ECA 2 (2005), p. 19-36; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.2.0.

2004546

Brother George the Scribe:

An Early Christian Panel Painting from Egypt in Context*
Susan H. AUTH

Very few panel paintings on wood with Christian

subjects have survived from late antique Egypt (see * I would like to express my most grateful thanks to the
Appendix). One of these paintings, a bust portrait scholars who have helped me in writing this paper. Marie-
of a monk, is now one of the treasures in the Coptic Hélène Rutschowscaya and Dominique Bénazeth (Coptic
department, Louvre, Paris) have been unfailingly generous
collection of The Newark Museum, Newark (New with their expertise and access to their collections. Colum
Jersey; Appendix, no. 1; Pl. 1)1. The portrait is Hourihane and Lois Drewer (Index of Christian Art,
painted in tempera technique on a roughly sawn Princeton University), and Elizabeth Bolman (Temple
piece of wood, probably sycamore. In its present University, Philadelphia, PA) have all read the text and
offered helpful suggestions. Lois Drewer provided invalu-
state, the panel is 29 cm high, 40.3 cm wide and able bibliographical help, while Elizabeth Bolman supplied
1 cm thick2. The panel is split horizontally through copies of her unpublished articles for me to read.
the center, and the left and right sides have jagged The Appendix below lists those paintings known to me.
1 Inv. no. 83.42. Purchase, Charles Dikran Kelekian, 1983.
edges. Neither the top nor the bottom of the board
Sotheby Parke-Bernet Auction no. 4497Y, December 11,
have kept their original contour. 1980, lot 312. Provenance: California Private Collection.
The thinly applied white ground has almost dis- 2 The width of the painted portion is now 24.5 cm, while
appeared in the two vertical bands, ca. 4.5 cm wide, the estimated original width is 29 cm.

Pl. 1. Brother George the Scribe. Collection of The Newark Museum

19
 circle on the forehead. The pupils of the eyes are
black, within an orange-yellow zone outlined in
brown. Below the eyebrows there is a thin red line,
followed by a line of grey shading3. This shading con-
tinues down along the right side of the nose. The
corresponding grey shading below the eyes is rimmed
by a half-circle of white (Pl. 2). Red lines outline the
base of the nose and the mouth, which is directly
beneath the mustache. The faint outlines of the
mouth have almost disappeared, giving the erroneous
impression that the black tuft of beard in the center
of the chin is in fact the mouth.

A thick black line one centimetre wide outlines the

halo, while thinner brown lines delineate the edges
of the head and shoulders. The pale grey of the
monk’s robe is accented with brown and white fold
lines. A mantle is draped over his left shoulder.
Above the halo on the monk’s right side is the
Coptic word caù, meaning ‘scribe’4. Lower down
on the same side can be seen the letters
[g]ewrge. Thus our monk can be identified as
‘Brother George the Scribe’. The thick black ver-
tical lines on the left shoulder can be understood
Pl. 2. Close-up of Brother George the scribe (S. Auth) as four reed pens protruding from a pen case slung
over the left shoulder. The vertical yellow accents
that frame the picture space. The background is a suggest the color of the reeds. A carved wooden
deep pink. A yellow halo surrounds the head, indi- box lid found at Bawit depicts a scribal monk with
cating that the subject is among the revered deceased. just such a pen case5. Another example can be seen
The white face of the monk stands out against the in the Louvre: a stamped leather pen case deco-
black of the closely cropped hair, mustache and short rated with St Philotheos, found in Antinoë
beard. Greying hair is suggested by thin white lines (Middle Egypt)6. The floral motif at the left edge
and curlicues in the beard. Another sign of incipient of the panel indicates that the image of Brother
aging is a pale wash of beige curving up in a half George is part of a longer painted frieze. A small
section of wood continuing beyond the right-hand
vertical band indicates a continuation of the frieze
on the right side as well.
3 Due to losses of the paint surface, and mending just below
the eyes, the shading on the eyes can be seen more clearly As I will discuss below, there is very good evidence
under low-power magnification. I would like to thank con- that the portrait of Brother George comes from
servator Linda Niewenhuisen for her help in interpreting
this evidence.
the Monastery of Apa Apollo at Bawit (Middle
4 Cerny 1976, 178. I would like to thank Marie-Hélene Egypt). Thus it is more understandable that there
Rutscowscaya for the identification of the portrait as are some striking similarities between the image
a scribe. of Brother George and that of the Abbot Mena in
5 Cairo, Coptic Museum, inv. no. 8796; Catalogue Paris/Cap
d’Agde 2000, 110-111 (M.-H. Rutschowscaya).
the icon of Christ and the Abbot Mena, found at
6 Inv. no. AF 5158, Byzantine period; Catalogue Paris/Cap this monastery in 1901-2 and now in the Louvre
d’Agde 2000, 64 (M.-H. Rutschowscaya). (no. 2)7. Particularly striking is the similarity
7 Thorough treatment of this icon and its background in between the shading of the eyes on Brother George
Rutschowscaya 1998.
8 The apparent red in the bottom outline of Abbot Mena’s
and on the two faces of the icon (Pl. 3). All three
eye must be the line of the preliminary drawing showing faces have a red line and grey shading above the
through. eyes, and grey shading with a white outline below8.

20
 the outline of the halo, the shoulders and the
right arm and hand, with an inscription above
for ‘Master Hor, the Chanter’, [c]aù ùwr
pecalmwtos.

One of the Auch portraits, identified by an inscrip-

tion above the head as ‘Brother Mark’, pason
mark[os], has the same pink ground, yellow
halo, and definite black and brown outlines as
Brother George (Pl. 4). Brother Mark wears a white
tunic with brown fold lines. Not only the colors,
but also the details of the outlining (for example
the shape of the ears, the curved hairline over the
forehead, and the use of faint red lines above
the eyes) are strikingly similar to those in the por-
trait of Brother George. Moreover, Brother Mark
has the same grey shading on the right side of the
nose and below the eyes as Brother George. So
close are the colors, shading and distinctive out-
lining in the two portraits that the same artist is
likely to have painted both of them.
The third monk is painted on a background
which was originally green, but has now almost dis-
appeared (Pl. 5)10. The same background color is
Pl. 3. Close-up of Abbot Mena from the icon of used in the icon of Christ and Abbot Mena11. In
Christ and Abbot Mena. Louvre, inv. no. E 11565 both paintings the green has survived less well then
(Christiane Larrieu) the other colors. The monk’s name, which is no
longer visible, must have been painted on this now-
Christ and Brother George9 have grey shadow lines vanished layer of paint. His tunic and mantle are
on the right side of the nose and the right edge of grey-blue, with brown and white fold lines. His bald
the face, while Abbot Mena has the same grey head and expression of quiet resignation reveal that
shadow on the right edge of the face and the left he is an older man than the other two monks.
side of the nose (Pl. 3). Although all three images are highly stylized,
they represent clearly different and recognizable
A CONNECTION BETWEEN BROTHER GEORGE people. Brother Mark has a long, narrow face and
AND BAWIT? an upturned gaze, while Brother George has a
squarer face and looks directly ahead. The rounder
Two bust portraits on wood very close in style to face, distinctive expression and discreet signs of age
The Newark Museum’s Brother George are part of on the now-anonymous monk indicate a different
the collection of the Musée des Jacobins in Auch individual as well. All three panels seem to be por-
(Southern France; nos 3, 4; Pls 4, 5). These two traits of distinct individuals. Portions of the top
portraits were found during the excavations of the and bottom reserved bands survive on the two por-
Monastery of Bawit, and were brought to the traits at Auch. However, not enough remains of
museum in 1902 by Charles Palanque, one of the the side panels of either portrait to judge whether
excavators. Unfortunately there is no record of
where at Bawit the Auch portraits were found. Only
one portrait of a monk on wood has been found in 9 Only visible under low power magnification; see note 3
situ at Bawit. It was discovered at the base of the supra.
10 Coupry, 2003, 103. Although none could be identified on
destroyed wall in Room 5 during Maspero’s 1913 this painting, other Coptic paintings of this period use
excavation (no. 5). The panel is rectangular, with malachite.
reserved bands on all four sides, and preserves only 11 Rutschowscaya 1998, 6.

21
 Pl. 4. Brother Mark. Musée des Jacobins, Auch, inv. no. 985.228 (courtesy of Fabien Ferrer-Joly)

they were individual portraits or part of a longer of Brother George makes it likely that his portrait
frieze with busts of monks. It would be tempting came from the Monastery of Bawit as well.
to think that Brother Mark, and the anonymous
monk as well, belonged to the same frieze compo- COMMEMORATIVE PAINTINGS ON WOODEN PANELS
sition as Brother George. Although Brother Mark’s
portrait is narrower than Brother George’s by about It might be useful to give a brief survey of earlier
four centimeters, the height is about the same. The portraits on wood from Egypt. From the mid-first
close relationship of the two Auch portraits to that to the mid-third century of our era12, bust portraits
of the deceased were painted on wooden panels and
inserted into the wrappings of the mummy13. These
images were made for the Graeco-Roman and
12 Walker 2000, 34-36, a lucid discussion of different chrono- Egyptian urban elite14. Although they are generally
logical theories. For econonic factors, see Duncan-Jones known as ‘Fayum portraits’, similar images were
2003, 41-42.
13 Detailed treatments in Walker/Bierbrier 1997, Walker 2000
produced in other regions of Egypt as well15. The
and Doxiades 1995. painters used both encaustic and tempera tech-
14 Bagnall in Walker/Bierbrier 1997, 17-20; Walker 2003, niques16. From a total of one thousand portraits,
320. For funeral expenses, see Montserrat 1997, 40-44. about one hundred of the complete ensembles of
15 Walker/Bierbrier 1997, 105, map, 8. For more details, see
Doxiades 1995, 122-158.
portrait and mummy have survived17. The mummy
16 Doxiades 1995, 95-101. coverings and vignettes give an indication for dat-
17 Corcoran 1995, 3. ing, and show the continuation of ancient Egyptian

22
 Pl. 5. Anonymous monk. Musée des Jacobins, Auch, inv. no. 985.229 (courtesy of Fabien Ferrer-Joly)

funerary images and beliefs18. A good example is the George (Pl. 6)23. The painter has delineated the
young man Artemidoros, whose portrait in Graeco- wrinkles and contours of the face by cross-hatch-
Roman style contrasts with his red stucco mummy ing and by adding lines of diluted color. The hair,
case with it’s traditional gilded Egyptian funerary mustache and beard are indicated in individual
motifs19. The combination of Graeco-Roman por- brush strokes of black and white. This contrasts
traits and Egyptian mummies reflects the subjects’ with the flatter style of Brother George, which
self identification as Greek, along with their accept- shows only slight modeling around the eyes and
ance of Egyptian funerary traditions20.
Most of the Fayum portraits have been separated
from their original context and function now as 18 Corcoran 1995, 49-61.
images in their own right. The deceased are por- 19 London, British Museum, inv. no. EA 21810, Trajanic, ca
trayed as individuals, painted in three-quarter view 98-117; Walker/Bierbrier 1997, 56; Doxiades 1995, 70,
with their faces subtly shaded. Other portraits are 202-203.
20 Bagnall 1997, 19-20; Walker 2003, 319. Corcoran 1995,
frontal. The women’s hairstyle and jewelry reflect 76-78, emphasizes their Egyptian ethnicity, and the contin-
the latest fashions that change with time21. In most uation of ancient Egyptian funerary practices. Riggs 2002
cases there is a striking emphasis on the size and gives a balanced picture and extensive recent bibliography
expression of the eyes22. on burial practices in Roman Egypt.
21 See various entries in Walker 2000.
The tempera portrait of a middle-aged man 22 Doxiades 1995, 91-92.
from the cemetery of Philadelphia in the Fayum 23 London, Freud Museum, inv. no. 4946; about A.D. 220-
provides a good comparison to that of Brother 240 (Walker 2000, 87).

23
 Almost all Fayum portraits were fitted within the
mummy wrappings. There are only two examples
of free-standing images. One is a small panel por-
trait of a woman with a wooden frame and a rope
to hang it on the wall24. Since it was found propped
up against the mummy case, it must have been
removed from its place in the home and placed in
the grave25. The other freestanding funerary por-
trait, which lacks suspension holes, depicts the
eleven-year old girl Tekosis, dating to A.D. 180-
20026. With her curled hairstyle and elaborate jew-
elry the child looks older than her age. She is sur-
rounded by images of mirrors and perfume flasks,
accoutrements of the married woman she was never
to be.
After the practice of painting mummy portraits
ceased, finds from Antinoopolis (Antinoë) show
that the practice of painting funerary shrouds con-
tinued in the later third century and into the
fourth27. One shroud, made perhaps ca A.D. 30028,
depicts a patrician woman wearing a purple dal-
matic with wide decorated clavi and holding an
ankh29. The ankh in this portrait could be seen as
an early symbol of Christianity, or as a continua-
tion of the ancient Egyptian symbol of life30. A sec-
ond shroud of a woman may have been made in the
second half of the fourth century if compared to the
Pl. 6. Fayum portrait of middle-aged man; costume and style of later images in mosaics and
A.D. 220-240; Freud Museum, London
gold-glass31. The enormous shadowed eyes seem to
prefigure later Coptic paintings and icons, such as
nose. The most striking difference is in the eyes. a fragmentary icon of Christ now in the Benaki
Although they are emphasized in both portraits, the Museum in Athens (no. 6).
gaze of the man from Philadelphia confronts the After the portraits and painted shrouds ceased to
viewer, while that of Brother George looks beyond be made, evidence becomes very sparse. Surely
to eternity. skilled painters continued to practice their craft in
Egypt. We can only guess at the painted decorations
of wealthy houses, lavish public buildings and early
24 London, British Museum, inv. no. GRA 1889.10-18.1 churches that are now lost. The surviving evidence
(Walker/Bierbrier 1997, 121-122). Some of the portraits for painting on wood consists of a few scattered
cut down to fit the mummy wrappings might originally finds made for different purposes. Here, I deal only
have had frames.
25 Gschwantler 2000, 20, Fig. 7: a sketch of a painter’s stu-
with examples that have Christian subjects.
dio, ca A.D. 100, showing a similar framed portrait. From a burial chamber in a funerary complex at
26 Philadelphia, PA, University of Pennsylvania Museum of Antinoë come seven wooden plaques, of which five
Archaeology. Long-term loan from Swarthmore College, survive, now divided between the Egyptian Museum
Dennison Collection 275 (Walker 2000, 121-123, Pl. 78).
27 Walker 1999, 77-78.
in Cairo and the Museo Egizio in Florence. Two of
28 Walker 1999, 78 note 15. them are images of military saints: St Theodore
29 Paris, Louvre, inv. no. AF 6440. Walker in Walker/Bierbrier (?; no. 7) and St Victor Stratelates (no. 8). The other
1997, 160, dates this shroud to ca 300, M.F. Aubert in plaques depict an archangel (no. 9), a veiled woman
Walker 2000, 147 to “fourth century A.D”.
30 Walker 2003, 325.
(no. 10), and a bearded saint or monk (no. 11).
31 Walker 1999, 78 note 15, amends the date proposed in These five plaques differ in style, ranging from the
Walker/Bierbrier 1997, 160, no. 181. more classicizing three-quarter view head of the

24
archangel to the heavily outlined frontal face of St This image is a much more refined painting than
Victor Stratelates. Since they were all found together, the small Antinoë plaques, with careful rendering
they seem to reflect both older modes and the emer- of the bishop’s austere visage and his attributes. The
gence of a distinct religious painting style in Egypt skin on Bishop Abraham’s portrait is rendered in
at the time. This style may have emerged among dif- yellow and orange tones, in contrast to the white
ferent painters who worked at the many religious and grey used on the icon of Christ and the Abbot
communities attested for the Antinoopolis region at Menas. The portrait has a harder contour and less
this time32. subtle shading than the Bawit panels38. The differ-
The plaque showing the bearded saint is of most ences in color and style may reflect the local paint-
interest here (no. 11). It is a starkly outlined bust ing style in the Theban region where Bishop
of an old white-bearded man, dressed in a plain Abraham served39.
tunic with a mantle over both shoulders. In better With the portraits of Bishop Abraham, St Mark
photographs the faint outline of a halo can be seen and the archangel we are in the realm of Coptic
around his head33. He holds a funerary garland in Christianity and monasticism. However, the few
his right hand34. Here we have an idealized funer- surviving paintings do not allow for a real history
ary portrait of a saint or the founder of a monastery, of panel painting from the funerary images of the
made on a small scale for personal veneration35. mid-fourth century to the emergence of these
This image appears to be built up in heavy layers of works.
paint, with thick outlines and no shading. The bust
of St Victor Stratelates (no. 8) shares the same BUST PORTRAITS ON THE WALL PAINTINGS OF BAWIT
impasto paint surface, although the outlining is
more fluid and graceful. Since the three wooden bust portraits of the three
Roughly contemporary with the Antinoë pan- monks from Bawit cannot be placed with certainty
els are two long and narrow painted panels from in the monastic complex, it may be helpful to see
the Fayum, which have been dated to the sixth how the bust portrait motif is treated on the wall
century. Both are now in the Bibliothèque paintings of the monastery. Inscriptions beside each
Nationale, Paris (nos 13, 14). One represents image indicate that the artists intended to represent
St Mark the Evangelist, holding his gospel. The specific individuals, although they are quite generic
other is the haloed bust of an archangel, dressed in most cases.
in a mantle fastened on the right shoulder over a The surviving paintings from the monastery
tunic with purple and white shoulder decoration. buildings at Bawit are a small proportion of the
A thick black line outlines the large yellow halo original decoration. Nevertheless, friezes with rows
that overlaps one edge of the picture frame. The of painted busts in roundels have survived on the
paint is more carefully layered, the decorative ele- walls of four rooms. The busts are enclosed in sep-
ments are more elaborate, and the outlines are arate or interlaced roundels. A few busts are painted
more neatly drawn than on the Antinoë panels. within squares. Clédat believed that these rooms
The skin is rendered in white paint. These icons were funerary chapels40. Maspero, however, in the
are generic in their features, but differentiated by publication of his 1913 excavation, more accurately
their hairstyles, garments and attributes. identified them as chapels connected to the monks’
Holy Father Abraham, bishop of Hermonthis, is workrooms and living spaces, a view which has been
a well-known figure who was also the abbot of the
Monastery of Phoibammon at Deir al-Bahri. His
tempera portrait on wood is thought to have been 32 Coquin/Martin 1991, 144-145.
33 Parlasca 1966, Pl. 53,4.
made during his life, at the start of his tenure as 34 Parlasca 1966, 211, makes a convincing case for a garland
bishop in A.D. 590-600 (no. 15). Such portraits here, rather than a scroll.
were commissioned for display in churches of a 35 Rassart-Debergh 1990, 59.
bishop’s diocese36. The bishop wears a halo, reflect- 36 Krause 1971, 109 note 29.
37 Kollwitz 1954, 331.
ing the great reverence accorded to early bishops 38 For facing color plates of both icons, see Zibawi 2003,
even during their lifetimes37. This would distinguish 102-103.
Father Abraham from other holy figures, who were 39 Krause 1971, 110.
haloed only after their demise. 40 Clédat 1910, col. 226.

25
 confirmed recently by Grossmann41. The paintings
are done in tempera technique on a thin ground.
Their fragility caused them to flake and fall from
the walls when they were exposed to light and air42.
On the south wall of Chapel I were traces of two
superimposed friezes with busts of saints, allegori-
cal figures and perhaps fathers of the Coptic Church
(Pl. 7)43. The busts are enclosed in roundels of
twisted interlacing. The saints are portrayed as
youthful and beardless, with mantles fastened on
the right shoulder with a fibula. In some cases the
rectangular shoulder decoration of a Persian-style
tunic can be seen beneath the mantle. This is the
costume depicted on the full length paintings of the
rider saints Phoibamon and Sissinios at Bawit
(Chapel XVII)44.

On the east wall of Chapel XII there is a frieze

which preserves three busts of Coptic saints above
another frieze with busts of the Virtues (Pl. 8)45.
Two of the saints’ names can be read as ‘Phoibamon’
and ‘Philotheos’. These haloed saints are depicted
as young and beardless and their costume is the
same as the one in Chapel I. Starburst patterns sep-
arate each bust. The Virtues below can be identi-
fied as Faith, Hope, Charity and Patience. The bust
of Hope is female. Unusually, that of Patience looks
Pl. 7. Bawit, Chapel 1, south wall (Clédat 1904, Pl. X) like a young and beardless man46.

The friezes in Chapel XII show how the bust por-

traits were used in the overall scheme of wall deco-
41 Maspero 1931, xii. Remains of hearths, eating and food- ration. The busts separate the lower dado from the
storage utensils reinforce this interpretation; see also
Grossmann 2002, 279-281, Fig. 143 (revised plan).
large-scale religious scenes at the top of the wall. In
42 Rutschowscaya 1998, 6. the east wall apse an image of the enthroned Christ
43 Clédat 1904, Pl. X. ‘Fathers of the Church’ are shown is painted. The remaining upper space on all four
bearded and wearing simple tunics and mantles. Not walls of the chapel is taken up with pairs of
enough remains of the far right-hand bust in Clédat’s draw-
ing to determine if the portrayed is indeed a monk.
prophets. Each pair stands in a rectangle sur-
44 Clédat 1904, Pls LIV, LVI. Persian-style tunics differ from rounded by a wide rinceau frame47. Below are the
the Egyptian ones in having one vertical decorative band in two friezes, separated by a lavish row of rinceau dec-
the center of the tunic rather than two bands, one on each oration. The central scene of Christ flanked by
side. The shoulder decorations are rectangles, rather than
squares or roundels. The complete costume also includes
archangels and prophets is taller than the others; in
leggings and a long cloak. On the Persian costume at Bawit, consequence, that section of the wall lacks the frieze
see Lucchesi-Palli 1995. of saints. Below the frieze of Virtues there is a dado
45 Clédat 1904, 63, Pl. XXXI. Only the right side of the plate of rectangles with fleur de lys designs, separated by
is illustrated here.
46 The Virtues on the frieze of cell 709 at the Monastery of
decorated pilasters48. The colors, as they appear in
Apa Jeremiah at Saqqara are female, with long hair and Clédat’s watercolors, are very bright: yellow and red
elaborate earrings (Rassart-Debergh 1981, 197, Pls I-II). with black outlines and green accents.
Oddly, Van Moorsel 1981, 92-94 in the same volume On the north wall of Chapel XVIII busts of two
describes them as male.
47 Clédat 1904, Pl. XXXV.
haloed monks in roundels flank a bust of St George
48 Clédat 1999, Fig. 7. (Pl. 9)49. The better-preserved bust on the left is
49 Clédat 1904, 89-91, Pls LXII-LXIII. labeled ‘Father Amone, the father of our illustrious

26
 Pl. 8. Bawit, Chapel XII, east wall (Clédat 1904, Pl. XXXI)

father’. Father Amone seems to be bearded, and survive, along with a haloed monk holding a pen
wears a tunic and a mantle draped over both shoul- against an open book51 and haloed images of the
ders. The portrait of the monk on the right has biblical figures Joseph and ‘Zachariah the priest’,
almost disappeared, leaving only the inscription that who is identified by name (Pl. 10)52.
identifies him as ‘Father Amoi, the man from
Tanis’50. Both monks are haloed. On this wall,
4.65 m in length, long bands of brightly colored
50 Clédat 1904, 91, notes that ‘Tanis’ in this case refers to a
geometric decoration resembling carved woodwork
village near Bawit.
separate the portrait roundels. The images of the 51 Clédat 1904, 93, no. 14, Pl. LXIX, top. This is one of only
monks are juxtaposed to the image of St George, three images of scribes in the existing paintings at Bawit.
and are not given a lesser position either by their The others are the damaged figure in the niche of Chapel
size or placement in the decoration. XVII (Pl. L), and the full-length figure in Chapel XLII
(Clédat 1999, Figs 56-57).
52 Clédat 1904, 92-94, Pls LXVI-LXXXIII, Fig. 49. A dia-
The longer west wall of the same chapel, 12.6 m in gram lists the surviving images without illustrating all of
length, is much damaged. Five busts of Virtues them.

27
 Pl. 9. Bawit, Chapel XVIII, north wall (Clédat 1904, Pl. LXIII)

Pl. 10. Bawit, Chapel XVIII, west wall (Clédat 1904, Pl. LXXIII)

28
Pl. 11. Monk on vertical pylon. Room 5, east wall niche Pl. 12. Bawit, Chapel LIV, west wall
(Maspero 1943. Pl. XII) (courtesy of Clédat archive, Musée du Louvre)

The paintings in this chapel are remarkable for forms the only painted decoration56. The holy
the inventiveness of their decorative detail. On the fathers Apollo and Phib, the founders of the
north wall the three bust portraits are divided by monastery at Bawit57, are pictured, as is the ‘Holy
long stretches of geometric decoration. The south Martyr Eudaimon’58. The busts of ‘Phillip’ and
wall combines bands of a different variety of geo- ‘Jacob’ wear the short hair of monks and the
metric and floral decoration broken up by single fig- monks’ simple costume of tunic and mantle. ‘John’,
ures and animals in octagons. On the more densely whose hair is longer, may be the Evangelist. Each
painted west wall colorful interlaced bands link the of these figures holds a book59. The martyr
circular frames for the busts and the diamond- Eudaimon wears the mantle and decorated tunic of
shaped frames for birds. Flower-basket motifs fill other saints. Some of the busts are placed in inter-
the interstices. Contemporary clothing, household laced roundels set within square frames. Others are
textiles and woodcarving use these same motifs. part of friezes that alternate roundels and diamonds
Christian scenes and busts of holy personages trans- (Pl. 12).
form the bright patterns of the secular world into
a small prayer-filled universe for the ascetic monks A particularly interesting bust frieze as a compari-
within. son to the image of Brother George can be seen on
the west wall of Chapel XXXVII (Pl. 13)60. On the
From Room 5 in Maspero’s 1913 excavation – the upper portion there is part of a hunt scene with
room in which the panel with ‘Master Hor the men in Persian costume. Below is a frieze of busts
Chanter’ was found – comes the bust of a monk in roundels: youthful images of the ‘saint’ type,
painted on a vertical pilaster (Pl. 11)53. The pilaster wearing mantles over ornamented tunics. A quickly
is one of a pair flanking a niche. The portrait is near sketched image of a monk reading from a book fin-
the floor level, above a rectangle of diamond pat- ishes the row on the right. Although there are no
tern. The bust itself is set in a roundel within a rec- inscriptions to identify these busts, they were prob-
tangle. The monk has a yellow halo and a white ably intended to be generic images of saints. The
robe, and is painted against a green background. yellow roundels on which they are painted suggest
Only the word ‘apa’ remains of the inscription54. haloes.
There may have been a number of alternating busts
of monks and ornamental panels on the upper parts
of this pylon. Here the usual horizontal frieze of 53 Maspero 1931, 18; 1943, 70, Pl. XII.
busts alternating with decorative squares has been 54 Maspero 1931, 61, inscription 54.
transferred to a vertical format. 55 Clédat 1999, 5.
Chapel LIV, excavated by Clédat, was published 56 Clédat 1999, 141.
57 Clédat 1999, 142, Photo 128. The inscriptions read by
in 1999 as part of the notes and photographs
Clédat are no longer visible.
bequeathed to the Louvre from his estate55. Unlike 58 Clédat 1999, Photo 130; O’Leary 1937, 210-211.
the decoration in the other rooms, the bust frieze 59 Clédat 1999, 142, Photo 121-123, 125-127.
in this chapel is set at the top of the walls, and 60 Clédat 1916, 39, Pl. XVII.

29
 Pl. 13 Bawit, Chapel XXXVII, north wall, right side (Clédat 1916, Pl. XVII)

The busts are separated by squares, each with paintings of Chapel XXXVII. If Brother George’s
four scalloped leaves radiating out diagonally from portrait follows the pattern of the wall paintings,
a central yellow boss. Lotus buds separate the leaves. this decorative square would have served as a sepa-
The shape of the leaves and their alternating colors rator between Brother George and another portrait
are precisely the same as the leaf on the left of the bust.
panel of Brother George (see Pl. 1)61. On the paint- The similarity between this leaf and the identi-
ing of Brother George there is a corner outlined in cal four-leaf decorative squares on the wall painting
dark brown just beyond the reserved vertical band is striking. Even if the painters of the walls and of
on the left side of the panel. The lower half of a leaf the wooden panels were not the same artists, they
is set diagonally to the corner62. On a black oval the certainly saw and copied each others’ work. I will
scalloped edges of the leaf are outlined in white. discuss below how this humble leaf provides a clue
The bottom half of the leaf is yellow; the top half to the original placement of Brother George’s por-
was originally deep pinkish-red. The mid-rib is indi- trait within the Bawit monastery complex.
cated by a black line over-painted with a row of
white dots. This leaf does seem to be the beginning SUMMARY OF BUST PORTRAITS IN THE CHAPELS
of a four-leaf square, just like the ones on the wall
In the chapels at Bawit the bust portrait friezes
include New Testament figures such as Joseph and
61 For the provenance of this motif, see Lucchesi-Palli 1990, John, along with specifically Egyptian saints such as
127. Phoibamon, Philotheos and Eudaimon63. We see
62 The present half-leaf is 7.5 cm long. The original length
would have been about 13 cm, the same as that on the
Apollo and Phib, the founding fathers of the
Louvre panel, see note 84 below. monastery at Bawit, as well as lesser-known figures
63 O’Leary 1937, 133, 229-231. of local repute, such as Father Amone and Father

30
Amoi. Numerous scribbled prayers written on the In the South Church of Bawit wooden friezes
walls show that the local monks were venerated as and individual panels were either set into the walls
saints and as intercessors for the living64. The or attached to them73. There are no attachment
deceased monks portrayed in these paintings also holes visible in the monks’ portraits74. However, the
served as models whose holy example the living reserved vertical and horizontal strips at the sides of
monks strived to emulate in their prayers and asce- the paintings could have been covered by thin
tic practices65. Bolman has argued that the paint- pieces of wood for attaching the paintings to the
ings in these spaces devoted to prayer were aids in wall. This method seems to have been used for ear-
the transformation of the monk to a higher level of lier painted wooden friezes75. We do not know if
spirituality66. The figures painted on the walls are the monks’ portraits were displayed at eye level, like
those who have attained this state. the bust portraits painted onto the plaster on the
The bust images of the local monks are generic in walls.
style. Their identifying names and style of hair and There is some tantalizing evidence to suggest a
costume indicate their monastic status. All figures, location for the monks’ portraits. In the Coptic sec-
including the lesser-known clerics, wear haloes, a sign tion at the Louvre the bottom half of a fragmentary
of sanctity67. This accords with the portrayals of painted panel with two leaves of the same type as
monks shown full-length on the Bawit wall paint- that seen on Brother George’s portrait is preserved
ings68. Deceased Bawit monks are nimbed like the (Pl. 14; for the design scheme of the complete panel
saints, an indication that they have attained sanctity see Pl. 13). From the corners, the leaves radiate into
after death69, and have passed from this world into a central yellow circle. The shape of the leaves and
the light close to God70. Bishop Abraham, if his por- their two-color scheme (red and yellow, red and
trait as a living person was haloed, is a special case of green), is the same as the leaf on Brother George’s
a bishop and abbot revered almost as a saint during panel. Between the leaves a lotus flower has been
his lifetime71. Apa Apollo, the founder of the Bawit painted.
monastery, was accorded the same status72. The Louvre panel was catalogued as of ”prove-
The haloed monks, virtues, and saints occupy a nance inconnue”76. As will be discussed, we now
central position on the wall, appearing on friezes at know that this type of decorative panel was found
eye level, between the bottom dado and the larger at Bawit. The width of the Louvre panel is 30.3 cm,
and more important religious scenes on the upper about the same width as the painted portion of
parts of the walls. Their position shows them to be Brother George’s portrait. The height also corre-
intermediaries between the earthly and spiritual sponds to the height of the Newark portrait. This
realms. decorative panel could therefore belong to the same
frieze as the portrait of Brother George. It also pro-
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BUST PAINTINGS ON WALLS vides a clear idea of the design that separated
AND FUNERARY PORTRAITS OF THE THREE MONKS Brother George’s image from the other portraits on

Unlike the bust paintings on the walls of the Bawit

chapels, the wooden panels of Brother George, 64 Grabar 1946, 297-298.
Brother Mark and the anonymous monk were cer- 65 Wessel 1965, 174.
66 Bolman 1998, 66; 71-72.
tainly painted as funerary portraits. As such, follow- 67 Brenk 1991, 720.
ing the millennia-old traditions of Egypt, their 68 Clédat 1904, Pls CIX.
images are recognizable likenesses, identified by 69 Bolman 1998, 76.
name. This distinguishes them from the more 70 Collinet-Guérin 1961, 285.
71 Kollwitz, note 39 supra.
generic images of the saints on the chapel paintings. 72 Bolman 1998, 69.
The local saints’ images on the wall paintings would 73 Chassinat 1911, Pls XVI, XXXV.
have been made long after their deaths when their 74 However, see footnote 84 infra.
individual features were no longer known. They 75 Wessel 1965, 171, Pl. XIII suggests that a frieze with male
served as types of monastic holiness, rather than as and female busts with reserved vertical strips was set into a
framework.
individuals. If the three portraits of the monks were 76 Inv. no. AF 4766 (Rutschowscaya 1992, 52, no. 23). There
painted at the time of death, what place did they is evidence of a nail-hole in the bottom right-hand corner
have in the monastery and its decoration? of the panel.

31
 Pl. 14. Partial leaf panel from Bawit;
Louvre, inv. no. AF 4766 (G. Poncet) Pl. 15. Partial leaf panel from North Church excavations
(G. Poncet)
the wooden frieze. The dimensions of the portrait
of Brother Mark, now at Auch, indicate that his South Churches or the passageway between them.
portrait may have formed part of the same painted This whole sector was excavated in 1902, but never
frieze. properly described or published79. The fill of the
north church consists of earth thrown back in by
A fragmentary panel with precisely the same type the original excavators, as well as areas not previ-
of floral decoration has come to light during recent ously searched80. The earlier archaeologists never
excavations undertaken in the North Church at published a description of their work to clarify the
Bawit in 2003 (Pl. 14)77. This panel, now in the situation.
Louvre, seems to have been found in the same area Wall paintings with a dado, decorative floral ele-
during the earlier excavation. Since the recently ments, and large-scale figures, were found in the
excavated floral panel is slightly larger than the North Church81. Now there remain only small frag-
panel in the Louvre78, it could not have formed part ments82. Pieces of decorated wood recently found
of the frieze with the portraits of monks. However, in the North Church could have belonged to its
there is no way to tell if the objects found in the decoration, or to that of the South Church83. Larger
North Church in 2003 came from the North or pieces with the same painted geometric patterns in
imitation of carved wood are now in the Louvre84.
They may have come from sanctuary and khurus
77 I would like to thank Dominique Bénazeth for showing me
screens for which some of the wooden framework
the photograph of this panel, and for supplying an image survives85. There is also a wooden framework
of it for this article. between the columns of the nave86.
78 The width of the half-square is 35 cm, its preserved height If the wooden frieze with the monks’ portraits
is 16 cm, depth, 1.5 cm. Communication of Dominique
Bénazeth, October 18, 2004.
came from the North Church, the question is:
79 Chassinat 1911 is a volume of excavation photographs of where were they displayed? The evidence of the
the churches without commentary. chapels and of the South Church makes it likely
80 Communication of Dominique Bénazeth, October 18, that the portraits formed a frieze above the decora-
2004.
81 Clédat 1999, Photo 196.
tive wall dado. The scheme of wall decoration at
82 Laurent 2004, 63; Rutschowscaya, June 2004. Bawit, whether executed in wood, carved limestone
83 M.-H. Rutschowscaya, ‘Reprise des fouilles françaises or painted plaster, suggests this placement. How did
à Baouit: Louvre/IFAO 2003’; Paper presented to the their significance differ from the painted images of
8e Congrès international d’études coptes, Paris, June 28,
2004).
earlier generations of monks? Torp refers to the rule
84 Cf. Rutschowscaya 1992, nos 18, 19-22. Color Pl. of of Shenute for the White Monastery. Tablets con-
no. 18 on p. 22; Bolman, forthcoming, 8-9, suggests that tained the names and dates of recently deceased
these wooden panels formed part of a sanctuary screen. monks, so that the whole monastic community
85 From new excavations in North Church (according to
Rutschowscaya, n. 83 supra).
could commemorate them in the liturgy on the
86 Clédat 1999, Photo 186. appropriate dates87. This type of tablet has not been
87 Torp 1957, 535-536. found at Bawit. However, hanging the monks’ por-

32
traits in the communal space of the church could 1992, 36-37.
keep the memory and example of the deceased
before the whole community during their worship 1. Brother George (Pls 1, 2).
services. This may have been particularly important The Newark Museum, Newark; inv. no. 83.42.
since the monks’ actual burial places seem to have From the Monastery of St Apollo, Bawit?; sixth-sev-
been outside the enclosure walls of the monastery88. enth century.
Elizabeth Bolman has recently suggested to me
that the monks’ portraits might have been hung on 2. Christ and Abbot Mena (Pl. 3).
an early templon beam as part of a sanctuary Louvre, Paris; inv. no. E 11565.
screen89. The present remains in the church are the From the Monastery of Apa Apollo, Bawit; end
wooden framework for a different type of sanctu- sixth-beginning seventh century.
ary and/or khurus screen. They seem to be too light Rassart-Debergh 1990, 56, no. 1; Rutschowscaya
to have supported a wooden portrait frieze. Perhaps 1992, no. 39; Rutschowscaya 1998, Fig. 3;
the ongoing excavation will shed some light on this Catalogue Paris/Cap d’Agde 2000, 109 (M.-H.
question. Rutschowscaya); Zibawi 2003, 102.
The funerary portraits of Brother George and his
two fellow monks are indebted to earlier traditions, 3. Brother Mark (Pl. 4).
in particular the painted Fayum portraits which were Musée des Jacobins, Auch; inv. no. 985.228.
attached to the mummies of the dead in the first- From the Monastery of St Apollo, Bawit; sixth-sev-
third centuries A.D. The tempera technique, as well enth century.
as many of the colors, is the same. However the ren- Catalogue Paris/Cap d’Agde 2000, 110 (F. Ferrer-
ditions have become more schematic and frontal, Joly).
with an emphasis on the spirituality of the image.
In contrast to earlier practice, the funerary portraits 4. Anonymous monk (Pl. 5).
in the Christian period are separated from the buri- Musée des Jacobins, Auch; inv. no. 985.229.
als of the deceased. At Bawit, the only surviving From the Monastery of St Apollo, Bawit; sixth-sev-
funerary portraits of monks on wood are those of enth century.
the Chanter Hor, Brother Mark, the anonymous Catalogue Paris/Cap d’Agde 2000, 110 (F. Ferrer-
monk, and Brother George. Chanter Hor’s portrait Joly).
was found in a large room that could have been used
for prayers by a group of monks90. The portraits of 5. Master Hor the Chanter.
the other three monks appear to have been placed Found in Bawit Room 5; present location
in one of the two churches used by the whole unknown; sixth-seventh century.
monastic community. These are the only wooden Maspero 1931-43, 18 and Pl. LVI B; Rassart-
funerary portraits from Christian Egypt with a Debergh 1990, no. 2, Fig. 13.
known context. Brother George’s portrait shares
many stylistic traits with the icon of Christ and 6. Top half of head of Christ.
Abbot Menas. The same workshop must have Benaki Museum, Athens; inv. no. 8953.
painted both of them. Even in their battered state, Origin unknown.
the portraits of Brother George and his monastic Fotopoulos/Delivorrias 1997, Pl. 319.
brethern are valuable additions to the small corpus
of early Christian panel paintings from Egypt.

APPENDIX: LIST OF CHRISTIAN PANEL PAINTINGS

ON WOOD
88 Bénazeth 1998, 59, citing Clédat’s unpublished 1905 exca-
This list is based on the objects in Rassart-Debergh vation season, which found simple burials, some with
1990, with additions and references to more recent wooden crosses, to the south of the monastery complex.
89 Personal communication, November 24, 2004, and Bolman
publications. It does not include Christian subjects forthcoming, (11-12) of which she kindly sent me a copy.
on furnishings or on architectural elements such as 90 Room 5; Maspero 1931-43; Vol. 1, 18; Vol. 2, Pl. XIII.
ceiling beams. These are listed in Rutschowscaya View of room, Pl. XII.

33
7. St Theodore (?). Origin unknown; late sixth century.
Egyptian Museum, Cairo; inv. no. J 68826. Krause 1971, 110; Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 6,
From Antinöe; fifth-sixth century. Fig. 22; Catalogue Hamm 1996, 148; Parlasca
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 5,3, Fig. 19. 1999, 353, Pl. 243; Rutschowscaya 1998, Pl. 36.
Zibawi 2003, 102-103.
8. St Victor Stratelates.
Museo Egizio, Florence; inv. no. 13137. 16. Icon with busts of a woman and St Theodore.
From Antinöe; fifth-sixth century. Staatliche Museum, Berlin, inv. no. I 4127.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 5,4, Fig. 20; Del Francia Origin Fayum; sixth-seventh century.
Barocas 1998, 97-98, Pl. 84; Rutscowscaya 1998, Bauer/Strygowski 1905, 197-199, Fig. 35; Rassart-
Fig. 34. Debergh 1990, no. 13, Fig. 28.

9. Archangel. 17. Military saint. Only bust portion preserved.

Egyptian Museum, Cairo; inv. no. J 68824. State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, inv. no.
From Antinöe; fifth-sixth century. 18346.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 5,2, Fig. 18. Found in al-Bahnasa; sixth-seventh century.
Catalogue St Petersburg 1998, 146, Fig. 184.
10. Woman.
Museo Egizio, Florence. 18. Tondo: Bust of the Virgin.
From Antinöe; fifth-sixth century. Coptic Museum, Cairo; inv. no. 9104.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 5,5, Fig. 21. Origin unknown; fifth-seventh century.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 9, Fig. 24; Van
11. Bearded Saint. Moorsel/Immerzeel/Langen 1992, no. 6, Pl. 2c;
Egyptian Museum, Cairo; inv. no. 68825. Skalova/Gabra 2003, 167, A.
From Antinöe; fifth-sixth century.
Catalogue New York 1977, 551, no. 496; Rassart- 19. Tondo: Archangel Michael.
Debergh 1981, 271; Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. Coptic Museum, Cairo; inv. no. 9105.
5,1, Fig. 17; Skalova/Gabra 2003, 165. Origin unknown; fifth-seventh century.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 10, Fig. 25; Van
12. Double-sided Icon: St Theodore and the Moorsel/Immerzeel/Langen 1992, no. 7, pl. 2d;
Archangel Gabriel. Catalogue Paris/Cap d’Agde 2000, 187;
Coptic Museum, Cairo; inv. no. 9083. Skalova/Gabra 2003, 167, C.
From Bawit?; sixth-seventh century.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 3, Figs 14, 15; Van 20. Tondo: Bust of Christ.
Moorsel/Immerzeel/Langen 1994, no. 8, Pls. A1, Landesmuseum, Mainz; inv. no. 134.
2b; Atalla 1998, 93; Skalova/Gabra 2004, 168-169. Origin unknown; fifth-seventh century.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, Fig. 26; Catalogue Hamm
13. St Mark the Evangelist. 1996, no. 111 (A. Effenberger); Skalova/Gabra
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; inv. no. Fr 1129a. 2003, 167, B.
From Fayum; sixth century.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 7; Pl. 1; Catalogue Paris 21. Head of a female saint
2004, no. 56. Private collection
Origin unknown; sixth-seventh century (van Rijn
14. Archangel. 1980: fourth century)
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; inv. no. Fr 1129b. Van Rijn 1980, 42, 166.
From Fayum; sixth century.
Rassart-Debergh 1990, no. 8, Fig. 23; Catalogue BIBLIOGRAPHY
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