Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia

vol. 19: 71–81  Kraków 2014

doi:10.4467/20843836SE.14.004.1647

Juha JANHUNEN (Helsinki)

ON THE ETHNONYMS Orok AND Uryangkhai

Abstract. The paper discusses the etymology of the ethnonym Orok, as used for one of the
aboriginal populations of the Island of Sakhalin. It has been generally assumed that this
ethnonym is connected with the Tungusic term for ‘reindeer’, especially since the Orok,
also known by the name Uilta, are reindeer herders. The author demonstrates the unlike-
liness of this etymology and proposes instead a connection with the widespread generic
ethnonym Uryangkhai. This term was transferred on the Orok via the languages of their
neighbours, the Sakhalin Ainu and the Sakhalin Ghilyak.
Keywords: etymology, Tungusic languages, Orok, Orochen, Uryangkhai, Ainu, Ghilyak,
ethnonyms.

To the Memory of Jirô Ikegami (1920–2011)

The Orok are a well-known, though a numerically very small, ethnic group
living on central and northern Sakhalin. In the period 1905–1945, when Sakhalin
was divided between Russia (the Soviet Union) and Japan, there were Orok living
both on the Russian (Soviet) side (north of 50° N) and on the Japanese side (south
of 50° N). Together with the Sakhalin Ainu (mainly in the south) and the Sakhalin
Ghilyak (mainly in the north), the Orok form one of the three aboriginal popula-
tions of the island, to which a fourth member, the Sakhalin Ewenki (in the central
part of the island), was added only in recent historical times (mid 19th century).
Ultimately, all the languages spoken on Sakhalin are secondary, and all have close
relatives elsewhere (Janhunen 1996: 113–117). Orok itself is a Tungusic language
of the Nanaic subbranch, most intimately related to Ulcha in the Lower Amur
basin (Janhunen 2012: 6). Sakhalin Ghilyak, on the other hand, is in a dialectal
relationship with Amur Ghilyak, with both representing traces of the formerly
more widespread “Amuric” language family of Continental Manchuria. Sakhalin
Ainu, finally, is a branch of the Ainuic language family, which has its origins on
Hokkaido and further south on the Japanese Islands.
The Orok are known by two ethnonyms. The ethnonym Orok, transmitted
into international usage via Russian órok (plural óroki) and Japanese orokko, is not

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
72 JUHA JANHUNEN 

used by the Orok themselves, who use instead the name Uilta, Russian úil’ta and
Japanese uiruta, which is today the politically correct appellation of this ethnic
group. The ethnonym Uilta, phonetically [uʎta] ~ [uilta] and phonemically perhaps
/wilta/, is of an unknown meaning and origin, but it is, in any case, a regular cognate
of Ulcha, with the specific Orok deaffrication/depalatalization development *c > t
(and *j > d) (Benzing 1956: 35–36). Although the opposite has been occasionally
maintained, it may be taken for certain that there can be no etymological con-
nection between Orok and Uilta, which means that the two ethnonyms must have
separate sources. Since the name Orok is not used as an endonym, it is likely to
derive from the language(s) of the neighbours of the Orok. At least as far as the
Russian ethnic terminology is concerned, it is well known that ethnic groups in
Siberia often received their names from the appellations used by their immediate
neighbours in the west and/or north (Janhunen 1985).
While the Orok actively use the name Uilta about themselves, it has to be
noted that the ethnonym Ulcha (~ Olcha) is not used as an endonym by the Ulcha,
who use instead the name naani, a cognate of the ethnonym Nanai (naa+nai ‘local
people’). In earlier Russian literature the Ulcha have also been known by the name
Mangun (from a local name of the Amur). Thus, although the forms Ulcha (ulca)
and Uilta (wilta) represent two diachronic stages of a single name, this name seems
always to have referred exclusively to the Orok, whose territory in historical times
has been confined to Sakhalin. It was only in Soviet times that the name Ulcha was
definitively established as the official Russian (and international) appellation of the
continental population today known as the Ulcha (úl’cha : plural úl’chi). How this
ethnonymic confusion came to being is not quite clear (cf. Smolyak 1966: 11–13),
but it has to be concluded that the ethnonym Ulcha has historically been known
also on the continent. Leaving this problem aside, the following discussion will
focus on the origins of the ethonym Orok.

Orok vs. Oroch, Orochen, Oronchon

Conventionally, it has always been taken for granted that the ethnonym Orok is
derived from the Tungusic word (*)oron ‘reindeer’ (SSTM 2: 24–25 s.v. oron). This as-
sumption (e.g. Petrova 1967: 5–6) is all the more natural as the Orok are reindeer
herders, or, at least, reindeer husbandry forms an important part of their complex
economy, which also comprises fishing and hunting, including hunting of sea mam-
mals. Apart from being a source of food and raw materials, the reindeer is used by the
Orok as a pack animal and for riding (Roon 1996: 60–100). This usage of the reindeer
must be a trait introduced from the west and/or southwest, where there are several
ethnic groups, most of them speaking Tungusic languages, that are characterized by
a similar type of reindeer husbandry. The connection with the word for ‘reindeer’

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
 ON THE ETHNONYMS Orok AND Uryangkhai 73

is further supported by the ethonyms Oroch (Orochi) and Orochen ~ Oronchon,

as used in reference to some of these other Tungusic-speaking populations.
There are, however, problems involved in the conventional etymology. For one
thing, the word oron ‘(domesticated) reindeer’ is not present in Orok, which hap-
pens to be the only Tungusic language that lacks this Common Tungusic item,
otherwise attested even in Manchu (CMED 299 s.v. oron). This is perhaps not
a serious problem, as the ethnonym Orok is not used by the Orok themselves,
but the absence of the Common Tungusic word for ‘reindeer’ in their language
is nevertheless an interesting anomaly. A possible reason could be lexical taboo,
but it is unclear why only the Orok, of all the Tungusic peoples, would have ap-
plied taboo to the reindeer. The Orok word for reindeer is ulaa (DUL 218 s.v.),
which has a certain cognate only in Oroch (ORS 83 s.v. ula:). Incidentally, in view
of the important role of the reindeer for the Orok, it has been proposed that ulaa
could be connected with the ethnonym Uilta (Majewicz 1989: 127, 2011: 10–11,
cf. also SSTM 2: 262–263 s.v. ulta). Unfortunately, this etymology can hardly be
correct, as the derivational relationship would be unique.1
Another problem is that the form Orok, that is, oro-k(-), cannot be explained
as a derivative from oron ‘reindeer’. The final (-)n in oron is, of course, a second-
ary element, which can be absent before other suffixes. It is, in fact, absent in the
derivatives underlying the ethnonyms Oroch (Orochi) and Orochen. The latter
represent the Ewenki forms orocii and oro-cien, respectively (ÊRS 327 s.v. orochī,
orochēn), and are conventionally analysed as possessive derivatives from oron
‘reindeer’ (Menges 1968: 31). The nasal is, however, present in the Manchu form
oronco (CMED 299 s.v. oronco i nyalma ‘reindeer herder’) ~ oroncon, which
yields the alternative form Oronchon (~ Oronchun), Chinese elunchun (鄂 論 春).
The only derivative that could possibly be compared with the ethnonym Orok
would be the Nanai possessive nominal oron-ku ‘one who has reindeer’ (NaRS 315
s.v. orōn : orōnku gurun ‘reindeer herders’), but it also contains the stem-final
nasal, while there is no nasal in orok(-). The marker for possessive nominals has
the consonant (*)k also in Udeghe and Oroch, while the other Tungusic languages,
including even Ulcha, show (*) c, making the reconstruction of this element par-
ticularly problematic (Benzing 1956: 91).

1
As for the further connections of ulaa ‘reindeer’, a comparison with Mongolic *ulaxa/n
‘relay horse(s), post horse(s)’ > modern ulaa, with a well-known Turkic original
(and possible wider connections), has been suggested (TMEN 2: 102–107 no. 521) and
may be recognized as a possibility, especially as the Orok use the reindeer also as a
pack animal. Even so, it is curious that this item is present only in Orok and Oroch, but
in no other Tungusic language. Manchu ulha ‘livestock, domestic animal’ (CMED 388
s.v. ulha) has also been mentioned in this connection (so also in SSTM 2: 263) and
would be phonetically compatible with the Orok-Oroch data, but its semantic relation-
ship with the Turko-Mongolic item remains less obvious.

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
74 JUHA JANHUNEN 

Even more importantly, the connection of the ethnonyms Oroch (Orochi)

and Orochen ~ Oronchon with oron ‘reindeer’ is not quite as certain as it might
seem. The Oroch, Russian óroch (plural órochi), whose language is closely related
to Udeghe, call themselves, like the Ulcha, by the name naani and do not keep
reindeer. Although the similarity of the ethnonyms Oroch (Orochi) and Orok has
been seen as evidence of a connection (Shternberg 1927: 397–398), the cultural
difference between the two groups is considerable, and there is no evidence
of any direct historical link between them. The ethnonym Orochen, Russian
orochón (plural orochóny), on the other hand, is applied to several Tungusic-
speaking reindeer-herding populations in Siberia, including, occasionally, even
the Orok. The Orochen proper in Manchuria, today better known under the
Pinyinized spelling Oroqen (Tulisow 1995), belong, however, to the context of
the Manchurian Horse Tungus, documented already during the Qing dynasty
(Wada 1938: 97–98).
In spite of the fact that ethnonyms are easily transferred from one popula-
tion to another, and although they may preserve traces of otherwise lost cultural
circumstances, it cannot be ruled out that some occurrences of the names Oroch
(Orochi) and Orochen ~ Oronchon are actually not based on oron ‘reindeer’ at all,
but, rather, on other, homonymous, words. Possible bases could have been offered
by oron ~ xoron ‘top of the head’ = ‘mountain top’ (SSTM 2: 334 s.v. horon) and
oron ~ oro ‘vacancy, place’ (SSTM 2: 19 s.v. onno, CMED 299 s.v. oron), both of
which have connections also in Mongolic (Doerfer 1985: 39 no. 85, 116 no. 399,
cf. also EEW 668–670 s.vv. oro, ǒrǒ, oroč’én, oróčen, oron).2 At least from the
Birarchen dialect of Ewenki (Orochen), the form oro-ci has been recorded in
the meaning ‘(local) resident’ (Shirokogoroff 1933: 54–56). It has to be concluded
that there is no unambiguous evidence on that the ethnonyms Orok and Oroch
(Orochi) would be based on oron ‘reindeer’, or that either of them would neces-
sarily be connected with the ethnonym Orochen. Also, there is no compelling
reason to assume that Orok and Oroch represent a single etymon.

The wider etymological connections of these words are irrelevant to the present
2

discussion. Suffice it to say that the word oron ~ xoron ‘top (of the head, mountain)’
goes back to Proto-Tungusic *pora.n, which stands in a non-trivial relationship with
Mongolic oroi (orai) < *xorai < *pora.i id. and must, in any case, involve a very
ancient connection. The word oron ~ oro ‘vacancy, place’, on the other hand, involves
a recent borrowing (or a set of parallel borrowings) from Mongolic oron ‘place, land,
territory, locality, domicile’ ~ oro/n ‘vacancy, bed’, a word with further connections
in Turkic and also connected with the Mongolic verb oro- ‘to enter’ : oro-si- ‘to be
in(side), to reside’. In view of the cultural and geographical situation, Manchu oron
‘reindeer’ may also be a secondary loanword from the other Tungusic languages,
though formally it looks like a regular reflex of Common Tungusic *oron < Proto-
Tungusic *oran.

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
 ON THE ETHNONYMS Orok AND Uryangkhai 75

Orok vs. Orngarh, Orakat, Uryangkhai

To gain more insights concerning the origins of the ethnonym Orok it is nec-
essary to see how the Orok are called by their immediate aboriginal neighbours.
The Ghilyak (Nivkh) on the Amur use the term ornger : plural ornger-ku, in which
ng represents the velar nasal [ŋ], while e stands for the unrounded mid-high central
vowel [ǝ]. The corresponding shape in the Sakhalin dialect may be phonemized
as orngarh, in which rh = [r̝ ] stands for the universally rare sound of fricative
trill (like Czech ř) (NiRS 247 s.v. orngyr). These terms denote not only the Orok
(in NiRS mistakenly referred to as “Oroch”), but also the Ulcha, which shows that
the close historical and linguistic relationship between these two groups has been
well known to the neighbouring peoples.
Although there is no direct documentation available concerning the history
of Ghilyak, both internal reconstruction and external (areal) comparisons give
important information on the earlier stages of the language. It is, for instance,
known that the Ghilyak system of vowels, like that in many neighbouring lan-
guages, has participated in the Northeast Asian vowel rotation (Janhunen 1981),
while the exceptionally complex consonant system was formed from a con-
siderably simpler original system by a number of combinatory developments
(Austerlitz 1972, 1980, 1990). Also, it is known that Ghilyak has lost most vowel
segments in non-initial syllables, resulting in a large number of secondary con-
sonant clusters. Using this information, Sakhalin Ghilyak orngarh, which would
seem to represent the more original shape of the ethnonym, may be reconstructed
as deriving from the earlier shape *urVngat(V), with the regular changes *u > o
(vowel rotation) and *t > rh (development of postvocalic stop consonants to con-
tinuants). Amur Ghilyak ornger would, correspondingly, presuppose the earlier
shape *urVngVd(V), assuming that the quality of the vowel in the original third
syllable has been obscured by a neutralizing development.
Sakhalin Ainu, today an extinct language, is considerably less well document-
ed than Sakhalin Ghilyak, but the ethnonym denoting the Orok is well attested in
Sakhalin Ainu in the basic shape orakata (orákata). In sandhi position, especially
in the phrase orakat_utar (orákat utara) ‘Orok people’, the shorter variant orakat
(orákat) is also attested (Piłsudski 1912: 66–102 passim). The ethnonym orakat(a)
normally seems to refer to the actual Orok on Sakhalin, although it may also refer
to the Ulcha on the continent. In some contexts, however, it might rather refer to
more generic neighbours and enemies of the Ainu, and, in any case, it may be
seen as a primarily folkloric term. In non-folkloric sources, the Sakhalin Ainu
appellation for the Orok is orohko (cf. e.g. Petrova 1967: 5), which is identical with
Japanese orokko (oroqko, in the premodern orthography rendered as orotsuko).
The phonetic relationship between orakat(a) and orohko is not without problems,
but, in principle, the latter could be derived from the former by assuming sporadic

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
76 JUHA JANHUNEN 

truncation (> *oraka) and gemination (> *orakka), followed by a more or less
regular levelling of the vowel qualities (> *orokko) and the typical Sakhalin Ainu
preaspiration of geminate stops (> *orohko).
The exact derivation of the shape orohko remains, consequently, slightly
unclear, and it cannot be ruled out that it has been influenced retroactively by
Japanese orokko. Focusing on the more archaic variant orakata, however, it is easy
to see that it corresponds almost exactly to the Ghilyak reconstruction *urVngat(V).
Clearly, the Ainu item was borrowed from Ghilyak at a time when the Ghilyak
vowel system had already undergone rotation (*u > o), while the vowels of the non-
initial syllables were still intact. The Ghilyak prototype on which Ainu orakata is
based may be reconstructed as *orangata. The only difference between these two
shapes is the correspondence of Ainu ‌k- (velar stop) to Ghilyak -ng- (velar nasal).
This is, however, a regular correspondence in loanwords from Ghilyak to Ainu,
as is confirmed by the term for ‘reindeer’, Sakhalin Ghilyak tlangi < *tVlangVi →
Ainu tunakai → Japanese tonakai (Austerlitz 1976). The substitution -ng- → -k-
was due to the absence of a velar nasal phoneme in Ainu.
It may be concluded that the Ainu borrowed their appellation for the Orok
from the Ghilyak, who, obviously, had come to know the Orok earlier. Thanks
to the information from Ainu, the internally reconstructed Ghilyak shape
*urVngat(V) may now be replaced by the externally supported shape *urangata.
This shape opens a new path for further external comparisons, in that *ura­
ngata can hardly be separated from the widespread ethnonym Uryangkhai and
its variants. Without going into the problem concerning the ultimate origin of
this ethnonym, we may note that it is a generic term referring to several ‘forest
peoples’, extending from the modern Turkic-speaking populations of the Sayan
region (the Tuva group) and the Lena basin (the Yakut) to a number of historical
and protohistorical groups in the Khingan region and further east in Manchuria.
The ethnonym is well attested in sources relating to the northern frontiers of the
Khitan Liao (Wittfogel & Fêng 1949: 98), the mediaeval Mongols (Shastina 1975:
240–241), and late mediaeval Korea (Jugel 1982). Groups with this ethnonym are
also present in the composition of the Ewenki (Vasilevich 1966). It is perhaps
relevant to note that the word is recorded from Ewenki also in the appellative
meaning ‘human being’ (ÊRS 450 s.v. urankai).
The formal variation of Uryangkhai (~ Uriangkhai ~ Uriyangkhai) concerns
two details. On the one hand, the initial part of the ethnonym occurs either with
or without the medial palatal element (*)-i/y-, i.e., either as (*)uryang- (~ uriang- ~
uriyang-) or as (*)urang-. The former variant is present in Mongolian uriyangkai
(MED 883 s.v. urijangxai) and Chinese wuliangha (兀 良 哈) ~ wulianghai (烏 梁 海),
while the latter is present in Ewenki urangkai (SSTM 2: 283 s.v. urankaj) and Korean
*urangkai > orangkae. On the other hand, the final part of the ethnonym occurs

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
 ON THE ETHNONYMS Orok AND Uryangkhai 77

with the variants -ka ~ -ka-i ~ ka-n : plural -ka-d : ‌“ethnicon” -kadai, all of which
are attested in Middle Mongol (Rybatzki 2006: 155–156 s.v. uriang­qadai, cf. also
de Rachewiltz 2006: 256). The elements -i ~ -n (: plural -d) may be recognized
as Mongolic class suffixes, which would suggest that the other items with a
final -i (~ -y) are also of a Mongolic origin, but this is difficult to verify, and it
is possible that Para-Mongolic languages (Khitan) were also involved. In any
case, it is obvious that Ghilyak *urangata = *uranga-ta represents the variant
*urangka-, without the medial palatal element (*) -i/y-.
The other details of the Ghilyak item and its Ainu reflexes are impossible
to explain with full certainty. It is, for instance, not known when, and how, the
development (*) -ngk- [ŋk] > -ng- [ŋ] took place: this may or may not have been
a regular process in Pre-Proto-Ghilyak. It is also not certain what the final ele-
ment *-ta in Ghilyak *uranga-ta and Ainu oraka-ta stands for. An interesting
possibility is that -ta represents the Tungusic collective suffix *-tA, well attested
in Manchu, but also present in the other Tungusic languages, especially in the
composition of the complex suffix *-g-tA (> Manchu -hA) (Benzing 1956: 71–72).
In Manchu, *-tA is mainly used on kinship terms and other items defining social
relations, as in sengge ‘old’ : sengge-te ‘elders’ (CMED 316 s.vv.). Even so, the pos-
sibility deserves to be reckoned with that *-tA was once also used in ethnonyms,
in which case Ghilyak *uranga-ta could be directly based on a Tungusic collec-
tive form of the type *urangka-ta. It may be noted that Orok itself has several
clan names ending in -ttA, as in gee(-)tta (DUL 66 s.v. Geetta). It is, however,
uncertain whether this ending is connected with Tungusic *-tA. Also, contrary
to what has been claimed (Majewicz 1989: 127, 2011: 10–11), the ethnonym Uilta
(wilta < *ulca) does not contain this element.

General conclusions

Irrespective of how the details are explained, there is no doubt that the Ghilyak
term ornger ~ orngarh ‘Orok, Ulcha’ represents a reflex of the generic ethnonym
Uryangkhai. This ethnonym must have been in use in the Amur basin in reference
to some sections of the local population, perhaps specifically sections speaking
Tungusic idioms. We do not know if this term was used by these Tungusic speak-
ers about themselves, though this possibility cannot be ruled out in view of the
similarity of the Ghilyak reconstruction *urangata with the hypothetical Tungusic
collective form *urangka-ta. However this may be, the term was adopted by the
linguistic ancestors of the Ghilyak, who ultimately came to use it in reference
to the specific Tungusic speech community from which both the Ulcha on the
continent and the Orok on Sakhalin linguistically descend. It may be taken for

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
78 JUHA JANHUNEN 

certain that the Ghilyak language entered Sakhalin from the continent before Orok,
and quite probably, the term *urangata was used by the linguistic ancestors of the
Ghilyak already before they expanded to Sakhalin.
From the intermediate Ghilyak shape *orangata, the ethnonym was trans-
mitted to the Ainu, who expanded to Sakhalin from the south. Like the Ghilyak,
the Ainu used the term basically to refer both to the Orok on Sakhalin and to the
Ulcha on the continent, though it may also have received more generic applica-
tions. For the Ainu, the Orok personified the complexity of northern non-Ainu
peoples, with whom the Ainu had waged wars since their expansion to Hokkaido.
To the Hokkaido Ainu, these northern peoples were known by the folkloric name
rep-un-kur ‘sea people’ (Philippi 1982: 40–44), who may be identified with the
archaeologically well-established mediaeval Okhotsk Culture on Sakhalin and
northern Hokkaido. We do not know, what language the people of the Okhotsk
Culture (with both Manchurian and Beringian connections) spoke, though Tungusic
is one possibility. In any case, there is a certain continuity from the prehistorical
Ainu conceptions of the Okhotsk people to their historical contacts with the Orok
(Alonso de la Fuente 2012: 4 note 8). Even so, the term orakata seems to have been
adopted by the Ainu only after their arrival on Sakhalin.
The history of the ethnonym Orok serves as an illustration of the “linguistic
symbiosis” of the aborigines of Sakhalin (Austerlitz 0000). The three aborigi-
nal languages of the island entered Sakhalin in this order: Ghilyak, Ainu, Orok.
Both the Ghilyak and the Ainu saw in the Orok a more recent intrusion from the
continent, which may be one reason why the Orok came to be known by a variant
of the continental ethnonym Uryangkhai. Unlike the Ghilyak and the Ainu, but also
unlike the Ulcha on the continent, the Orok embraced reindeer husbandry as one
of their basic economic activities. How this happened is an interesting problem
for historical ethnography, but we know now, at least, that the name of the Orok
is older than their reindeer husbandry.

Acknowledgement. With this paper I want to honour the memory of my

teacher, Professor Jirô Ikegami. Apart from being the last great Japanese linguist
and Altaist of his generation, he was the Grand Old Man of Orok studies, whose
contributions to this field remain a permanent database of reliable information on
the rapidly vanishing language and culture of the Orok. When studying under his
supervision at Hokkaido University in 1978–1979, I was lucky to be introduced
to some of his Orok informants, then still living in Abashiri. Professor Ikegami
was active in Orok studies until the very end of his life, and I had a chance to at-
tend his Orok classes once more as late as 2001. He was also an active promoter
of native language literacy for the Orok, thus trying to show the way to a brighter
future for this tiny ethnic group.

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
 ON THE ETHNONYMS Orok AND Uryangkhai 79

Juha Janhunen
Department of World Cultures
Box 59 / Unionsgatan 38 B 122
FIN – 00014 University of Helsinki
[asiemajeure@yahoo.com]

Literature

Alonso de la Fuente, José Andrés (2012). The Ainu Languages: Traditional

Reconstruction, Eurasian Areal Linguistics, and Diachronic (Holistic)
Typology. PhD Thesis, Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea [University of the
Basque Country].
Austerlitz, Robert (1972). ‘Reconstructio interna linguae Ghiliacorum.’ Un­
published handout of a lecture given at the Finno-Ugrian Society. Helsinki.
Austerlitz, Robert (1976: 45–49). ‘L’appellation du renne en japonais, aïnou et sur-
tout en ghiliak.’ [In:] Walther Heissig & John R. Krueger & Felix J. Oinas &
Edmond Schütz (eds.). Tractata Altaica Denis Sinor sexagenario optime de
rebus altaicis merito dedicata. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
Austerlitz, Robert (1980: 75–87). ‘On the penumbra of questions surrounding
the internal reconstruction of Gilyak.’ Bernard Comrie (ed.). International
Review of Slavic Linguistics, vol. 5. Edmonton.
Austerlitz, Robert (1990: 17–33). ‘Typology in the service of internal reconstruc-
tion.’ [In:] Winfred P. Lehmann (ed.). Language Typology 1987: Systematic
Balance in Language. Papers from the Linguistic Typology Symposium
(Berkeley 1987). Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, vol. 67. Amsterdam:
John Benjamins.
Austerlitz, Robert (0000: 1–52). ‘Nivkh-Ainu-Orok linguistic symbiosis on the Island
of Sakhalin.’ Unpublished manuscript, distributed as a xerocopied typescript.
Avrorin [В. А. Аврорин] (1959–1961). Грамматика нанайского языка, vols.
1–2. Москва-Ленинград: Издательство Академии наук.
Benzing, Johannes (1956). Die tungusischen Sprachen: Versuch einer verglei-
chenden Grammatik. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur,
Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, vol. 1955/11.
Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag.
Doerfer, Gerhard (1985). Mongolo-Tungusica. Tungusica, vol. 3. Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz.
Janhunen, Juha (1981: 129–146). ‘Korean vowel system in North Asian perspective.’
Han-geul, vol. 172. Seoul.
Janhunen, Juha (1985: 72–77). ‘The Tungus peoples and the conquest of Siberia’.
[In:] Gunnar Jarring & Staffan Rosén (eds.). Altaistic Studies. Papers pre-
sented at the 25th Meeting of the Permanent International Altaistic Conference

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
80 JUHA JANHUNEN 

(Uppsala 1982). Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien

Konferenser, vol. 12. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International.
Janhunen, Juha (1996). Manchuria: An Ethnic History. Mémoires de la Société
Finno-Ougrienne, vol. 222. Helsinki.
Janhunen, Juha (2012: 5–16). ‘The expansion of Tungusic as an ethnic and lin-
guistic process.’ [In:] Andrej L. Malchukov & Lindsay J. Whaley (eds.).
Recent Advances in Tungusic Linguistics. Turcologica, vol. 89. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz Verlag.
Jugel, Ulrike (1982). Studien zur Geschichte der Wu-liang-ha im 15. Jh. Teil 1:
Die Vorbereitungen Koreas zum Nordfeldzug gegen die Wu-liang-ha der
Südmandschurei. Tungusica, vol. 2. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
Majewicz, Alfred F. (1989: 124–146). ‘The Oroks: past and present.’ [In:] Alan
Wood & R. A. French (eds.). The Development of Siberia: People and
Resources. Studies in Russia and East Europe. London: Macmillan.
Majewicz, Alfred F. (2011: 1–54). ‘Introduction’, ‘Bibliographies.’ [In:] Alfred
F. Majewicz (ed.). Materials for the Study of Tungusic Languages and
Folklore. The Collected Works of Bronisław Piłsudski. Trends in Linguistics,
Documentation, vol. 15–4. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton.
Menges, Karl. H. (1968: 21–256). ‘Die tungusischen Sprachen.’ Handbuch der
Orientalistik, vol. I.V.3. Leiden: E. J. Brill.
Petrova [Т. И. Петрова] (1967). Язык ороков (ульта). Ленинград: Издательство
«Наука».
Philippi, Donald L. (1982). Songs of Gods — Songs of Humans: The Epic Tradition
of the Ainu. San Francisco: North Point Press.
Piłsudski, Bronisław (1912). Materials for the Study of the Ainu Language and
Folklore. J. Rozwadowski (ed.). Cracow: Imperial Academy of Sciences.
de Rachewiltz, Igor (2006). The Secret History of the Mongols: A Mongolian Epic
Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century. Brill’s Inner Asian Library, vol. 7, 1–2.
Leiden: Brill.
Roon [Татьяна Роон] (1996). Уйльта Сахалина: Историко-этнографическое
исследование традиционного хозяйства и материальной культуры
XVIII — середины XX веков. Южно-Сахалинск: Сахалинское областное
книжное издательство.
Rybatzki, Volker (2006). Die Personennamen und Titel der mittelmongolischen Do­
ku­mente: Eine lexikalische Untersuchung. PhD Thesis, University of Helsinki.
Publications of the Institute for Asian and African Studies, vol. 8. Helsinki.
Shastina, N. P. (1975: 231–244). ‘Mongol and Turkic ethnonyms in the Secret
History of the Mongols.’ [In:] Louis Ligeti (ed.). Researches in Altaic
Languages. Papers read at the 14th Meeting of the Permanent International
Altaistic Conference (Szeged 1971). Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.
Shirokogoroff, S. M. (1933). Social Organization of the Northern Tungus. Shanghai:
The Commercial Press.

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych
 ON THE ETHNONYMS Orok AND Uryangkhai 81

Shternberg [Л. Я. Штернберг] (1927). Гиляки, орочи, гольды, негидальцы, айны:

Статьи и материалы. Под редакцией и с предисловием Я. П. Алькор
(Кошкина). Хабаровск: Дальгиз.
Smolyak [A. B. Cмoляк] (1966). Ульчи: Хозяйство, культура и быт в прошлом
и настоящем. Mосква: Издательство «Наука».
Tulisow, Jerzy (1995: 183–187). ‘New data on the Oroqen.’ Linguistic and Oriental
Studies from Poznań, vol. 2. Poznań.
Vasilevich [Г. M. Bacилевич] (1966: 56–93). ‘Уранкаи и эвенки.’ Доклады
по этнографии, vol. 3. Ленинград: Геограгическое Общество СССР.
Wada Sei (1938: 41–102). ‘The natives of the lower reaches of the Amur River as
represented in Chinese records.’ The Memoirs of the Research Department,
Toyo Bunko, vol. 10. Tokyo.
Wittfogel, Karl A. & Fêng Chia-shêng (1949). History of Chinese Society: Liao
(907–1125). Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series,
vol. 36. Philadelphia.

Lexicographical Sources

CMED = Jerry Norman, with the assistance of Keith Dede and David Prager
Branner. A Comprehensive Manchu-English Dictionary. Cambridge (Mas­
sa­chu­setts): Harvard University Press (2013).
DUL = 池 上 二 良 [Jirô Ikegami]. ウイルタ語 辞 典 [A Dictionary of the Uilta
Language Spoken on Sakhalin]. 札 幌: 北 海 道 大 学 図 書 刊 行 会 (1997).
EEW = Gerhard Doerfer unter Mitwirkung von Michael Knüppel. Etymologisch-
Ethno­logisches Wörterbuch tungusischer Dialekte (vornehmlich der Man­
dschurei). Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag (2004).
ÊRS = Г. M. Bacилевич. Эвенкийскo-русский словарь. Mосква: Гocyдapcтвeн­
нoe издательство иностранных и национальных словарей (1958).
MED = Ferdinand Lessing (ed.). Mongolian-English Dictionary. Third reprinting.
Bloomington, Indiana: The Mongolia Society (1995).
NaRS = С. Н. Оненко. Нанайско-русский словарь. Москва: Издательство
«Русский язык» (1980).
NiRS = В. Н. Савельева & Ч. М. Таксами. Нивхско-русский словарь. Москва:
Издательство «Советская энциклопедия» (1970).
ORS = A. X. Гирфанова. Словарь орочско-русский и русско-орочский. Санкт-
Петербург: Издательство «Дрофа» (2007).
SSTM = В. И. Цинциус (ed.). Сравнительный словарь тунгусо-маньчжурских
языков. Материалы к этимологическому словарю, vols. 1–2. Ленинград:
Издательство “Наука” (1975–1977).
TMEN = Gerhard Dorfer. Türkische und mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen,
vols. 1–4. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag (1963–1975).

Publikacja objęta jest prawem autorskim. Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone. Kopiowanie i rozpowszechnianie zabronione.
Publikacja przeznaczona jedynie dla klientów indywidualnych. Zakaz rozpowszechniania i udostępniania serwisach bibliotecznych