiences and
opinions regarding individual’s eating habits and their connection to cultural identity. This
section outlines theories and concepts employed in this study. A short insight to post-
structuralism will be given, followed by Douglas’ Symbolism, Bandura’ Social Learning
Theory (SLT) and acculturation models.

Post-structuralist approach
Post-structuralism the research problem focused in this paper. Post-structuralism adopts a
pragmatic view on social behaviors and events (Lupton, 2012) as it focuses on the development
of habits and situations. Functional structuralist approaches struggle to see social environments
as a determinant for the development of ways of producing, preparing and consuming food,
along with little focus addressed to historical factors (ibid., p.10). Critical structuralist theories
are founded on Marxist and feminist theories, with a tendency to focus on macro- rather than
micro level of analysis, as well as on “social inequalities rather than social consensus” (ibid.).
Both approaches tend to focus on static habits leaving little space for questions surrounding the
change and development of those, such as habits learnt through childhood and their functional
needs (ibid.). Post-structuralist theory is instead based on “language, signification and
semiotics” (Hurst, 2017). Therefore, the post-structuralist approach was considered the most
suitable as a tool to frame the data gathered about subjective experience of food habits.

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Mary Douglas’ symbolism
Mary Douglas is considered an important anthropologist in regard to post-structuralist
approaches to food and eating (Mintz & Du Bois, 2002, p.100). The part of her theory useful
for this thesis is her focus on micro-level and the construction of social events through the food
ritual (Douglas, 1972). Moreover, she includes in her theory the importance of religious realities
in shaping eating habits.
Firstly, food is the symbol of a social event, (ibid., p.65). Following Douglas’ logical
thought in “Deciphering a Meal” (1972), one should introduce the process of “code-breaking
and code-making” (Douglas, p.61) something that we may call the significance of eating habits
and what they uncover in an individual’s background. The meaning of a meal in her opinion
mirrors its role as a “structured social event” (Atkins, 2001, p.4).

"families reaching out to the meal structure of their cultural environment develop it and interact
with it according to their intentions"; "To sum up, the meaning of a meal is found in a system
of repeated analogies. Each meal carries something of the meaning of the other meals; each
meal is a structured social event which structures others in its own image" (Douglas, 1972,
p.69).
This leads us to the second important pillar of Douglas’ theory, namely the family as an
important environment and sphere where habits are being developed and preserved. In fact,
Douglas highlights the importance of asking why specific habits are used in specific
environments and groups, such as families. Symbolic structures are used by a family and a
neighborhood on different degrees and are influenced by the symbolic structures of
relationships between social events, in the bigger scale - they become a synthesis of different
traditions. Families do adapt traditions that are followed on the macro-level and make an own
version of them depending on the needs of the family members (Douglas, 1978, p.69). In her
book, she sees consciousness as important in defining, recognizing and accepting that a
meaning is embodied and communicated through a meal. A connection can be made between
her idea and Social Learning theory’s pillar of observational learning, where Douglas’ idea
covers this gap. In fact, an individual and a group most likely need to accept and recognize the
value attached to a meal in order to preserve it, opposed to SLT where learning of habits does
occur even trough observation and without a recognition of the situation.
Douglas treats the issue of religion, asking how it is possible that within the Jewish rules
governing meals, only three of them have persisted throughout years (Douglas, 1972, p.79). It

15
may “seem that whenever a people are aware of encroachment and danger, dietary rules
controlling what goes into the body would serve as a vivid analogy of the corpus of their cultural
categories at risk” (ibid, p.79). Douglas therefore concludes that a particular set of rules may
be used within a religion or a family but is shaped by the social structure and relations acting
within them (ibid, p.69).
Douglas is employed in this study for three reasons. Firstly, she focuses on the micro-
level and the importance of the familiar sphere in the development of eating habits. This thesis
is interested in the subjective experience of eating habits and how individuals negotiate their
parents and their own identity in their daily life. The domestic environment and childhood
upbringing, which are also more deeply presented through Bandura’s SLT, are regarded as
important factors in the development of these habits. Secondly, not only she sees the meal as a
symbolic identity, but she adds a new view of the meal as a ritual and active agent in shaping
society. In fact, as named in the previous sections, this thesis accepts the view of the meal both
as a representation and as an actual shaper of society. Thirdly, she brings religious reality on
the table as an important factor in shaping one’s eating habits and traditions. She also uncovers
the issue of why some rituals survive while others are forgotten throughout generations. This
theory can be used in order to explain why second-generation immigrants still use a precise set
of rules.

Bandura’s social learning theory

One way to see communication and development of habits is to look at how behavior is
introduced and absorbed in different socialization environments. According to Social Learning
Theory (SLT) observation is responsible for learning symbolic representations of modeled
activities, namely a set of behaviors (Bandura, 1978). Differently from other approaches to
cognitive learning, Bandura goes further the concept of learning throughout “trial-and-error
performances” and instead pronounces himself as following:

"Social learning theory assumes that modeling influences produce learning principally through
their informative functions and that observers acquire mainly symbolic representations of
modeled activities rather than specific stimulus-response associations”
(Bandura, 1978, p.6)

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We talk about behavior as learned from the environment through a process of “observational
learning” (Bandura, 1977) and not only through behavioral reasons (Edyniang, 2016). Besides
one’s rational choice, focused on in other behaviorist approaches, we are influenced by other
factors that we acquire and learn unconsciously, through the observation of such.
Influence within the family is valuable in this thesis, along with the variety of contacts
with the majority population and the presence of other inter-minority groups. By using SLT, I
argue that negotiating cultural identities in a multicultural environment, leads the individual to
accept their own identity and more self-consciously practice it. However, in regard to the aim
of this thesis some gaps of SLT will be discussed. Firstly, SLT does not focus on the importance
of consciousness and wish to reproduce the behavior, as observational learning is something
that already occurs since a child is really small. Direct instruction is not needed in order to learn
a behavior (Bandura, 1977), rather modeling by observation is usually occurring. Secondly,
observational learning mostly focuses on a set of behavior rather than on the particular existence
and meaning communicated by singular actions, and eventually, traditions. Finally, encoding
can be connected to the concept of symbolism. Therefore, in order to fill these gaps, Mary
Douglas’ symbolism was chosen as to complete the theoretical framework. The theory will be
employed as a tool to explore and analyze the role played by parents and childhood environment
in the development of food habits, values connected to eating and commensality. The children
learn a model of behaviors and encodes them, something that occurs in different stages and
spheres of socialization.

Acculturation models
Different acculturation models have been developed within anthropology, sociology and
psychology. This thesis explores the experience of eating habits per se, but also how
acculturation and negotiation of cultural habits occur on a daily basis and how these relate to
the formation of an individual’s cultural identity. We look at the transformation of habits among
people who are in contact with different ethnic groups, through the lens of acculturation models.
Acculturation is the general “process by which the cultural patterns of distinct groups change
when those groups come into contact with each other – sometimes resulting in two groups
becoming less distinct culturally” (Bartram et al., 2014, p.8). In this thesis, we speak of
acculturation both on a group and individual level in regard to cultural learning. Childhood
exposure gives the ground for an individual’s “acculturation into norms and expectations
around eating preferences and practices and bodily deportment” (Lupton, 2012, p.37).

17
Assimilation can be regarded as “the process by which immigrants become similar to natives –
leading to the reduction (or possibly the disappearance) of ethnic difference between them”
(Bartram et al., 2014, p.15).
According to Berry’s fourfold model of acculturation (Berry, 1997, pp.5-29), an
individual’s relation and belonging to a cultural community is determined by the degree of
appreciation of their own – or their parent’s culture - and that of the country they have moved
to or have lived for their entire life. In these terms, integration defines the condition where an
individual is able to show knowledge, relation, connection and appreciation of both cultural
realities (Jun et al., 1990, pp.77-78). An integrated person may also be defined as a “bi-cultural
individual” (Sekhon & Szmigin, 1993, p.83) as one is able to balance different aspects of the
two cultures (ibid. p.81), embodying an attitude of negotiation required on a daily-basis (ibid.
p.83). Besides a traditional understanding of acculturation models, this thesis’ theoretical
framework will also include Peñaloza’s perspective that acculturation changes throughout
generations (Sekhon & Szmigin, p.88). Although Peñaloza’s model presents the stages
of resistance, acculturation, assimilation, segregation but does not present integration as Berry’s
model (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, 1993, p.82), her understanding was important to define the
sample, the time frame and to identify the importance of identity affirmation in second-
generation immigrants within this thesis.
People migrate to a new place and learn the new country’s dietary habits (Terragni et
al., p.275; Gasparetti, 2009, p.15). Second-generation immigrant’s attitudes towards their
parents’ dietary habits, including preparation and consume of food, therefore their acculturation
(Neil, 2015, p.23; Kifleyesus, 2016, p.268). Thirdly and finally, research is available regarding
people’s attitudes towards other individuals and groups dietary habits (Stein & Nemeroff, 1995,
pp.480-481). The three are the evidence of the existence of research on the topic and ground
for the need for filling gaps in the research area.

Methodological framework
This study presents the results of an analysis of data produced through semi-structured
interviews. It is therefore a study based on qualitative analysis (Silverman, 2014, pp.4-5) of
primary produced sources. Semi-structured interviews are a type of ‘open-ended’ interviews
(ibid., pp.166) and are in this case employed as a way to understand people’s eating behaviors
and habits on a daily basis. The method belongs to the methodological framework usually
employed in the fields of anthropology (Gasparetti, 2009), sociology (Hindriks et al., 2011) and

18
psychology (Brown et al., 2013). Multiple studies have followed the same theoretical
framework to explore topics such as the development of acculturation patterns in second-
generation immigrants (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011).
The questions were developed after an analysis of the topics that have been explored in
previous research and organized in themes according to four areas of interest2, which would
help to answer the four sub-questions of the research. The themes were developed in reference
to the themes of “acculturation, generational influences, izatt, bi-cultural identity (the bi-
cultural self) and consumption” employed in a study about second-generation Indian Punjabis
in Britain (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, p.86). Moreover, three of the themes chosen can be related
to the concepts of “social identities, collective representations, and intergroup attitudes”3
(Prentice & Miller, 2001, p.3), areas often explored within studies of cultural contact and
intergroup relations (ibid.). The themes chosen are named and explained in the appendix, along
with the questions and their direct connection to the theoretical framework and literature
review. When elaborating data, thematic analysis was employed, and keywords and key
subjects were identified in order to highlight the most recurring and relevant issues when talking
about eating habits. This is one of the pillars of thematic analysis, which aims at “interpreting
the resulting thematic structures by seeking commonalties, relationships, overarching patterns,
theoretical constructs, or explanatory principles” (ibid.). The recorded interviews will be
analyzed and systematically elaborated through a framework of themes connected to the main
research question and the fours sub-questions, as follows; 1) Emotions and values attached to
food; 2) Socialization and eating habits, 3) Social connection and cultural identity and 4)
Relation to the out-groups..

Material
The sample chosen for the semi-structured interviews is second-generation immigrants defined
as “the children of immigrants, born in the country to which their parents have migrated” (ibid.,
p.124), aged between 18 and 35 years old, who were born and raised in Skåne. The initial aim
of the research was to focus on people related only to the city of Malmö. However, during
research I came across three additional people, who were born and raised in Kristianstad and

2
Emotions and values attached to food; Socialization and eating habits; Social connection and cultural identitiy;
Relation to the out-groups
3
Socialization and eating habits; Social connection and cultural identitiy; Relation to the out-groups

19
Växjö besides Malmö. This gave me a chance to test the other interviewees answer in regard to
relevance of the concept in a broader group of people, and reliability outside the subjective
perspective of the specific interviewee. Therefore, adding three people with a slightly different
background than the one chosen offered a possibility for generalization of the responses and
ground for further research, as specific topics were in fact proven to be right outside the sample
as well. We assume a continuous negotiation and comparison between their habits and those
adopted by ‘ethnic-Swedes’, or ‘majority group’ as the people living in Sweden, the same
country as their parents were born in. The interviewees were reached through snowball
technique and social medias. The reason for choosing second-generation immigrants is more
folded. Firstly, second-generation immigrants learn to negotiate two cultures from a very young
age, and therefore usually have a high degree of integration compared to those who moved to
another country at a later age.
Moreover, the ability to relate and appreciate two cultures on a daily-basis makes
second-generation immigrants more used to show and use intercultural communication skills
and therefore more likely prone to talk about issues regarding cultural differences and identity,
something also confirmed by one of the interviewees (see theme 2). With regards to age, on a
first evaluation the range was set between 20 to 30 years old. However, because of the difficulty
to find people available to participate in the study, the researcher chose to extend the age from
18 up to 35 years old. Secondly, second-generation immigrants are more or less affected by
their parent’s cultural habits and food norms. This paves way for the third concept that is
outlined in the background section about of this thesis, namely that the cities are a highly
multicultural environment but was also accessible for the process of data collection (Eco, 2015,
47). A total of seven people was interviewed. Three of them were born and raised in Malmö,
one of them in Växjö and one in Kristianstad; moreover, one grew up in another location in
Skåne and moved to Malmö in early 20s, while one grew up in Italy and moved to Malmö in
his early 20s.

Operationalization and interpretation of data

The analytical part of this thesis will be based on data produced throughout semi-structured
interviews. The questions were developed according to four thematic categories4, following the
order already used in the presentation of previous research, where the focus was firstly put on

4
See Appendix A

20
the micro-level to move forward to the meso- and macro-level of analysis. The themes were
developed according to 1) methodological guidelines employed in previous research and 2)
theoretical concepts explored earlier in this paper. Although both the questions and the
responses will cover a variety of disciplines and relate to different parts of the individual’s daily
habits, the questions are categorized according to the main concepts to be explored. The four
categories will be presented in order to provide the reader with the link between the
methodological choice to the theoretical framework.

1) Emotions and values attached to food

The section “Emotions and values attached to food” will set a ground for the interview to
explore values and emotions attached to food and to the traditional meal will be explored, based
on research in nutritional science and psychology. The way these values are developed
throughout childhood thanks to the parents’ influence will be slightly highlighted. The
researcher uses this section as a tool to learn about the respondent’s memories of emotions and
situations related to their childhood. Focus is put on the development of eating habits within
the familiar sphere, especially related to the importance of motherhood and maternal feeling
expressed throughout the act of food provision. Concepts of love and affection are provided to
an individual since their earlier years of life (Lupton, 2012). The future predisposition and
ability to nourish the partner, is developed through dynamics which often come occur during
the family gathering, most often at dinner. (ibid.). The respondent will be questioned about
memories related to the idea of a family meal and the eventual emotional meaning given to a
specific celebration occasion or/and a specific food. Moreover, the interviewee will respond in
regard to the emotions now hold during his/her life, maybe with a wish to take it further to their
family.

2) Socialization and eating habits

Socialization and eating habits will be analyzed in the second section, touching issues such as
differences in eating habits depending on the people one shares food with, the importance given
to eating together and whether there is a day reserved to eating together in the individual’s daily
routines. Moreover, the ways interviewees have learned and assimilated their eating patterns
will also be included in this section. In SLT, people grasp and maintain habits and behaviors
throughout the inputs of the social surroundings (Bandura, 1978). This put the ground for the
development of questions in this structure, where the social eating habits of the individual are
explored. The respondent is asked about how often they eat with the family (Sobal & Nelson,

21
2003, p.182) in company or alone, with whom they usually eat and how they think that their
eating behavior change in connection to the people they share food with. Besides the upbringing
in the family, school environment and friends are also taken in count, with an additional focus
on whether or not the person felt discriminated in certain contexts, as well as the expectations
of the different social groups present in the respondent’s daily life. This section helps to test the
concepts for which food is a representation of social life while it also is a factor that influence
a person’s social habits.

3) Social connection and cultural identity

In this section, the connection between cultural belonging and longing to the parent’ culture is
explored. Food and meals as a myth are important concepts in this part of the analysis, as
participants are asked about the connection they feel to their parents’ homeland as they adopt
eating habits that are traditional in that culture. Moreover, questions related to the interest in
and knowledge of particular food preparation and traditions were asked. Acculturation is
brought up through questions that address the negotiation of habits most adopted in the majority
and the minority culture that the respondents are immersed in.

4) Relation to the out-groups

This section mainly focuses on the relations and connections between the respondent’s and the
majority population, and it uses concepts of acculturation as tools for the development of
questions. Do the respondents feel included in the society as a whole although their habits differ
from those of the majority population? Have they faced situations where they were
discriminated or felt outside because of cultural habits that they adopt? Moreover, what are
their comments on the majority’s eating habits with a focus on sharing meal and other
traditional habits?

Methodological implications
Filling research gaps
Research about food, migration and conviviality has been carried in many countries and cities.
However, there is limited research in Scandinavia. Moreover, literature gathered showed that
studies on generational change of attitudes towards dietary habits has mostly focused on second
generation immigrants whose parents originate from African countries. This research aims at
giving an overview of generational change in families originating from European and Middle

22
Eastern countries. Finally, food has mostly been studied focusing on the meal itself, but
conviviality patterns have not been taken in count as interesting topics part of the cultural
tradition brought by their parents, something that this research is based on.

Validity, reliability and falsifiability of the research5

Two approaches were chosen to ensure validity throughout the research. Evidences showing
both strengths and weaknesses of the findings as connected to the theory will be presented.
Reliability will be ensured by showing the method of data gathering, the transcription of data
itself as well as its analysis. In light of the previous research reported and of the high possibility
to gather data needed for the falsifiability of the hypothesis (Okasha, 2016, p.11), principle
introduced by Popper, will be ensured. The principle to set a limit to the knowledge one is able
to grasp without being influenced by the observer’s and the participant’s knowledge and
perception. (Moses & Knutsen, 2012).

Strengths and weaknesses

The open design for interview will give the chance for participants to offer their own view on
the importance of sharing a meal. Interviews have a strength in giving space to learn in a more
broad and varied way, as the interviewee can tell about things that the researcher did not think
about or be asked about something that was not planned before by the researcher. Therefore,
new interesting concepts may arise during the interview. Moreover, the semi-structured
interviews allow for the discussion of specific topics found interesting, but also leave space for
additional discussions that may arise during the interview session, because of the researcher’s
interest or of the participant’s own view of a specific topic. Interviews also put the basis for
learning about the interviewee’ personal view in a deeper way.
Interviews offer flexibility in data collection and an understanding of the issue on a more
individual level. It will also give the chance to grasp concepts that were not thought of or
considered important previously. These additional concepts may be included in the current
research or considered important for future research within the area. However, standardization
and comparability of data may be threatened as the interviewer may start asking different things
to different interviewees (May, 2011). On the side of the strength, we see clarification, as both
interviewer and interviewee can ask for better explanation of the questions, and elaboration, as

5
ALLEA, 2017, p.4

23
the data gathered orally would be broader and more in-depth than through a structured interview
for example (ibid.). Moreover, the time-consuming characteristic of interviews is a strong
weakness.

Empirical analysis
There is an overlap of the concepts encountered in the different themes, something which was
even more observed in analyzing responses. Therefore, some concepts are present multiple
times throughout the different analytical sections, but focus is rather put on keywords and
situations expressed by the interviewees, which mostly relate to the specificity of the theme.

Emotions and values attached to food

1. Which are the themes most often named by the interviewees in regard to their memories,
thoughts and values related to eating?
When talking about values and memories related to food, community and togetherness6 were
the most common topics among the interviewees’ responses. Five respondents reminded how
in their culture it is common to receive guests and to sit around the dinner table for hours,
talking loudly and being happy. Food is often served to large groups of people in different
occasions and is prepared both from guests and hosts as a sign of appreciation for each other.
Being together while sharing food is a pattern recognized throughout all interviews. According
to Sanaz, asking someone to pick bread or move food from a side of the table to the other is
itself a simple gesture that help people to bond and make the meal very loud and lively7.
One interviewee has taken up the concept of genuineness as a value related to the Italian
culture, that is strongly mirrored by food and eating habits. "My wish to eat food and the routine
is almost inbuilt and assimilated on a genetical level. I almost have a need to eat Italian food,
especially because I grew up with it"8. Even more interesting is the reference the same
interviewee made to food as an “artifact”, almost as a book or some products of art, that has a

6
Gemenskap och samhörighet
7
Interview in Swedish, done with Sanaz on the 22nd of April 2019
8
"La mia voglia di mangiare cibo italiano e le mie routine sono quasi inbakade e assimilate ad un livello genetico.
Il mio è quasi un bisogno di mangiare cibo italiano”. From interview in Italian and Swedish, done with Tom on
the 18th of April 2019

24
code and hides something else behind the food or the meal itself9. This helps us understand the
emotional connection developed towards food by the interviewee.
It is in the familiar environment that most of the values and memories connected to food
situations have developed in the life of interviewees. Family is in fact the third mostly named
concept named by the interviewees. In the familiar sphere, women are those who usually
prepare food more often. Either if it is about daily routine preparation and serving or traditional
meals served in important occasions, women are those that know how to prepare traditional
food and actually take care of this part of the domestic tasks. In the Eritrean case, coffee still is
prepared and served by women only, and the respondent herself “never saw a man roast and
brew coffee beans”10, although women and men do sit together when it is time to drink the
beverage. The mother is often holding multiple roles connected to the learning of eating habits.
The diversity of cultures represented by the sample gave us a reliable and relevant image of the
expectations and role attached to the female role in providing, preparing and serving food.
Mothers are usually those in the family who know how to prepare food, - and in specific how
to prepare traditional meals (see also theme 3), and in general be responsible for domestic
duties. A common pattern of these habits is related to the importance to communicate love, and
make sure that the children learns an important part of the parents’ culture.
Love is mirrored in ensuring the family to be provided with sufficient, high-quality and
tasty food, taking care of preparation of meals appreciated by all family members. The prepared
food is the prerequisite for the family to gather around the dinner table and enjoy the time they
share. Most often the respondents have referred to meal sharing as taking place in the evening,
when everyone is at home. One respondent recalls how he has often felt like he lacked an
important part of socializing with his family, as he grew up. According to him, this development
of social relationship is really important and surely is developed while sitting at the dinner table
and sharing stories from the day11. Nostalgia was named also by Sanaz, who recalls family
meals as very loudly and happy moments, were a lot of food was served12.
Five respondents named the mother as the parent who mostly often take/took care of
food preparation. She is also the person from whom respondents mostly referred to when talking
about learning how to prepare food and in specific traditional dishes. The care that the mother

9
Ibid.
10
Interview in Swedish, done with Ranja on the 2nd of May, 2019
11
Interview in Swedish, done with Marco on the 26th of April 2019
12
Interview in Swedish, done with Sanaz on the 22nd of April, 2019

25
communicates by serving food and taking care of the family by preparing food from the
traditional cuisine, was sometimes referred to as fulfilling the wish to take care of other people.
Moreover, two respondents remind how their mother directly showed them how to prepare
specific traditional dishes, with the wish that they in turn would be able to satisfy their partner
by being able to prepare food, and most specifically traditional food1314. The importance of
women in the provision of food for the partner is also discussed in theme 2 and 3, with more
focus on the influence it has on shaping cultural identity and eating habits, rather than on the
emotional value related to it. Respondents have therefore offered a strong memory and image
related to the female presence at home – both represented by mothers and grandmother – in
building the memory of motherhood throughout their lives. This image is the one most often
named – five respondents – when taking up memories from childhood. "My mum was always
preparing, and I was always curious to see and learn, we were always showed and got to taste”15.
The theme of memories from childhood was treated differently among interviewees.
Most of the interviewees have memories of their childhood connected to the traditions related
to their parents’ culture. Traditional meals, with a lot of food and many relatives or friends,
were often named by Sanaz, Selima and Ranja. On the other hand, one respondent was very
nostalgic about their childhood memories. For him eating has never been an occasion for
sharing, discussion and exchange of daily events from the different family members, as his
parents were seldomly at home, and eating with siblings was not the same as sharing a meal
with the family. Simply, he missed and still does feel that he lacked that kind of emotional
sharing throughout childhood years16.
In regard to symbolism, six out of the respondents regarded it as a concept recognizable
in their eating habits. For the Eritrean respondent, for example, we see coffee as being a unifier
in different social situations. In birthday parties, weddings, family lunches but also funerals,
coffee is reported as being a connecting factor in a variety of social situations. Those who roast
and serve coffee, usually women, let the guests smell the seeds, introducing the quality of the
coffee that will soon be served, representing on its turn appreciation for the guests. Injera, a
dish that inspires sharing as it is made of a big plate of sauces to be eaten with bread and hands,

13
Ibid.
14
Interview in Swedish, done with Martha on the 18th of April, 2019
15
"Min mamma lagade alltid mat och jag var alltid nyfiken på att titta och lära mig, vi blev alltid visade och fick
smaka” From interview in Swedish, done with Sanaz on the 22nd of april 2019:
16
Interview in Swedish, done with Marco on the 26th of April, 2019

26
is often connected to traditional celebrations in Eritrea. When visiting relatives or friends, you
bring sweet things to offer and give money to the children. A popular Iranian dish is rice with
meat, which Sanaz told of as being connected to her cultural heritage. Proving the point of Sibal
and Visser (see p.18) coffee is not only a product to be drank, but through the coffee ceremony
it embodies the importance of the meeting between people, it can be defined as an important
social lubricant. Coffee, together with traditions of Ramadan, are signifiers help to connect to
other meaningful aspects of a specific cultural group and heritage (Gasparetti, 2009, p.14).
Although only interviewee explicitly pronounced herself about nostalgia of her parents’
homeland, there is a general feeling of missing out on their parents’ cultures and wish to learn
more of the cultural luggage in order to preserve cultural heritage. The respondents tell about
situations of assimilation, such as not having much contact with their parents’ culture as much
as before, not sharing food with large groups of guests as during childhood or remembering
how after childhood the food prepared at home started to adapt more to the Swedish side. This
shows the relevance of the thesis standpoint, according to which an individuals’ eating habits
are flexible throughout life.17 Respondents negotiate their habits in different periods of their life
and in relation to their family habits and the people met during those years. This leads us to the
important role played by socialization in influencing people’s heating habits.

Socialization and eating habits

2. What role does socialization play in the interviewee’s personal development of eating
habits?
As described in theme 1, food is used as a tool to express caring and love. Different factors
were recognized by the interviewees as affecting their habits surrounding food. The family is
named by all interviews as being the trampoline for assimilation of behaviors around the dinner
table and emotional value attached to it. The parents’ wish and influence on how to raise their
children was seen by the interviewees as playing a big role. Two interviewees specifically told
how their parents wanted them to eat everything in school, also as a way to assimilate the
Swedish culture. As many habits are learnt throughout socialization and during childhood. It
was important to analyze according responses. Mothers and grandmothers usually have the role
of providing food and teaching children how to prepare food, in particular traditional food. It is
interesting to note that when fathers were able to make food and often took this duty in the

17
See also Sibal in previous research (2018, p.11)

27
household, usually they focused on more creative and not traditional meals. Making traditional
food is something that usually mothers take over as told by interviewees. The majority of six
interviewees reacted positively when asked about social eating and eating in large groups of
people. According to one of the respondents, “loneliness is nothing good”18, and explained
how he, through spending time with people and eating food in company, is able to present a
real image of himself. This opposed to when, because of his routine as a student, he is forced
to eat alone and is not able to appreciate the meal likely much.
Socialization in school was reported by at least one respondent as likely important as
that within domestic life. This respondent had a rather negative experience of development of
eating habits through the contact with school mates. She recalls how her eating habits were
strongly connected and affected by their classmates, especially when taking food at the school
canteen, she every time went last in que so not to have eyes on her when she was picking up
food. Additionally, as she grew up in a neighborhood widely populated by Muslims, she felt
the urge to adapt to their eating habits in order to be accepted and not be discriminated. Until
high-school she therefore stopped eating pork, although she was not Muslim. This happened
also when, attending birthday parties, she threw things in the bin if there was pork or food that
was not halal, in order to be accepted by the other kids. Differences with the majority population
and other groups as well as discrimination related to it, will be discussed in theme 4 more
thoroughly.
Different patterns were recognized when talking about the interviewees’ habit to eat
alone or in company. One can say that half of the respondents have a preference for eating in
company and connect this to the fact that they were raised up like that and eating alone feels
therefore strange. Two of the interviewees are living together with the rest of the family, which
makes eating dinner together part of the routine, and only in certain occasions one eats at
different times. However, most of the interviewees did have specific days, although on different
degrees of occurrence, to gather with their family, relatives and maybe friends. Sanaz had
recently traveled alone and experienced eating alone for the first time in her life. At first it was
really strange, but then she started to realize how much one can focus on themselves and
appreciate the food in another way, when sitting alone with your meal.19 In general, contact
with others and specifically the parents’ relatives were regarded an important factor affecting

18
”Ensamhet är inget bra”: From interview in Italian and Swedish, done with Tom on the 18th of April 2019
19
Interview in Swedish, done with Sanaz on the 22nd of April 2019

28
the formation of eating habits, and as we will see soon, this also supports preservation of
cultural heritage in the individuals (see theme 3).

Social connection and cultural identity

3. How do the patterns identified embody the individual’s cultural identity?
In this section, focus was put on the cultural meaning that interviewees attach to their eating
habits in regard to their parents’ culture, but also to their identity. Thematics that were
highlighted were the connection to a specific culture depending on the dish and the eating
tradition, the feeling of belonging to the majority culture mirrored in food, and the negotiation
of different habits on a daily basis, embodied in and mirrored on food.
The Eritrean respondent presented the tradition of the coffee culture as connected to
family celebrations and cultural maintenance: "even if i don’t drink coffee, when I will be older,
I will probably also have this pan for making coffee"20.
The place taken by religion in shaping eating habits was encountered multiple times in
the interviewees’ responses. Islam tells to eat halal food and among the others do not eat pork,
a rule that one of the interviewees reports to follow together with her family. However, Martha
explains how this is probably not exclusively connected to religious reasons, as half of the
people in her family do eat pork, but still follow Islam as their religion. This is also confirmed
by Anna, who explains how according to Hinduism one is not supposed to eat cow. However,
she does not eat cow meat herself although not for religious reasons. On the other hand, her
father is practicing the religion but at the same time he has chosen to eat cow meat.
Socialization and eating behaviors are often shaped by people one is hanging out with.
Both Martha and Marco told about how they behave when meeting people and in relation to
their cultures, however following different patterns. Martha recalls how in Bosnia people
usually argue on who should offer and pay when eating out. She still experiences this when
spending time with Bosnian friends in Malmö, but as soon as she hangs out with people from
other cultures or most specifically with ethnic Swedes, it comes normal not to do that and
instead pay for themselves, it is not a big deal. “I do not think it is strange, everyone is different”

20
Även om jag inte dricker kaffe, när jag blir äldre så kommer jag troligtvis också ha en sån stekpanna för att rosta
kaffe”. From interview with Ranja, on the 2nd of May, 2019

29
said Martha when explaining the behavior.21 Marco instead named how, when going out, he
behaves in a similar way with the people he is hanging out with, independently of the cultural
background on the person. Namely, he directly offers coffee or pays for lunch, without
expecting or asking any money back, even refusing them when the other offers to22. It was
interesting to hear Marco tell about his recognition with other people from Latin America, and
of the important role played, in his words, by the environment you grew up in. According to
him, in Malmö there is such a strong network of immigrants that you will always belong to a
group independently from your origin23. He thought that it was hard to grow up in a
neighborhood with a low rate of immigrants, because he did not have many references24. It was
hard to develop a strong cultural identity back then, and he experienced “racism and exclusion”
and therefore discrimination when growing up.25 When he moved to Malmö he heard people
saying that it was not at all like that in Malmö, there was a lot of “community and togetherness”.
Differences and discrimination will be treated later in theme 4.

Relation to the out-groups

4. What is the interviewee’s experience of the relationship with the majority population
and other ethnic groups?

The pattern of response in this section was generally positive in regard to the habits adopted by
other minority groups and the majority population. Negotiation between one own’s cultural
identity and majority and/or other minority groups is treated and maintained as a natural
mechanism on a daily basis.
Although the interviewees have said not to struggle because of their need to negotiate
different cultures on a daily basis, there are some situations that make them think about those
differences more than others. Two interviewees told about reactions received at restaurants,
from waiters who are surprised about them not being Muslim although “looking like” a Muslim,
and consequently of them eating pork meat – Sanaz and Anna – the first was disappointed by

21
Interview in Swedish, done with Martha, on the 18th of April, 2019
22
Interview in Swedish, done with Marco, on the 26th of April 2019
23
Interview in Swedish, done with Marco, on the 26th of April 2019
24
Ibid.
25
Ibid.

30
how people reacted, and the second seemed to understand that people may be confused, as there
are very few second-generation immigrants of Indian origin in Sweden.
Some interviewees had the impression that Swedish people eat less in company than in
their own group. Ranja told of a culture shock related to when, as a child, she visited a friend
and when it was time to eat, the friend would be called by her parents to the dinner table, but
she (Ranja) was left alone in the room, waiting for the friend to come back. But she also named
a friend who she used to invite at dinner once or twice a week before an activity they used to
join together, but during the few years that happened, she was maybe invited twice at the
friends’ place to eat. However, she thinks “Before I thought about it much but now not too
much”26. In general, she has never eaten alone during her life, but now that she is living alone,
she often takes her meal and sits on the couch and watches tv while she eats.
Opposed to this, we have Marco who always saw big difference from how he grew up
and the Swedish eating habits. He was used to have friends who would eat together with their
families every day, while he often sat alone or only with his siblings at the dinner table, because
parents were often at home during dinner hours. Besides highlighting differences with more or
less positive perceptions, a feeling of belonging and togetherness was strongly recognized in
regard to Malmö as a city of multicultural diversity.
According to sharing a meal with family, both Sanaz, Martha and Marco had their own
take on it. As seen before, Marco did not share much of his time with the family when eating,
and as a child was quite jealous of those friends who usually said to eat dinner with their family
every day. Now, he appreciates eating together and tries to do this as much as possible with his
wife and children27
Talking about perception and negotiation of cultural differences, many interviewees
talked about the acceptance they feel as second-generation immigrants living in Sweden.
Martha feels that in Sweden one never feels outside because of a specific food preference,
which for example is defined by one’s religious belief:

“The majority in Sweden eats pork, but I do not feel as an outsider really often, because
yeah, wherever you go there are always alternatives to….yeah other meat types you can
choose between. At whatever event you always get the question about your food
preferences, and automatically you get included in that. So in Sweden they generally

26

27
Interview in Swedish, done with Marco on the 26th of April, 2019

31
 think about that, that there is not only one type of population, it is mixed, it is
multicultural. That is also positive”28.

However, both Martha and Ranja have some moments when they rather do not feel at home, as
strangers, or even as immigrants, “sometimes you feel as an immigrant in Sweden although you
have never migrated”29 and;

“in our homeland we have a lot of these cafés where you go out, of course you have cafés
here as well, but it is not the same thing when you go out there and here. In our place there is
so much more life and you feel much more comfortable in some way. Here you feel...even if I
am born here, sometimes I can feel like a stranger in the country”30

A feeling of belonging has helped the interviewees to develop their identity and feel more
comfortable. “One is affected by the environment”31 said Marco, referring both to his struggles
during childhood but also to how he feels now that he is living in Malmö. “The difference
between Malmö and other places is that you do not need to fight for your identity.” “You know
who you are a bit more than other places. You have a social cover and defense” and added that
when he was younger, he “did not feel Sweden was home, now I do. Here in Malmö, you have
some kind of safety net”, it is more taboo to tell someone that they are not Swedish. He said
that Albanese, Bosnians and Arabs will always protect and defense each other as they are a
huge group. There is a strong feeling of belonging and self-esteem provided by the influence
played by a multicultural environment, which bring us back to Tajfel’s identification theory
(Alavi, 2014, p.16)

Discussion of results
The exploration of emotions, values and memories attached to food and traditional eating
habits, gave insight into a general appreciation of the traditional food from the side of the
respondents. Interviewees usually saw these habits as totally normal since they were grown up

28
Interview in Swedish, done with Martha on the 18th of April, 2019
29
Interview in Swedish, done with Ranja on the 2nd of May, 2019
30

31
”Man påverkas av miljön”. From interview in Swedish, done with Marco on the 26th of April, 2019

32
within them, and the formation of habits was usually shaped and adopted already throughout
childhood and thanks to parents’ choice to let children appreciate both majority culture and
their traditional heritage within the domestic arena. This demonstrate the validity of the
theoretical framework chosen. In fact, according to Bandura, observational learning provides
with a set of behaviors that, even without actual knowledge or will to adopt and reproduce, are
followed by individuals (Bandura, 1978). Moreover, according to previous research, childhood
is one of the most important arenas where eating habits are developed (Douglas, 1972) along
with the importance of parents in the adoption of specific cultural habits. One of the male
respondents told how he feels that he lacked some kind of emotional connection and
development of attachment with their family and especially parents, as they were not often
sitting and sharing food together; according to Douglas, it is important to focus on micro-level
factors and especially on the role played by family in shaping and preserving eating habits
(Douglas, 1972, p.69); among responses the familiar environment was indeed a thematic often
met when discussing development of habits.
Moreover, mostly female respondents have connected the traditional culinary
knowledge both to comforting memories from childhood, but also to the importance of being
able to take care of your future partner. In fact, both Sanaz and Martha laughed about the fact
that one of the questions that you often get from guys interested in you, is on whether you can
cook and if you can make traditional dishes. According to previous research, emotional
knowledge is strictly connected to a woman taking care of her husband, her children and the
family as a whole (Lupton, 2012, p.39), and women and mothers are often taken as references
for the development of these habits. Motherhood is therefore a crucial concept, which not only
is reported in previous research, but was also often named by the interviewees. Memories from
childhood where often connected to the mother or grandmother making food and showing the
best way to prepare a particular dish, or women gathering together to make food which would
be later served to the rest of the guests. When it comes to cultural influence on food preparation,
it is usually the women in the house that prepare food, although differences arise which I prefer
to connect to familiar traditions rather than being culturally related.
Motherhood is both a concept and a symbol. It embodies the act of communicating care
and love, and the wish to transfer culinary knowledge in order for the children to be able to
preserve the cultural heritage in future. This symbolic reality is perceived in different dishes
and traditions exposed by the respondents and it can help to connect to their particular cultural
tradition, accordingly to Abbots (2016, p.1). Coffee is one of the symbols that gain a meaning
that goes behind the beverage itself, to represent situations of togetherness, social eating and

33
cultural exchange (Sibal, 2018). Coffee is an eating habit that is also a symbol of a social ritual,
as said by Douglas (1972, p.65). This was seen in the response received from Martha, who
compared coffee houses in Sweden as lacking of that social lubricant characteristics that one
can find in the Bosnian ones; moreover, Ranja presented the coffee ceremony as being an
opportunity to getting together and sharing not only throughout the stages of preparation, but
also through serving and consuming.
Muslim respondents often regarded food habits as shaped partly by religion. Although
we have people not eating pork in families that do not follow Islam, or people eating cow
although they are Hindus, religion is always present for example in following the tradition of
Ramadan for Muslims. According to Douglas, religion is important in shaping eating habits,
but some religious rituals will always be present throughout time (Douglas, 1972). Crucial in
the preservation of some religious rituals are the social structure and relations present in a
certain family (ibid., p.69). I would add that Ramadan can be seen as a signifier that first
generation immigrants adopt and follow as strictly as possible as a way to connect to their
culture and people, similarly to what a migrant looks for abroad in order to feel attached to their
homeland (Gasparetti, 2009, p.14). Moreover, one interviewee reported discrimination from
people who regarded eating pork negatively, both from classmates during school time and
family friends nowadays. According to personality studies, different attitudes towards people
and groups can arise connected to the judgement of their dietary habits (Stein & Nemeroff,
1995, pp.480-481), and religious reasons were found as a motive for the interviewees to change
eating habits.
Although the presence of specific traditions and different degrees of preservation, there
was a tendency to increase assimilation of the majority traditions, according to the interviewees.
According to Anna, she usually eats most Swedish food at home, or some mixed ethnic food,
as she does not like too spicy dishes, a characteristic of Indian food. Her experience goes against
the general pattern recognized throughout the responses but is in line with the idea that second-
generation immigrants do not always adapt to their parents’ habits, and rather tend to follow
more conformist ways of eating (BCFN, 2010, p.22). However, most of the interviewees’
parents opted for letting their children adopt to both their own cultural groups’ eating habits,
and secondly, some interviewees said that their parents changed their preparation of food
towards a more Swedish side. This shows the importance of Peñaloza’s idea that acculturation
and habits always change throughout generation (Sekhon & Szmigin, 1993, p.81). Moreover,
the participants did not often feel a sense of struggle or emancipation while negotiating the two
cultures, as it is something they are used to. This can be related both to the idea that the more

34
the degree of appreciation of your own culture, the stronger the feeling of belonging (Berry,
1997), but also to the fact that the respondents can be defined as bi-cultural individuals, able to
negotiate different aspects of their life on a daily basis (ibid., p.83).
In regard to the habits adopted by majority population and other minority groups, we
found opposing perspectives. Both sides were usually negotiated and appreciated positively,
however there was often sides that the individual most felt comfortable with. Eating together
was preferred, mostly because it is the way of eating that they were used to since they were
children, and familiar contact was usually developed thanks to meal sharing. We see in this
kind of responses the importance of rituals of eating as important active agents in shaping
society (Douglas, 1979).
The analysis showed varied and sometimes opposing perspectives on the negotiation
between the individual identity and that of other minority groups and majority population;
however, second-generation immigrants in Malmö and nearby areas have developed good skills
of negotiating two identities and will probably for a long time be able to maintain migrant
networks with their peers. The second-generation immigrants interviewed do share meals with
family or friends more often than the ethnic Swedish counterpart. There is more exchange and
togetherness with the family compared to ethnic Swedes. Indeed, when exploring values
relegated to specific dishes or cultural traditions in terms of eating habits. The image,
identification and belonging to the parents’ culture is strictly connected and influenced to the
social environment they are immersed in, as well as to the cultural preservation wished by their
parents during their childhood years. The recurrent discussion surrounding the role of the
mother as caregiver and communicator of the traditional knowledge of meal preparation,
highlights the significance of motherhood as symbolizing the development of emotional
intelligence and the importance of traditionary culinary heritage for the individuals’ future
partner. On the same degree, it does underlie the effect of adopting specific habits on a person’s
development of choices and habits. Knowledge and identification with the traditional reality
were developed thanks to the food eaten, shared and learnt about. Only thanks to the parents’
choice to let their children eat all food with no filter, assimilation was reached successfully by
all participants.

Conclusion
This thesis explored how the development and negotiation of cultural identity is mirrored in
food preferences and eating habits, among second-generation immigrants in Scania. Seven
people between 18 and 35 years old were interviewed in regard to their emotional understanding

35
of food, memories from childhood, parental influence and other environmental factors, to
finally discuss their feeling of belonging and exclusion with the outgroup. Previous research
and theoretical framework chosen for this study, see second-generation immigrants both as
citizens and individuals totally immersed in the Swedish society, but also as migrants longing
for their country, a need which was expressed by different interviewees. The responses were
analyzed based on thematic analysis guidelines, with focus on the importance that interviewees
put on the different concepts explored in research background and theoretical framework.
This paper put the basis for further research and exploration of eating patterns as a factor
affecting the individual’s negotiation of different cultures. Although the discussion was often
addressed in connection to eating habits and values attached to food as well as negotiation with
other cultural groups, there was a strong response aiming at expressing how the responder felt
in relation to the majority group, and in the Swedish society in general. The study therefore
highlighted the importance of negotiation of cultural habits among participants. Therefore, this
study offers multifold inspiration for further research.
This study showed the important role played by the familiar sphere on the adoption of
eating habits from both parents’ culture and majority population. It is clear that the parent’s
choice to let their children learn and adopt both their original culture, e.g. Indian, Bosnian or
Iranian, and that of the majority population, such as eating pork or not only eating traditional
food, was crucial in shaping a balanced negotiation of the two cultures in the individuals
interviewed. This study was therefore important for the understanding of inter-generational and
inter-minority relationships. It underlined two important sides on assimilation and negotiation
of cultures by second-generation immigrants. It showed that the people interviewed have had
and most probably will have some kind of bond to their parents’ religion, and how this has
shaped their identities. The behaviors adopted in the family help the interviewees to keep in
touch with what someone called “our place, our people”32. It would therefore be unreal to
admit that second-generations immigrants are expected to forget their parents’ background and
only adopt the majority behaviors.
The responses also showed the importance of appreciating one’s own culture in order
to develop positive relationships with other groups. In future research, the patterns identified in
the sample employed in this study can be tested on a larger sample, in order to proof the
importance of familiar influence on the individual’s development of a strong cultural identity,

32
Interview in Swedish, done with Martha on the 18th of April, 2019

36
and therefore of a more defined appreciation of the majority culture. Additionally, food is still
deeply attached to someone’s childhood memories and understanding of love and care. Most
of the second-generation immigrants interviewed showed an interest to maintain or either
rediscover their parents’ cultural heritage. Eating the traditional food or gathering culinary
knowledge were some ways named in order to regain some connection with the cultural
heritage. The role played by the familiar influence and the longing to one culture mirrored in
culinary knowledge, is both of research and policy interest, in the context of migration and
integration policies. Attention should be therefore put on the importance of freedom of choice
for the individual to maintain and practice their parents’ culture in order to build a strong
cultural identity and be able to construct good relationships with the other groups. Parents
should be informed about the importance of raising their kids with a bi-cultural mindset.

37
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Appendix A – Interview guidelines
Ethical assessment
Studying second-generation immigrants
The debate regarding the life of second-generation immigrants is two folded. On the one hand,
some argue that providing a definition for this group of people is essential in order to frame an
approach to the issues that may arise in the environment of second-generation immigrants, such
as exploration of integration rates, criminality outcomes, and employment patterns. On the
other hand, people argue about the risk to stigmatize this group of people by defining them
second-generation immigrants, as the term is connected to the assumption that they still are
immigrants and their chances to feel as the population born of native parents will always find a
limitation (Østby, 2002). However, this thesis embraces this term because people with parents
who moved from the country where they are born are exposed to different cultures, making the
issue of cultural negotiation, affirmation of identity and relationship with the majority
population, relevant. This thesis does not aim to explore the interviewees’ degree of integration
within the majority society, rather to present the patterns through which they daily negotiate
the cultures they are immersed. The respondents of this study are in fact regarded as bi-cultural
individuals (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, p.83) with the already assumed perspective that they are
already able to act in this multicultural environment and have learned how to negotiate
interculturally throughout childhood. Therefore, the use of the term is not used in an offensive,
stigmatized, or exclusive way.

Rights of the interviewee

The interviewees have been made aware of their rights as participants of this research project,
before the interviews would take place. In the first place, the interviews are anonymous, and
the interviewee was given the choice to decide whether they wanted to be recorded or not. The
records are, however, only aimed at the researcher’s ability to analyze the data and to
demonstrate that an actual study was done. They will be transcribed and translated depending
on the parts that need be used in the analytical section. The interviewee was also aware of the
freedom to choose to either answer or not specific questions, in case some parts may feel too
much intimate and personal. The participants are given the possibility to listen the record as
well as to read the transcriptions in order to acknowledge that there was not any manipulation
during the process of data production and, ultimately, to withdraw from the study by having
their response canceled from the data collection.

45
 For the purpose of the research, information about country of origin of their parent(s)
will be reported, however the name reported are fictitious. Hence forth, questions employed
throughout the interviews will be presented, connected to the concepts explained throughout
the operationalization section.

Themes and sub-questions

Emotions and values Socialization and Social connection Relation to the out-
attached to food eating habits and cultural identity groups
Which are the themes What role does How do the patterns What is the
most often taken up by socialization play in identified embody interviewee’s
the interviewees when the interviewee’s the individual’s experience of the
asked about their personal cultural identity? relationship with
memories, thoughts development of the majority
and values related to eating habits? E.g. population and
food and eating habits? childhood, parents’ other ethnic
behavior, groups?
socialization with
peers etc.
How do you feel In which different Do you think there is Do you usually eat
before and after eating ways do you eat when a difference between alone, with your
a meal? being with your the eating patterns of friends or with
family, alone, and second-generation your family?
Do you have any with your friends? immigrants and
memory of any kind of people born from Have you ever
meal that reminds you Do you behave Swedish parents? thought of the fact
of childhood? If yes, differently depending that the food you
do they connect to the on the cultural Are there any times want to eat
Swedish food culture background of the you think that there is connects in some
or to your parents’ people that you are too much traditional way to the people
one? hanging out with? food in your home you eat together
and would like to try with?
Has it ever happened Do you think that more food that is not
to you that when you specific factors have traditional?

46
are down someone influenced the When you want to
prepares some food development of Do you have any eat the food from
you really like in order eating habits? friends who are born your country of
to give you a sense of from Swedish origin, do you
comfort? In which way your parents? If yes, do firstly choose to
way of eating and you usually get hang out with
How do you describe a giving importance to invited to eat together people with your
traditional meal? food and eating with them, or for same culture?
together is different example family
What is a family meal from or similar to dinners etc? How important is
for you? your parent’s one? In food in practicing
which way? Do you think that the your religion?
Do you know how to people you meet eat
cook? Which kind of Do you have a and socialize What are the
meals do you know? weekday to celebrate differently than you situations in which
Ask reasons following together? Do you see do? If yes, can you religion is
the response. the consumption of a give some examples? represented
meal as an obstacle to through eating
productivity? Do you Do you ever think of behaviors or food
like to eat alone? the majority culture’s symbolism?
food habit as a
How often do you symbol of diversity Have you ever
consume dinner from your own been in your
together with your culture/the culture parent’s original
family? you grew up in? country?

Do you feel like the Are there any When you feel you
food knowledge you situations in which want to taste the
have has been you feel that some traditional home-
influenced by your religious practices food, do you rather
parents’ influence? make you feel as an eat with friends,
outsider/excluded family or maybe
alone?

47
Which of your from the majority
parents do you think culture? Do you think that
has had most the Swedish and
influence on this When you want to eat your culture have
development of the food from your specific values?
behavior? country of origin, do How would you
you firstly choose to describe these
hang out with people values?
Which reasons do with your same
you think lay behind culture? When you Can you say that
your parents teaching hang out with people food is something
you how to cook eating a certain kind that helps you
food/or using the of food, do you relate to your
same eating habits of usually adapt and eat culture when you
their culture? the same things as are in Sweden and
they do? not in your country
Have you ever of origin?
thought of the fact Do your parents
that the food you usually make How do you think
want to eat connects traditional meals? If that these
in some way to the yes, can you imagine behaviors relate to
people you eat the reasons why your your culture? Do
together with? parents make you feel a sense of
traditional meals for belonging to your
the family? culture through
these
actions/behaviors?

Have you ever

chosen to start to
eat more
“Swedish” food?

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What do you think
was the reason?

In which way do
you think that your
eating habits have
changed
throughout your
life?

Swedish culture is
known as being an
individualistic
culture, how would
you describe the
Swedish culture
compared to yours
in terms of food
habits?

How do you think

that eating patterns
and habits are part
of your identity,
and how do you
think you negotiate
and shift from one
to the other during
your day?

49
Appendix B
Anna
Parents from India
Living in Malmö (Arlöv)
Interview date: 22nd of April, 2019

Tom
Parents from Italy and Sweden
Living in Malmö
Interview date: 18th of April, 2019

Selima – Kristianstad
Parents from Etiopia
Live in Kristianstad
Interview date: 2nd of May

Marco
Parents from El Salvador
Live in Malmö
Interview date: 26th of April

Ranja
Parents from Eritrea
Living in Malmö
Interview date: 2nd of May, 2019

Sanaz
Parents from Iran
Born and live in Malmö
Interview date: 22nd of April 2019

Martha
Parents from Bosnia

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Living in Malmö
Interview date: 18th of April, 2019

51