The Rockefeller Foundation and The League of Nations: Cooperation in International Health
The Rockefeller Foundation and The League of Nations: Cooperation in International Health
The Rockefeller Foundation and The League of Nations: Cooperation in International Health
By Josep L. Barona
barona@uv.es
stabilization policies during the Interwar Period. Public health was considered to be the main
factor in this historical context due to the consequences of the war, the postwar crash of the
economy and many deep international crises. The LNHO was the cornerstone of international
action in many health fields: epidemics, the fight against malnutrition and infectious diseases
(malaria, tuberculosis, and yellow fever), infant mortality, drug abuse, the definition of
records, and public health policies and professionalization. In the process of shaping
international health expertise, the collaboration of the LNHO with the International Health
Board/Division (IHB/D) of the Rockefeller Foundation (RF) was extremely important, both
The first contacts between the LNHO and the RF were through the RF’s European
office in 1920, immediately after the LNHO was established. In February, Wickliffe Rose,
head of the Paris Office, sent a letter to George E. Vincent, president of the RF/IHB and
enclosed a copy of a proposed health scheme for the League of Nations.1 International
consensus about the importance of public health experts emerged. These experts had great
political influence since health was a prominent social and political category. Public health
programs promoted by the RF were based on the creation of expertise in statistical evidence,
1
technical knowledge and practical training in the field. These experts would become
Directly related to previous RF/IHB strategies, the Health Committee of the League of
Nations saw as a cornerstone, the instruction of public health experts in the implementation
of health policies, both nationally and internationally. Several lines of action were applied.
Studies of how health care services were organized, how they operated in several European
countries, sanitary regulations, the identification of health problems, and the private
institutions involved were done. In accordance with the health ideology of the RF, the LNHO
promoted interchanges between countries by funding visits of public health experts to study
L’organisation de voyages d’hygiénistes en divers pays était une entreprise que les
rapports étroits entretenues par le Secrétariat de la Société des Nations avec les
autorités sanitaires des divers pays rendaient particulièrement aisée à exécuter. La
Division d’hygiène internationale de la Fondation Rockefeller le comprit et facilita
par une généreuse subvention l’organisation de ces voyages, dont le premier eut lieu
en octobre 1922. Leur plan a été établi selon des formules diverses : certains d’entre
eux furent réservés à des fonctionnaires d’hygiène publique, d’autres à des
spécialistes de la tuberculose, de l’hygiène infantile, de l’hygiène scolaire, de
l’administration sanitaire des ports, de la statistique démographique, etc. En 1930, six
cents fonctionnaires, appartenant non seulement aux Etats membres de la Société des
Nations, mais encore à certains Etats non membres –ainsi les Etats-Unis d’Amérique,
le Mexique, l’URSS-, avaient déjà participé à des échanges de personnel sanitaire.
Parmi les nations visitées, il faut citer presque toutes celles d’Europe, l’Amérique
latine, les Etats-Unis d’Amérique, le Canada, l’Afrique occidentale, l’Inde et le Japon.
Ludwik Rajchman, medical director of the LNHO, sent a typewritten report on November 18,
1921, to the RF entitled The League of Nations Health Organization: What it is and how it
works.2 He had initiated the negotiations with Wickliffe Rose for an agreement of
collaboration in international health between the League of Nations and the RF. With the
approval of the Council of the League of Nations, it contained the following points:
2
1). This Agreement is made between the League of Nations, acting through its Secretary-
General, on the one hand, and the Rockefeller Foundation, acting through the
Executive Committee of the International Health Board, on the other hand, for the
international scale.
2). The Health Organisation of the League of Nations will establish and maintain an
continue for not less than three years, unless by mutual agreement between the
League of Nations and the Rockefeller Foundation some other arrangement is made.
3). The work of the Interchange of Public Health Personnel shall be conducted along the
“To bring public health administrators in different countries into closer relationship
The endeavour to obtain the cooperation of the public health administrations for the
purpose of agreeing upon a uniform standard of public health and uniform regulations.
It is necessary accordingly:
(1) To organise meetings of public health officials from various countries, and to
make it possible for these officials to remain for a certain time attached to the
3
b) They may have opportunities of acquainting themselves with the public
health organisations of those countries, and with the manner in which the
regulations are applied and with the duties of the health officials.
(2) To make grants towards the expenses of sending from time to time a small
number of public health officials to study on the spot the public health
4). Annual reports of the administration of the Interchange of Public Health Personnel
will be rendered to the Council and Assembly of the League of Nations, and copies
of these reports will be forwarded regularly to the International Health Board of the
kept closely and regularly informed of the activities of the interchange of public
health personnel.
5). The Rockefeller Foundation agrees to pay an annual subvention to meet the
dollars a year for each of the three years 1922/1923, 1923/1924 and 1924/1925.
6). The Rockefeller Foundation agrees to pay the annual subvention in quarterly
7). The Financial Director of the Secretariat of the League of Nations will administer
the subvention paid by the Rockefeller Foundation as a separate Fund for the
Interchange of Public Health Personnel Fund, and will make disbursements from
this Fund at the direction of the Secretary General of the League of Nations, after a
4
8). The special accounts of the Financial Director for the Interchange of Public Health
Nations.
9). Annual statement of account of the Interchange of Public Health Personnel Fund
will be rendered to the Council and Assembly of the League of Nations, and copies
10). The present articles of Agreement may be modified by the mutual consent of the
11). These Articles of Agreement have been approved by the Council of the League of
Nations and will become effective on their approval by the International Health
For the operation of the scheme on Interchange of Public Health Officials, it was
proposed to hold four times a year a month long workshop at which fifty medical officers of
sanitarians. The medical officers would then proceed to work within the ranks of another
public health administration for a further period of eight weeks. Since the beginning in 1923
international experiences in this sense existed, although public health problems were not
national, but international in scope and extent, since hazards did not respect political
a re-measuring of the dimensions of the problems. Although the collective interchange was
5
primarily beneficial for individuals, benefits were also supposed to occur in public health
services.3
The interchange program was maintained during the whole period of collaboration
between the institutions and created a wide network of exchanges and interactions. “Seventy-
eight officers belonging to eighteen nationalities took part in the general interchanges in
fourteen participants from eleven nationalities in 1923 increased to twenty-eight from thirteen
nationalities in 1924.”4 The provisional scheme of interchanges for 1925 included general
interchanges to Great Britain, Belgium, Yugoslavia and Japan; and interchanges of specialists
to Sweden, Russia and France. For 1926 the program consisted on collective interchanges in
Great Britain and Denmark. The interchanges in Great Britain were restricted to municipal
health officers. An interchange of sanitary engineers was held in London at the same time
with assistance from members of the Royal Sanitary Institute. The collective interchange in
Denmark conformed to the usual type and candidates secured from agricultural countries.
The interchange on the west coast of Africa began in March 1926 and included participants
from the colonies in that area and three Latin American health officers, who also took part in
An interchange of special type, started in 1926, was organized with the hope of
combining the advantages of the individual mission with those of the collective visit. This
interchange was devoted to general health officers with special interests, being restricted to
about ten participants from three or four neighbouring countries. In 1926 two interchanges
involving port health officers from the Baltic area, and port health officers in the
The public health expert became the cornerstone in guaranteeing the implementation
of new organizational schemes, new technologies and legitimate political action and decision
6
making. Basically, in this and in other programs, the LNHO depended on the RF. Between a
third and a half of its budget came from the RF. Between 1922 and 1929, the RF provided
In January 1923, the Health Committee of the League agreed to survey the state of the
and American universities, those experts being the key element of health administration. On
February 20, 1924, the Health Committee created a permanent Commission on Education in
Hygiene and Preventive Medicine, presided over by the French expert Léon Bernhard, along
with seven members. In 1930 the dean of the Medical School in Shanghai joined the
commission. Soon after its constitution, the commission reported on three main topics:
1). Training of experts, medical officers, engineers, architects, nurses and public
health staff.
2). Public health teaching to medical students and general practitioners.
3). Public health instruction to teachers, priests, civil servants and any possible agent
in health education and diffusion.
The commission designed a project to implement public health teaching in medical faculties,
programs for experts in schools of public health, evaluation systems, materials for
series of reports were produced about Austria, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the
United States, and Yugoslavia. Other reports by Janiszewski about Poland (1922-1923), Jitta
on the Low Countries and Nocht on Germany were followed by reports on Belgium (Timbal),
France (Léon Bernhard), Pisa and Palermo (Ottolenghi), George Newman on Great Britain
The vast amount of information collected by the commission gave way to a series of
international context. Obviously, decisions were not imposed over the states, but were
7
negotiated through the growing international influence of expert authorities. In 1926 the first
International Conference took place in Warsaw just after the inauguration of the Polish
National School of Health. In 1927 a second conference was held in Budapest and Zagreb on
the occasion of the official opening of national schools in Hungary and Yugoslavia, while the
two most transcendental conferences took place in Paris and Dresden in 1930.
One of the topics discussed was the relation between national schools of health as a
place of instruction, and universities and health authorities. A paper by Welch showed the
plurality of situations in each country and proposed three principles: collaboration between
the three institutions; participation of university representatives and health authorities in the
managing boards of the schools, and the combination of science and research with a practical
The third international meeting in Paris, in 1930, had a main target: the international
homologation of teaching and the professional profile of the national schools of health
regarding public health experts. In July 1930 a new conference of European directors of
public health schools took place in Dresden and focused on establishing a minimum common
programme of training for health officers and the teaching of preventive and social medicine
to medical students. A sub-committee devoted to analysing the role of public health museums
The prospective action promoted by the League of Nations and funded by the RF,
gathered a great deal of information which helped to discuss the professional profile of the
public health expert and the role of health officers. The RF provided technical aid, grants,
always recognized, the coordination with health authorities, universities, and medical
professionals was considered necessary. In his final report, Carl Prausnitz insisted on the
8
fundamental difference between the experts’ knowledge and popularization in language,
1). Public Health Schools were essential for health politics and experts instruction as
2). During the 1920s a series of institutions shared this profile: the Johns Hopkins School
of Public Health, the Harvard School and others, mainly funded by the RF. In Europe,
(1925), Budapest and Zagreb (1926), London (1929), Prague (1930) and Athens
(1930). The American model was based on universities and the European one on state
institutions. France and Germany followed different patterns, but in any case,
3). The aim of those institutions, according to Carl Prausnitz’s report, was instructing
public health experts for health administration and the diffusion of hygiene. They
should associate research and teaching, offer practical training utilizing laboratory
4). Since research was an essential task as an expression of the so-called scientific spirit,
it would not exist independent from the practical problems of the population. In some
5). An important proposal was the agreement about a common teaching program to
Moreover, practical training in rural areas for at least three months was recommended
as an essential part of instruction. Students should play an active part in all fields, i.e.,
organising social hygiene, sanitation, public health administration, and health propaganda.
9
States were to require qualifications from a national school of health from those who applied
for an official post in public health services, whether national or municipal. Apparently, this
practice had obtained excellent results in some countries and they recommended extending it.
The national schools of public health were designed to monopolise knowledge and
expertise, and to legitimize political action and social intervention.8 Health officers and
inspectors were the key element to training medical practitioners, public health assistants and
other complementary staff, as well as in publicity campaigns. Public health schools should
make their facilities available to laboratory technologies, lectures, and museum materials.
They flourished in the 1920s and 1930s as crucial institutions to legitimize international
public health expertise under the impulse of the RF and the LNHO. International conferences
of directors of public health schools laid down a framework for an international debate about
specialisation and public health expertise that aimed to shape a pattern of organisation,
On February 18, 1922, Ludwik Rajchman sent a long report to Wickliffe Rose, head
of the RF’s European Office in Paris, analysing the epidemic situation in Eastern Europe.9 It
had been issued to all state members and the Polish government officially applied for the
develop concerted measures to prevent the infection from spreading westwards and to create
a plan for stabilizing a “sanitary belt” on both sides of the frontier between Russia and the
Ukraine on the one side, and Poland and Rumania on the other. Technical representatives of
twenty European governments attended the conference, and the U.S. Public Health Service
was also represented. It took four months to bring the Polish and Russian delegates together
at the conference table. According to Rajchman, “the question now will be to obtain general
agreement for the establishment of this sanitary belt. In our mind it should consist of
10
concentric lines, epidemic hospitals, quarantine and feeding stations, public bath, and
delousing establishments, etc. on both sides of the frontier to a depth of some 150 km.”10
This strategy was to be maintained by state governments, but they were unable to do it
with their own resources. The anti-typhus campaign in Poland was considered to be the first
successful effort in Europe of international public health work. Rajchman was afraid that
epidemics would get out of control. He proposed taking Rose to the conference as an unique
opportunity for him to get in contact with representatives of Europe and to build a permanent
organizing effort involving the RF.11 Since this dramatic situation, aggravated by
malnutrition and the risk of epidemics, the technical advice and the collaboration of the RF
was permanent in epidemic campaigns and in the fight against malaria, trachoma and other
diseases.
On April 18, 1922, Ludwik Rajchman issued to Rose his report on the Warsaw
Portugal and Albania. Conventions on quarantines and sanitary arrangements were approved
and the application of the resolutions was left to the Epidemic Commission of the League of
Nations. One of the most relevant collaborative programs, the creation of an Epidemiological
threat were conducted by the Epidemic Commission of the League. Appointed in June 1920,
the commission assisted the public health services in Eastern Europe in their fight against the
typhus epidemic. The commission consisted of Th. Madsen, Director of the Staten Serum
Nations; George Buchanan, Senior Medical Officer at the British Ministry of Health,
President of the Hygiene Council at the Low Countries; Ricardo Jorge, Director General,
11
Portuguese Public Health Administration; and Dr. Violle, of the Pasteur Institute. All of them
worked together and published a report for the preparation of a new International Sanitary
Convention that would study existing quarantine arrangements and draft new agreements.
During the following months the epidemics in Eastern Europe were greatly
implemented in the fight against epidemics and malnutrition in Eastern Europe, the Health
Organisation was still considered to exist on a provisional basis. In September 1922, the 3rd
Assembly of the League of Nations had to decide whether permanent status should be given
to it and its work. Obviously, the permanent collaborative agreements with the RF were in
favor of its permanence. Indeed, with the passing of time, the LNHO became one of the most
solid and effective pillars in the League’s policies for international stabilization.
In addition to the instruction and interchange of public health officials and the urgent
fight against epidemics, famine and infectious diseases, a scheme to secure cooperation of the
Intelligence Service (IEIS) associated with a Department of Public Health Statistics. From the
very beginning, Rajchman tried to convince Rose about the need for a chief of service for the
Epidemiological Intelligence and Public Health Statistics Service. Indeed, on May 23rd, the
Intelligence Service proposed by the LNHO for a period of five years. On June 14, 1922, the
Executive Committee of the International Health Board, authorized its officers to enter into
service on an international scale, based in Europe, for a period of five years, beginning
January 1, 1923. For this purpose the RF IHB assumed that costs would not to exceed
12
$32,840 per year. Between 1922 and 1927 the RF contributed $350,000 to the LNHO for the
The position of the British representative, George Buchanan, was critical in several
senses. On July 27, 1922 he wrote to Madsen regarding the RF agreement, complaining about
the British acceptance of some of the programs. The letter was accompanied by a report
consisting of fifteen points regarding the RF contributions that, on the other hand, he
cordially welcomed. Buchanan claimed that a separate fund distinct from the budget of the
League, administrated apart and named “Rockefeller Fund” should be created. He insisted
that these funds were auxiliary and not part of the normal technical work which the Health
Organisation had the duty of carrying out. Regarding the Epidemiological and Statistical
Intelligence Service, he proposed a wider project involving the direction of the Health
Organisation, the Office Internationale d’Hygiène Publique. “In any case, the action taken
ought to be wholly under the responsibility and direction of the League, and not made a
question for auxiliary funds.”12 Buchanan denied that there would be any advantage in basing
Notwithstanding the British distrust, on August 18th the Agreement was approved
with some minor corrections and in November 1922, S. M. Gunn issued a copy of the
“Memorandum of the Medical Director to the Members of the Health Committee” which
focused mainly on the initiation of the Epidemiology Intelligence Service. Previously, the
IHB, at its meetings in May and October, 1922, and at subsequent meetings of the Executive
Committee, had discussed and approved a plan of cooperation with the LNHO providing for:
an international scale.
b) aid in the development of a scheme for the international exchange of sanitary personnel.
13
Once the IEIS was approved, Rajchman requested support from the IHB in order to
appoint a leader to implement the service. “If we are to establish our Epidemiological
Intelligence Service on a really firm basis, and if you help us in this direction, we shall
require the services of a first class epidemiologist and Public Health Statistician.”13 Edgar
Sydenstricker, an expert at the U.S. Public Health Services, was appointed to organize and
published. The improvements in the Service provided better updated and useful information
for national health administrators. As a consequence of this monthly activity, the first
Rapport Épidémiologique Annuel was published in 1923, and included monthly records.
Between 1923 and 1925 several experts committee meetings involving the heads of the
epidemiological services in Europe, took place with the aim of planning a global report.
Common rules to record causes of death were essential, but the project had to wait for the
this idea, but the international initiative was seen as a foreign intrusion and was rejected by
perspective of the experts and their wish to influence state policies and domestic affairs. At
first Great Britain turned down the initiative of a series of International Health Yearbooks.
1925 with the collaboration of twenty-two countries. Rajchman sent a letter to national
reforms, public health policies and detailed information about social diseases. The
International Health Yearbook was published for five years, from 1925 to 1930, and included
14
valuable records on international health by the ILO, the International Red Cross and the RF.
methodological and linguistic standardization made the results heterogeneous. After the crash
of 1929, the situation worsened and funds from the RF shrank. The 1930 issue was the last
one published.
epidemiologic records and information about institutions, facilities, sanitary staff, health care,
medical insurances and other topics regarding public health. One of its main contributions
national governments and public health experts in their planning of health policies. This
reinforced the necessity of national offices for vital statistics as an instrument of decision-
making.
Soon this global epidemiological project was extended. In 1922, the growing
importance of this service led to a request by the Japanese representative for a to survey of
the epidemiological situation in the Far East, as had been done in Eastern Europe, and the
eventual establishment in the region of a coordinating organism similar to the one operating
in Geneva.
The May 20, 1924 IHB minutes contain a proposal from the LNHO for aid to
establish an Epidemiological Intelligence Bureau in the Far East. It was presented to the
League of Nations Health Committee in February 1924 and Rajchman submitted a request
15
The Asian Office was located in Singapore. In December 1924, cooperation between the
LNHO and the RF/IHB began for the establishment and maintenance of an Epidemiological
developed by Sydenstricker, was already fairly well established. RF leaders thought that the
IEIS, established with RF grants, should be taken over at the end of the preliminary period by
the League of Nations. Reality showed however, that the LNHO’s capacity to maintain the
budget was not enough,17 and that the economic and financial crash in 1930 ended this
ambitious program.
the RF and the League of Nations in the establishment of a center for the collection of public
health documentation was presented in May 1927. Its main target was collecting global
of conferences, and any other publications.18 Such a center would have two principal
functions: the collection of important materials and the dissemination of information. The
meetings, memoranda, printed and unprinted annual reports, the texts, decrees and
regulations relating to public health in all branches and all countries. Alfred Grotjahn,
Professor of Social Hygiene at the University of Berlin, one of the most prominent specialists
in social medicine, was requested by the Health Organisation to act as technical adviser. In
March 1928 it was agreed to combine pledges for the International Epidemiological
Intelligence Service and the establishment of the Center for Public Health Documentation:
$7,617.50 was the budget for its establishment including a director, two clerks, a travel and
technical adviser and the purchase of documents. In 1927 the RF contributed $6,937.50 for
16
the Center of Public Health Documentation. During 1930-1934, the RF gave $700,000, and
two million dollars more to fund a library and a center of documentation in public health at
Conclusion
When the Health Organization of the League of Nations was established in 1921,
international health work and whether it would be forthcoming from the public health
services in the world. At this stage, moral and political support was a decisive factor, more
than financial support. When the first results were achieved, particularly in biological
standardization, epidemiological intelligence and the exchange of public health officers, the
Health Committee was encouraged to initiate increased activities. After two years the sanitary
administrations of several governments came to appreciate its usefulness and after 1926,
governments began to apply to the League for advisory opinions, for the creation of special
The strategy of Ludwik Rajchman sought the collaboration of the best qualified
specialists, which were sometimes not easy to recruit to the League. Requirements included:
good medical training, university distinctions, administrative experience in public health and
knowledge of languages, as well as certain diplomatic skills. In 1926, the RF was fully aware
American, French and Germans, who had been members of the Health Section. The
agreement and the financial support of the RF was not only essential in order to stabilize
LNHO activities, but also to preserve the technical team of public health workers responsible
for the executive activities of international public health work. The work of the Health
Section was considered by RF leaders to be a systematic effort to use public health activities
for the promotion of a closer understanding between the various governments of the world.
17
The LNHO was not to engage in laboratory research or scientific discoveries. Its scope as a
public health international organization was the practical application of results consistent
Editor's Note: This research report is presented here with the author’s permission but should not be
cited or quoted without the author’s consent.
Rockefeller Archive Center Research Reports Online is a periodic publication of the
Rockefeller Archive Center. Edited by Erwin Levold, Research Reports Online is intended to foster
the network of scholarship in the history of philanthropy and to highlight the diverse range of
materials and subjects covered in the collections at the Rockefeller Archive Center. The reports are
drawn from essays submitted by researchers who have visited the Archive Center, many of whom
have received grants from the Archive Center to support their research.
The ideas and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and are not intended to
represent the Rockefeller Archive Center.
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ENDNOTES:
1
The enclosed document was the Health Scheme of the League of Nations (6th draft) consisting of
eight typewritten pages and signed 12/12/1919 by Rachel Crowdy, Secretary-General of the League
of Nations.
2
Rajchman, Ludwik. The League of Nations Health Organisation: What it is and how it works?
November 18, 1921, RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 165.
3
RAC, RG 6.1, Series 1.1, Box 38, Folder 471.
4
RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 164.
5
RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 169.
6
RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 170.
7
Barona, Josep L. “Public Health Expert and Scientific Authority.” In Andresen, Astri, William
Hubbard, and Teemin Ryymin, editors, International and Local Approaches to Health and Health
Care. Oslo, Norway: Novus Press, 2010, pp. 31-48.
8
Ibidem.
9
Rajchman, Ludwick. “Report on the Epidemic Situation in Eastern Europe.” February 18, 1922,
RAC,
RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 165.
10
Ibidem, p. 2.
11
Rajchman, The League of Nations… 1921.
12
Ibidem, p. 4.
13
Ibidem, p. 4.
14
RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 164.
15
RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 164.
16
RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 168.
17
RAC, RG 1.1, Series 100, Box 20, Folder 167.
18
Ibidem.
20