The Expanding News Desert 10 14 Web
The Expanding News Desert 10 14 Web
The Expanding News Desert 10 14 Web
NEWS DESERT
Preface 5
Methodology 95
Contributors 101
From our very beginnings as a nation, newspapers have played a vital role in
building community. Strong newspapers fostered a sense of geographic identity
and in the process nurtured social cohesion and grassroots political activism.
The stories and editorials they published helped set the agenda for debate of
important issues, influence the policy and political decisions we made, and build
trust in our institutions. The advertisements they carried drove local commerce
and regional economic growth by putting potential customers together with
local businesses. Ron Heifetz, professor at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy
School of Government, describes a newspaper as “an anchor” because it
“reminds a community every day of its collective identity, the stake we have in
one another and the lessons of our history. “
Since publishing The Rise of a New Media Baron and The Emerging Threat of
News Deserts in 2016, we have continued to quantify the loss of our country’s
newspapers and considerably expand the information in our proprietary database
of more than 9,000 newspapers. Our 2018 report, The Expanding News Desert,
delves deeper into the implications for communities at risk of losing their primary
source of credible news. Concerned citizens, community activists, philanthropists,
policy makers, educators, journalists and others in the industry can use our
website – usnewsdeserts.com – to drill down to the county level to understand
how the news landscape in each of our 50 states has changed in recent years and
the implications this has for their communities. By documenting the shifting news
landscape and evaluating the threat of media deserts, our reports seek to raise
awareness of the role each of these interested parties can play in addressing the
challenges confronting local news and democracy.
Our 2018 edition consists of two separate reports – “The Loss of Local News:
What It Means for Communities” and “The Enduring Legacy of Our New Media
Barons: How They Changed the News Landscape.”
“The Enduring Legacy of Our New Media Barons” provides an update on the
strategies of the seven large investment firms – hedge and pension funds, as
well as private and publicly traded equity groups – that swooped in to purchase
hundreds of newspapers in recent years. It also explores the indelible mark they
have left on the newspaper industry during a time of immense disruption.
The stakes are high, not just for the communities that have lost newspapers —
or are living with the threat of losing a local newspaper – but also for the entire
country. Our sense of community and our trust in democracy at all levels suffer
when journalism is lost or diminished. In an age of fake news and divisive politics,
the fate of communities across the country – and of grassroots democracy itself
– is linked to the vitality of local journalism.
Newspapers have been variously described as watchdogs that hold our civic institutions accountable and
“furnish that check upon government which no constitution has ever been able to provide.” “The bible
of democracy, the book out of which a people determines its conduct.” “Vitamin supplements for their
communities and more” that provide the vast majority of “news that feeds our democracy” and “link people
overwhelmed by otherness and isolation.”1
What is at stake if we lose the thousands of local newspapers that have historically provided coverage of our
cities and countryside? Numerous government and foundation studies have found that for a community to
reach its full potential, it must be civically healthy and inclusive. Economists call public service journalism a
“public good” because the information conveyed through news stories helps guide decision-making in our
society. A 2011 report by the Federal Communications Commission found that local newspapers are the best
medium to provide the sort of public service journalism that shines a light on the major issues confronting
communities and gives residents the information they need to solve their problems. But, in many communities
today, there is simply not enough digital or print revenue to pay for the public service journalism that local
newspapers have historically provided. Therefore, the fate of communities and the vitality of local news –
whether delivered over the internet, the airwaves or in print – are intrinsically linked.2
This report explores the loss and diminishment of local newspapers, the implications for our communities and
our democracy, and the potential to thwart the rise of news deserts. The report is divided into five sections:
Our findings are based on analysis of the data collected by the School of Media and Journalism at the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill over the past four years. Our 2016 report was based on analysis
of two industry databases that track newspapers. For our 2018 report, we have added three more layers of
verification to determine the status of the more than 9,000 publications in our database, including information
obtained from 55 state, regional and national press associations and our own extensive independent online
research and interviews with staff at individual papers. Additionally, we added layers of demographic, political
and economic data from government sources. As a result, you can use our website – usnewsdeserts.com
– to drill down to the county level in every state to find out how your community has been affected. As was
the case with the 2016 report, because our focus is on local newspapers, we have excluded from our analysis
the country’s largest national papers – The New York Times, Wall Street Journal and USA Today – as well as
shoppers, magazines and other specialty publications, such as business journals.
In our connected age, there is an abundance of news and opinion, coming at us 24/7. The latest terror attack,
the presidential debates or the shenanigans of celebrities. It’s all covered in minute detail, and we are free to
share it and our opinions on the matter. But missing from that motley collection of trivia and substance is news
of what is happening in our own backyards, save the personal videos posted by friends. Local news about a
tax increase or a zoning decision is rarely of such interest that it trends, but it has an outsized impact on the
everyday lives of residents in small towns, city neighborhoods and suburbia. When local newspapers fail, these
communities are often left without any news organization to care about, watch over and report on the actions
of the county commission or the local school board.
To better determine the impact that the loss of a local newspaper has on a community, researchers at UNC’s
School of Media and Journalism have spent the past two years collecting additional information on the more
than 9,000 local papers in our proprietary database. This analysis found an unrelenting loss of newspapers and
readers since 2004 with troubling implications for thousands of communities. While there are entrepreneurs
who are beginning to fill the void that is left in a community when a newspaper fails, much more needs to be
done.
Vanishing Newspapers
The United States has lost almost 1,800 papers since 2004, including more than 60 dailies and 1,700 weeklies.
Roughly half of the remaining 7,112 in the country – 1,283 dailies and 5,829 weeklies – are located in small and
rural communities. The vast majority – around 5,500 – have a circulation of less than 15,000.
Vanishing Readers
Print readers are disappearing at an even faster rate than print newspapers, and the pace appears to be
accelerating. Over the past 15 years, total weekday circulation - which includes both dailies and weeklies –
declined from 122 million to 73 million. While more and more readers prefer to receive news online, this
dramatic loss has been driven not only by changes in reader preference, but also by the business decisions of
newspaper owners. The decrease in daily circulation comes primarily from the pullback of metro and regional
newspapers from distribution to outlying rural and suburban areas. In contrast, much of the loss in weekly
circulation since 2004 comes from the closure of more than 1,700 weeklies. This decrease in print readers
raises serious questions about the long-term financial sustainability of both small community and large metro
newspapers.
Frequency
Daily
Weekly
Since 2004, one-fifth of all U.S. newspapers have been closed or merged.
Source: UNC Database
No state has been spared the death of a newspaper. depending on how many papers they had. In 2004,
California lost the most dailies, 11, ranging in size the number of papers ranged from 14 in Hawaii to
from 22,000 to 157,000. This was primarily driven 638 in Texas. While Texas lost 146 papers, it still has
by consolidation in the San Francisco Bay Area. Over almost 500 in 2018. The island state of Hawaii on
the course of five years, the third-largest newspaper the other hand, lost five of its 14 papers, including
chain in the country, Digital First, merged eight three weeklies and one daily on its most populated
dailies into two mastheads: East Bay Times and island of Oahu. In 2010, the two major dailies in
Mercury News, which together currently reach Honolulu, the Honolulu Star-Bulletin and Honolulu
nearly 300,000 subscribers. 13 Advertiser, merged to become the Star Advertiser,14
robbing America of one of its last two-daily-
The more rural state of Kansas lost seven dailies, all newspaper towns.
with circulations under 10,000. The communities
affected spanned the entire state, from the affluent The loss of newspapers in one state has the
Kansas City suburb of Overland Park to farmlands in potential to affect residents in many other states,
Liberal, Kansas, in the southwest. since government agencies often rely on local news
reports to help identify and contain public health
Some of the most populated states lost the most crises and assess the impact of natural and man-
weeklies. Illinois lost 157, New York lost 155 and made disasters. Officials at the Centers for Disease
Texas lost 146. The weeklies in Illinois and New York Control and Prevention (CDC), for example, say that
were predominantly in the suburbs surrounding the death of newspapers throughout the country is
the large metro areas. This includes a chain of 35 already hindering their ability to spot and track the
independent weeklies in Suffolk County on Long spread of disease, which could lead to outbreaks
Island, which were shuttered in 2008. In contrast, of more epidemics. 15 The CDC relies on the news
in Texas, nearly half of the weeklies closed were in stories in local papers to provide them with an early
rural counties. warning system, which is critical in containing the
spread. So far, social media has been much less
The loss hit some states disproportionally, reliable.
Number of Newspapers
0
1
As newspapers vanish and readers drop off, an • An additional 1,449 counties, ranging
increasing number of Americans are living without in size from several hundred residents
a reliable and comprehensive source of local to more than a million, have only one
news. Previously, we defined a “news desert” as a newspaper, usually a weekly that may
community without a local newspaper. As a result struggle to find the resources to cover
of the dramatic shrinkage in the number of local dozens of other communities in that
news outlets in recent years, as well as the decrease county, spread out over many miles.
in local news coverage by surviving newspapers,
we have expanded our designation of news • And more than 2,000 counties do
deserts to include communities where residents not have a daily newspaper, which
are facing significantly diminished access to the means residents in those counties are
sort of important news and information that feeds mostly reliant on either social media
grassroots democracy. or news outlets in adjacent counties
or faraway cities for their daily news
There are hundreds — if not thousands – of feed. These distant news outlets – daily
communities at risk of becoming isolated news metro newspapers, as well as regional
deserts. The numbers have grown dramatically in television stations — provide only
recent years as local newspapers vanish and nothing sporadic coverage of these counties
replaces them. without a daily paper, and social media
outlets are, invariably, an unreliable
• There are almost 200 of the 3,143 source.16
counties in the United States without
any paper – weekly or daily – creating The residents of America’s emerging news deserts
a news vacuum for about 3.2 million are often its most vulnerable citizens. They are
residents and public officials in those generally poorer, older and less educated than the
counties. average American. They are much more likely to
live in rural areas of the country. Eighteen percent
28 27
19
3 3
States were grouped into regions according to the following classifications: Pacific: AK, CA, HI, OR, WA;
Mountain: AZ, CO, ID, MT, NV, NM, UT, WY; Midwest: IL, IN, MI, OH, WI, IA, KS, MN, MO, NE, ND, SD;
South: DE, DC, FL, GA, MD, NC, SC, VA, WV, AL, KY, MS, TN, AR, LA, OK, TX; Mid-Atlantic: NJ, NY, PA;
New England: CT, ME, MA, NH, RI, VT
Completely rural or less than 2,500 urban population, adjacent to a metro area 31
Completely rural or less than 2,500 urban population, not adjacent to a metro area 58
TOTAL 1,810
SOURCE: UNC Database and U.S. Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service
In rural counties where papers have closed or on its website was the Howard-Winneshiek School
merged, the average poverty rate is nearly 4 Board’s 4-1 decision to close the Lime Springs
percentage points higher than the national average elementary school.34 “Small newspapers can’t keep
of 12.7 percent. Sixty-two percent of voters in these up,” said Herald editor Marcie Klomp in a 2015
rural counties voted for Trump in the 2016 election, interview. “There is a place for a small newspaper,
compared with 46 percent nationwide.32 but I guess there isn’t room for this one.”35
The economic challenges facing rural newspapers In Missouri, the 104-year-old daily Macon Chronicle-
differ from those of their metro counterparts. Herald closed in 2014 when the neighboring
These papers are often in small markets that are family-owned newspaper, the Lewis County Press,
unattractive to advertisers outside of communities purchased its assets from the GateHouse chain. For
where the papers are located. Many of the papers nearly 50 years, from 1926 to 1973, the paper was
that closed were independently owned and were owned and edited by Frank P. Briggs, who served
forced to close when owners faced declining profits first as mayor of Macon and then as a state senator.
or couldn’t find a buyer. When Harry Truman resigned his U.S. Senate seat in
1945, Briggs was appointed to serve out his term.
Lime Springs, Iowa, with a population of fewer In 1958, the University of Missouri, his alma mater,
than 500 residents, lost its 139-year-old weekly honored him and his long-running column, “It Seems
newspaper in 2015. In its last issue, dated Feb. to B,” with a distinguished journalism award saying
11, the Lime Springs Herald recalled the paper’s he had “achieved the nearly impossible feat of
expansive history, printing vintage ads dating back keeping his newspaper and his public responsibilities
to 1897 and stories from readers about what the entirely divorced from one another.”36 Macon
paper meant to them and to their community, native Judy Baughman lamented the closure of the
located in Howard County in northeast Iowa, 200 1,700-circulation paper. “My wedding was in there;
miles from both Minneapolis and Des Moines. my engagement was in there,” Baughman said. “At
Carl Cassidy left an indelible mark on the paper, various times, my then-husband and my son were
purchasing it when he was 19 and then serving featured. . .. So it really breaks my heart that it’s no
as publisher, editor and community historian for longer in business.”37
61 years.33 In 1992, he sold it to the Evans family,
who decided in 2015 to absorb it into their nearby
8,000-circulation weekly, the Cresco Times Plain
Dealer. At the time of its closing, the Herald had
a print circulation of 600. The last story published
had a circulation of 122,000and more than 100 until it was purchased by Lee Enterprises in 2005,
journalists in its newsroom (including both a has a current circulation of 150,000 and distributes
dedicated Washington reporter and a team of to 30 fewer counties (17 fewer counties in Missouri
state and regional reporters). It was distributed in and 13 fewer in the adjacent suburban counties of
73 of the state’s 105 counties.41 Today, the paper, Illinois) than it did in 2004 when it had a circulation
which is now part of the McClatchy newspaper of almost 300,000. All of these counties have high
chain, has a print circulation of 30,000 and a poverty rates, and all but two are rural. The News &
newsroom of fewer than three dozen journalists. Observer, which had a circulation of 150,000 in the
It circulates in only 10 counties). 42 The prominent mid-1990s when it received the Pulitzer Prize for
three-story building in downtown Wichita that The its nine-part series on commercial hog farming, has
Eagle once occupied has been sold to Cargill, and only 95,000 subscribers today and has pulled out of
the newspaper has moved into a much smaller six counties in eastern North Carolina featured in
second-floor space in the restaurant and nightclub the prize-winning articles.44
district. The Wichita paper is printed by The Kansas
City Star, also a McClatchy paper, 200 miles away.
Early printing deadlines make it difficult to offer
timely coverage of both night sporting events and
government meetings, and therefore lessens the
relevance to readers and impact of the paper on the
communities where it still circulates.
The demise of the Tampa paper was preceded Even if the metro paper transitions to online
in 2009 and 2010 by the closure of three other delivery – as the Seattle Post-Intelligencer
large dailies. In 2010 the two remaining dailies in did in 2009 – research suggests there is still a
Honolulu merged to become the Honolulu Star- diminishment in both the quantity and quality of
Advertiser (with a circulation of 153,000 in 2018). government news stories in the online versions. 51
In 2009, the Rocky Mountain News in Denver, which As a result, residents in a community are likely to
had a circulation of 200,000, shut down46, and the be less aware of the issues and less likely to vote in
Seattle Post-Intelligencer (with circulation 120,000) local elections.52
transitioned to an online-only news site, leaving The
Seattle Times (with circulation of 172,00 in 2018) as
the primary news source for Washington’s largest
city.47
As hundreds of small weeklies and dozens of dailies vanished from the U.S. news landscape in recent years,
thousands of other dailies and weeklies became shells, or “ghosts,” of their former selves. Many of these
papers are still published – sometimes under the same name as in the past – but the quality, quantity and
scope of their editorial content are significantly diminished. Routine government meetings are not covered,
for example, leaving citizens with little information about proposed tax hikes, local candidates for office or
important policy issues that must be decided.
Research by Duke University attempted to quantify the diminishment of local news by analyzing over 16,000
news stories provided to 100 randomly selected communities in one week. The study found that fewer than
half of news stories provided to a typical community were produced by the local media outlet, and only 17
percent were about the community or events that took place there. The local news ecosystem seemed to be
least robust in communities that had significant portions of Hispanic/Latino populations or in neighborhoods
and suburbs that were either in, or adjacent to, large metro markets. The study also found that even when
a local newspaper was located in a county seat, there was no increase in “journalistic production . . . [which]
would seem to reinforce contemporary concerns about the decline in local government reporting.” 53
In one scenario, a weekly or small daily, often in a metro or suburban area, is purchased by a larger
daily and slowly fades away as its news-gathering operations are merged with the larger paper’s. In
its final stages of life, the once stand-alone weekly transitions to a free-distribution shopper or an upbeat
lifestyle and entertainment publication. There is no breaking news or public service journalism. Between
2004 and 2018, almost 600 once-stand-alone newspapers – or one-third of the 1,800 papers that the country
lost — became advertising supplements, free-distribution shoppers or lifestyle specialty publications.
In the second scenario, newspapers become “ghosts” when their newsroom staffing is so dramatically
pared back that the remaining journalists cannot adequately cover their communities. In general,
this has occurred among the nation’s dailies and larger weeklies. Although the exact number is hard to pin
down, we estimate, based on news accounts and industry data, at least 1,000 of the 7,200 newspapers still
published in this country – and perhaps as many as 1,500 – have lost significantly more than half of their
newsroom staffs since 2004. As a result, they have become ghosts, with drastically curtailed reach and
journalistic missions.
Unlike the 600 weeklies that evolved into advertising supplements and were removed from the UNC
database, the estimated 1,000 to 1,500 large dailies with drastically reduced editorial missions are counted
in the overall total of 7,100 surviving newspapers. However, the sheer size of this contingent – and the fact
that most are dailies – speaks to the magnitude of the diminishment of local news at the local, state and
regional levels in recent years.
70,000
65,000
60,000
55,000
50,000
45,000
40,000
39,210 (2017)
35,000
30,000
2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Year
Overall newsroom employment has declined 45 percent since 2004.
SOURCE: Bureau of Labor Statistics
Consolidation of the newspaper industry, which places the ownership of many media properties into the
hands of a few large corporations, shifts editorial and business decisions to people without a strong stake in
the local communities where their papers are located.
Owner Type
Investment
Private
Public
The largest 25 newspaper chains own a third of all newspapers in the U.S.,
up from one-fifth in 2004. These large chains own two-thirds of all dailies.
30 16 31
27 28
25
23 23
11 11
10
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
In 2017, transactions involving sales of daily newspapers were the highest recorded since 2000.
A 2011 Federal Communications Commission Report issued a clarion call for other media, both legacy and
start-up, to fill the void in local news left when newspapers either closed or severely cut back their coverage
of an area.85 Many in the industry today are experimenting with new business models and new ways of
covering local news. They range from journalists laid off by newspapers who have started digital sites to
program directors at regional television stations and public access cable channels. However, most of these
experiments are centered in and around our largest cities and metro areas. This means many areas of the
country still are at risk of becoming news deserts.
Both legacy and start-up news outlets face unique, as well as shared, challenges in reaching residents in
a community who are disenfranchised when a newspaper is closed. Legacy media must retrain journalists
to engage viewers and convey news and information on a variety of platforms. Start-ups, which typically
operate with lean business and editorial staffs, must work extra hard to become the go-to source for news
and information. Both legacy and start-up franchises must develop new business models to pay for their new
journalistic endeavors.
The 1984 Cable Act97 gave communities throughout “In some places, the [public access channels] are
the country the ability to require cable operators pretty well-situated to be able to respond to the
to set aside funds for public access channels local needs,” says Mike Wassenaar, CEO of the
known as “PEGs,” or “public, educational, and Alliance for Community Media (ACM)), which
governmental access channels.” These channels lobbies on behalf of PEGS.99 “In other cases, they
were originally envisioned as “the video equivalent need a lot of help.” There are 363 public access
of the speaker’s soapbox” that would provide all channels in 42 states that are members of the ACM.
residents in a community the chance to have their These channels offer a variety of programming.
voices heard. In recent years, as more and more Some record local governmental meetings, others
newspapers have closed, community activists, as attempt to capture the personal video histories of
well as industry leaders, have begun to re-evaluate local residents, and still others offer educational
and debate the mission of the estimated 3,000 to programming. 100
5,000 public access channels in the country.98 Is
their core purpose still free and diverse expression Some states have dozens of PEGs; other states
from community members? Or are these channels have only a handful. Massachusetts has about 230
capable of filling the news and information gap left outlets serving the state’s 16 million residents; half
when a local newspaper dies? these outlets belong to ACM. On the other hand,
Georgia, which has a population of 10 million and
Almost 35 years after the Cable Act was passed 28 counties without a local newspaper, has only
by Congress, local support for the public access two public access channels that belong to ACM.
channels is uneven. Depending on the community, Many PEGs are in very small communities, but
the local government, the state or even the local Wassenaar points out that with funding, as well
cable company can oversee a public access channel as commitment by the local franchising authority,
and determine both its funding and programming. there is the potential for these channels to provide
While the U.S has lost almost 1,800 newspapers, only about 500 local or state digital news sites have filled the void.
Most of these sites are in metro areas.
Source: Local Independent Online News (LION) Publishers
Our sense of community and our trust in democracy at all levels suffer when journalism is lost or diminished.
In an age of fake news and divisive national politics, the fate of communities across the country, and of
grassroots democracy itself, is linked – more than ever – to the vitality of local journalism. Local newspapers
have historically been a “tie that binds” people in a community. Through the stories they publish, local
newspapers help us “understand how we are related to people we may not know we are related to.” They
also educate us, providing us with information to guide important decisions that will affect the quality of
our own lives, as well as those of future generations. An entire community – even nonvoters – benefits when
voters make informed decisions about local candidates and policies.121
Given the tenuous financial situation confronting local newspapers today, many will not survive. The
stakes are high, not just for the communities that have lost newspapers — or are living with the threat of
losing a local newspaper – but also for the entire country. It will take a concerted and coordinated effort
among numerous interested parties – concerned citizens, community activists, philanthropists, universities,
classroom educators, policy makers, journalists and various industry groups – to address the business and
journalistic challenges that must still be surmounted if we are to have a robust news ecosystem.
While the business model that sustained local journalism for two centuries has been demolished in less
than two decades, many entrepreneurs are experimenting with for-profit and nonprofit ventures in hopes
of filling the void when a local newspaper closes or reviving the fortunes of a struggling organization. In
cities, hundreds of digital sites, public access channels and regional television stations are trying to reach
and engage new audiences on new platforms. In small and mid-sized markets, entrepreneurs with extensive
media experience, such as the CEOs of AIM and Adams Publishing are seizing the opportunity to purchase
family-owned newspapers at record low prices and build privately owned regional chains that are different –
in cost structure, vision and mission – from their 20th century publicly traded predecessors, such as Gannett
and the Tribune Co. Other publishers of independent, family-owned papers in small and mid-sized markets
– such as The Pilot in Southern Pines or the Suffolk County weekly papers in Long Island – are choosing to
double down on their investment in their own communities, even as they experiment with new business
models to accommodate the preferences of readers and advertisers in the digital age.
Recent research has identified five lessons that are relevant to any local news organization hoping to survive
and thrive in the digital age. Local news organizations that are successfully adapting: 122
Invest in their human capital – their journalists and sales departments.
Human capital is what sets them apart and makes them relevant to residents and businesses in their
community.
Tie their strategy and business model to the specific needs of the communities they serve.
This means that, instead of one business model that works for most news organizations, as has historically
been the case, there will be many.
Know when to compete, and when to collaborate, on both journalistic and business ventures.
Partnerships may ultimately determine the ability of independent and nonprofit organizations to survive,
since they are stronger together.
Have a strategy in place for transforming at least a third of their business model every five years.
Their leaders establish five-year financial goals (for costs, revenue and profitability), and then identify and
prioritize initiatives most likely to lead to long-term profitability and sustainability, even if that means lower
profit today.
For the most part, local news outlets that have pursued strategies based on the specific needs of their
communities have begun to reap the fruits of their investments. The leaders of these news organizations
possess both journalistic civic responsibility, as well as the business savvy to discard old business models,
even as they are experimenting with and creating new ones.
But there are many forces that remain beyond the control of individual publishers, news directors, editors
and founders of local news organizations – especially those in communities that are struggling economically.
If we are to thwart the rise of news deserts, interested parties – especially community activists, politicians,
universities, philanthropic organizations and government agencies – will need to coordinate and collaborate
around these three major initiatives:
Increased public and nonprofit funding for journalistic organizations located in communities at
risk of becoming news deserts: Economists call public service journalism a “public good” because the
information conveyed through news stories helps guide decision-making at all levels of our society.123
Theoretically, at least, informed citizens and public officials craft better policies that benefit the entire
community., In the 20th century, print newspaper advertising, which often accounted for 80 percent or
more of revenue, essentially underwrote the journalism in most communities. Now that print advertising has
evaporated, we have what economists call a “market failure,” especially in low-income, isolated communities.
There is simply not enough digital or print revenue in some rural communities or struggling inner-city
neighborhoods and suburbs to pay for public service journalism.
Therefore, some scholars are arguing that instead of being considered a “public good,” journalism should be
considered a “merit good,” a product or service that should be provided free of charge by the government,
regardless of an individual’s ability to pay. This suggests the need for more federal government funding
of public media, such as NPR and PBS, as well as a renewed commitment by those national broadcasting
networks to cover communities in danger of becoming news deserts. Such funding, paid for by tax
dollars, can also come from both state and local governments. In 2018, the New Jersey state legislature,
for example, set aside $5 million for a Civic Information Consortium that would award grants to news
organizations that cover neglected communities. Similarly, some of the public access cable channels (PEGs)
receive support from their local municipalities that allows them to broadcast or stream governmental
meetings. 124
Lacking government support, the responsibility for filling the journalistic void when a newspaper dies
invariably falls to various philanthropic organizations and community foundations. The small amount of
philanthropic funding supporting journalistic endeavors in recent years does not begin to replace the
billions of print dollars that have evaporated. Even worse, only 5 percent of the $1.8 billion distributed by
6,500 philanthropic foundations between 2010 and 2015 went to state and local news organizations. As a
result, there are very few nonprofit organizations covering the concerns of economically struggling “flyover
regions” of the country. Since there is little coordination among the various foundations and philanthropic
organizations funding journalistic endeavors, a preponderance goes to nonprofit news organizations located
in major metro areas that cover national or international issues. 125
Therefore, there is a compelling need for philanthropic foundations, community activists, local government,
concerned citizens and potential founders of nonprofit news organizations to work together from the
Rethinking policies and programs that will reinvigorate the for-profit journalism model. While
philanthropic and governmental funding can be effective in targeted situations, long-term the country
needs to develop for-profit models, in order to ensure a robust news environment, as well as the social
and economic health of the thousands of small and mid-sized communities where they are located. For-
profit newspapers have historically played an important role in encouraging local and regional economic
development, as the advertisements in their pages have brought consumers and local businesses together.
In return, local business paid for the ads that supported the news-gathering operation. Structural changes
have altered that symbiotic relationship, and newspapers now find the business odds stacked against them
as they attempt to move from a print business model to a digital one.
In even the smallest markets, Facebook and Google now receive as much as 75 percent of all digital
advertising dollars.126 This leaves every news organization in a community – legacy and start-up – fighting
over the remaining 25 percent, a zero-sum game. Whatever portion a news outlet manages to eke out, it
is not enough to sustain local public service journalism over the long term. Media scholars and industry
professionals are expressing growing alarm that Facebook’s and Google’s dominance is preventing
newspapers from successfully transitioning from print to a profitable digital business model. The News
Media Alliance, a national association of 2,000 news outlets, is lobbying for a change to antitrust laws that
would allow newspapers to collectively bargain with tech and social media giants for stronger intellectual
property protections and a bigger share of revenue. A growing number of scholars are proposing that
these digital giants be held to the same standards as news organizations, subject to libel and privacy laws.
Rupert Murdoch has proposed that Facebook and Google pay news organizations for the journalism on their
platforms. 127
In the wake of their slip-ups during the 2016 election – and their slow response acknowledging the problems
– both Google and Facebook are also facing increased scrutiny here and abroad from Congress and various
regulatory agencies, and calls in some quarters for these giants to be regulated as “public utilities.” Given the
attitude of the current administration, it is unlikely that there will be a dramatic rethinking of antitrust laws
and FCC regulations in the coming months. But, even if some of these policy proposals are enacted, they
likely would not make a significant difference in the long-term financial health of newspapers in small and
mid-sized markets. Unlike the large national and metro papers, small-market newspapers simply do not have
the reach and scale to reap much financially from an ad “revenue-sharing” arrangement or a pay-for-use of
news articles.
Google and Facebook recorded earnings before interest and taxes of $26 billion and $16 billion, respectively,
in 2017. Their executives continue to insist they are a “platform” or “technology company” – not a “media
company.” But, as a consequence of their companies’ role in disseminating fake news, there is a growing
realization – among the public, the business community and politicians – that the fate of these “tech
companies” is tied in many ways to the sustainability of news organizations in thousands of communities
around the country. So far, the two tech companies have only set aside a small fraction of their profits to
experiment with new business models for news organizations. Much more of a financial commitment is
needed from the digital giants. 128
The run-up to the 2016 election taught us how quickly false and fake news can spread in the digital era – and
that there was little recourse for correcting misinformation. The McCormick Foundation, among others, has
noted that “a growing sector of the U.S. population” does not distinguish between news sources and that
“the 24/7 news cycles and digital advances” compound the problem. There has been renewed interest in
educating high school and college students on the importance of media literacy. Others in the industry are
advocating for expansion of those programs to reach adults, especially those in at-risk communities such
as Flint, Michigan, where the founder of the nonprofit news site Flint Beat has struggled to engage the
residents in a community still reeling from a host of issues resulting from the pollution of its water system.
News deserts arise not only when local journalistic organizations fail financially, but also when residents in
a community do not know how to access and use the information that a news outlet provides. Researchers
have noted a strong correlation between news deserts and food deserts, as well as low voter turnout in
economically struggling communities. “If you haven’t seen an article about a school board’s deliberation
over a bond issue, ever, why do you need to know that’s something worth reading, or even caring about?”
asks Matt DeRienzo, executive director of the Local Independent Online News association.130 Historically,
strong local newspapers have informed communities about important issues and built social identity, which,
in turn, encourages political activism. That is why community organizations (such as libraries and civic clubs),
local government agencies and elected officials, news organizations and educators from early childhood
through college need to work together to foster civic and media literacy programs that stress the important
relationship between strong local journalism and a healthy community.
The fates of communities and local news organizations are intrinsically linked — socially, politically and
economically. Trust and credibility suffer when local news media are lost or diminished. We need to make
sure that whatever replaces the 20th century version of local newspapers serves the same community-
building functions. If we can figure out how to craft and implement sustainable news business models in our
smallest, poorest markets, we can then empower journalistic entrepreneurs to revive and restore trust in
media from the grassroots level up, in whatever form – print, broadcast or digital. 131
Senior Researcher/Writer Erinn Whitaker and Research Assistant Alex Dixon compiled data and provided much of
the analysis in this report. Both are staff researchers with the Center for Innovation and Sustainability in Local
Media in the School of Media and Journalism at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
1 The Rise of a New Media Baron and the Emerging Threat of News Deserts, The Center for
Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media, (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2016)
See also: Penelope Muse Abernathy, Saving Community Journalism: The Path to Profitability, (Chapel
Hill: UNC Press, 2014)
2 Steven Waldman, The Information Needs of Communities: The changing media landscape in a
broadband age, Federal Communications Commission, July 2011, https://transition.fcc.gov/osp/
inc-report/The_Information_ Needs_of_Communities.pdf
See also: Manpower Development Corporation, The Building Blocks of Community Development,
MDC Inc., 2002;
3 This measure includes US county and county equivalents as defined by the United States Census
Bureau. For example, this includes 29 boroughs and census areas in Alaska. https://www.census.gov/
geographies/reference-files.html
4 Rural and nonrural classification is derived from United States Department of Agriculture’s Rural-
Urban Continuum Codes (RUCC) definition of metro and nonmetro. Metro counties include counties
that fall within RUCC 1-3 while nonmetro counties fall within RUCC 4-9. https://www.ers.usda.gov/
data-products/rural-urban-continuum-codes/documentation/.
5 United States Census Bureau: Pryor Creek, Oklahoma, 2017, https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/pry
orcreekcityoklahoma
6 William W. Savage III, “Pryor Daily Times closes, locals ‘stunned’ by loss of online archives,”
nondoc.com, May 10, 2017, https://nondoc.com/2017/05/10/pryor-daily-times-closes-locals/
7 United States Census Bureau: Gridley, California, 2017, https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/gridleyci
tycalifornia
8 Risa Johnson, “With one day’s notice, Gridley Herald staff prints final issue, closes its doors” Chico
Enterprise-Record, August 31, 2018, https://www.chicoer.com/2018/08/31/with-one-days-notice-
gridley-herald-staff-prints-final-issue-closes-its-doors/
9 Penelope Muse Abernathy, Saving Community Journalism: The Path to Profitability, (Chapel Hill: UNC
Press, 2014)
10 Judith Miller, “News Deserts: No News Is Bad News,” Urban Policy 2018, Manhattan Institute,
October 2, 2018, https://www.manhattan-institute.org/html/urban-policy-2018-news-deserts-no-
news-bad-news-11510.html
11 Jim Conaghan, Interview with Penny Abernathy discussing digital and print readership, May 02, 2016
12 “2016 Broadband Progress Report,” Federal Communications Commission, January 29, 2016,
https://www.fcc.gov/reports-research/reports/broadband-progress-reports/2016-broadband-prog
ress-report
13 Marissa Lang, “Oakland loses Tribune, with paper folded into new East Bay Times,” San
Francisco Chronicle, March 1, 2016, https://www.sfgate.com/business/article/Bay-Ar
ea-News-Group-consolidates-newspapers-6863720.php
See also: circulation from Alliance for Audited Media
14 Keoki Kerr, “Merged Honolulu Star-Advertiser Begins June 7,” KITV, May 12, 2010, https://web.
archive.org/web/20120121154944/http:/www.kitv.com/news/23536804/detail.html
15 Helen Branswell, “As towns lose their newspapers, disease detectives are left to fly blind,” STAT,
March 20, 2018, https://www.statnews.com/2018/03/20/news-deserts-infectious-disease/
16 2018 UNC Database, Center for Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media
At the beginning of the year, five of the 10 largest newspaper chains were owned by hedge funds, private
equity firms and other types of investment groups, which have vast portfolios of unrelated holdings such as
real estate, financial services, international debt and health care companies. By the end of 2018, there may
be only two of these companies still actively investing in newspapers: New Media/GateHouse, the largest
newspaper company in the country with 451 papers, and Digital First, the third largest with 158 papers.
Faced with disappointing returns, the other three large investment-owned chains – Community Newspaper
Holdings Inc. (CNHI), tronc/Tribune Publishing and BH Media, which together own almost 300 papers – are
either exploring sales of their newspapers or opting out of day-to-day management.
Yet, despite their shrinking number and their relatively short tenure as media moguls, the large investment
firms have left an indelible mark on the country’s news landscape, which has experienced unprecedented
structural change and technological disruption over the past decade.
The investment firms introduced a new way of thinking about the business management of newspapers
and their journalistic mission, which often ran counter to the historic practices of traditional print
newspaper companies. The standard operating formula often included aggressive cost-cutting, the
adoption of advertiser-friendly policies, the sale or shuttering of under-performing newspapers, and
financial restructuring, including bankruptcy. At the most extreme, their strategies have led to the closure
of hundreds of local papers and diminished the important civic role of newspapers in providing reliable
news and information that helps residents of a community make important decisions about governance and
quality of life issues.
10/13 Communications
BH Media Group
Civitas Media
CNHI LLC
Digital First Media
New Media/GateHouse
tronc/Tribune
Here are the strategies and tactics introduced by the investment firms that have the most potential to
continue altering the local news landscape in the near future:
Reliance on aggressive cost cutting that leads to diminished investment in news operations.
“The thing that we always have to think about and remember is that our first objective is always what’s
the best thing for our shareholders,” said Mike Reed in a June 2018 interview. Reed is CEO of the New
Media Investment Group, which owns and operates the Gatehouse chain of newspapers.2 This emphasis
on shareholder return has led to aggressive cost-cutting in many newsrooms, as print revenues and profits
continue to decline. Widespread cuts affect all aspects of local news coverage, from routine government
meetings to the arts. While overall newsroom staffing declined by nearly a quarter between 2012 and
20173, Digital First Media cut staffing by more than half during the same period, in an effort to boost profit
despite declining revenues.4 At the Denver Post alone, Digital First has reduced newsroom staffing by nearly
two-thirds over the past five years.5 The Digital First chain had a profit margin of 17 percent in 2017, one
of the highest in the industry.6 This year, both Gatehouse and Digital First experienced pushback on their
newsroom strategies from community activists and concerned residents, as well as journalists who sought to
unionize.
Outsourcing of news and sales operations to remote locations, and the establishment of regional
publishers and editors, responsible for several newspapers.
Both practices tend to weaken the ties of a local newspaper to its community. While this streamlines the
cost of producing a newspaper, the editors in remote locations often lack knowledge of local hot-button
issues, and the sales staff and group publishers are often unfamiliar with the specific needs of small
businesses in various communities. Editing, design and marketing operations for more than 200 papers
owned by GateHouse throughout the U.S. are handled in a center in Austin, Texas. 7 GateHouse has also
pioneered the concept of appointing publishers and editors at a larger newspaper to be responsible for
the day-to-day supervision and decision-making for other smaller papers in the same geographic region,
permanently eliminating those high-paying positions at the smaller publications.8 This trend in consolidation
and outsourcing leads to the merger of papers, resulting in further cutbacks in newsroom staffing. This, in
turn, leads to a lack of coverage of local issues that may affect residents of one town, but not others. Digital
First has been among the most aggressive merging and consolidating papers, including the eight papers
it acquired in the San Francisco Bay area from Media News in 2010 that have been merged into only two
papers.9
Investment Company 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
2 266 140 45 2 23 54 73 27 38 8
New Media/GateHouse 7 2 2 11 35 8 6 10 4 3
19 13 6 2 2
4 1 144 28 1
Digital First Media
13 10 7 8
8 7 6
10 9
CNHI
23 1 5 5 1 1 2 2 2 1 1
2 1 1 3 3 2 1
44 59 1
Civitas
8 2 2 1 85
8 2 2 3
1 56 9 1 1
tronc/Tribune
3 2 16
1
1 65 4 7
BH Media
1 2
1 3 15 28 2 1
10/13 Communications
42
Note: The newspaper reflected here may not necessarily match totals shown in press releases,
which may include non-community newspapers (i.e. shoppers, business journals, etc.)
Source: UNC Database and Various Press Releases
Despite the pursuit of these strategies and practices, the seven largest investment companies have
produced mixed to poor results for their shareholders, and often lagged behind the performance and
benchmarks of other companies. With names like Digital First and “tronc” (short for Tribune Online
The large investment-owned newspapers chains are often part of a larger portfolios of assets held by public
or private equity-based firms or hedge and pension funds. The New Media/Gatehouse newspapers, for
example, are a subsidiary of Fortress, which is owned by Japanese telecommunications conglomerate, the
Softbank Group. Digital First is owned by Alden Capital, which manages a portfolio that includes a Canadian
pharmacy chain and foreign debt holdings. BH Media is part of the Berkshire Hathaway equity group, and
CNHI is a subsidiary of the Retirement Systems of Alabama portfolio.
The investment firms actively manage their vast portfolios of properties. Newspaper revenues and profits
often account for a very small fraction of the revenues generated by the vast portfolios worth billions of
dollars held by the investment entities. Therefore, if newspaper chains perform, they are retained in the
portfolio of assets. If they fail to meet expectations, they are either sold, or management is passed off to
another company.
At a time when many newspapers are struggling to maintain single digit profit margins, both New Media/
GateHouse and Digital First are vying with one another to buy more papers, whereupon they immediately
introduce a round of cost cutting in an attempt to extract double- digit returns. In a quarterly call with
analysts in May, Softbank executives indicated that they were pleased with the returns Fortress had achieved
with the GateHouse chain. Similarly, despite calls from journalists and community activists to sell the Digital
First papers, Alden Capital has given no indication that it is ready to exit the newspaper business since Digital
First is producing double-digit profit margins that offset losses in other divisions.
In contrast, the Retirement Systems of Alabama, which established CNHI in 1998, decided in June to put the
chain of 114 papers up for sale. Also in June, Warren Buffett, frustrated at the lackluster returns on his chain
of 75 newspapers, turned over day-to-day management of BH Media to Lee Enterprises, a publicly traded
chain with 100 papers. Tronc/Tribune, which has 77 papers and been has been repeatedly frustrated in its
attempts to buy or merge with other papers or chains, is seeking new investors and considering a sale of its
assets to both private equity companies, as well as publicly traded chains, such as the McClatchy Company.
Two other chains, Civitas and 10/13 Communications, sold almost all of their 145 papers in 2016 and 2017.
At the beginning of 2018, the large investment groups owned almost 900 papers in 42 states. Here’s how
these media barons are positioned in the final months of 2018:
Frequency
Daily
Weekly
New Media/GateHouse: 451 papers in 2018 staff braced for more changes as the new owner
announced a hiring freeze and indicated the
Publisher Jane Rawlings’ remarks to reporters company would continue to reassess staffing. 14
and editors at the 150-year-old Pueblo Chieftain
in May 2018 were intended to be reassuring. “I The announcement that a newspaper is being
think you will be comforted in what they have to sold to GateHouse – the largest newspaper chain
say,” she said, referring to GateHouse Media, the in the country — has become commonplace in
new owners of Colorado’s oldest continuously recent years. Since 2013, the company has spent
published newspaper.12 Yet, immediately after more than $1 billion on acquisitions, snapping up
the announcement of the sale, Rawlings stepped dozens of papers in 15 states at greatly reduced
down as publisher of the 33,000 circulation13 valuations. 15 Once the company assumes ownership
daily and assumed leadership of her family’s of a newspaper such as the Pueblo Chieftain, it
nonprofit community organization. Within a month, tends to pursue the same cost reduction strategy.
GateHouse executives had announced layoffs of It consolidates functions such as copy editing and
the digital editor and two page designers. The page design in a remote location. Additionally,
SOURCE: 2017 New Media Investment Group SEC 10-K annual report filing
papers in larger, metro areas such as Providence, 2017 earnings call. “However, the point here is, we
Rhode Island; Columbus, Ohio; Austin, Texas, and continue to be less exposed to the print category
Palm Beach, Florida. The Austin American Statesman and more exposed to the relevant and stable and
and Palm Beach Post, which GateHouse acquired growing revenue categories that we’ve created.”32
in 2018, have a circulation of more than 86,000
and 77,500, respectively.28 GateHouse papers are In contrast, there has been little investment in
primarily located in states east of the Rockies – in GateHouse newsrooms. 33 Wages have been
the central and upper Midwest, South, Mid-Atlantic stagnant, and employees face the continual threat
and New England regions of the country. of further layoffs as print revenue declines. Reed
acknowledges that GateHouse lays off “highly paid
However, even as GateHouse continues to boost but unproductive reporters” while asking remaining
its revenues year-over-year with acquisitions, the reporters to write more stories.34 This had led to
company is experiencing rising costs, dwindling union drives at several GateHouse papers in Florida,
operating margins and declining performance at including the Lakeland Ledger and Sarasota Herald-
existing papers. Year-over-year revenues at existing Tribune in 2016 and the Times-Union in Jacksonville
papers fell by nearly 6 percent to $1.3B between in 2018. A mission statement drafted by the union
2016 and 2017 while operating income fell by 44 organizing committee of the 45,000-circulation
percent to $34.6M. In 2017, GateHouse posted an Times-Union said the 2017 purchase by GateHouse
operating margin of 2.6 percent, down from 8.6 has “brought more uncertainty than perhaps any
percent in 2015 and 4.8 percent in 2016. While other time in the newspaper’s 154-year history.”35
competing newspaper chains have turned to digital At the end of 2017, 11 percent of GateHouse’s
to offset traditional revenue declines, GateHouse 10,500 employees, 36 were represented by unions.
has been slower to adapt. Digital revenue totaled This included employees at such recent purchases as
$143.4 million in 2017, or only slightly more than the Providence Journal in Rhode Island and the Erie
10 percent.29 At Gannett, the second largest Times News in Pennsylvania37. In September 2017,
newspaper chain in the country behind GateHouse, the NewsGuild-CWA negotiated a one percent pay
2017 digital revenues totaled $994.9M, or a third of raise for GateHouse employees it represents. 38
total revenue.30
As robust coverage of routine government
GateHouse has sought to combat decreasing meetings and investigative journalism decline
operating margins by pivoting to a business-friendly at GateHouse-owned papers, readers are also
revenue model, offering local businesses everything taking notice. Average daily circulation at existing
from mobile app development to small business GateHouse papers fell 15 percent between 2014
loans, arranged through one of the financial services and 2018, dropping from nearly 16,000 to under
companies owned by parent company Fortress. 14,000. 39 Circulation at the Daily-Tribune in
Since 2014, the company has invested $65 million Columbia, Missouri, has fallen by more than 20
in its business services and financing division, percent to 13,000 in the two years since Gatehouse
UpCurve, and a marketing division, ThriveHive.31 purchased the paper and eliminated more than
UpCurve’s revenue has grown from $6 million in half the newsroom staff.40 In a column in the
2013 to $71 million in 2017. “We expect (print) Daily-Tribune, the GateHouse-installed managing
declines to continue,” Reed said in the company’s editor, West Virginia native Charles Westmoreland,
Frequency
Daily
Weekly
Digital First Media: 158 papers in 2018 other major newspaper chains were struggling to
maintain single-digit operating margins, executives
The ruckus started when one hedge fund accused at Digital First had posted an operating margin
another hedge fund of mismanagement. In March of 17 percent, apparently by cutting newsroom
2018, Solus Alternative Asset Management, which staffing by as much as twice the industry average.
had a minority share in another hedge fund, Alden In response, journalists at Digital First papers
Global Capital, filed a lawsuit in Delaware, accusing revolted by publishing stories and editorials that
the very secretive Alden fund of siphoning profits criticized Alden for its management of Digital
from its Digital First newspaper chain to prop up First. With advance notice that yet another round
its failed investments in Greek debt and a Canadian of layoffs was imminent, news executives at the
pharmacy chain.42 190,000-circulation44 Denver Post decided to print
a rare front-page editorial on April 8 with the
As word of the lawsuit leaked, journalists managed headline, “News Matters: Colo. should demand the
to obtain a copy of the 2017 financial results newspaper it deserves.” The following day Digital
for Digital First and publish it. 43 At a time when First laid off one-third of the Post’s remaining
SOURCE: Ken Doctor, “Newsonomics: Alden Global Capital is making so much money wrecking local journalism it might not
want to stop anytime soon,” Nieman Lab, May 1, 2018, http://www.niemanlab.org/2018/05/newsonomics-alden-global-capital-
is-making-so-much-money-wrecking-local-journalism-it-might-not-want-to-stop-anytime-soon/”
of Labor Statistics estimates that total newspaper gutted and demoralized newsrooms to their
employment dropped by slightly more than a former glory. When billionaire John Huntsman
quarter overall.65 The remaining staffers have been Sr. purchased the Salt Lake Tribune from Digital
expected to work long hours without significant First in 2016, he told the staff that the family was
wage increases. “What sets (Alden president Heath) prepared to devote money and work for “five, ten,
Freeman apart is that he seems to have a rather fifteen years bringing back the great Salt Lake
unique view of a newspaper’s purpose,” Bloomberg Tribune of yesterday.” 70 However, after his death
columnist Joe Nocera wrote in an editorial. “In this in February 2018, his son, Tribune publisher Paul
view, his papers are intended not so much to inform Huntsman, laid off more than one-third of the
the public or hold officialdom to account, but to newsroom’s 90 employees. The Huntsman family
supply cash to use elsewhere. His layoffs aren’t just had put more than $1 million into developing a
painful. They are savage.” 66 new web production system and upgrading the
Tribune’s digital offerings, but in the two years since
As for the current financial sustainability of Digital acquiring The Tribune, ad revenue had fallen by 40
First’s strategy, the company has a $225 million percent and weekday circulation had dropped from
loan that comes due in 2018, according to the Solus 85,000 to under 31,000. In announcing the layoffs,
lawsuit. In a transcript of a June 2018 meeting Paul Huntsman said he had personally covered
between company executives and employees at the “losses” at the paper for eight months, but
the Denver Post Digital First chairman Joe Fuchs concluded that without significant cost reductions,
said the company has explored refinancing, but the financial picture of the paper was “not
“the bond market has moved away from us. . .. The sustainable.” 71
balance sheet of (Digital First) is as strong as you
could possibly want it to be. . .. There’s zero, zero In 2016, another group of four local investors
financial vulnerability.” 67 purchased The Berkshire Eagle in Massachusetts
and three nearby Vermont papers from Digital
The unrest across its newsrooms has prompted First. The investors immediately added staff and
journalists and concerned community members invested in website improvements and upgrades.
to explore buying Digital First papers in several “We thought that if we make these papers better
communities. This includes a Colorado civic group than they were and return them to what they used
that has raised $10 million from local and statewide to be, that will attract more readers,” New England
investors in an attempt to buy back the Denver Newspapers Inc.’s president and publisher Fredric
Post, as well as similar efforts by editors and union Rutberg said. “I frankly thought that we would get
representatives in California and the Philadelphia a lot of lapsed readers, people who got frustrated
suburbs. 68 Digital First will reportedly entertain any with what had happened in the previous five to ten
offer at a minimum of 4 times earnings.69 years.” Two years in, print circulation has stabilized,
but there has not been a dramatic uptick. The
However, based on the recent experience of local investors say they remain committed to improving
investors who have purchased Digital First papers, the newspapers, but concede they have had to
these new owners may struggle to return these temper their initial optimism, based on the financial
Frequency
Daily
Weekly
Frequency
Daily
Weekly
Tronc/Tribune: 77 papers in 2018 spree. Act three begins with the 2016 takeover by
technology entrepreneur Michael Ferro.98
It has been a tumultuous decade for tronc/Tribune,
full of more plot twists and turns than a good spy Ferro starts his tenure as Tribune’s largest
novel. In the first act, which begins in 2007, the shareholder by fending off increasingly generous
Tribune Company is purchased by billionaire real buyout offers from the publicly traded newspaper
estate magnate Sam Zell. Before exiting, he takes chain Gannett.99 To assist with the resistance, Ferro
the company private, saddling it with $13 billion brings in a new shareholder, biotech billionaire
in debt. He also brings in a cast of characters who Patrick Soon-Shiong. With an ambitious plan to go
disrupt the staid Midwestern business culture and digital, Ferro then renames the Tribune Publishing
court controversy with accusations of hostile work Company “tronc”—in all lower-case letters, short
environments and mismanagement. The second for “Tribune online content.100 Late night comics
act involves bankruptcy, a change in ownership, have a field day with the new name, comparing
restructuring, relisting of the stock on the New York it to the sound of a duck honking. Soon-Shiong’s
Stock Exchange, a split of the company’s newspaper and Ferro’s relationship rapidly sours as they feud
and broadcasting divisions and an acquisition for control.101 Soon-Shiong leaves the board in
Tronc has said it will use the $500 million in • New Media/GateHouse, a subsidiary of Fortress
proceeds from the sale of the Los Angeles Times, Investments, owned by SoftBank. When asked
San Diego Union-Tribune and associated weeklies by an analyst in a May 2018 earnings call if
to Soon-Shiong to pay down long-term debt. As Fortress might be considering a tronc purchase,
of its latest quarter, its long-term debt is nearly Softbank CEO Masayoshi Son said he had no
$327 million, meaning tronc will have cash reserves direct knowledge, but that he wouldn’t stop
remaining after the debt is paid off. 118 When the purchase. “At SoftBank, we don’t have a
Gannett considered purchasing tronc in 2016 – direct interest at all, but some of the companies
before the lenders got cold feet and Gannett pulled that we acquired, which is Fortress and also
out – the two companies agreed on a price of investees of Fortress, have interest or have
$18.75 per share, a 150 percent premium over the an ownership of local newspaper companies,”
$8 price.119 In August 2018, tronc was trading at Son said.125 “As long as they’re making a good
nearly $17 per share and had a market valuation of performance, I don’t have any intention to stop
almost $600 million. According to news accounts, them.”
initial offers are expected to be in the $700 million
range. Rumored buyers this time include: Whatever the future may hold for tronc/Tribune
properties, the name “tronc” is a historical footnote.
• The Donerail Group, a newly formed private The day Soon-Shiong assumed ownership of the
equity fund that is led by Will Wyatt. Wyatt Los Angeles Times, employees hung signs in the
previously led the activist hedge fund Starboard building with backslashes through the “tronc” logo.
Value, which took a $16 million stake in tronc In his comments to the newsroom staff, Soon-
in 2016. 120 In 2017, the hedge fund invested Shiong agreed with the sentiment. “Let’s put tronc
more than $70 million in Tribune Media, which in the trunk and we’re done,”126 he said. On Oct.
is the broadcasting division that was spun 4, the board of directors announced the revival of
off in 2014.121According to Reuters, Donerail the company’s previous name, Tribune Publishing
has secured financing and is in advanced Company.
negotiations for the deal.122
Owner
BH Media Group
Lee Enterprises
Status
Sold
Still Owned
Civitas Media has divested from more than 90 newspapers over the past four years.
Source: UNC Database
Civitas Media: 4 papers in 2018 papers in 12 states in the South and Midwest. Sixty
percent of the papers in the Civitas chain were in
Despite having a portfolio of nearly a hundred counties with higher than average poverty rates. Its
newspapers just four years ago, Civitas Media has entire portfolio of small-market newspapers had an
bought and flipped its way to a near exit from average circulation of under 10,000.
the industry. Nearly six years after it formed, the
company has sold or closed all of its newspapers Versa’s focus is on purchasing distressed properties,
except for four – the Times-Leader in Wilkes-Barre, streamlining operations and then selling the assets.
Pennsylvania, and its affiliated weeklies. 154 “We buy the whole company and fix it and then sell
it,” Versa founder and CEO Gregory Segall said in a
The Civitas chain of papers was created in 2012 2016 interview with Bloomberg News.156 “We are
through a merger of four bankrupt or financially buying companies that are experiencing some kind
distressed media companies bought by private of transition, maybe it was an operating problem.
equity firm Versa Capital Management. 155 Those Maybe it was a strategy problem, an industry
four media companies were Freedom Central, problem [or] a raw materials, supply problem.” The
Heartland Publications, Impressions Media and Ohio Versa formula for “fixing” its newspapers involved
Community Media. At its peak, Civitas owned 98 dramatic cost cuts and regional consolidation,
Status
Sold
Still Owned
10/13 Communications has divested from more than 40 newspapers over the past four years.
Source: UNC Database
10/13 Communications (Tucson Local Media): 3 The investment entity 10/13 Communications
papers in 2018 formed in 2009 as a partnership between 10K
Investments and 13th Street Media, which is led by
The advertiser-first mentality of 10/13 Randy Miller. In the industry, Miller is known as an
Communication has left its mark on the more than advocate for his advertisers. He believes in beefing
40 papers the company owned for several years up the sales staff, while keeping newsroom staffing
before selling them to four different owners in lean. “Our customer is the advertiser. Readers are
2016. At the beginning of 2016, 10/13 was the 20th our customers’ customers,” a leaked 2007 13th
largest owner of newspapers, with 45 papers in Street Media guidebook read. “Sales calls are the
Arizona and Texas. By year’s end, it had divested primary contributing factor toward sales, so it is
nearly all its holdings, retaining just three weeklies clear that the top priority at all of our newspapers
in the Tucson, Arizona, area under the subsidiary is the sales department.”169 According to the
Tucson Local Media. The papers it sold included guidebook, the company’s newsrooms “operate
three dailies and 39 weeklies, located in and around with a lean core of newsroom staff and contributors
Dallas, Houston and Phoenix. and wire services for efficiency.” In a 2015 media
kit for advertisers, 10/13 sees its selling points as
1 Thomas Gnau, “Company to close three Dayton-area papers,” Dayton Daily News, July 18, 2013,
https://www.daytondailynews.com/business/company-close-three-dayton-area-papers/
IIGcTduOtl98nNBctkDZTI/
2 Ken Doctor, “Newsonomics: GateHouse’s Mike Reed talks about rolling up America’s news industry”
Nieman Journalism Lab, June 20, 2018 http://www.niemanlab.org/2018/06/newsonomics-
gatehouses-mike-reed-talks-about-rolling-up-americas-news-industry/?utm_source=Daily+Lab+
email+list&utm_campaign=ab68544c9e-dailylabemail3&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_
d68264fd5e-ab68544c9e-396186933
3 Pew Research Center analysis of Bureau of Labor Statistics Occupational Employment Statistics data,
June 13, 2018, http://www.journalism.org/fact-sheet/newspapers/
4 Julie Reynolds, “Working under a hedge fund: how billionaires made the crisis at America’s news
papers even worse,” dfmworkers.org, April 10, 2017, https://dfmworkers.org/working-
under-a-hedge-fund-how-billionaires-made-the-crisis-at-americas-newspapers-even-worse/
5 Joe Nocera, “Alden Global Capital’s Business Model Destroys Newspapers for Little Gain,”
Bloomberg, March 26, 2018, https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2018-03-26/alden-global-
capital-s-business-model-destroys-newspapers-for-little-gain
6 Ken Doctor, “Newsonomics: Alden Global Capital is making so much money wrecking local journalism
it might not want to stop anytime soon,” Nieman Lab, May 1, 2018, http://www.niemanlab.
org/2018/05/newsonomics-alden-global-capital-is-making-so-much-money-wrecking-local-journalism
-it-might-not-want-to-stop-anytime-soon/
7 GateHouse Center for News and Design, 2018, http://www.centerfornewsanddesign.com/
8 “GateHouse names new publisher for group of 8 Ohio Newspapers, Associated Press, April 5, 2017,
https://www.usnews.com/news/best-states/ohio/articles/2017-04-05/gatehouse-names-new-
publisher-for-group-of-8-ohio-newspapers
9 Leia Parker, Bryce Druzin, “Bay Area News Group consolidates newspapers in Silicon Valley, Easy Bay
and on the Peninsula,” Silicon Valley Business Journal, March 1, 2016, https://www.bizjournals.com/
sanjose/news/2016/03/01/bay-area-news-group-consolidates-newspapers-in.html
10 New Media Investment Group, Company Overview, Q1 2018, May 3, 2018, http://ir.newmediainv.
com/Presentations
11 “What Investment Companies Say About Themselves,” Center for Innovation and Sustainability in
Local Media, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2016, http://newspaperownership.com/
additional-material/investment-newspaper-owners-statements/
12 Steve Henson. “GateHouse, Rawlings reach deal on sale of The Pueblo Chieftain” The Pueblo
Chieftain May 8 2018, https://www.chieftain.com/news/pueblo/gatehouse-rawlings-reach-deal-on-
sale-of-the-pueblo-chieftain/article_17de5ed6-5548-5fde-bc7e-fca5e349a08a.html
13 Circulation from Alliance for Audited Media
14 Research correspondence with Pueblo Chieftain Journalist and Union Representative Luke Lyons
15 New Media Investment Group, Company Overview, Q1 2018, May 3, 2018, http://ir.newmediainv.
com/Presentations
16 Frank Morris, “Can A New Business Model Save Small-Town Papers?” National Public Radio, May 8
2018, https://www.npr.org/2018/05/08/609304180/can-a-new-business-model-save-small-town-
papers
See also: Tiffany Eckert, “What Eugene, OR And Columbia, MO Have In Common: GateHouse Media,”
KLCC, June 14, 2018, http://www.klcc.org/post/what-eugene-or-and-columbia-mo-have-common-
gatehouse-media
The findings in this report are based on information in a comprehensive proprietary database of more than
9,000 local newspapers, created and maintained by the Center for Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media
at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The data, collected over the past four years by faculty and
researchers in the School of Media and Journalism, are derived from a variety of industry and government
sources, supplemented with extensive reporting, fact-checking and multiple layers of verification. UNC
maintains five separate databases on newspapers that were published in 2004, 2014, 2016, 2017 and 2018.
For this 2018 report, information on individual publications in the database has been cross-referenced with
at least four sources. It includes statistics gleaned from two industry databases: Editor & Publisher DataBook
(published 2004-2017) and E&P data accessed online for the years 2016-2018, as well as proprietary
information collected and provided by the consulting firm BIA/Kelsey for the years 2004 and 2014.
Researchers then verified these data with information obtained from 55 state, regional and national press
associations and our own extensive independent online research, as well as interviews with staff at individual
papers, when available. We have supplemented newspaper data with information from other industry
sources, such as the Local Independent Online News (LION) association, the Alliance for Community Media
(ACM), and the Pew Research Center. Layers of demographic, political and economic data from government
sources were also added to the database. By visiting this website – usnewsdeserts.com – and using the
interactive maps, researchers, as well as interested citizens, can drill down to the county level in all 50 states
and compare how communities across the country have been affected by the closing of local newspapers.
Our database tracks the fate of the country’s newspapers in recent years because newspapers have
historically been the prime source of news and information that guides local decision-making of residents
and government officials in most communities. Our research is concerned with identifying local newspapers
that provide public-service journalism. Do they, for example, cover local government meetings? For our
2018 report, we intentionally excluded from our proprietary database shoppers, newsletters, specialty
publications, advertising inserts and some zoned editions with very little locally produced public service
journalism - even if they were identified as newspapers in other databases. This report does not attempt
to assess the quality and quantity of news generated by all existing local news outlets, including not only
newspapers, but also television and radio stations, as well as any online sites. This would require in-depth
analysis of the content produced and distributed by these outlets. We recommend this as an additional
research step to anyone seeking to determine the health of the local news ecosystem in a specific
community.
Since this is one of the most comprehensive and up-to-date databases on newspapers, we make every effort
to share it with serious academic and industry researchers who are pursuing related or relevant topics. If you
would like access to our newspaper database, please contact us through the website.
As a result of the extra layers of verification that we have added since publishing our 2016 report (The Rise of
the New Media Baron and the Emerging Threat of News Deserts), we have identified 300 local newspapers
that existed in 2004 but were not listed in industry databases. Therefore, in our 2018 report, we have adjusted
upward the number of newspapers in our 2004 database – to 8,891 newspapers (1,472 daily; 7,419 weekly).
As was the case with the 2016 report, because our focus is on local newspapers, UNC also excluded from
the 2018 report data on the country’s largest national papers – The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal
and USA Today – as well as shoppers, advertising supplements, magazines and other specialty publications.
In total, 1,779 papers that were closed, merged or morphed into shoppers or specialty publications over the
past 14 years were removed from the UNC database to arrive at the 2018 number.
The 2018 tally of 7,112 papers may overstate the number of stand-alone newspapers. Based on UNC’s
analysis of papers owned by the largest 25 chains, an estimated 10 to 15 percent of newspapers still listed in
industry databases may be, in fact, zoned editions of larger papers. Nevertheless, these zoned editions were
not removed from the 2018 tally, since they are still providing news coverage of important events and issues
in their communities.
Despite adding multiple layers of verification, we realize the UNC Database is still prone to errors inherent
in any large database, particularly one that depends in part on surveys and the accurate feedback of
respondents. When we spotted errors, we corrected them in the database and will continue to update
our analysis as new information becomes available. If you detect an error, please fill in and submit the
“corrections” form available on our website, usnewsdeserts.com. In general, we update our most current
year’s database every quarter.
In our 2018 report, we are introducing the concept of “ghost newspapers” and expanding our definition of
“news deserts.” Previously, we defined a news desert as a community without a newspaper. As a result of the
dramatic shrinkage in the number of local news outlets in recent years, we have expanded our definition of
news deserts to include communities where residents are facing significantly diminished access to the sort
of important local news and information that feeds grassroots democracy.
As we compared our updated 2004 and 2018 databases and correlated them with numerous news stories
and press releases, we noted that a number of traditional stand-alone newspapers had become shells, or
“ghosts,” of their former selves. They are no longer providing residents in communities large and small
with the news they needed to make informed decisions about a range of important issues that could
affect their quality of life.
We identified two types of ghost newspapers: the once-iconic weeklies that merged with larger dailies
and evolved into shoppers or specialty publications, and the metro and regional state papers that have
dramatically scaled back their newsroom staffing, as well as their government coverage of inner-city and
suburban communities, as well as rural areas. As noted above in “Building and Refining the Database,” UNC
removed from the 2018 database 600 weeklies that had become shoppers or specialty publications since
2004. However, we did not remove the larger metro and regional state papers, but estimated the number —
at least 1,000 – by comparing industry statistics on newsroom staffing and circulation to news articles about
the size of an individual paper’s newsroom staffing in 2004 compared with 2018. To determine definitively
whether a large daily is fulfilling its civic journalism role of informing a community on important issues, much
more research – including in-depth analysis of published content – is needed. Having raised the issue, we
leave that to other researchers to determine if an individual paper is a “ghost.”
There is currently no widely accepted and easily accessible tracking system of online readership data,
especially for the thousands of local papers in small and mid-sized markets. Therefore, print circulation is
used as a proxy for measuring the decline in both the reach and influence of traditional newspapers.
The print circulation figures in our database come with limitations. Some circulation figures are audited and
verified; others are self-reported. Therefore, in our 2018 database, we’ve added additional verification steps
and information in an attempt to be as transparent as possible about where we are getting the numbers. We
also noted whether the reported circulation is free or paid circulation.
When possible, we use circulation numbers from the Alliance for Audited Media (AAM). AAM is the industry
leader in media verification and specializes in verifying circulation metrics for publishers. However, only 13
percent of papers in the UNC Database subscribe to AAM audits. Additionally, the reported AAM numbers
for the large dailies often lag behind the audit by a couple of years.
Because news organizations must pay AAM to verify their circulation statistics, many small papers do not
use the service and instead self-report. If there are no AAM data, UNC relied on self-reported newspaper
circulation from a variety of sources (E&P, state press associations and independent research). Self-reported
circulation data are problematic, since UNC researchers observed that a significant number of newspapers
report the same circulation across multiple years. However, self-reported numbers are the only option
available for many small weekly papers.
For the 2018 report, UNC created interactive maps for the country and all 50 states, plus the District of
Columbia. The maps in this report, and in its online version, provide insights into the risk of news deserts in
thousands of communities across the country. By visiting usnewsdeserts.com, researchers can analyze data
(demographics, political leanings, number of news outlets) down to the county level for all 50 states. UNC
researchers used government data to pinpoint the locations of newspapers as accurately as possible. Often,
both the BIA/Kelsey and E&P 2014 databases incorrectly listed the parent company or city location for many
newspapers, especially the smaller ones. UNC researchers attempted to review and correct errors. The UNC
Database uses the newspaper’s office as the physical address for mapping purposes.
To identify whether newspapers were located in a rural or an urban area, each was assigned to a corresponding
group from the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Rural-Urban Continuum Codes (RUCC) based on the county in
which they were located. According to RUCC codes, communities in groups one though three were classified as
metro areas. All others were classified as rural. Additionally, U.S. Census information on demographics (income,
age, population makeup, etc.) was merged into the database, as well as information from state election boards
and industry sources such as the Local Independent Online News (LION) association. We also overlaid the
USDA’s information to locate counties in food deserts. The USDA defines a food desert as “parts of the country
vapid of fresh fruit, vegetables, and other healthful whole foods, usually found in impoverished areas due to a
lack of grocery stores, farmers’ markets and healthy food providers.”
UNC tracks changes in a newspaper’s ownership, as well as closures and mergers, through news accounts and
press releases. We define a closure as a newspaper that is no longer published and a merger as a newspaper
that has been combined with another publication. Often the two merged papers initially have a combined
name, but eventually the name of the smaller paper is eliminated. We tracked mergers and acquisitions in the
newspaper industry from 2004 to 2018 and assessed corporate strategies by identifying and examining:
There are limitations to all of the above sources. Press releases, news articles, statements made by news
executives and reports from industry analysts often list by title only the sales of the largest and most
prominent newspapers, usually dailies. The weeklies involved in the sale, as well as specialty publications
(including shoppers and business journals) are often grouped together and reported as a single number. That is
why we try to check all announcements of sales against publicly available documents and corporate websites.
We track updates to the industry through the Twitter account @businessofnews and post important
developments on our website, usnewsdeserts.com. For the past three years, we’ve updated the current
year’s database on a quarterly basis. The final update of the 2018 database will occur in January 2019, when
all transactions that occurred in the fourth quarter of the previous year will be recorded.
Media Groupings
Similar to our 2016 report, UNC categorized the largest 25 newspaper owners into one of three categories:
private companies, publicly traded companies and investment companies.
• Private Companies: This group includes large companies, such as Hearst Corp., which own a portfolio
of media that include an array of media formats. They not only own print publications, but cable
networks and digital enterprises as well. This category can also include smaller companies like Boone
Newspapers, which owns fewer than 100 publications in small and mid-sized communities throughout
the South.
• Public Companies: This group includes publicly traded companies such as Gannett, Lee Enterprises
and McClatchy.
• Investment Companies: This category has arisen in the past decade and has a different ownership
philosophy and financial structure from the traditional newspaper owners. Owners in this group
can be either private or public, but the key distinctions in investment company ownership are the
companies’ business philosophies and financial structures, which differ significantly from those of
traditional newspaper chains. Companies were classified in this category if they met at least five of the
eight characteristics in the chart below:
Editor & Publisher began publishing an annual Newspaper DataBook in 1921. The DataBook has information
on more than 25,000 companies and more than 160 data fields. Data are collected through mail and email
surveys, supplemented with telephone research. BIA/Kelsey, a research and advisory company, focused on
local advertising and marketing, began tracking newspaper ownership in 2004. The organization employs a
telemarketing team that calls individual newspapers and collects information from employee respondents.
The Expanding News Desert and the website, usnewsdeserts.com, was produced by Center
for Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media in the School of Media and Journalism at the
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Penelope Muse Abernathy, formerly an executive with The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times,
is the Knight Chair in Journalism and Digital Media Economics. She is the author of Saving Community
Journalism: The Path to Profitability (UNC Press: 2014) and co-author of The Strategic Digital Media
Entrepreneur (Wiley Blackwell: 2018).
UNC’s Center for Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media supports existing and start-up news
organizations through its dissemination of applied research and the development of digital tools and
solutions. The Center supports the economic and business research of UNC’s Knight Chair in Journalism and
Digital Media Economics. It also supports faculty and students associated with the Reese News Lab, which
designs, tests and adapts digital tools for use in small and mid-sized newsrooms. The Center is funded by
grants from the Knight Foundation and UNC.
Researchers
Craig Anderson, Project Director, Center for Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media
Leonardo Castanedo, Data Visualization Specialist
Bill Cloud, Associate Professor of Journalism (Ret.)
Michele Kisthardt, Hudson Integrated Marketing, Communications Advisor
Michael McElroy, Adjunct Professor
Carol Zarker, Communications Project Manager, Center for Innovation and Sustainability in Local Media