Sexism and Misogyny

in Music Land
SECTION ONE

Journal of Criminal Justice and Popular Culture, 8(2) (2001) 96-126

Copyright © 2001 Journal of Criminal Justice and Popular Culture All rights reserved.

Gangsta Misogyny: A Content Analysis of the Portrayals of Violence

Against Women In Rap Music, 1987-1993*
By Edward G. Armstrong
Murray State University

ABSTRACT

Gangsta rap music is often identified with violent and misogynist lyric portrayals. This article
presents the results of a content analysis of gangsta rap music's violent and misogynist lyrics. The
gangsta rap music domain is specified and the work of thirteen artists as presented in 490 songs is
examined. A main finding is that 22% of gangsta rap music songs contain violent and misogynist
lyrics. A deconstructive interpretation suggests that gangsta rap music is necessarily understood
within a context of patriarchal hegemony.

INTRODUCTION

Theresa Martinez (1997) argues that rap music is a form of oppositional culture that offers a
message of resistance, empowerment, and social critique. But this cogent and lyrical exposition
intentionally avoids analysis of explicitly misogynist and sexist lyrics. The present study begins
where Martinez leaves off: a content analysis of gangsta rap's lyrics and a classification of its violent
and misogynist messages. First, the gangsta rap music domain is specified. Next, the prevalence
and seriousness of overt episodes of violent and misogynist lyrics are documented. This involves
the identification of attributes and the construction of meaning through the use of crime categories.
Finally, a deconstructive interpretation is offered in which gangsta rap music's violent and
misogynist lyrics are explicated in terms of the symbolic encoding of gender relationships.

THEORY

Postmodern perspectives share the view that "culture is reality" (Kotarba 1994: 148). Signifiers are
signs in themselves that take on a life of their own (Manning 1995). Speech is seen as action; a text
is axiomatically an ethnography (Van Maanen 1995). Postmodern criminologists attend to the
meaning of what is said or written as expressed [End page 96] by the language one uses and show
that different positions in the justice system (e.g., police, drug dealers, court officials) have their own
language systems (Vold, Bernard, and Snipes 1998). The sociological study of deviant behavior

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anticipated the contention that language, as symbolic interaction, is behavior itself (Bryant 1982).
Postmodernism draws attention to the increasing role of symbolic violence in shaping interpersonal
relations (Manning and Singh 1997). But feminist theory has taken a more fully developed textual
turn, emphasizing the discursive construction of social reality (Smith 1990; McClary 1991;
Klimenkova 1992; Alway 1995; Mumby 1996; Kasinky 1998). Language is a constitutive force that
creates a particular view of reality (Richardson 1991). Words are acts, essentially the practices they
constitute rather than the expressions of the ideas they embody (MacKinnon 1993). The theory of
discursive violence problematizes the distinction between words and deeds and attends to the
real-world anguish of the verbally abused. This is not to say that real rape and its fictional
representation are equally grave offenses (Douglas 1995). But as the physiological effects of
discursive violence make evident, "linguistic violence is in fact a form of physical violence"
(Gorsevski 1998: 513). More to the point: sexual and violent imagery "indeed is violence against
women" (Levine 1992: 146).

The postmodern and feminist vision holds that words, music, and other discourses are
performative utterances that instantiate a condition or state of affairs (Swidler 1996). One variant of
this viewpoint: the Equal Opportunity Commission's guidelines defining sexual harassment under
Title VII includes verbal conduct – words that can poison a workplace or classroom (Dooling 1996).
A key element of the idea of "hate speech" is the understanding that people do things with words,
that speech acts assault their victims (Walker 1994). Violent metaphors are not simply figures of
speech (Eisikovits and Buchbinder 1997). Rappers create a commercially available everyday reality
and it is in accordance with the lyrics provided by gangsta rap music that individuals structure their
perceptions.1

DATA AND METHODS

When a text accompanies music it provides an explicit conceptual framework that answers
questions concerning musical meaning and social significance (Miles 1995). Postmodern
sociological readings of music begin with the centrality of the text – the lyrical narrative (Kotarba
1994). The nature of rap music dictates just such a concentration on language. Rap's harmonies are
"simple," based on one tonality as defined by a simple bass line (Bitz 1998). Instead, the genre is
predicated on lyric content (Roberts 1994; Guevara 1996), that is, the power of the word (Keyes
1996; Smitherman 1997). Words are spoken, not sung (Dixon 1989; Edwards and Sienkewicz 1991;
Shusterman 1991; Cawker 1994). Ray Charles comments that rap is just "talk with music" (quoted in
Silver 1997: 76). Public Enemy's Chuck D even declares that "rap is a vocal culture" and "is not music
per se" (quoted in Chambers and Morgan 1992: 85). Snoop Doggy Dogg (now just Snoop Dogg)
summarizes the nature of his raps in these terms: "I just be conversatin'" ("Week In Rock," MTV,
9/12/93). Rappers avoid word [End page 97] play and metaphor, substituting instead the
communication of straightforward meaning (Dimitriadis 1996), and they eschew lyrical subtlety
(Danaher and Blackwelder 1993). Nearly all raps are first-person narratives, retellings of what the
artists (allegedly) have seen or done, recounts of events that happened personally and specifically
to them (Light 1992; Steaman 1992; Rose 1994b; Allen 1996; Kelley 1996; Perkins 1996; Barrett 1999;
Snoop Dogg 1999). This self-referential quality is central to gangsta rap music. In gangsta rap
music, the first-person point of view brings both the narrator and the listener into the heart of
modern urban terror (Gilmore and Karl 1990). By telling their tales in the first-person, rappers appear
to commit themselves to the worst impulses in their scenarios.

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 Rap is best understood as verbal art (Keyes 1984; Jeremiah 1992).2 The nature of rap facilitates its
content analysis, the transcription and interpretation of lyrics. Postmodern ethnographies are a kind
of content analysis because they describe textual imagery by comparing and contrasting the
meanings of the elements of a code (Manning 1991). A genre such as gangsta rap music is a code in
itself (Dunbar-Hall 1991). This interest in codes parallels the ethnomusicological concern with
collections, the raw material that is a prerequisite for establishing the set of traits that combine to
convey an image of a genre (Nettl 1964; Davis 1992). Ethnomusicologists divide the collection of
songs into smaller, more homogeneous groups (Nettl 1964). The research enterprise moves to
classificatory analysis, a systematic paradigmatization of units (Nattiez 1990). Both ethnomusicology
and postmodern ethnography are accomplished by classification and categorization (Manning
1995). In this article the collection is constituted by songs manifesting violent and misogynist lyrics.
Content analysis is used to determine whether a song depicts violent and misogynist lyrics and, if
so, the kind of crime and the nature of the violence portrayed. To begin, however, a specification of
the gangsta rap music domain is needed.

COLLECTION AND CLASSIFICATION

Lyrics were gathered from 490 songs produced by thirteen artists from 1987 to 1993. Following
ethnomusicological guidelines (Nettl 1995), attention is directed toward artists who provide gangsta
rap music's "central repertory" and who are considered gangsta rap music's "ruling class." The
criteria applied in establishing this repertorial centrality are historical priority, popularity, and
reputation – a function of cultural criticism. Part of the present analysis is occupied with specifying
membership in the gangsta rap music domain.

The history of gangsta rap music begins with Ice-T (McAdams 1992; Rose 1994b).3 His "6 'N The
Morning" (1987) served as the blueprint for the gangsta rap music style (Ice-T 1994). But two groups,
N.W.A (Niggaz Wit Attitude) and the Geto Boys, and the spin-off solo careers of their members,
eclipsed Ice-T's success. N.W.A billed itself as "the World's Most Dangerous Group." The late Eazy-
E founded the group. Until Ice Cube left the group in early 1990, he served as its chief lyricist
(Nelson and Gonzales 1991). [End page 98] MC Ren acted as the group's hardcore center (Nelson
1993). Dr. Dre, N.W.A's non-rapping producer, coined the term gangsta rap music to refer to the
albums he produced (Gold 1993). In 1991, their Efil4zaggin (Niggaz4life spelled backwards) became
the first gangsta rap music album to reach No. 1 on the Billboard charts. In 1992, Dre's The Chronic
became the most popular gangsta rap music album. Only a year later, Snoop Doggy Dogg's
DoggyStyle, which Dre produced, surpassed The Chronic. Snoop's album, the first by a solo artist
to reach No. 1 prior to its release, sold over 4.5 million copies and made him the best-known rapper
(Pareles 1995). Unlike N.W.A, members of the Geto Boys had separate careers until joined together
in a business partnership. In 1990, their Grip It On The Other Level sold more than 500,000 copies
without major-label sponsorship or radio air play (Kot 1990). The Geto Boys spawned multiple solo
successes: Bushwick Bill, Scarface, and Willie D. They also collaborate with the members of Too
Much Trouble, a group with the allonym, "The Baby Geto Boys." Too $hort, another artist of
eminence, added a sense of humor to the gangsta rap music pose (Nelson and Gonzales 1991). At
the mid-point of the 1990s, Too $hort was the largest-selling rap artist (Perkins 1996).

Temporal limitations to the specification of the gangsta rap music domain are central. When
gangsta rap music reached the height of its popularity, Luther Campbell (formerly Luke
Skyywalker), founder of 2 Live Crew, Hammer (formerly M. C. Hammer) and Vanilla Ice (Jones
1994a; "Week In Rock," MTV, 4/24/94), artists who had fallen on hard times, advanced "tougher"

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stances and demanded categorization within gangsta rap music's stylistic boundaries. Because of
the expanding nature of membership, only the foundational period of gangsta rap music, from 1987
to 1993, is assessed (see Appendix A below for a gangsta rap music discography).4

Questioning the frequency and the nature of presented themes is the first concern of a media
researcher (Altheide 1997). Of course, violence ranges in severity from an intimidating look and
harsh words to rape and murder (Berger 1994). As members of the renowned Cultural Indicators
Project point out, the way violence is defined directly determines the amount and nature of the
violence that is isolated (Signorielli, Gerbner, and Morgan 1995). Here attention is limited to three
serious personal offenses directed at women: assault, forcible rape, and murder, and a fourth
category combining rape and murder. Analysis of lyric content shows that 22 percent (N = 107) of
the 490 gangsta rap music songs had violent and misogynist lyrics. Assault was the most
frequently occurring criminal offense, portrayed in 50 percent of the violent and misogynist songs.
Other rankings: rape only = 11 percent; murder only = 31 percent; rape and murder = 7 percent. Table
One presents a breakdown of the variety of violent and misogynist lyrics by artist. But
categorization according to crime type does not reveal the manner in which violent and misogynist
lyrics are presented. Because similar kinds of violent and misogynist lyrics have different meanings,
the messages inherent in the lyrics need specification. A way of deconstructing these meanings is
by detailing the manner in which the criminal acts are depicted. [End page 99]

DESCRIPTION OF VIOLENT AND MISOGYNIST LYRIC CONTENT

Assault

Ice-T's (1987) "6 'N The Mornin'" and Eazy-E's (1988a; 1993; and N.W.A's [1989b]) "Boyz-N-The-
Hood" anticipated and affected gangsta rap music's matter-of-fact depictions of violence and
misogyny. These songs gave thematic centrality to assault and signaled the coming age of gender-
based conflict as a staple of the genre. In "6 'N The Mornin'", Ice-T batters a woman, heretofore a
stranger, because she called him a name. "Boyz-N-The-Hood" suggests corporal punishment for
women who "talk shit." Dr. Dre (1992) presents the identical message in "Nuthin' But A 'G' Thang," the
No. 1 rap song of all time (Krohn and Suazo 1995). Talking back (Ice-T 1989a; Too $hort 1987b and
1993d) and showing disrespect (dissin') (N.W.A 1991b) cause men to react violently. MC Ren (1992b)
hits, with a shoe, women who complain. Rejecting a proposition provokes a physical attack (Eazy-E
1992b). Too $hort (1993a) hurled this tirade:

You fuck with us, bitch, something gettin' broken

Your leg, arm, jaw, nose, pick a part.

In N.W.A's (1989a) "A Bitch Iz A Bitch," money-hungry or stuck-up women are subsumed under the
same solution: "Slam her ass in a ditch." Too $hort slaps women who act "shitty" (1988b) or bold
(1992b). Responses to mental slowness are equally harsh. Bushwick Bill (1992c) kicks a woman's ass
if her "brain don't click." By choosing the wrong friends, "bitches" either "need stitches" (Willie D
1992b) or get drop-kicked (Ice-T 1993). Personal characteristics also induce violence. In "Punk Bitch,"
Too $hort (1990b) expresses his desire to slap all bald-headed women. Ice-T (1991b) pushes a
woman to the floor because "she looked like Godzilla." Because a woman had "more crabs than a
sea-food platter," Eazy-E (1988e) "slapped the ho" and proudly proclaimed himself a "woman-

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beater." The Geto Boys (1993d) handed down comparable excesses when they threw an "unsanitary
bitch" into a ditch.

Violence and criminality are linked. The Geto Boys (1990g) kick a female employee for not
quickly complying with their commands during a robbery. Ice-T (1987) mentions another woman's
positioning as the object of opposition to drug use. A homeboy broke his girlfriend's jaw "for smokin'
cane." The desire for drugs even destroys a parent-child relationship. Snoop Doggy Dogg (1993b)
meets a woman who wants to take over her daughter's source of drugs – Snoop himself. The
mother hits her child "in the face" and punches her "in the eye" and "in the belly."

Pimp-prostitute associations are the locales of violent and misogynist lyrics. In documentary
fashion, Too Much Trouble depict themselves as pandering pimps in seven selections from their
album, Players Choice. The lyrics of five of these songs are formulaic – workers get "smacked" if
they fail to meet their financial quotas (1993a; b; c; g; and h). [End page 100] Ice Cube (1990c)
recommends similar actions. Alternatively, in "Little Hooker," Willie D (1992a) beats a young girl
because she became a prostitute.

Intimate relationships are also riddled with violence. When one's "lady," as opposed to one's
"bitch," talks to another man, she gets physically punished (Geto Boys 1990f). Tardy breakfasts are
hard to handle. Violence accompanies the command to put some "eggs in the goddamn skillet"
(Too Much Trouble 1992c). Identification of rappers as putative parents generates physical
responses. Ice Cube (1990b) plans to end a pregnancy by kicking a woman "in the tummy" and by
looking in a closet "for the hanger." The Geto Boys (1989a and 1990b) handle a false accusation of
paternity by trying to break the woman's neck. Too $hort (1993d) deals with a similar situation by
surprising the woman "like a mack" and then dropping "her ass off at Kaiser [hospital]." Women are
hit (Ice Cube 1993), slapped (Too $hort 1988a and 1990c), tossed (Eazy-E 1988d), thrown into a trunk
(Too $hort 1992c), smacked (Too Much Trouble 1993f; Too $hort 1988e) and kicked (Too $hort
1990d), all for no apparent reason. For instance, Too Much Trouble (1993d) mention only that "a
bitch is just like glass – easy to break." N.W.A (1988a and 1989c) tell of a woman who "got a black
eye cause the dope man hit her." Bushwick Bill (1992d), in his autobiographical "Ever So Clear,"
travels to the home of the women "closest" to him. Upon arriving, he "provoked her, punched her,
kicked, and choked her." After trying to throw her baby out a window, he's shot in the eye. (Until the
releases of Eminem's Slim Shady LP (1999) and The Marshall Mathers LP (2000), this was gangsta
rap music's only mention of infanticide.) Marriage is also depicted with violent and misogynist lyrics.
Consider "Bitches 2," where Ice-T (1991a) mentions a friend who regularly "kicks his wife's ass." Too
$hort's (1992d) domestic sexual encounters begin when he whips "ass like a world champ." Violent
and misogynist lyrics also take the form of overly aggressive and rough sex. Scarface (1991b) brags
that "bitches walk out of the crib with a limp," while Ice Cube (1992a) nearly breaks "that thing in half"
during sex with a new partner. Too Much Trouble (1993e) say that after oral sex, they "leave some
stretch marks" on a woman's jaw. Ice-T (1989b) attests to the actions of Evil E who "fucked the bitch
with a flashlight." Because he left the batteries in, "the bitch's titties started blinkin' like tail lights."

Rape

Willie D (1989b) and Too $hort (1993c) advocate raping women who do not submit to their sexual
advances. Another rape narrative has Too $hort (1987d) beating his victim's "ass with a billy-club." In

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"She Swallowed It," N.W.A (1991d) recommend specific procedures for attacking a fourteen-year-
old:

Punch the bitch in the eye/then the ho will fall to the ground
Then you open up her mouth/put your dick, move the shit around. [End page 101]

Ice-T (Body Count 1992a) proposes sex "with Tipper Gore's two twelve-year-old nieces." This is a
clear case of seeking revenge against one of the founders of the Parents' Music Resources Center
(PMRC).

The substance of the rape songs becomes far more execrable than the criminal category
ostensibly prefigures. Eazy-E (1988c), Snoop Doggy Dogg (1993a), and Too $hort (1990b) casually
mention gang rapes. MC Ren (1992a) tells of "ten niggas" who rape a child and then violate her with
a broomstick. In Ice Cube's (1991) "Givin' Up The Nappy Dug Out," "fourteen niggas" line up to take
turns placing themselves "two on top, one on the bottom" of an underage girl. Too $hort conceives
of an array of alternatives in his consideration of the pluses and minuses of statutory rape. In "She's
A Bitch" (1987c), he adapts a crude aphorism: "Fourteen, fifteen, all the way up/if she can bleed
then she can fuck." He recites similar words in "Hoes" (1992a). But in "Little Girls" (1988c), after an
attempted rape fails, he rallies against sex with children.

Murder

Although the police targeted Too Much Trouble (1993i), they mistakenly shot and killed a "bitch."
Other songs by Too Much Trouble have women dying in defense of personal possessions (1992b)
and their employers' property (1992a). During another robbery, one "old bitch got her neck broke"
(1992e). MC Ren (1993a) shoots a woman who set him up to be robbed. In "To Kill A Hooker," N.W.A
(1991f) drag a streetwalker into a car and kill her because she demanded money in exchange for
sex. Women are also murdered for choosing the wrong companion (Eazy-E 1992a), becoming nosy
(Geto Boys 1993c), and for remaining silent. Ice Cube (1992b) fed a girl to the wolves because the
"little ho had no words." Three other personal traits stimulate violent and misogynist lyrics. N.W.A's
(1989d) Eazy-E tied to kill a "fat girl" with an elephant gun. When that didn't work, he "grabbed a
harpoon" and left the woman on the avenue "like a beached whale." MC Ren (1993b) mulls over
shooting and burying a "bitch" whose "pussy really stinks" and who has "crabs on her pussy." In "Bald
Headed Hoes," Willie D (1989a) proposes "a bill on Capitol Hill to kill all bald-headed women at will."
Rappers plan murders to pay back women who, in their opinion, did something wrong.
Transgressions include telling a lie (Scarface 1993), failing to make bail (Eazy-E 1988b), transmitting
a venereal disease (Geto Boys 1988 and 1990a; N.W.A 1990), calling the cops (N.W.A 1991e), and
cheating. N.W.A's (1991c) surprise discovery of a cheating mate propel them to dump the unfaithful
partner, now wearing cement shoes, into a river. Willie D (1989c) and the Geto Boys (1993a) also kill
cheaters.

Two Too $hort (1988d and 1990a) songs tell of killing women but never offer a hint at what
precipitated the acts. Bushwick Bill (1992a) simply brags that he is the "neighborhood bitch slayer."
The Geto Boys (1989b and 1990c) recommend putting "a ho in front of a trigger." Without supplying
any explanation, N.W.A (1991a) mention taking the life of a wife and daughter. N.W.A (1988b) also
recollect "bitches" that they have shot and announce their plans to "smother" someone's mother.
The Geto Boys kill a [End page 102] person's wife "for kicks" (1993b) and pump anonymous women
"full of lead" (1989d and 1990e). Scarface (1991a) recounts the same senseless killings. Songs

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combining murder and mutilation exemplify a virulent positioning of women as objects of violence.
The Geto Boys (1991) attack someone's nieces and cut the girls' heads into "88 pieces." Bushwick
Bill (1992b) recalls this incident in a song where his breakfast menu is "bacon and legs." Ice-T (Body
Count, 1992b) sets his mother on fire, beats her to death with a baseball bat, and cuts up her body.
In a Geto Boys' (1988 and 1990a) act of murder, the weapon of choice is a machete: "I sliced her up
until her guts were like spaghetti."

Rape and Murder

Too Much Trouble (1992d) kill an elderly rape victim whom they caught crawling for the
telephone. First, they hit her on the head with a hammer, and the sound of a hammer hitting
someone's head accompany the lyrics. Then they "beat her head with the phone until her skull
caved in." An operator's recorded message echoes in the background. Too $hort (1987a and 1993b)
slaps a young girl to convince her to perform oral sex after which the child dies: "She choked on
sperm in her windpipe." In "One Less Bitch," N.W.A (1991c) tie a woman to a bed, rape, and then
shoot her. Compared to the lyrics that follow, this song seems almost benign. The Geto Boys (1989c
and 1990d) produced two versions of their signature song, "Mind Of A Lunatic." Both begin by
noting the identical initial actions of a peeping tom turned rapist. In one, the perpetrator cuts the
victim's throat and watches her "shake like on TV." The second version heightens the macabre as
the killer has "sex with the corpse." In a different song, Bushwick Bill (1992e) recites the same lyrics.
Another Geto Boys' (1993c) song depicts a similar rape/murder, only this time they slit the woman
"like a pig."

RESULTS

This project is an initial move to fill an analytical void. Although lyrics are a most accessible kind
of text, feminist semiologists have neglected this area (Bayton 1992). Scholars have been
particularly slow to analyze and critique gangsta rap music's content (Williams 1992). On the one
hand, gangsta rap music has been identified with its violent and misogynist lyrics. At the beginning
of the decade, Billboard (1991) editorialized against gangsta rap music because it purveyed a
"gangsta ideology," an unabashed espousal of violence and misogyny. A New York Times (Staples
1993) editorial did likewise. C. DeLores Tucker, chair of the National Political Congress of Black
Women and the most famous opponent of gangsta rap music, considers the genre a profane and
obscene glorification of murder and rape (Waldron 1996). Gangsta rap music, according to Tucker,
is more suitably called "gangsta porno rap" (Kramer 1997). On the other hand, the notion that
gangsta rap music manifests violent and misogynist lyrics is condemned as the myth of aural
violence (Maxwell 1991).5 This research establishes the frequency and describes the details of
gangsta rap music's violent and misogynist lyrics frame, where physical aggression is presented as
a way of dealing with women and handling male-female interaction. An immediate consequence of
this content [End page 103] analysis is a "both/and" resolution to the debate – "only" 22 percent of
gangsta rap music songs dealt with violent and misogynist lyrics.

Another result of this study is to challenge prevailing wisdom on the existential basis for gangsta
rap music's violent and misogynist lyrics. Verbal deviance has commercial configurations (Bryant
1982). Late capitalism promotes sexual and violent cultural industries (Denzin 1985). Yo Yo clarifies
the issue with regard to gangsta rap music: "The harder that you are, sad to say, the more you sell"
(quoted in Jones 1993: 6D). Allegedly, rappers created gangsta rap music when their focus shifted
from music to money and they discovered that the best way to make money was to rap about sex

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and violence (Salaam 1995). Bill Stephney, rap historian and CEO of Stepsun Entertainment,
underscores the issue by claiming that the marketplace and capitalism motivate what gangsta
rappers do and don't do ("Gangsta Rap," MTV, 9/13/94). Here we have numerous indictments of the
"greed-artists" of gangsta rap music (Shocked and Bull 1992: 6) and the gangsta rap music's "shock-
for-sales rantings" (Jones 1994b: 10D). Not surprisingly, a reporter for The Wall Street Journal agrees
with this contention and supplies a quotation from rap producer David Dickerson as further
evidence: "The sad truth is the harder the rapper's image, the more music they sell" (Pulley 1994:
A1). But the present analysis contradicts the direct association between violent and misogynist
lyrics and popularity in three ways. First, assault, the least serious of the specified criminal acts, is
the modal violent and misogynist lyrics category. Next, the least popular gangsta rap music group
has the highest frequency of violent and misogynist songs. Too Much Trouble, the Baby Geto Boys,
are far less commercially successful than other representatives of the genre. Finally, Dr. Dre and
Snoop Doggy Dogg, the two premier gangsta rap music artists, combine for only three of the 107
cases of violent and misogynist lyrics.

DISCUSSION

A deconstructive reading of gangsta rap music's lyric content immediately suggests the core
element of the gangsta rap music domain. As with other European-American popular songs,
interpretations of gangsta rap music must fall within the context of, and as contributing to,
patriarchal hegemony (Davis 1998). Indeed, every variety of Western music, including classical
symphonies and opera, is an almost exclusively male domain (McClary 1991). Rock lyrics are
lopsidedly male, circumscribed by male dominance over women (Pattison 1987). Punk rock
retained misogynist imagery (Levine 1992). Paralleling rock's sexism, rap is a haven of male
hegemony (Guevara 1996). To begin, recall that gangsta rap music is self-referential. The self-
referential reportage that frames the gangsta rap music enterprise is initial evidence for gangsta rap
music's essential sexism. This kind of presentation of self is characterized as a "masculinization" of
ethnographic narrative. Literary scholars note a strong male proclivity toward elaborating their life
stories in order to project a poised self-image (Tedlock 1995). The self images that women's
memoirs project are often an understated and fragmentary clarification of personalities detached
from (male) self-glorification. Further, narratives [End page 104] are cultural stories that have real
holds on the imaginations of men and women. When the cultural stories are told from the point of
view of the male, the central character in the patriarchal system, they reaffirm the status quo
(Richardson 1995). In gangsta rap music, as elsewhere, relations of power over sex are maintained
through language (Foucault 1980). Part of the ongoing work of gender construction occurs within
the gangsta rap music arena. Gangsta rap music is a constitutive element in a complex web of
meaning formation and power relations.

The hegemonic dimension of gangsta rap music's narratives is immediate evidence of a rape
culture (Buchwald, Fletcher, and Roth 1993). In fact, gangsta rap music is a "celebration" of rape
culture and its most powerful contemporary voice (hooks 1993). A rape culture is a complex of
beliefs supporting a continuum of threatened violence against women that ranges from sexual
remarks to rape itself. It is a "generic culture," part of the social construction of gender, how
individuals "do gender" (Boswell and Spade 1996). When members of the National Political
Congress of Black Women staged a protest outside a store selling gangsta rap music, one of the
marchers carried a sign with the slogan, "Gangsta Rap Is Rape" (Herrmann 1994). Minimally, gangsta

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rap music's typifications of violent and misogynist lyrics are rather dramatic examples of what
Dworkin (1981) terms the male use of language as violence. Desconstructing gangsta rap music's
violent and misogynist lyrics, the symbolic working toward the denigration of women, enables its
reevaluation.

CONCLUSION

Recently, two syndicated columnists have linked social problems directly to gangsta rap music's
foundational period. For Leonard Pitts (1999) of the Miami Herald, gangsta rap music helped
promote urban decline by romanticizing value-free visions, which included a celebration of women
pimping in a scabrous and explicit way. For Stanley Crouch (2000) of New York's Daily News,
gangsta rap music, beginning with N.W.A's 1989 arrival, caused a decline in American values and
promoted the way thugs and sluts live by "any means necessary." What these writers could not
have known was that gangsta rap music in the year 2000 would make prior lyrical presentations
seem tame.

In 2000, gangsta rap music continued to dominate rap music. Its popularity was such that
Pareles (2000) categorized artists offering an alternative to gangsta rap music as part of the "non-
gangsta wing of hip-hop." The "Up in Smoke" tour, featuring Dr. Dre, Ice Cube, Snoop Dogg, and
Emimen, became the most popular rap tour ever. The show even presented a reunited and
reconstituted version of N.W.A with Snoop Dogg replacing the late Eazy-E. Moreover, Eminem's
Slim Shady LP, which Dr. Dre produced, won the Grammy for the best rap album of 1999. In the
Slim Shady LP, women are killed by guns and knives and by an innovative means, such as
poisoning. Further, violent and misogynist lyrics are enhanced by an act of infanticide. Eminem's
The Marshall Mathers LP became the fastest selling rap album of all time. Violent and misogynist
lyrics are [End page 105] found in eleven of the album's fourteen songs. Worse still, nine of the
eleven songs depict killing women, with drowning becoming a new modus operandi. Comparing
the lyric content of gangsta rap music's foundational period with that of Eminem shows the
following: In terms of violent and misogynist lyrics, gangsta rap music (1987-1993) scores a 22
percent while Eminem (2000) reaches 78 percent. Concerning the percent of the violent and
misogynist lyrics dealing with women's murder: gangsta rap music (1987-1993) yields 31 percent
and Eminem (2000) 82 percent. As a reward for extending the presence of violent and misogynist
lyric content beyond his musical progenitors, Eminem has made the cover of Rolling Stone
(8/3/00), The Source (7/00) and Spin (8/00). Gangsta rap music continues to teach, promote, and
glamorize violence and misogyny (Bok 1999). Introduction of discursive vehicles for unlearning,
resisting, and deglamorizing violent and misogynist lyrics has become more important than ever
with the increasing popularity of the gangsta rap music genre. [End page 106]

ENDNOTES

* Direct correspondence to Professor Edward G. Armstrong, Murray State University, Sociology

Program, 5A Faculty Hall, Murray, KY 42071 (email: edward.armstrong@murraystate.edu). This
article represents a revised version of a paper presented during the sixty-ninth annual meeting of
the Pacific Sociological Association, San Francisco, California, April 19, 1998. I thank Julie Keown-
Bomar and Megan Lucy for their suggestions.

1. The question, "Does rap music contribute to violent crime?," is the subject of scholarly debate
(see, for example, Martin, 1998 versus Hamm and Ferrell 1998). Research confirms that listening to

Page 9 of 25
gangsta rap music motivates sexual aggression (Barongan and Nagayama Hall 1995; Johnson,
Adams, Ashburn, and Reed 1995; Johnson, Jackson, and Gatto 1995) and inappropriate behavior
(Harris, Bradley, and Titus 1992). Wester, Crown, Quatman, and Heesacker (1997) found that gangsta
rap music lyrics significantly increased men's adversarial sexual beliefs. Other studies, however, fail
to find any causal link between rap lyric content and behavior problems (Epstein, Pratto, and
Skipper 1990; Took and Weiss 1994). Likewise, the hypothesis that rap lyrics cause either anxiety or
suicidal ideation has been experimentally rejected (Ballard and Coates 1995). Attempts to link rap
and violence are critically categorized as part of the so-called "danger to society frame" that
allegedly emphasizes that rap creates legions of misogynist listeners who are a danger to women
(Binder 1993).

2. Historically, rap is part of an oral heritage and as such preserves the cultural past of West African
slaves whose flowery language was the sign of the speaker's verbal skill and of the social code
shared by the oral community (Edwards and Sienkewicz 1991; Stephens 1991; Perkins 1996;
Smitherman 1997). Attention to rap as verbal art leads to deliberations on the production of the
object, explorations of the art form as socially contingent. Here rap is seen as an articulation of
contemporary black culture (Pressley 1992; West 1993), black nationalism (Muwakkil 1992; Decker
1993; Henderson 1996), and the socio-economic problems encountered by inner-city youth (Baker
1993; Berry 1994; Kelley 1996; Keyes 1996; McCall 1997).

3. Philadelphia artist Schoolly-D is also considered the original gangsta rapper (Jackson 1994) and
the producer of the seminal hardcore release (Nelson and Summers 1993), but Schoolly D has not
been commercially successful and remains virtually unknown (Jackson 1994). Cross (1993) believes
that Schoolly D and Boogie Down Productions (BDP) were at gangsta rap music's vanguard. BDP's
KRS-One, however, quickly moved to espousals of political and non-violent agendas. Another
candidate for inclusion is the late Tupac Shakur (2Pac/Makaveli). But Tupac stressed that he was "a
thug" not a gangsta rapper ("Gangsta Rap," MTV, 9/13/94). His violent recitations were never
directed at women and many of his raps dealt with the elevation of women's status (Watts 1997).
During Tupac's funeral, Naughty By Nature's Treach emphasized that Tupac "weren't no gangsta"
(Rhyme & Reason 1997). [End page 107]

4. Gangsta rap music underwent other changes as well. In 1995, Ice-T, gangsta rap music's
progenitor, ceased using gangsta rap music to describe his music (McLaren 1995). A year later, Dr.
Dre, the artist/producer who coined the term "gangsta rap," announced that the musical style was
"over" (MTV 9/2/96), that it had "run its course" (quoted in Samuels and Gates 1996), that gangsta
rap music "is definitely a thing of the past" (quoted in Reilly 1996: B2). A book published during
December, 1996, was entitled Gangsta Rap Is Dead (Osayande 1996). In 1997, Death Row Records,
the genre's key label, started to unravel, dismantling gangsta rap music's most potent artist lineup
(Branch 1997). A common viewpoint was that the "reign" of gangsta rap music had ended (Klein
1998) and that gangsta rap music was "in ruins" (Smith 1997). But after a mid-decade sales dip, the
genre's popularity increased dramatically (Clark-Meads and Legrand 1998). Both Ice-T (James 1999)
and Dr. Dre (Pareles 1999) returned to their gangsta rap music roots and reclaimed their places at
the center of the gangsta rap music enterprise. In 1998, rap became America's top-selling format
and because of this, Time labeled the United States the "hip-hop nation" (Farley 1999). After
accessing the global popularity of the music, The Christian Science Monitor disagreed, finding not
just a hip-hop nation but a "hip-hop world" (Terry 1999). Gangsta rap music still remains the most
popular of rap's major categories (Pinn 1999).

Page 10 of 25
5. Many commentators challenge the notion that gangsta rap music has violent and misogynist
lyrical content. For Wahl (1999) gangsta rap music offers only a "seeming" glorification of violence
and misogyny. Kitwana (1994) calls critics of gangsta rap music "uninformed" and suggests that they
should listen to the music. Rose (1994a) finds that opponents of gangsta rap music operate out of
genuine ignorance when they give their shallow readings of gangsta rap music's violent and
misogynist lyrics. Gladney (1995) claims that critics fail to analyze the lyrics critically and
intellectually. Dyson (1993) sees negative appraisals of gangsta rap music as rooted in a shallow
understanding of rap which results from an unwillingness to listen to the lyrics. During one
conference, rappers and their fans criticized noted psychiatrist Dr. Alvin Poussaint, claiming that he
disparaged rap without having listened to it (Williams 1992). Keyes (1996) concludes that gangsta
rap music's critics cannot "decode" its language. Potter (1995) and Yancy (1997) hold that criticisms
of gangsta rap music's violent and misogynist lyrics unfairly remove the lyrics from their "context."
According to Rosen and Marks (1999), gangsta rap music's violent and misogynist lyrics are "parodic
signifying." The lyrics are humorous poetic contrivances.

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 APPENDIX A

Discography of Gangsta Rap, 1987 to 1993

[DELETED]

TABLE ONE

Gangsta Rap Artists and Violent/Misogynist (V/M) Lyrics

Artist Number Number with Lyrical Lyrical Lyrical Lyrical

of Songs V/M Lyrics Portrayals Portrayals of Portrayals Portrayals of
(% Total of Assault Rape (% V/M) of Murder Rape and
Songs) (% V/M) (% V/M) Murder (% V/M)
Bushwick Bill 12 5 (42%) 2 (40%) 0 (0%) 2 (40%) 1 (20%)
Dr. Dre 16 1 (6%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)
Eazy-E 25 8 (32%) 5 (20%) 1 (13%) 2 (25%) 0 (0%)
Geto Boys 65 17 (26%) 5 (29%) 0 (0%) 9 (53%) 3 (18%)
Ice Cube 69 6 (9%) 4 (67%) 1 (17%) 1 (17%) 0 (0%)
Ice-T 83 8 (10%) 6 (75%) 1 (13%) 1 (13%) 0 (0%)
MC Ren 16 4 (25%) 1 (25%) 1 (25%) 2 (50%) 0 (0%)
N.W.A. 42 13 (31%) 5 (38%) 1 (8%) 6 (46%) 1 (8%)
Scarface 29 3 (10%) 1 (33%) 0 (0%) 2 (67%) 0 (0%)
Snoop Doggy 16 2 (13%) 1 (50%) 1 (50%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)
Dogg
Too Much Trouble 29 14 (48%) 9 (64%) 0 (0%) 4 (29%) 1 (7%)
Too $hort 60 21 (35%) 12 (57%) 5 (24%) 2 (9%) 2 (9%)
Willie D 28 5 (18%) 2 (40%) 1 (20%) 2 (40%) 0 (0%)

Totals 490 107 (22%) 54 (50%) 12 (11%) 33 (31%) 8 (7%)

Page 15 of 25
SECTION TWO

This Female Hip-Hop Fan Says

'Time's Up' on the Music Industry
By Sarah Gidick

SOURCE: https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/female-hip-hop-fan-says-times-up-music-industry-1078983

Feeling disenchanted by the music industry? Me Too.

Stories about how the music world is a boys' club rife with abuse have been around since before
there was a thing called rock 'n' roll, and yet the industry has stayed remarkably silent in the wake
of Hollywood's massive shakedown of sexual predators.

On Grammys Sunday, Kelly Clarkson, Rita Ora and more will wear white roses in solidarity with the
Time’s Up movement. A white rose is nice, but it's not women's responsibility to make change in
an industry where they are the minority. And it's going to take more than white roses to do that.

I, like many women, am part of the problem. I have nodded my head in agreement to songs that
are demeaning, yet good to work out to. My relationship with hip-hop is much like any other 30-
something's. Depending on what coast you grew up on, for me, the East, that's who you listened
to. Listening to Biggie, Mary J. Blige, Wu-Tang and Nas transports me back to a time where my
biggest worry was boys and homework. I didn't knew how I would fit in, I just gathered that men
wanted women to act this way, and one day I would have to, but it would be cool and easy, like
the song says.

Rap taught me how to slut-shame. I thought women who were promiscuous were "hoes," I still
have to catch myself judging a woman's outfit or behavior. I wasn't taught by my parents, movies
or in school that men will want to ejaculate on your face. Music gave me an X-rated crash course
in sexual education.

Unfortunately, in my adult life, I had firsthand experience with sexual assault. I'm lucky to be alive,
that I worked tirelessly to get my rapist off the streets and registered as a sex offender. The irony
doesn't escape me. It wasn't easy, and it wreaked havoc on my relationships and my life. In light of
the Me Too movement, I've started to think differently about the music I listened to before I
understood the implications.

"It's just a song," said a boyfriend once. But it's not just a song. It's repetitive, a mantra. The
meditative power of rap seems to escape people. My ex-boyfriend works for one of the most
famous rappers in the industry. After I was drugged and raped by a stranger after a Juicy J

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concert, my ex left my life, only popping up here and there. I was too shell-shocked to care. A
witness in my case, he skillfully evaded my detective for years.

Denial and misogyny seem to plague this industry, where, at times, it feels like women simply
aren’t welcome. According to the Annenberg Inclusion Initiative’s inaugural study, in 2017, female
artists made up only 16.8 percent of the music industry. And nothing says “you’re not welcome”
like lyrics (from some Grammy nominees, Childish Gambino, Travis Scott and Big Sean among
them) calling women bitches, hoes, pussy, gold diggers and status symbols.

In 2011, Grammy-nominated Big Sean was arrested in Buffalo, New York, for third-degree sexual
abuse, second-degree unlawful imprisonment and forcible touching of a 17-year-old. Cleared of
sexual assault charges, the artist pleaded guilty to misdemeanor unlawful imprisonment of the 17-
year-old fan. If he were anyone else, Big Sean would have been forever banned from teaching,
flying an airplane or myriad other types of work for this charge. In the music industry, well, Big
Sean is nominated for a Grammy this year.

How will the industry respond to Time's Up at the Grammys? I hope with grace. Recording
Academy CEO Neil Portnow can’t confirm that he will wear a white rose in solidarity because he's
still "learning" about the movement. Grammys executive producer Ken Ehrlich said, “We’re more
concerned with allowing artists that we work with to express themselves and have artistic
freedom.” Spoiler alert: It’s pretty straightforward, guys.

Artistic freedom and supporting an initiative that promotes equal pay and a safer workplace can
be harmonious. Now it’s more important than ever. On March 27, 2017, President Trump rescinded
Executive Order 13673, which ensured fair pay and safe workplaces. As a result, workplace sexual
harassment and assault cases are harder than ever to bring to court. The music industry needs to
step up.

One has to wonder if inciting violence against women, disrespecting women, is part of the music
industry's marketing strategy. This business model does not jive with this moment in history, and
it's probably not going to change just by wearing a white rose.

It is simplistic and utterly naïve to say, “Just don’t listen to it, then,” or, “It’s up to the parents.” No,
artists, it’s up to you. As a listener, I’m guilty, too. Misogyny has been a successful branding
strategy for decades, and it’s time to call “Time’s Up” on that.

SECTION THREE

by Kiana Konders July 27, 2017

SOURCE: https://massappeal.com/misogyny-in-hip-hop/

Hip Hop’s Misogyny Problem Keeps Getting Worse

At what point do we draw the line?
Page 17 of 25
Where to start? The anecdotes are too plentiful. How about the day before yesterday, when Rick
Ross went on air and said he’d never sign a female rapper because he’d just have to smash—so
he’d rather pass instead. Buzzfeed’s investigative piece on the R. Kelly sex cult and its rapid
trivialization all happened within the past week. The week before, a video surfaced
of VLONE’s A$AP Bari pulling a naked girl out of bed in a room with two other men and forcing her
into another room, saying she would have to have sex with him. Days later, Bari and A$AP Rocky
were out chilling together at FYF.

Hip hop has always had a serious problem with the female gender. Most of the time women are
viewed solely as a visual accessory or sexual object. This is nothing new, right? I mean, how long
has it been since Dr. Dre assaulted Dee Barnes? And the list of incidents in recent memory goes
on, including Famous Dex,, Ian Connor, Kodak Black and let’s not forget Chris Brown, who
managed to get off or get over in the court of public opinion, becoming a worldwide icon again
thanks to people’s short memories and attention span not to mention their willingness to overlook
violence against women.

R. Kelly is never going to get jail time, the justice system is too busy vibing off of his music
pic.twitter.com/4FpEGtXf6n

— Black Queen (@amour_key98) July 17, 2017

While some listeners, DJs and publications have removed these artists from daily rotation, most
have not. Aside from all of the similar allegations, what do these artists have in common? Not only
what seems to be a hatred for women, unless they offer some sexual benefit, but also a cult-like
following that builds a sense of “untouchability” and normalizes their behavior. While criticism of
the artists is plentiful, they still have huge followings, regardless of what they do.

Although all of the artists mentioned are still doing well for themselves, there have been some
repercussions. When bubbling Chicago rapper Famous Dex was caught beating his girlfriend on
camera, he lost his spot on the XXL Freshman list. Rick Ross lost his Reebok deal due to the
scandal over lyrics about slipping molly into an unwitting girl’s drink.

But for the most part, these artists see little in the way of repercussions. Rocky not only continued
to publicly support Bari, he also keeps Ian Connor at his side, despite multiple rape allegations.
Kodak Black not only earned himself a rape charge, but was also seen on Instagram Live receiving
oral sex. Regardless of whether that situation was consensual or not, the decisio to broadcast a sex
act on social media displays a lack of sensitivity and an unwillingness to learn from one’s mistakes.
But he’s still topping the charts.

The most egregious of all these cases may be the rapper XXXTentacion, who blew up while he
was in jail for six months after his then ex-girlfriend accused him of brutally beating her to the point
where she was blinded. He also bragged about beating up a gay man while locked up. In his case,
his predicament actually seems to be part of the reason he’s so popular. His mugshot is actually
his cover art.

These men are entertainers. Their purpose is to produce art, not be role models. Still it’s only
natural that their followers look up to them. Conversely, this cult-like following enables the artists
to engage in further acts of sexual harassment, domestic violence, and rape. Their rise on the

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charts only reinforces the wider problem of misogyny and rape culture. It also diminishes hope for
any help that these victims may receive.

Although they are simply entertainers, everyone should be held to the standard of being a good
human. They floss their possessions: money, cars, clothes… and women. They have every thing a
boy could ever want. But a human is not property, regardless of gender.

Watching the rise of somebody like XXXTentacion is frightening for me as a woman. The
continued support of Kodak Black is no different. Despite all the charges and rape allegations,
there was no end in sight for the heavy following that the Tallahassee rapper created. If anything,
all we saw was more #FreeKodak tweets.

We live in a society that shrugs off domestic violence and sexual assault with statements like
“boys will be boys.” Girls hear it when we’re beginning to interact with different genders in
elementary school; we hear it when we’re starting to form more intimate relationships with them.
The phrase remains prominent even when these boys should be turning into “men.”

In his latest album, 4:44, JAY-Z opens up to us about his journey to becoming a man. On the
brutally honest single, “4:44,” he outright acknowledges his immaturity and battles with infidelity.
Aside from admitting to personal struggles and cheating on his wife, “4:44” is a true demonstration
of Jay-Z becoming a “man” in his final form. The lyrics are almost completely opposite from some
of his earlier work, epitomized by theclassic “Big Pimpin'” cut where he brags “You know I, thug
em’, fuck em’, love em’, leave em’, cause’ I don’t fuckin’ need em.”

While it took until he was 47 years old to admit his wrongdoings, JAY-Z offers a great example of
how power and enablement go hand in hand. This type of insight from an older, widely respected
figure is exactly the type of example many young men need. We teach young girls how to avoid
rape and sexual harassment, as opposed to teaching young men the importance of mutual
consent. Clearly the enabling begins at a young age for many men, but as power is acquired bad
behavior tends to get worse.

Out of every 1000 rapes, it’s estimated that only 310 are reported. If we’ve been shown over and
over again that there is no recourse for these actions, pressing charges just seems like more risk—
especially when the perpetrators are as powerful as these artists are. It seems as though rappers
are held to no standard because of their status.

As an avid hip hop lover who also happens to be a woman, I find myself rapping along to lyrics
that are blatantly degrading my own kind. Although I can listen to Cam’rons “Suck It Or Not”
without being bothered, it doesn’t mean some songs just don’t make me feel uncomfortable:
Eminem’s “Kim” sticks out to me, or Kool G Rap’s “Hey Mister Mister.” Hearing about brutally
beating or raping a woman will never sound appealing in any context. Sometimes I’ll pause when it
hits me how dehumanizing to women a particular lyric is, and then I’ll turn the music back up and
go on with my day. I know I’m not the only one guilty of this—as awful as it is. To love hip hop, I’ve
learned to separate the artist from the art. I further separate the lyrics from their actual meaning,
rather than taking them at face value. If I thought deeply about every demeaning rap lyric I’d be
forced to hate the genre as a whole, and that’s impossible for me.

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Though the separation of the art and artist is easily doable, things still can get iffy. Streaming and
downloading their music contributes to their success. But I love hip hop, despite its flaws. That
doesn’t mean I don’t want it to become better. And being able to love the culture despite its major
downfalls comes from a place of privilege. I personally have been fortunate enough to never have
been in a situation where some of these foul lyrics really hit home. Many other women,
unfortunately, cannot.

We must not deify these artists and give them an even stronger sense of invincibility. We must not
shame and blame the women who are brave enough to speak out about the awful things
happening to them. Sometimes there are, unfortunately, false accusations, and not all scenarios
are black and white. But we need to push for higher standards in those we elevate. We owe it to
any and all victims of these life-altering incidents, to ourselves, and to the already stereotyped
culture that we love so much.

For hip hop to continue growing, we must be the better example. Listening to any of the above-
mentioned artists does not make somebody a bad person. Maybe some of the artists will
eventually grow and evolve into better people. Hey, anything is possible. But until that happens
we can’t feed into the already counterproductive culture that exists within our broader society. Hip

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Hop is a beautiful thing with an electric history and global influence. As members of this
community, it is our duty to keep it as positive and healthy as possible.

SECTION FOUR

The Long and Pathetic History

of Misogyny in the Music Industry
By Sarah Mar 2 2016

SOURCE: https://www.elitedaily.com/elite/kesha-and-music-industry/1393955

For many of us, music is an inextricable part of our lives. It serves as the playlist for everything
from gym workouts, breakups and road trips to crazy nights out on the town.

Some artists have an uncanny ability to express our feelings so well, it feels like they ripped pages
from our diaries and sang them (only way better than we could, of course). We feel as though they
get us, and we love them for that.

So, it's disturbing to realize the music industry has an insidious dark side, one that treats the
women who work within it so badly. I first read about sexism in the music industry in 2015, when
music editor Jessica Hopper asked women on Twitter to recount a time when they were made to
feel second rate, whether as a journalist, artist or fan.

The cringe-worthy responses ranged from double standards to sexual harassment. But some
were infinitely worse than others:

@jesshopp Was sexually assaulted on tour when I was TM. Told the band who
said, 'I don't know what you were expecting, coming on the road.' — Cat Jones
(@catjonessoda) August 27, 2015

Wow. And there is also this response from author Meaghan Garvey, who recounted in a series of
tweets being sexually assaulted and then harassed by her assailant during a work trip to LA.

@jesshopp I went to sleep & wake up to the guy, who's told me I'm the 'best
journalist,' ripping off my clothes. i try to push him off. — Fire Marshal Meaghan
(@meaghan_garvey) August 26, 2015
@jesshopp I physically can't. when I wake up, I throw up for about 45 minutes.
my rapist & 'patron' walks in whistling. literally. — Fire Marshal Meaghan
(@meaghan_garvey) August 26, 2015
@jesshopp he says 'Do you remember last night? You threw yourself all over
me.' I know it's a lie but there's nothing for me to say. — Fire Marshal Meaghan
(@meaghan_garvey) August 26, 2015

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Her story ends with her escaping on an $800 flight back home, crying the entire way.

"It's an open secret that the business is sexist," says Lizzy Goodman in her response to Hopper's
Twitter project, titled "No More Secrets: Squashing Sexism in Music And Why This Is Just The
Beginning." She writes,

It was as if an entire community of oppressed people had been holding their collective breath
since the moment they were first violated, just waiting for someone to ask: are you being,
brazenly, routinely abused? And the answer was a resounding yes.

Unfortunately, this industry doesn't seem to have made any progress since these female authors
shone a light on its inherent sexism last year. Take what happened on Friday, when the Manhattan
Supreme Court judge denied Kesha's request to be released from her contract with Sony after the
singer suffered alleged sexual, physical and mental abuse at the hands of her producer, Dr. Luke.

In a cruel stroke of irony, the judge ruled Kesha must honor her contract to create six more albums
in collaboration with the label of the man who hurt her. This has enormous and disheartening
implications for female artists within the music industry and for the women everywhere who listen
to their work.

Sony's stance, inexplicably upheld by the US justice system, says that a legally binding contract is
more important than a woman's safety. It implies that if a corporation has invested $60 million in
your career, as Sony has done for Kesha, it owns you and can treat you however it wants —
however inhumanely — without having any legal repercussions.

It propagates the helplessness felt by victims everywhere, and that if you come forward and speak
up against sexual assault, you will not be heard. Sony had a tremendous opportunity to send a
message about the direction of the music industry and women's place in it. It had a chance to
show that women's allegations of abuse would be addressed compassionately and seriously, as
doing what was morally right would be put above doing what was profitable.

What a missed opportunity it turned out to be. Still, the outpouring of support from fellow stars
Taylor Swift, Demi Lovato, Kelly Clarkson, Ariana Grande, Halsey and Lady Gaga offer a silver
lining in an otherwise heartbreaking resolution to Kesha's legal saga.

With more and more women working in the music industry supporting each other, one day sexism
in this field will be a thing of the past. But sadly, for now it seems it is here to stay.

Page 22 of 25
SECTION FIVE

WOMEN SOURCE: https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/hip-hop-misogyny-double-

standard_us_55cdf7b9e4b07addcb42a7b8

What We Forget When We Talk

about Hip-Hop’s Women Problem
By Zeba Blay

The sexism we see in some hip-hop music is a reflection of the sexism that we see in society as a
whole.

Consider this: there is a glaring double standard in the way that we talk about hip-hop music and
misogyny.

There’s been a resurgence of both interest and criticism of the ‘90s rap group N.W.A ever since
promotion for the new music biopic “Straight Outta Compton” began earlier this year. The film,
chronicling the gangsta rap group’s rise to fame, has been praised for highlighting the parallels of
racial tensions between 1987 and today. It has also been commended for humanizing a group that
was largely demonized in their day for their blunt lyrics about life in the hood.

But “Straight Outta Compton” has also faced some harsh (and valid) criticism, mostly because it
largely glosses over the rap group’s unapologetic sexism. Key female N.W.A collaborators like rap
artist Yo-Yo have been omitted entirely from the film, while the overall presence of women has
been relegated to mothers, girlfriends, and groupies, all in the periphery. The group’s most
notorious instance of violence and misogyny, where Dr. Dre viciously assaulted hip-hop journalist
Dee Barnes in 1991, isn’t addressed at all.

The film’s release has forced the remaining members to address their treatment of women in the
past. In an interview for the August 2015 issue of Rolling Stone, rapper Ice Cube vehemently
defended use of the words “bitches” and “hoes.”

“If you’re a bitch, you’re probably not going to like us. If you’re a ho, you probably don’t like us. If
you’re not a ho or a bitch, don’t be jumping to the defense of these despicable females,” the
rapper/actor explained.

He continued, “I never understood why an upstanding lady would even think we’re talking about
her.”

The interview has added fuel to the ongoing scrutiny that Ice Cube, Dr. Dre, and N.W.A have
received over the past few weeks.

Since the 1980s, hip-hop artists have been accused of objectifying women, demeaning women,
and promoting violence and sexual abuse against women. They’re guilty of colorism, too — the

Page 23 of 25
praise of “lightskinned hoes” and the denigration of darker skinned women is evident even in the
controversial casting call for “Straight Outta Compton.”

In examining hip-hop’s past treatment of women as it relates to N.W.A, we’re forced to appraise
how hip-hop treats women today. It’s safe to say that not much has changed.

Last year, Rick Ross ignorantly included a drug-rape lyric in a verse for the song “U.O.E.N.O,” while
Lil Wayne had to apologize for the lyric, “beat the pussy up like Emmett Till.” Kanye’s West’s last
album “Yeezus,” highly divisive, has been called out as one long hate letter to women, and
objectifying music videos from artists like Drake and 2 Chainz persist.

[PICTURE DELETED]
Top of Form
Bottom of Form
Top of Form
Bottom of Form

Kanye West holding a woman’s decapitated head in the video for “Monster”

Hip-hop has a long, sordid, and complex relationship with women. Female MCs including Queen
Latifah, MC Lyte, Salt-N-Peppa, Lil Kim, and Nicki Minaj still aren’t taken seriously as lyricists in a
male-dominated genre driven by bravado and machismo, where the distinction between
“despicable females” and “upstanding ladies” is made on the whim of male artists.

But it’s not just hip-hop that has a misogyny problem. All music does. Rap music isn’t the only
genre with degrading and demeaning lyrics about women. Videos like Warrant’s “Cherry
Pie” featuring scantily clad models came before, during, and after some of the most objectifying
rap videos.

Sexism is rampant in the punk, metal, and indie rock scenes. And while there’s been criticism of
non-rap genres before — the campaign for parental advisories and censorship of hair metal bands
in the 1980s for instance — hip-hop seems to be an easy and constant target.

It makes sense why it’s most often the scapegoat. Hip-hop is global, wildly popular, and
mainstream in a way that many rock genres aren’t nowadays. But there are complexities in the way
that hip-hop misogyny must be approached. We can’t talk about hip-hop, an art form born in the
Bronx and popularized by black and Latino youth, without talking about race. Tied up in these
critiques are perceived ideas about black masculinity as aggressive, toxic, inherently dangerous.
It’s not just the music, but who is making the music that seems to make it so offensive.

So how do we reconcile this?

This isn’t an argument for absolving hip-hop of its ongoing sins. And it isn’t to say that one form of
misogyny in music is worse than another — a Dr. Dre song called “Bitches Ain’t Shit” should be
critiqued the same way as a NOFX song called “Punch Her In The Cunt.” But we must also address
the fact that the narrative of male hip-hop artists universally hating women persists, while there
continues to be very little critique of other, white-dominated genres.

Page 24 of 25
Critiques of hip-hop must be contextualized. First of all, not all hip-hop perpetuates sexism. And
rape, violence, and the degradation of woman are not a “black thing.” Sexism in rap music didn’t
spring forth solely from black culture, which seems to be implicit in commentary about hip-hop.
Rather, the sexism we see in some hip-hop music is a reflection of the sexism that we see in
society as a whole. It’s important to remember this.

Failing to critique other genres of music ultimately does a disservice to all women. When we focus
the debate solely on hip-hop, we narrow problems like sexual violence and abuse to a very
specific group, but don’t talk about the ways these issues manifest in other genres and impact a
much wider range of women. With the scope so limited, how much change can we actually
expect?

Hip-hop most definitely has a problem with women, and it’s one that needs to be addressed in a
real way. That’s clearly evident by the fact that, 20 years later, Ice Cube can still defend the music
he made with N.W.A — seminal, but still highly problematic. What’s disturbing though is that while
we’re at least reckoining and grappling with the realities of hip-hop, how we can both love the
music and critique it in a meaningful way, the same conversation about other genres hasn’t really
started. It isn’t right that the totality of hip-hop is thrown under the bus while the rest of a super
sexist industry gets a pass from having to actually deal with its relationship to women. It’s a subtle,
but profound double standard, and it needs to be acknowledged.

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