PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

Se��e� B - No. 71

HOKKIEN CHINESE BORROWINGS IN TAGALOG

by

Gloria Chan Yap

Department of Linguistics

Research School of Pacffic Studies

THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Yap, G.C. Hokkien Chinese borrowings in Tagalog.

B-71, viii + 163 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1980. DOI:10.15144/PL-B71.cover
©1980 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.
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Copyright (§) G. Chan Yap.

First published 1980.

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 TAB L E O F C O NT ENTS

Page
Abstract

CHAPTER 1 - I NTRODUCTION 1
1.0. Preliminary Remark 1
1.1. Background of the Study: Related Literature 2
1.2. The Purpose of the Study 3
1.2.1. Phonological 3
1.2.2. Semantic and Cultural 4
1.3. Scope and Limitations of the Study 4
1.4. Methodology 5
1.4.1. Deciding on the Validity of the Corpus 5
1.4.2. Phonological Analysis 5
1.4.3. Semantic Analysis 6
1.5. Significance of the Study 6
1.6. Plan of the Study 8
N o t e6 9

CHAPTER 2 - THE PHONOLOGY OF HOKKIEN CHINESE LOANWORDS 12

2.0. Introduction 12
2.1. Generative Phonology Framework 13
2.1.1. Assumptions of Generative Phonology 13
2.1.2. The Phonological Framework 14
2.1.2.1. Levels of Representation 15
2.1.2.2. Morpheme Structure Conditions 15
2.1.2.3. Phonological Rules 16
2.1.3. The Phonetic Framework 16
2.1.3.1. Major Class Features 17

iii
iv

Page
2.1.3.2. Manner of Articulation Features 18
2.1.3.3. Cavity Features 18
2.1.3.4. Subsidiary Features 19
2.1.3.5. Prosodic Features 20
2.1.3.6. The Binariness of Phonetic Features 20
2.2. Distinctive Features of Tagalog and Hokkien 20
2.2.1. Major Class Features 22
2.2.2. Manner of Articulation Features 23
2.2.3. Cavity Features 23
2.2.4. Vowel Features 24
2.2.5. Subsidiary Features 24
2.2.6. Prosodic Features 25
2.2.7. Summary 25
2.3. Trans-Linguistic Rules of Hokkien Loanwords 28
2.3.1. Detona1isation 28
2.3.2. De-aspiration 30
2.3.3. Bi-segmenta1isation 31
2.3.4. De-nasa1isation 35
2.3.5. G1otta1isation 36
2.3.6. Glide Insertion 36
2.3.7. Glide Substitution 38
2.3.8. Vowel Raising 38
2.3.9. Vowel Cluster Simplification 39
2.3.10. Vowel Epenthesis 41
2.3.11. Metathesis 41
2.3.12. Morpheme Boundary Deletion 42
2.3.13. Order of Trans-linguistic Rules 43
2.3.13.1. Ordered Rules 43
2.3.13.2. Unordered Rules 46
2.4. Morpheme Structure Conditions of Tagalog 46
2.4.1. Condition of Medial Consonants 47
2.4.2. Condition on Syllable Structure 49
2.4.3. Condition on Disyllabic Structure 50
2.5. Phonological Rules of Tagalog 50
2.5.1. Stress Placement Rule 51
2.5.2. Vowel Deletion Rule 52
2.5.3. Palatalisation Rule 52
2.5.4. Nasal Assimilation Rule 53
2.5.5. Degemination Rule 54
2.5.6. Vowel Lowering Rule 55
2.5.7. Ordering of Tagalog Phonological Rules 57
 v

Page
2.5.7.1. Ordered Rules 57
2.5.7.2. Unordered Rules 58
2.6. Summary 58
Note� 63

CHAPTER 3 - THE SEMANTICS OF HOKKIEN CHINE SE LOANWORDS 69

3.0. Introduction 69
3.1. Domain of Kinship 70
3.1.1. Componential Analysis Applied to Kinship 70
3.1.2. Componential Analysis Applied to Tagalog Kinship
Terminology 71
3.1.2.1. Hokkien Loanwords in the Domain of Tagalog Kinship 73
3.1.2.2. Componential Analysis as Index to Linguistic
Acculturation 74
3.1.3. Hokkien Kinship System 75
3.1.4. Comparison o f Tagalog and Hokkien Kinship Terminologies 82
3.1.4.1. Ego's Siblings Terminology 82
3.1.4.2. Ego's Elder Siblings' Spouses Terminology 86
3.1.4.3. Ego's Parents' Parents 87
3.2. Domain o f Cookery 90
3.2.1. Taxonomic Analysis Versus Componential Analysis 90
3.2.2. Taxonomy of Hokkien Loanwords on Cookery 91
3.2.3. Lexical Content of Hokkien Loanwords on Cookery 94
3.2.4. Extended Use of Hokkien Loanwords on Cookery 98
3.2.4.1. Terminology Used 98
3.2.4.2. Proposed Formal Analysis 99
3.2.5. Semantic Shifts of Hokkien Loanwords on Cookery 10 0
3.3. Hokkien Borrowings and Lexical Acculturation 10 3
3.3.1. The Semantic Domains of Hokkien Loanwords 10 4
3.3.2. Semantic Extensions 10 9
3.4. Summary 110
Notu 113

CHAPTER 4 - CONCLUSION 117

4.0. Introduction 117
4.1. Review of Findings 117
4.2. Manuel's "Chinese Elements in the Tagalog Language"
Revisited 120
4.3. Implications for Future Research 125
vi
Page
A p p e ndi x A - Taxonomic Classification of Hokkien Loanwords
on Cookery 128

App endi x B - Classification of Hokkien Loanwords by Lexical

Categories 130

BibUo g lLa.phlj 147

 ABSTRACT

Hokkien Chine se b orrowings in present -day Tagalog are subsume d under

t he c ate gory of dire ct loans or loanwords. Pre l iminary inve s t i ga t i on
reveals t hat t here are one hundred and s i xt y t hree Hokkien Chine se loan­
words in pres ent -day Tagalog . The se loanwords constitut e the dat a for
the phono logi c al and t he semant i c analy s e s in this st udy .
The sound change s t hat have been undergone by the Hokkien Chinese
loanwords upon ente ring the Tagalog language are det e rmine d . Such
sound changes are t hen formulat e d in rules within a generat ive phonology
framework , using dist inct ive feature analy s i s . Spe c i fi c a l ly , the
analysi s dealt with t he segment als o f Hokkien Chine se and the supra­
s e gment a l s of tone . Inve s t i gation o f t he l at t e r indicates the non­
corre lat ion of t he five Hokkien tones to Tagalog stre s s and non- s t re s s .
The fol lowing k inds o f rules emerged : t rans - l inguist i c rules , morpheme
struct ure condit ions and phono logical rules . Tran s-l ingui s t i c rules
app ly t o Hokkien words a s the latter are borrowed into Tagalog ; they are
rul e s t hat were synchroni cally pre s ent at the t ime Tagalog acquire d t he
loanword s , t he re fore , t hey c an also be called ' acqui sit ion ru les ' . The
anal y s i s reve a l s t hat t rans-linguist ic rul es , l ike the regular phono­
logical rul e s , are also orde re d .
The Tagalog morpheme struct ure condit ions and phonologi cal rul e s
d i s cus s e d are inherent in t h e lingui s t i c system o f Tagalog . A s i gni fi ­
c ant finding in relation t o morpheme st ruc ture condit ions i s apparent
from t he analy s i s , t hat is , morpheme s t ructure condit ions are a l s o
ordere d ; t h i s finding runs counte r t o t he c l aim t hat morpheme s t ructure
c ondit ions are not orde red .
Cert ain imp l i c at ions are evident from the analy s i s : (1) it could
lead to a typology o f b orrowings wherein the latter c an be c l as s i fied
and categori sed on the bases o f the number and the c omp lexity o f t he
t ran s - l ingui s t i c as we l l as t he phono l ogical rules of a language they

vii
 vi i i

have undergone ; such a t ypo logy would very likely re flect t he degree o f
c omp lexity o f a donor language a s opposed t o a borrowing language or
vi ce vers a ; (2) loanwords o f diffe rent kinds , t hat is , c oming from
diffe rent language systems , c an be st udied - again using t rans - l ingui s t i c
and phono logical rules as bas es .
Using t he generat ive phonology framework for the anal y s i s of the
loanwords has shown t hat t he model can provide va l i d and logical
e xp lanations for seemingly irregular forms , t hat is , s ound correspon­
denc e s . It i s also evident t hat the use of distinct ive features and
binary notat ion has simp l i fied phono logical generali sations extensive l y .
The semant ic analy s e s of Hokkien Chine se loanwords in the domains o f
kinship and cookery yie lded certain s igni ficant findings o f a cro s s ­
cult ural nature . Hokkien loanwords in the domain o f kinship are sub­
J e c t e d to componential analy s i s , whi le t hose in the domain o f cookery
are subj e c t e d t o t axonomic analy s i s . The kin terms used by Ego t o
I I , I
addre s s and t o refe r t o his elder sib l ings , i . e . kuy a , a te , d i ko , d i tse ,
I I I
sa ngko , sa nse and d e te , re sult from the inherent importance of the
nuclear fami ly within t he Tagalog kinship st ructure . The borrowing of
the above kin t e rms led to the inclus ion of the semant ic dimens ion o f
b ort h order i n a componential analy s i s o f Tagalog kin terms ; t hi s imp l i e s
t hat component ial anal y s i s c an be used as a n additional t e c hnique in
det e rmining the degree of l ingui s t i c acculturat ion of loanwords . The
pre s ence of the Tagalog affinal kin terms of Hokkien origin , name ly ,
I I
sly a h o and i nso demonstrat e s the principle of select ive borrowing since
they are funct ionally di fferent from t heir Hokkien equivalent s : in the
lat t e r , they are used as re ferent ial t erms , whi le in the forme r , they
are used as addre s s t e rms . Final ly , the analysis on kinship t e rms shows
that borrowings took place because of a real need to cover up the
t e rmino l ogical gaps in the Tagalog kinship t e rminology .
A t axonomi c analysis o f the Hokkien loanwords on cookery reveals
t hat a great numb er are concent rat ed on t he category o f raw , although
t he loandwords under t he c at e gory of cooked constitut e also a high
perc ent age ; t he cate gory instruments has the smallest number of loanwords .
On a lower level of t axonomic analys i s , t he fo llowing categori e s have a
higher ranking t han others : meat , vegetables and soy bean products ,
indi c at ing t hat t he Tagalogs borrowed heavily in these areas . The
c at e gory boiled and s� ranked highe st under t he level manner of
cooking , a finding which confirms t he general impre s s ion t hat such
manner o f c ooking i s very c ommon among the Hokkien people .

Yap, G.C. Hokkien Chinese borrowings in Tagalog.

B-71, viii + 163 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1980. DOI:10.15144/PL-B71.cover
©1980 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.
 CH APT ER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.0. PR E L I M I NA R Y R EMA RK

H . Ot ley Beye r , in his brief int roduct ion to Manue ls ' C hi n e� e Elem e nt4
in � h e Tagal o g L ang uag e (1 9 4 8) , a c c ount s for t he p o s s i b i l i t y of a rac ial
l ink between the peop l e s of the Philippines and the an c e s t ors o f the
Chine se by trac ing t he maj or migratory wave s that o c c urred in the
Phi l ippine s back t o t he Chinese mainland and Indo-China .
The first wave of immigrant s c ame about 30 0 0 B . C . or 50 0 0 to 6 0 0 0
ye ars ago . Beyer (19 47:2) re fers t o t hem as t he people of the Early
New St one Age b e c ause t hey had " p o l i shed s t one axes , adz e s , c h i s e l s
and other t oo l s , . . . , which t e l l archae ologi c a l ly of a much-advanc ed
cult ure and c raft smanship ' . They const itut e Beyer ' s " Indones ian A"
t ype o f people . The se cond wave o f immigrant s , which lasted for approxi­
mate l y a mi l lenium, c ame during the late Neo lithic Period , c i rca 1500
B.C. Beyer refers to t hem as " Indone s i an B" t ype of people . Like the
first wave of imm i grant s , they were also sea farers ; they also "pract i s e d
e xtensive dry agri culture" and cult ivat ed up land ri ce , taro , yams and
other foo d crop s . The t hird wave of immigrant s , otherwise known as the
Coppe r-Bron ze cult ure , was p robably a c ont inuat ion of the s e c ond . The
movement t ook place between 8 0 0 and 50 0 B . C . This group p o s s e s s e d
c opper and bronze t oo l s and ornament s and green j ade ornament s . Beyer
a s c ribes the c onstruct ion o f the rice t erraces t o them. Final ly , a
later wave o f imm i grant s from mainland China , referred t o as the Jar­
l
Burial culture , c ame at about 30 0 to 50 0 A . D . The use of j ars for
burying t he bone s of anc e st ors was part i c ularly i dent ified with
migrat ions from the province o f Fukien . Alt hough Beyer a s c ribes the
prac t i c e of burying the dead in j ars to the Hakkas , Wang (19 6 4:281)
bel ieves t hat t he prac t i c e should be ident i fied with the " Ho ck-Lao"

Yap, G.C. Hokkien Chinese borrowings in Tagalog.

B-71, viii + 163 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1980. DOI:10.15144/PL-B71.1
©1980 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.
2

t ribes whi ch di ffer from the Hakkas in dial e c t s and geographi cal
2
distribut ion .
Assuming t hat the waves of migrat ions de scribed in the pre ceding
paragraph c onst itute the beginnings o f relat ionships bet ween t he
anc e st ors o f the F i l ip inos and the Chinese , one c an conclude that such
re lat i onships were anything but commerc i al . Howe ve r , round about the
seventh century onwards , be ginning with t he T ' ang Era ( 6 1 8 - 9 06 A . D . ) ,
Phi lipp ine-Chinese relat ions took on a c ommercial nature , and acceler­
ated during t he Southern Sung and Yuan Periods in China ( twe l fth- four­
teenth century ) . Again , archaeological e vidence in t he form of Sung
ce ramic wares indi cat e s heavy trading between the Chinese and the
F i l ip ino t raders ( Beye r , 19 4 8 : xi i ) . Round about the t we l ft h century ,
t he Chinese t raders began t o settle at t he chief port s on the i s land of
Luzon . Heavy t rading c ontinued unt i l the arrival of t he Spaniards in
1 5 2 1 limit e d it . Apparent ly , the single large st group of Chine se with
which the Fil ipinos had t rade relat ions c ame from t he province o f Fukien .
The pres ent st udy i s so t i t led because it invo lves the inve s t i gat ion
of a dis t inct type of Hokkien Chinese borrowings which are generally
referred t o as direct loans or loanwords . Lopez ( 1 9 7 3 : 3 9 7 ) op ine s t hat
3
t he s e 10anwords were introduced into t he Tagalog language around the
seventh cent ury , whi le Manuel ( 19 4 9 : 9 4 ) b e l ieves that they appeared
during " t he h i s t oric period , a l i t t l e be fore the coming of the Spaniards
and aft er to t he present t ime " . Because t he phonet ic shape s and t he
semant i c re ferent s of t he s e words have only been sl ight ly altere d , t hey
4
are described as recent in this s tUdy .

1 .1. BAC KGROUNV O F THE STUV Y : R E L ATEV L I TERATURE

To dat e , t he only notewort hy l ingu i s t i c treatment of Chinese element s

in Tagalog had been done by Arsenio Manue l ; his findings are publ ished
in his book C hi n e� e Element� in t h e Tag alo g L anguag e, and subse quent ly
in his art i c l e s 'The Origin of t he Tagalog Language and t he Chine se
Cont ribut ions to I t s Growt h ' ( 1 9 4 9 ) and ' The Origin and Deve lopment of
Phi l ip p ine Language and The ir Re lat ion wit h t he Chine se Language ' ( 1953 ) .
The first work c ontains three wordl i st s :
1. loanwords in Tagalog with c orre sponding etymo logies in Chine s e ,
2. words in Tagalog with Original Aust rone s i an reconstruc t ions which
Manue l be lieves t o have c ome from Chine se ,
3. polysyllabic words in Tagalog and in Original Austrone s i an
re construc t ions which Manue l believe s can be t raced t o Chine se
monosyllab le s .
Manuel c on s i ders his second and third l i s t s a s b e ing more s i gnificant
since they prove t hat there is some sort of re lationship between Chine s e ,
 3

Tagalog and Ori ginal Aust rone s i an. A l l t hree l i s t s , howeve r , must be
t reated with reservat ion , for Manue l has not given any syst emat i c
5
forma l i sation of t h e sound changes that have t aken p lace in t he words.
Furthermore , although Manue l s ' t reatment i s aimed at inc luding a l l
Chinese b o rrowings , it i s apparent t hat 9 5 p e r cent of t he words are
Hokkien Chine se in their e t ymo logies. The bulk of Manue l ' s s t udy ,
t here fore , i s really not ' Chine se '
( which should have t hen inc luded
6
borrowings from other Chine se language s ) but Hokkien loanwords.
In his second work , Manue l hypothe s i s e s t hat Tagalog and Chine se c ame
from a common t ongue whi c h was very likely monosyllab i c and whi c h
embrac e s t h e Aus t ron e s i an and t h e Sini t i c branche s. Tagalog t hen
developed into a d i sy l lab i c language while Chine se remained a mono­
syllabic one , although i t s tones were developed to perfe c t i on. The
branches to whi c h both Tagalog and Chine se be long furt hermore underwent
a ' t ransit ion period ' where a system of word-bui lding by ' root-comb i ­
nat ion ' and ' root -redup l i c at ion ' was used. Eventua l ly , the t wo branches
separat e d , with t he Austrones ian branch undergoing further devel opment
t hrough affi xat ion.
In his third work , Manuel shows why and how other Philipp ine lan­
guage s are relat ed to Chine se. As proof of t hi s relat ionship , he
de c omp o s e s ce rtain d i sy l lab ic words in such Philipp ine languages as
Gaddang , Ibanag , Tagakaolo and I loko into monos y l l ab i c c omponent s whi ch
share c ommon meanings with t he p o s i t e d Chine se mono s y l lab i c count er­
part s. He furt her indicat e s t hat t here are " four epochs in the hist ory
of the assoc iation" of both the Phil ippine language and Chine s e : the
Paleol ithic t ime s whi c h witne s sed a c ommon s ource of origin , the
Neolithic t ime s down t o the C opper- Bronz e period , t he proto-historic
t ime s where t rade relat ionships between the Filip inos and the Chine se
began , and t he historic period.

1.2. THE P U R P O S E O F THE S T U V Y

In general , t he purpose o f the st udy i s t o e xamine and c ompare t he

lexicon of pre s ent -day Tagalog and present -day Hokkien Chine se. 7
Spe c ific ally , t he st udy w i l l concentrat e on the fol lowing area s :

1 .2. 1 . Phonol ogical

Loanwords of Hokkien Chine se origin found in pre sent -day Tagalog w i l l

be s t udied i n order t o determine t he sound change s that have t aken p la c e.
Such sound c hange s w i l l be s t at e d in phono logical rul es using a gener­
at i ve phono logical framework. 8 The result of t he phono logical t reatment
of the Hokkien loanwords w i l l be a general theory of phono logical
borrowing t hat may have uni versal imp l i c at ions .
4

1.2.2. Semantic and Cultural

The Tagalog loanwords o f Hokkien ori gin , speci fi c a lly those in the
domains o f ki nship and c ookery , wi l l be subj e c t e d t o a c c ept ed t e c hnique s
of semantic analysi s : componenti al and taxonomi c analyses in order t o
arrive a t findings t hat c an yi e l d cert ain insi ght s o f a cross-cult ural
nat ure . In t he domain of kinship , t he st udy wi l l at tempt to determine
t he rati onale behind the presence of cert ain loanwords as against the
absence of ot hers by utilising resul t s o f componential analysi s pre­
vi ously made on Tagalog kin ship t e rminology . In the domain o f cookery ,
the st udy wi l l determine the hi erarchi cal struct ure of the culinary
categori e s of the loanwords , and in t he proc e s s , di s cover whi ch cat­
e gori e s have the bigge st number of loanwords .

1.3. SCOPE ANV LIMITATIONS OF THE STUVY

The s c ope of the st udy wi l l be the pre sent-day Tagalog loanwords of

9
Hokki e n origi n . The se loanwords wi l l serve as the corpus in the
formulation of phonological rules wi thin a generative phono logy frame­
work and in the semantic analyses t hat uti li se t e chni que s of c omponen­
tial and t axonomi c analy ses .
In t he formali sation of the sound change s t hat have taken p lace in
the Hokkien loanwords , t hi s study as sume s t hat the phoneti c shape s of
the loanwords in Tagalog are very c lose to t heir c ount erpart s in
present -day Hokkien . It furt her as sume s t hat Tagalog phonology at
the time of the incepti on o f the Hokkien loanwords i s not very different
from pre sent -day Tagalog phono logy .
Formalising the sound change s in phono logi c al ru les wi thin the
generative phonologi cal framework wi l l not be exhaustive and e xten sive .
The at t empt must be vi ewed as being exp lorat ory wit h t he rul e s coveri ng
only those loanwords t hat are in t he corpus . The Tagalog morpheme
s t ruct ure c onditions and the phonological rules , speci fically , do not
purport to inc lude all t he phonologi c a l phenomena t hat should ri ght ly
10
ent e r into a generative phonology of Taga l o g ; t hey appear only as
rule s e s s enti al to the c apt uring of the phonological pro c e s s e s involved
when a Hokkien form enters t he Tagalog language .
The semantic analysi s of loanwords i s limi t e d to t he domains o f kin­
ship and cookery because of the fact that Hokkien loanwords in the
domain of kinship c onstitute a handful , and though a c riti cally si gni fi ­
c ant sub-set , t hey wi l l have t o be t reat ed semanti c a l ly wit h the re s t
o f t h e Tagalog kinship t erminology . Also , owing t o t he other fact that
a number o f t horough c omponential analyses have already been made on
Tagalog kinship t e rminology , t he pre sent study wi l l cull t he re sult s
 5

of previous s t udies and relate t hem to t he other facet s of the semant i c

analy s i s of t h e domain o f kinship , namely , t h e c oncept of l ingui s t i c
acculturat ion and t he comp arison of Hokkien and Tagalog kinship s y s t ems .
The numb er of loanwords in t he domain o f cookery i s rat her large ,
and they are , by far , t he most homogeneous of t he loanwords . For
convenience and for other reasons ( see Chapt e r 3 , S e c t i on 3.2.1 . ), a
t axonomic analys i s , rather t han a c omponent ial analys i s , w i l l be used
in the semant i c analy s i s .

1. 4. METHOVOLOGY

The fol lowing s t e p s were fo l lowed in the pres ent study .

1 . 4 .1. Deciding on the Validity of the Corpus

The c orpus o f the st udy i s the lexicon in Panganiban (1972), t o ge t he r

w i t h ce rtain words i n Manue l ' s l i s t aft e r these were doub le-che c ked w i t h
nat i ve speakers of Hokkien for t h e i r authent i c i t y . To arrive at forms
11
whi ch are of unquestionab ly Hokkien Chine se origin , t hree nat i ve
12
Hokkien speakers born and raised in Amoy , Fukien p rovinc e , who
migrat ed to t he Philippines in their late t e en s , were aske d to det ermine
if the l e x i c al borrowings p re s ent ed to them were or were not p art of
their vocabulary be fore they came to the Phi l ippine s . If the answer was
in the p o s i t i ve , t hen a part i cular lexical item b e c ame part of t he final
corpus ; i f it was negat ive , it was d i s c arded from the corpus . Another
check was t o c ompare t he list o f loanwords with Dempwo l ff ' s re construc­
t ion s . This had been done in part by Manue l although his work i s not
by any means e xhaust i ve . A t hird check was t he use o f Douglas and
13
Barc lay ' s Arno y Vie�o na�y and S uppiernen� (1899, 1923). Las t l y , t he
int uit ion o f t he inve s t i gator as a nat ive speaker of Hokkien Chine se
worked as an added advantage in initial at t empt s at i s o lat ing p o s s i b l e
Hokkien loanwords from t he mas s o f Tagalog words .

1. 4 . 2 . Phonologic al Analysis

Aft e r t he loanwords were det ermine d , they were furt her e xamine d in
order to arrive at the sound change s that have o c c urre d in t he set of
words . The sound changes were t hen formulated in rules s imil ar t o those
employed by Chomsky and Halle on Engl i s h in T h e S o u nd Pa��e�n 06 E ngii� h
(1968), using d i s t i n c t i ve feature analy s i s . Spe c ifically , t hi s aspect
of the met ho dol ogy dealt with the segmentals of Hokkien and the supra­
s e gmenta l s of t one . Inve s t i ga t i on of t he lat t e r det e rmined the c orre­
lation of t he five Hokkien tones to Tagalog stress and non- s t re s s . The
fol lowing kinds of rule s , formulat e d within a generat i ve phono logical
6

framework , emerge d : t rans-lingui sti c rules , morpheme st ruc ture

conditi ons and phonologi c al rule s .

1.4 . 3 . Semantic Analysis

Loanwords in the domain of kinship to whi ch was app li e d c omponenti al

analy si s were e xamined in re lation t o the c oncept o f s e l e c ti ve bo rrowing
( Lindenfeld 1971:17) and insi ghts into the nat ure and kind o f b orrowi ngs
in thi s domain were di sc overed t hrough a c ompari s on of Hokki en and
Tagalog kinship syst ems . Taxonomi c analysi s was app lied to t he loan­
words in the domain of c ookery resulting in the setting up of certain
culinary c at e gori e s into whi ch t he loanwords were c lassi fi e d . Next ,
the perc ent age o f t he t o t al number of loanwords in each t axonomi c cat­
e gory was t aken in order t o determine whi c h category or categori e s had
the hi ghe st percentage of loanwords ; these could then serve as b a s e s o f
generali sati ons o f a cross -cultural nature .

1.5. S I G I N I F I CA N C E O F T H E S T U V Y

In t heoreti cal t e rms , the st udy wi l l make a cont ribution to t he

deve lopment of Phi lippine lingui s ti c s . Spe ci fi cally , the study wi l l
show how di stinctive feature analysi s can b e uti li s ed i n the s t udy o f
l oanwords . The analysis wi l l b e s t at e d wi t hin t he generative phono­
logi c a l framework of Chomsky and Halle . Whi le t he generative phono­
logi c a l analysi s has been c alled upon in past years to show the re lation­
ship of di achroni c to synchronic lingui s ti c s ( Kiparsky 1968; King 1969),
i t has not been used e xhaus ti vely in t he analysi s o f loanwords . If
lingui sti c s in general and Phi lippine lingui sti c s i n parti cular hope t o
show t he effe c ti vene s s of generative phonology , the potentialiti e s o f
suc h a framework must be t apped to t he ful lest . The pres ent s t udy i s
a n e xerci se in thi s di re c ti on .
In t he s emantic analysi s of loanwords , t he study i s si gni fi c ant in
its use o f previ ous c omponential anal y s e s made in the domain o f kin ship
as a me an s of documenting the c oncept of sele ctive borrowing ; hence , t he
t e c hnique c an provide a more e le gant formulation o f t he conc ept .
Componenti al analysi s i s a t e c hnique t hat has not been t ri e d on loan­
words wit hin t he Phi lippine setting .
In t e rms o f i t s re levance t o Phi lippine cult ure and nati onal devel­
opment , t he study i s likewi s e import ant . The Chinese have long had an
influence on Phi lippine life and cult ure , but such an influen ce had
been ab sorbed "in a sort of unat tenti ve , ab sent -minded way " ( De l a
14
C o s t a n . d . 3:8). D e la C o s t a b e lieves that " i t i s time now for u s t o
make t h e proc e s s [ o f a s si mi lation of e lement s of Chine se cult ure ] more
of a conscious one " . It i s along t hi s s ame line o f t hinking t hat the
 7

present s t udy at t ains re levance for it i s in the s t udy of Tagalog

borrowings o f Hokkien Chine se origin that the pro c e s s be come s one means
of " consc ious absorpt ion" to whi ch de la Costa re fers ; what this means
is t hat knowledge o f t he presence o f Hokkien b o rrowings in Tagalog w i l l
lead t o a consc ious and delib erat e awarene s s and a c c e p t ance o f t he fact
that they form an integral part of the nat ion ' s and the individual ' s
cultural heritage .
De la C o s t a l ikewi se conceives of Philipp ine cult ure as s t i l l be ing
in t he proc e s s o f deve lopment and points out that such a deve lopment
c an e ither be in t e rms of rej e ct ing all alien e lement s from t he
indigenous cult ure or of integrat ing and synthesi sing cult ural borrow­
ings from other c ulture s . It is the lat ter pro c e s s that he favours :

. • . I believe rather in acknowledging that ours is s omehow a hybrid

culture, . • • , or at least a culture on to which over the course of
time elements from other nations and cultures have been integrated .
Our proce s s o f development i s precis ely t o integrate these elements
into something which is our own , a recogni zably Filipino culture .

In relat ion t o de la C o s t a ' s point o f view , the s t udy i s a p o s i t ive s t ep

t owards the t reatment o f Phi lipp ine cult ure as a " hybrid" culture .
The imp lic ation o f de la C o s t a ' s theory is that Phil ippine h i s t o ry
and Phil ipp ine cult ure mus t be given their proper " a c c outrement s " i f
a t rue , accurate acc ount o f t he herit age o f t he F i l ip ino people and the
Fil ipino race i s to be preserved for p o s t erity . Since Phil ipp ine
cult ure has ass imi lat e d a s i zab le amount o f Chine se cultural b orrowings ,
the present study c an p resent wri t e rs of Philipp ine h i s t o ry and cult ure
with the informat ion vital to their pre sentat i on . The search for
nat ional ident i t y is large ly dependent on a t rue , ac curat e p i c t ure of
t he h i s t orical and the c ult ural t radi t i ons that have been handed down
from one generat ion to anothe r . The re levance o f t h e pre sent s t udy i s
thus furt her enhanced by t h e fact t hat i t i s in s ome ways re lated t o
t h e c ountry ' s and t h e individua ' s s e arch for nat ional ident i t y .
The study i s also important since it presen t s a c l e ar-cut p i c t ure o f
what c ons t itutes Hokkien loanwords . It can t hus be used as a reference
by d i c t ionary makers , language p l anners and e ducators . Furthermore ,
it c an provide vital informat ion t o t ho s e who are c on c erned with t he
p roduct ion of e t ymologi c al dict ionaries o f Tagalog.
Final l y , it i s important in so far as the p roblem of int e grat ion i s
concerned . One of the obj e c t i ve s o f t he pres ent Phil ippine gove rnment ,
as i s well known , i s t he int e grat ion o f the Chine se into the larger
Phil ippine c ommunity . In the event t hat a c omp lete integrat ion i s
e ffe c t e d , t he Hokkien dialect spoken in t he Phi l ippines wi l l b e c ome
e x t inct . In this c onne c t i on , the study w i l l serve t o re cord a language
8

t hat was once in c ontact with Tagalo g . The st udy w i l l l ikewise provide
t races o f t he nat ure and t he kind o f cont act t he Filipinos have had
with the Chinese .

1.6. P LAN OF THE S T U V Y

Chapt er 2 de s c rib es t he sound change s t hat have t aken p lace in the

Hokk1en loanwords as they ent e r t he Tagalog language . The se change s
are stated in generat i ve phono logical rules o f three maj or types : t rans­
lingui s t i c rule s , morpheme struct ure condi t i ons , and phonologi c a l rule s .
Chap ter 3 c oncent rat e s on a semant i c analy s i s o f the loanwords i n the
domains of kinship and cookery . Loanwords in t he domain of k inship are
t reated using c omponent ial analy s i s ; loanwords in the domain of cookery
are subj e c t e d to t axonomic anal y s i s. Chapter 4 conclude s t he st udy and
re views Manue l ' s own st udy in re lat ion t o t he findings o f this st udy ;
it a l s o out lines possible areas o f future research.
 N O T E S

1. Beyer (1947:14 ) de s cribes t he j ar-buri a l thus :

The "Jar-burial" called "Golden Urn" burial, was originated by the "Hakkas",
people who lived in the interior of Fukien and other provinces in South
China. Because they could not bring their ancestral graves with them in
their m igrations into new plac es, they carried their ancestors' bones in jars
instead. The practice was handed down throughout the ages, so the ir own
remains could easily be carried along whenever their descendants moved into
new homelands . Where the jar-burials are still prevalent among some people
in the Philippines, it is probable that the custom has been adopted from
contact with the Hakka people when they first came here . . . .

2. According t o Wang (1964:281, Note 3), the Hock Lao t ri b e s inc lude
Amoy whi c h encompas s e s t he peoples of Chuanchow and Changchow in Southern
Fukien and Taiwan , the Chaochow or Swat ao o f East ern Kwangton and Hai-Nan
o ff the Tonkin Gul f . The Hock Laos are t he only -known seafaring people
among t he Chinese who se profe s si ons range from j unk sai lors t o fi sherme n ,
t o pirat e s in t he past t e n centuri e s o f Chine s e hi st ory .

3. Lope z , howeve r , doe s not provide a li st of Chine se loanwords .

4. It i s important to note here t hat the t e rm ' recent ' as used by

lingui s t s di ffers greatly from t he hi s t ori ans ' and the anthropo l o gi s t s '
use . Beyer (1947: 3), for instance , parti ti ons Phi lippine hi s t ory into
t hree periods : t he Prehi s t ori c Phi lippine s , whi c h c overs the period o f
unre c orded beginnings t o t he beginning o f t he Chri stian Era ; t he Prot o ­
hi st oric period , whi c h c overs t he period from t he beginning of t he
Chri stian Era t o the time o f Mage l l an ' s landing in the Phi lippines
(1-1521 A . D . ) ; and the Hi st oric Period , whi c h c overs t he p e ri o d from
the di s covery of the Phi lippines by Mage l lan to the present . I am
indebted to D r . Arsenio Manuel for t hi s c l ari fi c ati on . I would like t o
point out , t hough , t hat Lope z (1973:397) c onsi de rs the seventh c ent ury

9
10

as ' hi stori c ' as e videnced by the fo l lowing statement : " In hi s t ori c

time s , a s early a s the seventh century and t hereaft e r , Chine s e t raders
int roduce d numerous Chinese words , parti c ularly t e rms for kinship and
for c ookery" .

5. The s ame observation was made by Verst rae len (1959).

6. The maj or Chine se l anguage s not e d by Robert Forre st (1965) are t he

fol lowing : (1) Northern Chine s e whi c h include t he Chin di alect of
Southern Shansi and varieties o f Sian and Southern Anhwei , (2) Cantone se ,
( 3 ) Suchow , (4) the di alect s of Min ( Fukien ) t ypi fi e d by Fuchow for t he
more northerly sub-groups , by Amoy ( Hokkien ) in the south and Hainan ,
and (5) Hakka . The se l anguage s , wi th t he e xception o f Northern Chine s e ,
are re lati vely modern development s of ancient Chinese .

7. The Hokkien Chinese here refers to t he Amoy dial e c t spoken by my

Chine s e i nformant s and mys e l f .

8. The generative phonology framework as set forth by Chomsky and

Hal l e , and modi fied by Schane , wi l l be used in t hi s st udy .

9. Such loanwords are present in t he vocabulary of my Tagalog in formant ,

Ma . Teresi t a Palo , who c ome s from Boc aue , Bulacan . I am also indebted
t o her for t he phoneti c repre sentations of these words .

10. Work on a generative phonology of Tagalog i s being c omp leted by

E l y Marquez at t he Uni versi t y of Wi s c onsi n .

11. I am assuming that t he forms t hat c onsti t ut e the c orpus of t hi s

st udy are Hokkien Chine se , a n assumption wit h whi c h Wang Teh Ming , a
Chine se dialect ologi s t , concurs . Howeve r , t he p o s sibi li t y t hat such
forms may have c ome from other Chinese languages whi c h c ame int o contact
wi t h Tagalog i s not entirely di s c arde d . I am a l s o a s s umi ng t hat i n t he
case of Hokkien Chine s e - Tagalog vocabulary , t he di re cti on o f borrowing
is from Hokkien Chinese to Tagalog .

12 . I am indebted t o Lim Siu Lu , Yap Bee Hi ong and So Hi ong To for

t heir invaluable assi st ance in t hi s phase of the work . A l l t hree were
ori ginally from Amoy , Fukien province . They mi grated to t he Phi lippine s
when t he y were about eighteen to nineteen ye ars old ; t hey are now in
t hei r late sixti e s . The it ems in t he pres ent c orpus all appear in their
voc abulary .
 11

13. All the i tems in t he pre s ent corpus also appear in the di c t i onary .

14. From his addre s s entitled ' Chine se Values in Phil ipp ine Cultural
Deve lopment ' given at Xavier Schoo l , San Juan , Ri zal , undat e d .
 CH APT E R 2

THE PHONOLOGY OF HOKKIEN CHINESE LOANWORDS

2.0. I NT R O V U CT I O N

The l it erature o n generat ive phonology has , t o a l arge e xt ent ,

l
negl e c t e d the t reatment of loanwords , part i c ularly the sound c hange s
and t he s ound pro c e s s e s t hat are involved . This is not due to the
reason t hat the who le area o f loanwords i s an unint e re s t ing , t here fore
unde servin g , area of inve s t i gat ion , but is due to t he fact that gener­
at i vi s t s are in the main s t i l l c oncerned with re fining , improving and
deve loping an e x i s t ing framework t hat will be suitable for the anal y s i s
o f t he phonologi e s o f natural language s . T h i s chapt e r , by dwe l ling on
the s ound change s undergone by Hokkien Chinese loanwords in Tagalog ,
attemp t s t o init iate future work t hat will emp loy generat i ve phono logy
to analyse loanwords in the mo st general , ec onomical way o f forma l i s at ion
whi c h t he framework has so far shown to be pot ent ially promi s in g .
Sect ion 2.1. give s a bri e f view of t h e generat ive phono logy framework ,
spe c i fi c a l l y i t s as sumpt ions and it s phonological and phone t i c c ons t i t u­
ent s . The d i s t in c t i ve feature s o f both Hokkien Chinese and Tagalog are
p re s ent ed and c ompared in Section 2.2. Se ct ion 2.3. gives as det a i led
as p o s s ib l e t he ' t rans - l ingui s t i c ' rules ( hereinaft e r TL rul e s ) undergone
by Hokkien Chine se words upon ent e ring t he Tagalog system; rule-ordering ,
whi c h i s an important feature of t he phono logical rules of any language ,
shows i t s viab i l i t y t o o in relat ion t o t he TL rules of Hokkien Chine se
loanwords . The morpheme struc ture c ondi t i ons ( MS condi t i ons ) of Tagalog
are given in Section 2.4. The phonological rules (P rule s ) of Tagalog
and t he i r ordering are pre sented in Section 2.5.; this sect ion , t o gether
with 2.4., doe s not att empt t o be e xhaust ive nor c omplet e , t he main
concern in this st udy b e ing the system of rules in Tagalog crucial t o

12
 13

the anal y s i s of Tagalog loanwords o f Hokkien origin . S e c t i on 2.5.

summarises t he chapt e r .

2 .1. G E N E RA T I V E PHONO L O G Y FRAMEWORK

Generat ive phonology i s a gene ral t erm commonly used t o r e f e r t o the

phonological c omponent of a generat i ve t rans format ional grammar . To
dat e , Chomsky and Halle ' s proposed generat i ve phono logi c a l mode l , as
e xpounded in T h e Sound Patte�n 0 6 Engli� h (1968), remains the mo st
c omprehen sive work on t he subj e c t ; it i s l ikewise the most c ommonly
use d , although several modi ficat ions of the mo de l have been sugge s t e d
b y l ingui s t s s u c h as Kiparsky (1968), K i s s eberth (1970), Howard (1972),
S chane (1973) and Stanley (1967). It i s this model whi c h i s used in
t he present st udy of Hokkien Chinese loanwords .

2 .1.1. Assumptions of Generative Phonology

The t rans format ional generat i ve gramm at i c a l mode l makes s e veral

2
as sumpt ions about t he nature o f language and language acqui s i t i o n , but
i t is not within t he s c ope of this chapter to pre sent such as sumpt ions .
What are presented are those a s s umpt ions relevant t o a dis cus s i on of
generat ive phonology .
One b a s i c as sumpt ion of generat ive p hono logy i s t hat ut t e ranc e s are
made up of sequenc e s of di s c re t e segment s ( Schane 1973:24 ) whi c h help
to make phonological analy s i s an easy t ask since phono logi s t s c an d e s­
cribe sounds as s imp ly s , z , 1, s, c, J, e t c . instead of some such
' laborious ' t e rms as syl lab le , word , or " such c l ear a c c ou s t i c al proper­
t ie s as periodi c it y , formant , behaviour , no ise spectru m , and the l ike"
·
( Halle 1964 :324). The imp l i c at ion of this as sumpt ion is t hat t he sub­
j e ct matt e r of gene rative phonology i s the phone t i c repre sentat ion of
ut t e ranc e s , s ince ut t erance s repre sent s omet hing t hat i s sub s t ant i ve ,
somet hing t hat i s percept ible t o t he human ear : t hi s notion is t i e d
up w i t h t h e ultimate goal of generat ive phono logy , which i s t o provide
a general t heory whi ch will exp lain " the c ompe t ence o f a nat i ve speaker
in t he sounds o f his language" ( Harms 1968:1). The l inearity o f the
sound c ont inuum i s l ikewise implied by this as sumpt ion as a t t e s t e d by
t he generat i vi st s ' concept ion of phonet i c representat ion .
A s e c ond as sumpt ion i s that s ounds are segments whi ch are divisible
into smaller uni t s called ' di s t inct ive feat ure s ' ; this i s a marked
depart ure from the s t ruct ural i st s ' view t hat s ounds are not d i v i s i b le
into smaller uni t s although their anal y s i s involves t he use o f feat ure s ,
e . g . voi c e l e s s - vo i c e d , b i l abial-dental-alveo lar-palat al , et c . , and s t op ­
fricat ive-affri c at e-et c . t hat are very c lose t o t h e features u s e d i n
14

generat ive phonology . Dist inct ive features have two kinds o f func t i ons :
a c l a s s i fi c at ory funct ion and a phone t i c funct ion ( Chomsky and Halle
1968:298); in t he former funct ion , dist inct ive features serve t o dis­
t ingui sh l e xi cal it ems by allowing only two t ypes o f feature value s :
p lus (+) and minus ( -) , whi le in t he latter funct ion , t hey serve t o
describe t h e phonet ic repre sentat ions o f surface formatives t hrough
" s cales t hat admit a fixed number of value s " ( Chomsky and Hal le , 298).
A t hird as sumpt ion is t hat s ounds t end t o group into ' nat ural '
c l a s se s , which means that phonological segment s t hat undergo s imilar
s ound proce s s e s are grouped t ogether . For ins tance , it i s more natural
for p , t, k to group t ogether t han for p , t, c to do so .
A fourth a s sumpt ion , whi ch i s related to t he third , i s t hat s ome
sounds and sound proc e s s e s are more natural , more ' e xpected ' t han othe rs
( Schane 1973:111). Thus , a language such as Hokkien Chine s e , whi ch has
nasal ised vowe l s , also has oral vowe l s . This a s s umpt ion , t ogether with
t he third one , has imp l i cat i ons for language acqui sit ion and l anguage
uni versal s . In t he forme r , cert ain sounds are eas ier to learn and t o
acquire t han others since t hey are more natural : thus , a child learns
to p ronounce t he s t op s faster and earlier t han t he fri c at ive s or the
affric at e s ; in t he lat t e r , natural c la s s e s o f sounds are more uni versal
t han the ' unnatural ' one s , t hat i s , they have a greater area o f spread
acro s s the natural languages of t he world ( Schane , I l l ) .
Analogous t o the not ion o f deep and surface struc t ures in the syn­
t a c t i c c omponent of a t ran sformational generative grammar is t he fift h
as sump t ion , name ly , t hat surface o r phone t i c repre sentat i ons have under­
lying repre sent at ions t hat are more abstract t han t he forme r . Phono­
logical rule s , s imilar to t rans format ional rules , apply to underlying
phono logical forms t o y i e ld phonet ic repre sentat ions . Implied in t h i s
a s s umpt ion i s t he c oncept t hat t he human brain is c apable of abstrac t i ons
and t hat a nat i ve speaker ' s c ompetence in t he sounds o f his language a s
we l l as in t h e grammar o f his language invo lves a finite set of rules .

2.1.2. The Phonological Framework

The phono logical c omponent in a t rans format ional generat i ve grammar

c ontains t he me chanism whi ch provide s t he proper int erpretat ion to t he
syntac t i c struct ure s generated by the base st ruct ure and which have
undergone t he required t rans format ional proc e s ses . The synt a c t i c
s t ructure t hat i s ready for phonological in' t erpretat ion w i l l appear as
a st ring of format ives or lexical it ems , properly bracket e d by way of
indicat ing the syntact i c c at e gorie s dominat ing each one , and properly
lab e l l e d by t he s e l f-same synt a c t i c cat e gories. In this s e c t i on , the
s al ient feat ure s of t he phonological c omponent are given .
 15

2. 1 .2.1. L e v et� 0 6 R ep�e� e n�a�i o n

There are two leve l s of repre sentat ion in t he phono logi cal component :
a syst emat i c phonemi c leve l and a syst emat ic phone t i c l e ve l .
On t he syst emat i c phonemi c level o r unde rlying repre sentat ion , a
morpheme i s repre s ent ed as a systemat i c phonemi c mat r i x where t he
columns repre sent t he segment s of the morpheme , and t he rows , t he
d i s t in c t i ve feature s . Each segment i s marked + or - for each of t he
feat ures : re dundant features are not marke d . Repre sent at ions on this
level are more ab s t ract t han repre s entat ions on the s y s t emat i c phone t i c
level and are enclosed i n diagonal l ine s ( / / ) ( Howard 1972:4). A
sentence i s represented as a st ring o f systemat i c phonemi c mat r i c e s
t ogether with i t s surface struc t ure lab e l l e d bracket ing on t h i s l e ve l .
The syst emat ic phonet i c repres entat ion give s t he syst emat i c phonemic
mat ri c e s their phone t i c forms . In other words , it determines how a
word or a st ring of words is t o be pronoun c e d . The repre sentat ion i s ,
l ikewise , in t he form o f mat ri c e s where the dist inct ive feature s are
gi ven in rows and the phone t i c s e gments in columns , but , t h i s t i me , a
s c alar not at i o n , rather t han a b inary one , i s used , e . g . asp irat ion in
st ops m ay be in t e rms of t he degree or force with whi ch the stream of
air i s emi t t e d t hrough t he vocal tract ( Chomsky and Hal le 1968:295-298).
Syst emat i c phone t i c repres entat ions are enclosed in ([ J).

2. 1 .2.2. M o �p h e m e S ��uc�u�e C o ndi�i o n�

In t he Chomsky and Halle framewor k , redundan c i e s on t he s y s t emat i c

phonemi c level are s t ated in morpheme st ructure or lexical redundancy
rule s ( Chomsky and Halle 1968:171). Morpheme struct ure rul e s di ffer
from phonological rul e s in t hat t he lat t e r app ly to map syst ema t i c
phonemi c repre sentat ions i n t o syst emat ic phone t i c repre sentations whi l e
t he former do not s i n c e t h e y o n l y apply t o individual morphemes on t he
s y s t emat i c phonemi c leve l . Whi l e phonological rules change feat ure
values , morpheme structure rule s do not ; rather , they state redundanc i e s
and perform this funct ion b e fore t h e appl i cation of any t rans format ional
or phono logical rule . Because of t he s e di fferenc e s , Stanley (1967)
sugge s t s t hat redundancies on t he syst emat i c phonemi c level be stated
in morpheme st ruct ure condit ions rather t han in morpheme structure rule s
especially when doing so al lows "us to state s ituations whi ch ari se in
natural l anguages but whi ch are not e a s i l y s t at e d in t e rms o f rule s " .
Fo llowing t he sugge st ion of S t anley , the fo l lowing analy s i s uses mor­
pheme struc t ure condi t i ons instead of morpheme st ruct ure rul e s to s t at e
redundan c i e s o n t he syst emat i c phonemi c leve l .
Morpheme struc t ure condit ions are st at ement s o f the redundant features
of segment s and sequences o f segment s whose feature values are not
16

provided for in the di ctionary mat ri c e s of re spe ctive l e xi c al it ems .

The morpheme struct ure conditions of a language are of t wo types : t he
segment s t ruct ure conditi ons whi c h are " s t at ements of t he feature
c ompo sition of indi vi dual phoneme s " , and the sequence s t ructure c on­
ditions whi c h are " s t at ements about p o s sible sequences of phoneme s "
( St anley 1967:393). I n Tagalog, for e xamp le , � has t he f e at ure [ +nasal ]
and since all nasals are voi c e d in Tagalog, � doe s not have t o be
spe cifi ed for t he feature [ +voi c ed ] ; [ +voi c e d ] , in t hi s case therefore ,
i s a re dundant feature t hat wi l l be specifi ed in a segment s t ructure
condition . An e xamp l e of a sequence struc t ure condition i s t he set of
consonant c lusters in Engli sh who s e fi rst memb er i s s and who se f o llow­
ing ' ob li gatory ' segment is any one of t he voi c e l e s s stops so t hat
sequenc e s of s e gment s like s p - , sk- , and st- are p o s si b l e whereas sb- ,
S9-, and sd - are not .
In summary , it must be emphasi sed t hat t here are t hree c ri t eria
whi c h det ermine the app lication of morpheme struct ure c onditions :
1. t hat they do not change f eature value s , i . e . t hey do not p rovide
for the c hange of a + to a - ( or vi ce vers a ) for a feature ,
2. t hat t hey stri c t ly state t he redundancy feature s of segment s
and/or se quence of segment s ,
3. t hat they c onsi st of an unordered set of conditi ons .

2. 1. 2 . 3. P h o n o l o g�eal Rule4

The output of the MS conditions serve s as the input to the phono­

logi cal rule s whi c h gi ve the syst emati c phonemi c mat ri c e s t heir derived
phoneti c repre sent ations . Phonologi cal rules " may change f eature values
or add , delet e , or permute segment s" ( Howard 1972:6). Some phono logi c a l
rule s , like some t ransformati onal rules , are also ordered . When strings
of morpheme s ( sentenc e s ) are concerne d , phonologi c a l rules app ly
c y c li c ally : fi rst to t he string of morpheme s enclosed in t he i nnermo st
bracket s , whi c h are erased af t e r all t he relevant rule s have been
app lied ; t hen t he whole set of rules is re-appli e d t o t he morpheme s in
t he next -inne rmo st bracket s , and so on unti l no bracke t s are left and
t he who le string i s gi ven its full phoneti c repre sent ation .

2.1.3. The Phonetic Framework

In generative phono logy , each phono logi c al se gment i s de s c ribed in

t e rms of t he phoneti c f eature s t hat c onstitute it . The phoneti c f rame­
work in t hi s s e c tion provi de s t he c lassifi c ation of the phonetic fea­
tures under the f o llowing general categori e s whi ch are c onsi dered to be
3
uni versal.
 17

2 . 1 . 3.1. MdjO� C ldh h F �dZU��h

There are t hree major c la s s fe ature s : (1) sonorant , (2) voc a li c or

syllabi c , and (3) c onsonant al . The se f eatures are used t o d e s c ribe the
f low of air t hat ori ginat es from the lungs , is impeded or s t opped in
t he vo cal t ract and , finally , i s allowed t o f l ow f re e ly t hrough i t .
They are f eat ures t hat " s ubdivide speech sounds into vowe l s , consonant s ,
obst ruent s , sonorant s , gli de s , and liquids" ( Chomsky and Halle 1968:302).

SONORANT describes sounds p roduced "wi t h a vo cal t ra c t c avi t y c on­

figuration in whi ch spont aneous voi cing is p o s si b l e" ; in non-s onorant
obst ruent s , the vocal t ract c avi t y c onfi gurati on is such t hat spon­
t aneous voi cing is not p o s sible . Sonorant sounds inc lude vowe l s , glide s ,
liquids , and nasa l s ; non-sonorant inc ludes s t ops , f ri c ative s , and
aff ricate s .

VOCALIC sounds are t ho s e "produc ed wi t h an oral cavi t y i n whi c h the

mo st radi c a l constri ction does not exceed t hat found in the [iJ and [ uJ
and wi t h vocal c ords t hat are posi ti oned so as t o al low spont aneous
vOi cing" : non-voc ali c s ounds de s c ribe t hose sounds t hat do not have the
foregoing qualifi c ations . An alternative t e rm for vocali c is ' sy l labi c ' ,
since i t refers t o t he peak or p rominence of a p arti c ular sound wit hi n
t h e s y llable . Voi ced vowe l s a n d syllabi c liqui ds are vo cali c ; nasal
consonant s , obstruent s , glide s , liquids , and voi c e l e s s vowe l s are non­
vo cali c .

CONSONANTAL sounds are those produce d "wi t h a radi c a l obstru c tion

i n t he mid sagi t t a l region of t he vocal t ract ; non-consonant al sounds
are p roduc ed wi t hout such an obst ructi on" ( Chomsky and Halle 1968:302).
Stop s , f ri c ative s , aff ri c at e s , nasals and liquids are consonant a l ;
vowe ls and semi-vowe l s are non-consonantal .

A summary of the maj or c lass features applied t o speech sounds i s

gi ven in table form be low reproduced f rom T h � S o un d Pdzz��n 0 6 E ngLih h
(p. 303).
THE MAJOR C LASS FEATURES
SONORANT CONSONANTAL VOCALIC/SYLLABIC
voi ced vowe l s + +
voi ce l e s s vowel s +
glides ( I ) : w, y +
glides ( I I ) : h, q +
liqui ds + + +
nasal c ons onant s + +
non-nasal consonant s +
18

2 . 1.3 . 2 . Mann�A 0 6 AAt�culati o n F � atuA��

Manner of arti culation feature s , as the t e rm sugge st s , refer to t he

way t he speech sounds are produced. The more c ommon one s , and t he one s
wi t h whi ch t hi s chapter i s c onc erne d , are : c ontinuant , lat e ral , nasal ,
f lap and stri dent.

Continuant des cribes sounds who s e f low of ai r in the vocal t ract i s

not constri c t e d o r b lo c ke d ; non- continuant ( st op ) des cri b e s sounds wit h
the opposite eff e c t. Continuant s ounds inc lude t he fri cative s ; non­
c ontinuant sounds include the stops and the affri cates.

Sonorant consonants are di stingui shed by t he feature s nasal and

lateral . The liqui ds are di stingui shed from nasal consonant s by t he
f e at ure [ -nasal ] ; [+nasal ] characteri s e s the nasal c onsonant s m , n, � ;
it also di stingui shes t he nasal vowe l s f rom t he oral one s. The liqui ds
1 and r are di stingui shed by t he feature lateral ; the lat t e r i s further
di stingui s hed by t he f eat ure s tri l l and f lap . In t he present study ,
the feature flap i s inc luded t o charact eri se Tagalog r, whi c h involves
the f l apping of the tongue.

Strident des cri b e s sounds charac teri sed by a sibi lant hi s sing quali t y ;
it i s a feature whi ch di stingui shes fri c ati ves like s, z, � , � f rom
other non-ob struen t s whi ch are not f ri c ati vi s e d .

2 . 1 .3 . 3 . Cav�ty F �atuA��

The cavi t y f eatures that are di scussed in t he following sections are

coronal , ant erior , body of t ongue f e ature s , ' lip ' feature , and glottal
constri c ti ons.

2.1 . 3 . 3 . 1 . Anterior, Coronal

In t he Chomsky and Halle f ramework , the mo st common p lace-of -arti cu­

lation f eatures for c onsonant s are coronal and anterior . The struc tur­
ali s t s' way of de scribing consonant s in t e rms of t he place of arti cu­
lation such as bilabial , alveolar, palatal , e t c. have been ' condensed '
acc ording t o whe t her t hey are arti c ulat e d in t he ext reme f ront a l region
of t he mouth ( +ant e rior ) or are ret rac t e d ( -anterior ) , and a c c ording t o
" whether t he articulator i s the b lade of t he tongue ( +c oronal ) or some
o t her articulator ( -c oronal ) " ( Schane 1 9 7 3 : 2 9 ). As an i llustration ,
t he f o llowing table shows how the feature s coronal and anterior di s ­
tingui sh t h e s t op s p , t , k:
 19

p t k
anterior + +
c oronal +

Labi a l s are [ +ant eri o r , -c oronal ] , palatals are [ -ant e rior , +coronal ] ,
dent als a re [ +ant eri o r , +coronal ] , and velars and uvulars are [ - anterior ,
-c oronal ] .

2. 1 .3.3.2. Body of Tongue Features, 'Lip' Feature

4
The body of t ongue features inc lude high , l ow , and back . The ' lip '
feat ure i s ei ther rounded , in whi ch c a se t he sounds are produced wi t h
a narrowing of t he lip s , or non-rounded , i n whi c h c a s e there i s n o
narrowing of t he lips . The body of t ongue f eatures , t o gether wi t h t h e
' lip ' f eat ure , characteri s e s t h e vowel s y s t em of a language .
By way of expli c ati on , as sume t hat t here i s a language wi t h a se ven­
vowe l system : I-e- � - a u o o
- - - . The f o llowing t ab le shows how t he above­
menti oned f eature s help to di stingui sh these vowe l s :

e a u o
high + +
low + + +
back + + + +
round + + +

The semi -vowe l s y , w are also di stingui shed in t erms of t he s ame

fe ature s , t hus y has t he feat ures [ +hi gh , -back , -round ] and w has t he
feat ures [ +hi gh , +bac k , +round ].

2. 1 .3.3.3. Gl ottal Constrictions

Sounds produced by "narrowing t he glot t al aperture beyond i t s neut ral

p o siti on" ( Chomsky and Halle 1 9 6 8 : 31 5 ) are de s cribed as glott a l c on­
stri c tion s . Glott ali sed s t ops refer t o s t ops wi t h glot t a l constri c tion ,
not glot t a l c l o sure ; t he glottal s t op q c an be des cribed as having t he
fol lowing fe atures [ -ant erior , -c oronal , +glot tal ] .

2.1. 3. 4. S u b� �d�a4Y F eazu4e�

Chomsky and Halle mention several subsi di ary features b ut , in t hi s

se ction , only the more f ami liar one s are li s t e d : tense , voiced ,
aspirated. The present st udy uti li s e s all e xcept tense .

Tense i s a f e ature used for both vowe l s and c ons onant s . I t ref e rs
t o sounds " produced wi t h a deliberat e , a c c urat e , maximall y di stinct
gest ure t hat i nvolves c onsiderab le effort" ( Chomsky and Halle 1 9 6 8: 3 2 4 ) ;
20

non-t ense ( lax ) sounds are produced " somewhat rapi dly and somewhat
indi stinct ly" .

Voiced ref ers to the vibration of t he vocal cords ; non-voi c e d

( voi c e le s s ) sounds have li t t l e or no vi bration of the vocal c ords . It
i s mo s t ly used to di stingui sh c ons onant s , since s onorant s ( like vowe l s ,
gli de s and liquids ) rare ly have voicing diffe renc e s ( S chane 1 9 7 3 : 3 2 ) .

Aspirated i s used wi t h c onsonant s , e specially wit h obstruent s .

Aspirate d s ounds ref e r t o sounds whose p roduction i s acc ompanied by a
st rong puff of air ; it i s a feat ure t hat is sometimes replaced by
S
t ense .

2.1.3 . 5. PA04 0 d�e F e a�uAe4

The prosodic f eatures inc luded in t hi s study are Hokkien Chi ne s e

t one and Tagalog stre s s . Chomsky and Hal le leave the area of t one
une xplored . Fol lowing t he s ugge stion of Wang ( 19 6 7 ) , t one and s t r e s s
are n o t t reated as single phoneti c f eatures but rather as c omp l exes of
features ( s ee Se c ti on 2 . 2 . 6 . ) .

2.1.3. 6 . T h e 8�naA� n e 4 4 0 6 Pho n e��e F ea�UAe4

Phone ti c f eatures help to di stingui s h one phonologi cal segment f rom

anot her ; hence , the term ' di s tinctive f eatures ' . The binary not ation ,
+ or - , helps t o di stingui s h t he presence of a di stinctive f eature as
opposed to its absence . Schane ( 1 9 7 3 : 2 6 ) points out that t he use of
the binary system has an advant age , and t hat i s , it shows e xpli ci t ly
t he re lati onship between t he members of pairs , such as voi c e d- voi c e l e s s
or nasal-oral b u t not between other p o s sible pairs s u c h as voi c e l e s s ­
nasal , voi c e d-oral .
Thi s st udy uti li s e s a binary , rat her than a t e rnary ( where 0 i s
used ) , not ation .

2 . 2. V I S T I NCT I V E FEATU R ES O F TAGA LOG ANV HO KK I EN

The di stinctive f eatures of Tagalog and Hokkien are given in Tab les
1 and 2 re spe ctively , wi th t he redundant f eatures enclosed in paren­
t he s e s . The phono logi c al f ramework adop t e d here i s t hat of Chomsky
and Halle ( 1 9 6 8 ) and t he di stinctive f eatures represent those on t he
syst emati c phonemi c level . The di scussi on on the f eatures of b o t h
language s y s t ems wi l l be c omparative in nat ure .
 21

TAB L E I A
D I S T I NC T I VE FEATURES OF TAGALOG CONSONANTS

p b t d k 9 5 m n I) r h q

c ons onant al + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
syllabi c
s onorant + + + + +
c ontinuant + + + + + +
nasal ( - -
) + + + ( - -
)
l ateral ( - -
) + ( - -
)
f lap ( - -
) + ( - -
)
ant erior + + + + + + + + +
coronal + + + + + +
voi c e d + + + (+ + + + + -
)
glot t al ( - -
) + +
s t ri dent ( - -
) + ( - -
) ( )
-

TAB L E I B
D I S T I NCT I VE FEATURES OF TAGALOG VOWE L S - AND G L I DE S

a u w y

consonantal
syl labic + + + + +
sonorant (+ + + + +)
high + + + +
low +
back + + +
round ( - +) +

TABLE 2A
D I ST I N CT I VE FEATURES OF HOKK I EN CONSONANTS

p
h
p b t
h
t k
h
k 9 5 Ch C m n I) h q

consonantal + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
- - -
syllabic
sonorant + + + +
continuant + + + + + +
nasal ( - -
) + + + ( - -
)
lateral ( - -
) + ( -
) -

strident ( - -
) + + + ( - -
) - ( ) -

anterior + + + + + - + + + + + - +
coronal + + - + + + - + - +
voiced + + (+ + + + -
)
glottal ( - - - - -
) + +
aspirated + - ( )
- + - + - ( - -
) + ( - + -
)
22

TAB L E 2 B
D I ST I NCT I VE FEATURES OF HOKK I EN VOWE LS

e a 0 u

consonantal
syllab i c + + + + +
sonorant (+ + + + +)
high + +
low +
back + + +
round ( - + +)

2.2 . 1. M a j or Cl a s s Fea tures

The f e ature syl labic is here used in lieu of vocalic b e c ause of an

at tempt to frame the d i s t inct ive features of both Tagalog and Hokkien
Chine se in a common f ramework whenever and wherever t h i s is p o s s ib l e .
Chomsky and Hal le use t he feature vocalic in their t reat ment of Engl i s h
phonology , but in a later s e c t i on ( p . 35 4 ) , t h e y propose t hat syl lab ic
be adop t ed fol lowing Milner and Bailey ' s sugge s t ion . Inasfar as Tagalog
and Hokkien Chine se are c oncerne d , t he mot ivat ion for the use of
syl lab ic c ome s f rom Hokkien for the fol lowing reas on :
Hokkien has a s y l l ab i c velar nasal D whi c h is not p re s ent in the
unde rlying form but whi ch surfaces in t he phonet i c repre sentation as a
result of a phono logical rule lab e l led Syllabicisation Rule . By t he
me chani sm of t hi s rule , an unde rlying Hokkien form with a vowel between
a pre ceding cons onant with the fe atures [ +ante rio r , +c oronal ] ( t , 5 )
and a f o l lowing ve lar nasal will have t he vowe l ( whose features are very
likely [ +high , -back ] ) delet e d . An example is Hokkien h u e + tD --- )
Tagalog hwe te D f rom underlying Hokkien form h u e + t i D . The surface
repre sentat ion is t he form t hat i s borrowed into Tagalog and a t rans ­
l ingu i s t i c rule - t he vowel epenthe s i s rule - put s a vowe l b a c k where
it was de leted in t he Hokkien surface form ( see Section 2 . 3 . 1 0 . ) .
In both Tagalog and Hokkien , t he vowe ls are specif ied for t he
fe ature [ +syl lab i c ] ; t he features consonantal and sonorant also apply
to all segments in the two languages.
 23

2.2.2. Man n er of Artic ulation F eatures

The feature nasal distingui shes m , n, Q f rom t he other non-nasals

in both Tagalog and Hokkien in the underlying repre sent ati on . Whi le
Hokkien has a seri e s of nasali s e d vowe l s - T , e , a , 0 , u - t he s e are
not pre sent a s such in the underlying representation ; rathe r , t hey are
repre sent e d as oral vowe ls p lus a nasal segment . A phono logi c a l rule
of Hokkien wi l l nasalise an oral vowe l t hat oc curs before a nasal seg­
ment , whi ch i s later de leted by a de letion rule , leaving a nasali s e d
vowel as t he surface phonetic repre sentati on . In thi s case , the feature
nasal is ne c e s s ary to di stingui sh the nasali sed vowe l s from t he oral
ones .
Hokki en has a liquid 1 whi c h i s di sti ngui shab le by the f eature
[ + lat e ral ] . Tagalog, on the other han d , has two liquids : 1 , r , t here ­
fore it needs the feature s lateral and flap t o di stingui s h one f rom
the othe r . Because of such morphemi c alt ernant s as b a k u d � b a k u r a n and
bu k i d �b u k i r a n , Tagalog r could be t reated as a surface repre sentation
of an underlying d ; howe ve r , in such words a s p a r u p a ro ' b u t t erfZ y ' and
l a ro q ' t o p Z ay ' , r is c l e arly not a surface repre sentati on of an under­
lying d , henc e , in t hi s analysi s , r is t reat ed as a syst emati c phoneme .
Continuant in both phonologi cal s y s t ems di stingui shes 5 from t , and
h
h f rom q in Hokkien ; it further di stingui shes c , c f rom s . It i s
redundant for t h e oral vowe l s in both Tagalog and Hokkien , t he nasal
vowe l s in Hokkien , and the semi -vowe l s or gli de s w and y in Taga l o g .

2 . 2 .3. Cavity F eatures

Anterior distinguishes t he labials and t he denta l s f rom t he velars

in both Tagalog and Hokkien . Dent als are set apart from t he other
obstruents by t he f eatures [ +ant eri o r , +c oronal ] . The velars are
spe cifie d for t he f eature s [ -ant erior , -coronal ] .
Glottal di stingui s he s q f rom h ; for the re s t of t he obs truent s , i t
i s a re dundant feature . Chomsky and Halle c onsider q as a glide ( 1 9 6 8 :
3 0 7 ) , but in Tagalog, i t i s c learly an obst ruent ( stop ) since t here i s
a s toppage of t he a i r pass age a t t he glotti s .
Alt hough Chomsky and Hal l e are also of the opini on that t he t ra­
di tional vowe l features high , low , back c an be emp loyed a s further
spe cifi c ati ons on the [ -ant eri o r ] consonant s ( 1 9 6 8 : 30 5 ) , t heir use i s
6
re stri ct e d t o t h e t reatment of vowe l s i n t hi s st Udy .
24

2 . 2.4. V owel Features

The vowe ls of Tagalog and Hokkien are spe cifi ed in t e rms of t he

features t raditi onally i dentified wi t h t hem : high , low , back , round .
In t he Tagalog phono logi c al system, howeve r , these features are used
to di stingui s h only three vowe l s : i - a - u in the underlying repres en­
t ation . The Tagalog vowe l s e and 0 are surface repre sent ations whi c h
re sult from t he application of t he Tagalog phonological rule o n vowe l
lowering; these vowe ls are found only in borrowings . On the other
hand , in the Hokkien phonologi cal system, the vowel features di stin­
gui sh the five vowe l s : i, e , a, 0, u.
Tagalog i , Hokkien i , e are always [ -round ] ; Tagalog u , Hokkien 0 ,
u are alway s [ +round ] : therefore , the fe ature round i s redundant . How­
e ver , t he feature is retained in order to save on redundancy rule s ;
round i s also used t o di sti ngui sh w from y in Tagalog.

2 . 2 .5. Sub sid iary Features

Voiced i s an important di stinctive feature in both phono logi c al

syst ems since it di stingui shes the [ +voi c e d ] segment s b , d , 9 of Tagalo g ,
b , 9 of Hokkien f rom t h e [ -voi c ed ] segment s p , t , k of Tagal o g , p , k of
Hokkien . For the re st of t he s e gment s in both systems , voiced i s a
redundant feature .
.
Asp�rated di stinguishes the aspi rated obstruent s ph , th , kh , c
h
of
Hokkien f rom t he unaspirated ones : p, t, k, c . Ki ng ( 1 96 9 ) uses t he
fe ature tense to di sti ngui s h t he aspirat e d segments from t he non­
aspirated one s ; in a phono logi c al system where an extra feature c an b e
di s c arded in favour of only one feature t hat i s appli cable to vari ous
differing s e gment s i n a c c ordance wit h the noti on of the simpli cit y
met ri c ( Schane , Harms , Chomsky and Halle ) , King ' s approach would be
acceptable . However , in t he phonologi c al syst ems of Tagalog and Hokkien ,
tense i s not a ne c e s s ary di stinctive f e ature of the vowe ls and , t here­
fore , need not be spe cifi e d . If tense i s not a specifi ed f e ature i n
both s y s t ems , i t mat t e rs li t t l e t hat it should be rep laced by t he
fe ature aspirated . For these reasons , t hi s inve stigator has chosen t o
u s e t h e feature aspirated rather t han tens e ; al s o , t he f eature aspirated
provides a more accu�ate phoneti c de s c ription of the parti cular ki nd of
arti culation accompanying t he segment s concerne d . It i s likewi s e more
acc urate t o de s c ribe the phono logi c al pro c e s s of de-aspiration as t he
l o s s or t he dropping of the feature aspirated in t he t rans-lingui sti c
rule ( see Secti on 2 . 3 . 2 . ) .
 25

2.2. 6. Prosodic Features

Since Hokkien i s a t onal language , i t s phono logi cal mat ri x mus t

inc lude t he di stinctive feat ures f o r t h e five underlying ( s y s t ematic
phonemi c ) tones . Wang ( 1 9 6 7 ) has set up f e at ures for seven tones in
Hokkien , but the st udy has found t hat only five of t he tones c orre spond
to t ho s e f ound in t he parti cular di alect spoken in t he Phi lippine s .
The di stinctive feat ures of Wang are vi able and t hey are , t he ref ore ,
adopt ed here , with the exc eption of the feature long :

l 1 J
High + + +
Fal ling + +
Ri sing +
Examp l e s for t he five t ones are gi ven below. ( It i s a st andard
c onvention in Chine se lingui sti c s to indicate t he s ame set of t one s in
t wo separate set s of symbols : one for tones gi ven in i so lation , t he
othe r , for t ones superimposed on individual morpheme s. )

l kaQ ' t o hook '

1 ka6 'monkey '
--.J kau ' ni n e '
� kau ' to a rri v e '
-l kau ' t hick '

Tagalog , on t he other hand , i s a st re s s language . In Tagalo g , a

di stinction c an be made between strong ( ) stre s s and weak or non­
I

7
stress ( v ) . The di s tincti ve features of Tagalog s t re s s is chart ed
8
b e l ow as :

High +

2. 2. 7. Summary

A c ompari son of t he phono logi c al matri c e s of both Tagalog and Hokkien

leads t he p re s ent investigat or to conc lude t hat Hokkien has twent y - s e ven
phono logi c a l segment s , and Tagalog has twent y , wit h Hokkien having s e ven
more t han Tagalog. Tab l e s 3 and 4 summari se t he segment s shared by both
syst ems , as we l l as those t hat are exc lusive to eac h . Chart s enc l o s ed
in continuous lines indi c ate c ommonly-share d segment s ; t ho s e enclosed
in broken-lines indicate segment s exc lusive to Tagalog , whi le t ho s e i n
doub l e - lines indi c at e exc lusivene s s in Hokki en .
 I\)
0\

TAB L E 3
TAGALOG AND HOKK IEN CONSONANTS

h h I
5 m n n c c
h h
P b t k 9 1 h q p t k r

consonantal + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + I
I
syl labic - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

I
sonorant - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
J + I
continuant - - - - - + - - + + + - - - - - - - I
I
nasal ( - - - - - -
) + + + ( - - -
) ( - - - - -
) (- )
I
lateral ( - - - - - - - - -) + (- -
) ( - - - - -
) - I
f l ap ( - - - - - - - - -
) - ( - -
) ( - - - - -) + I
I
strident ( - - - - -
) + ( - - - -
) - ( )
- ( - - - + +) (- )
I
ant erior + + + - - + + + - + - - + + - + + I + I
c oronal - - + - - + - + - + - - - + - + + I + I
I I
voiced - + - - + - (+ + + + - -) - - - - - (+ )
I I
glot tal (- - - - - - - - - -
) + + ( - - - - -) I (- ) I
aspirat ed - ( )
- - - (- - - - - - + -
) + + + + - I (_) I
'- _I

Commonly shared by Tagalog and Hokkien

Exc lusive to Hokkien
Exc lusive to Tagalog
 TAB L E 4

TAGALOG AND HOKK IEN VOWE LS AND G L I DE S

- - - - -

a u e 0 I w Iy

cons onantal I - -
I
syllabi c + + + + + I - -
I
sonorant ( + + +) (+ +) 1 (+ +) I
hi gh + + I + + I
low + I - -
I
back + + + I + -
I
round ( - +) ( - +) I + -
I
1_ _ _ _ J

--
Commonly shared
= Exc lusive to Hokkien
- -- Exclusive t o Tagalog
28

2 .3. TRANS - L I NG U I ST I C RU L ES O F HOKK I E N L OANWORVS

9
Trans -Li ngui sti c rule s ( TL rule s ) are rules t hat app ly t o Hokkien
words when these are borrowed initially into Taga l o g . The y c an b e
vi ewed as rule s t hat took form during t h e acqui siti on stage , t hat i s ,
t hey were synchroni c ally pre sent at t he time Tagalog acquired the
10
Hokkien l oanwords . Although TL rules be long t o t he Tagalog lingui s -
t i c system, t hey d o not c onstitute part o f t he regular phonologi c a l
rule s o f Tagalog since t hey form a sub-set o f rul es appli c ab l e only t o
forms that have been borrowed into t h e l anguage . T L rule s c apt ure t he
sound change s undergone by these loanwords and are important be c ause
t hey provi de formali s ation for the sound change s fn di stincti ve features .
Appli c ation of t he TL rule s on surface Hokkien repre sentati ons
re sul t s i n t ran s - lingui s ti c ally derived forms , whi c h serve as the under­
lying forms in Tagalog to whi c h t he regular phono logi c al rules o f
Tagalog are applied ; t herefore , t he derived t ran s-lingui s tic forms
provide t he abstract or t he systemati c phonemi c repre sent ations . The
fo l l owing di agram shows the e ffect of TL rule s :

Hokkien ::> Tagalog under­

surface representation TL rules lying represent ati on

Thi s se cti on deals wi t h t he TL rule s . The sound change s are pre­

sent ed under general categori e s t hat repre sent maj or sound proce s se s .

2.3 . 1. Detonalisation

A c lose and e xhaustive compari son o f Hokkien t one and Tagalog stress
pat t e rns in t he loanwords reveals t hat t here i s no corre lation between
Hokkien tone and Tagalog s t re s s , as Tab le 5 shows . The first column
gi ves all t he p o s si b l e c ombinations o f Hokkien t ones found in the
Hokkien forms t hat have been borrowed into Tagalog ; actual Hokkien
e xamp l e s wi t h t heir c orre sp onding Tagalog forms , are gi ven in the
appropriate columns . Examp l e s are re stri c t e d t o the di s y l l abi c words
of Taga l o g . Forms wi th stre s s o n t he penultimate syl lab le a r e given
fi rst , fol lowed by those wi t h stre s s on t he ultimate syllable .
A l l Hokkien forms , t here fore , undergo a tran s - linguisti c rule called
t he Detonal isation Rule whose formali sation fol lows ( di s tincti ve
feat ure s of t one and stre s s are abbreviated as [ ± tone J and [ ± stre s s J ) :
(1) [ + t one J + ¢
The a s si gnment o f stre s s on t he Hokkien forms is det e rmined by t he
Tagalog P-rule on stre s s placement .
 29

TAB L E 5
NON - CORRELAT I ON OF HOK K I EN TONE AND TAGALOG STRE S S

# _- I
__

HOKKIEN TAGALOG HOKKIEN TAGALOG

I I
-1 'I gTI+a guyaq dT+d d i t se
I I
-1 1 kO+ i o q kuyoq l a l)+ s 6 l a n S O I)
peq + c h a T t h a u+ c 11 I)
I I
-1 � petsay - t u t s a l)
I I

-1 l dT+ ko d i ko i an + s u i yan soy

I I
l 'I b l +hun b i hon h O I) + b a q humba
I

l 1 - -
t i e l)+ l a u t a l) l aw
h
k i n+cha T
h� w
I I
l J c 1 +tau s i t aw ki ntsay
l -1 s � + ko s a l) ko - -

I
1 -1 ho+se hus i - -

I I
1 l l o+m l l ome a n + k o l) i l) k O I)
k h u+c h a T
I

1 -J - -
kut say
I
1 -1 kam+t o kamto - -

I , ,
I

1 'I cu (+ku) s i y u koy c u+a m s uwa m

I
'1 � ko+a kuya - -

I I
'
'1 1 5 0+ 5 I1 sus i q s a m+ i oq s am i yoq
- - - -
'i l
- - - -
'I -1 I I

'I '1 baq+cu) b a t soy k l en+c) k rn s e

t h a l)+a
I

� 'I - -
t a l) a
- - - -
� 1
- - - -
� l
- - - -
J -1
30

2 . 3. 2. De- as p iration

Hokkien has t hree voi c e l e s s aspirat ed stops whi ch are repre sent ed
as p h , t h , k h on t he syst emati c phonemi c leve l . The se segment s
invari ably lose t heir aspiration in their b orrowed forms. Examp l e s o f
de-aspirat e d forms are :

TAGALOG
p O I) ' t erm u 8 e d i n mahjong '
t a l) a ' p o t a t o bug or worm '
k l n tsay ' ce 'L ery '
a p i yan ' op i um '

[ ]
a l) k a k ' re ddi 8 h 'L eav e 8 '

and are formally not ed by the De-aspiration Rule as :

(2) + c ons onant al

-syl lablic ll
+ [ -aspirat e d ]
-continuant
+aspirat ed

Thi s rule s a y s t hat i f a Hokkien loanword cont ains a segment wit h the
fe ature s in t he matrix left o f t he arrow , it loses its aspirat ed feat ure
12
in Tagalog .
The Hokkien voi c e l e s s aspirated alveolar affricate c h also undergo e s
de-aspiration so that t he de-aspiration rule appli e s as i l lustrated by
t he following e xamp les :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
- ...
peq+cha l petsay ' Ch i n e 8 e cabbage '
h h
k i n+c a T k i n t say ' c e 'L ery '

What di ffers between the rule de-aspirating c

h and t hat in t he fore­
going paragraph is the matrix of feat ure s to t he l e ft of t he arrow :

(3) +consonant al
- s y l labi c
- c ontinuant + [ -aspirat ed ]
+ s t ri dent
+ant erior
+aspirat ed

To e c onomi s e on the number of rules a ffecting t hi s parti cular sound

change , the two rules c an be col lapsed t hrough a di sj unc tive not ati on .
What i s important is the fact t hat t he re is a general phenomenon t aki ng
p lace in the aspirat ed s t op s and t he aspirat ed a ffricate :
 f j
31

(4) + c onsonant al
-syllabic
-c ont inuant
+asp irat ed

+consonantal + [ -aspirat e d ]
-syllabic
-cont inuant
+ s t rident
+ante rior
+aspirat ed

2 .3.3. Bi- segmentalisation

I n t he fol lowing Hokkien forms , Hokkien c

h and c furt her undergo a
rule whi c h s p l i t s a s ingle segment into two : t+s : 13
HOKKIEN TAGALOG
peq+c h a T p e t s ay ' Ch i ne s e aabbag e '
d l+ d d i tse ' appe l la t ion g i v e n to s e a o n d e l de r s i s t e r '
baq+cu) ba t s oy ' ahopped a n d s a u t e e d e n trai l s of pig w i t h
s o up '
k h t n+c h a T k i n tsay ' a e l ery '

[ ][ ]
which c an be formulat e d as the Bi- segmentalisation Rule :

(5) +c onsonant al
-syllab i c + con, onan t a1 + c onMnan t,,
-c ont inuant + - s y l lab i c -syllab i c
+strident - c ont inuant + cont inuant
+aspi rat ed -aspirat ed + s t rident

But c ount e re xamples to this rule are , howeve r , e vi dent in the fol lowing
form :
HOKKIEN TAGALOG
c i an+s f s i ya n s e ' fry i n g i n s trum e n t '
c h_o + c u a, s o t s uw a ' m e di aina l/s traw paper '
h
c T+tau s i taw ' s p e a i e s of s tring b e an s '
cii+ k h e suki q ' l o n g - s t a n di ng aus tomer '

Here , t he original Hokkien segment s me rely b e c ome Tagalog 5 under a

di fferent environmental condit ion : morpheme init ial p o s i t ion . In
contras t , t he b i -segment a l i sat ion o c c urs in morpheme final p o s i t ion as
h
in Hokkien peq + c a T , Tagalog petsay . A furt her re finement in the formal­
i s at ion o f t he bi-segment a l i s at ion rule , t here fore , has t o be added :
32

(6) +co-syllabic
nsonantal
-conti n uant
+s+astridpiratedent +co-synll.s. [+00"']
[0-syon,llabiconanta] + -as-str1.
/ /I + -cont. +c-syll.ont.
p ir. +str1.
+strident
-as p i r ated
i.ofet. hea Hokkien
sec o nd voiceless
mo r phe m e i n affa wordricatebecothatmesappears
a c o mbi asationthe initial
n of t w o segment
phono­
logical segments t+s in Tagalog. ch , c
If appear as the initial segme n t
loifnguistic
(7)
the firststage,morphetheme ifnormalisatio
+c-syllonsaonantbic al
a Hokkiennword,of whicithbecois masesfollinows:the trans­
5

-c+stride
ontinnuantt +c o ns
-syllabic o n ant a l
+as+conspiratonantedal / /I + +conti
+strident nuant
-syllabic
-continnuantt -as p ir a ted
+stride
-as p ir a ted
Istrainnttsheappear formalionsattihoenlefoftthesideforegoing rul e s, t h e e n vi r onment a
arrow. moThistivatednotabytiontheisHokkien
ofconsthetraints l c o
here n­
usedenvironmeto disnttinguis
from h
thosee n vi r onment
motivated a l by t h e Tagal o g e n vi r onme n t. This
seemsnvirontomebentsafromneaterTagalogway ofsegcommpart
einvol e n ts mandentalisenviroingnments,
Hokkiensincsegementsthe TLandrules
v e phonological
kindgeneratiof vnotational c h anges f r o m o n e l a nguage system
device. It willhas nobte beenused usinethed inrestthe ofliterature to another.on in This
e phonolog y the TL rules
athisnother.Insection
rel a t i on
to show the sound changes from one language system to
to the c h ange f r o m Hokkien ch , c t o Tagal o g
ts , 5, a
fundament
tivatioseenalmforquess tothetionbe ctheoarisnstraints,
moHokkien es: whicTagalh laonguage g or system provides
Hokkien? Intuitively, the
logical choice , since it is the Hokkien morphemes
 33

that p rovide t he bases fo r the s y l l ab le st ruct ure i n Tagalog ; t h i s be ing

t he case , it would seem infe l i c i t ous for Tagalog t o provide t he environ­
ment al const raint s . Furthermore , whi l e it may seem t hat Tagalog may
provide t he proper mot i vation t hrough a morpheme structure condit ion
t hat st ipulat e s that word- initial segments never inc lude t s , this is
not actually t he case , for Tagalog has Span i sh loanwords whose word­
14
initial segment s inc lude t s as in t s i n e l a s , t s i t s a r o n , t s a m p a k a , e t c .
In view o f the foregoing discus s ion , the TL rule o n b i - s e gmenta l i s a ­
t ion must be furt her refined t o l o o k l ike t he fo l lowing :

(8) +consonantal

r 1
- s yllabic
- c ont inuant
+ s t rident +cons .
+aspirated -syll . o onS o
+
/ a< > -+ - cont . - sy l l .
a
+consonantal
-stri . + c ont .
- s yllabic
-asp i r . + s t ri .
+strident
-c ont inuant
-asp irat ed

The ' alpha-environment ' c onvention ( Harms 1 9 6 8 : 7 1 ) i s employed here

15
although the condi t i ons do not strictly adhere t o t hat set by Harms .
Nonethe l e s s , it i s a devi ce t hat c an be adop t e d here since it c ap t ures
the environmental const raint s in the mo st general and e c onomi cal way ,
t hat i s , it st ipulat e s t hat a Hokkien c , c
h whi c h doe s not c onform t o
t h e sp e c i fied a lpha-environment wi l l have t h e feat ure s o f only the
s e cond segment .
h
In actual ity , when Hokkien c , c become Tagalog 5 , the phono logi c a l
proc e s s involved is n o longer one o f b i-segment ali s at i on as it invo l ve s
simp l y t he replacement o f one s e t o f segment feat ure s by another set .
But the rule as formal i s ed shows two d i s j unct ive t ran s - l ingui s t i c s ound
change s undergone by a s ingle Hokkien segment , t hus c apturing a gen­
erali sat ion t hat may not otherwi se be ordered and , t here fore , would
apply simult aneously ; this manner of rule formulation , howe ver , has
been viewed to be more comp l e x ( Schane 1 9 7 3 : 8 8 ) .
In the l i ght o f the forego ing di s cuss ion , the fo llowing Hokkien
words would have t he fo llowing abbreviat ed derivat ions :
ch T+ t a u c h o+c u a Hokkien form
ch i + tau c ho + c u a Det ona l i sat ion Rule
c i +tau c o+ c u a De-aspirat ion Rule
co+ t s u a Bi-segment ali sat ion Rule
34

s i+tau s o+ t s u a Bi-segrnent ali sation Rule

s o+ t s uwa Gl ide Insertion Rule
s i tau s o t s uwa derived TL form

Count erevidence t o t he above TL rule appears in the Tagalog word

s a n s e 'app e l l a ti o n for t h i rd e l der s i s t e r ' who s e seeming irregularity
c an be a c c ount ed for by the Tagalog MS c ondit ion on syl lab le s t ructure
( see S e c t i on 2 . 4 . 2 . ) .
S a n s e i s derived from the Hokkien word s 3+ c l . By t he me chan i sm o f
the rule o n b i - s e grnentalisat ion , the se c ond Hokkien morpheme c l be come s
t s e in Tagalo g ; s � be come s s a n by virtue o f t he nasal segment ation rule .
The result o f the app l i c a t i on of these rule s , whi ch need not be ordered ,
is * s an t s e . Once t he word get s into t he Tagalog system, t he MS c on­
dit i on on s y l l ab le st ructure app l ie s , and be cause Tagalog does not allow
a C V C C C V C morpheme struct ure , * s a n t s e be come s s a n s e . The full deri­
vat ion o f the word is as fol lows :
s �+ c l Hokkien form
s a +c i Det onal i s at ion Rule
saN+c i Nasal Segment at ion Rul e
s a N+ t s i Bi-segrnent ali sat ion Rule
saN ts i Morpheme Boundary Delet ion Rule
saN ts i Derived TL-Tag . underlying form
s aN+s i MS c ondit ion on syl lable struc t ure
s a N+ s f Stre s s Plac ement Rule
s an+s f Nasal A s s imi lation Rule
s an+se Vowel lowering Rule
s a n s e, Derived form
A s imi lar path of derivat ion is also found in the Tagalog word k i n s e
'fore s h a n k o f aow u s e d i n s o up ' whi ch c ome s from Hokkien k i en+cl :
k i en+cl Hokkien form
k i en+c i Detonal i s at ion Rule
ken+c i Vowel Cluster Simp l i ficat ion Rule
ken+ t s i Bi-segment alisation Rule
k i n+ t s i Vowe l Rai s ing Rule
k i n ts i Morpheme Boundary De let ion Rule
k i n ts i De rived TL-Tag. underlying form
k l n+s i MS condit ion-syllable struct ure
k i n+ s f Stre s s Placement Rule
k i n+se Vowel Lowering Rule
k inse Derived form
h'
On t he other hand , Tagalog k l n t s a y ' ae l ery ' from Hokk ien k I n + c a T
seems to provide c ount erevidence t o the MS c ondit ion on syl lable
 35

st ructure . It i s very like ly , howeve r , that t he ts in k l n t s � y i s the

result o f an analogy to several Hokkien words whose s e c ond morpheme
c a T ' v ege tab l e ' and whose c orre sponding forms in Tagalog i s - t s a y a s
in :
HOKKIEN TAGALOG
paq+ c h a T
p e t s ay ' Ch i n e s e aabbage '
kh6+cha T k6tsay ' gr e e n l e e k u s e d a s fo o d f l a v o uring '
In t he Tagalog forms pe t s a y and k 6 t s a y , t s i s t reated as a uni t ary s e g­
ment t hat appears init ially in t he s e c ond format ive ; as such , they
c onform t o t he Tagalog c anoni cal form C Y ( C ) + C Y C and provide the proper
environment fo r the app l i c at i on o f t he Tagalog phono logical rule on
stress placement ( se e 2 . 5 . 1 . ) .

2 . 3. 4 . De- nas alisation

Hokkien nasal vowe l s are de-nasalised in t he Tagalog borrowed forms

when such vowe l s appear in morpheme final p o s i t ion of a Hokkien word .
Thi s s ound change i s captured in the fo l l owing rul e called the De­

[
nas a l i s ation Rule :

(9) - c onsonant al
+syllab i c
] / + # + [ -nasal ]
+nasal

and is seen to have app lied in t he fo l lowing forms :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
t au+ ko� t O kwa ' b e a n curd '
J un+p i 3 J 6mpyaq ' ro l l e d dump l ing '
ho+ p i 3 hopyaq 'mongo bean aake '

However , a di fferent sound change t ake s place when Hokkien nasal

vowe l s appear in morpheme - init ial p o s i t ion of a Hokkien word , as
at t e s t e d by the fol lowing e xamp l e s :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
,
s a n s e,
�
s a+ c l 'appe l la t i o n g i v e n to t h i r d e lder s i s t e r '
s �+ k o s a l) ko ' appe l la t i o n g i v e n to t h ird e l der b ro th e r '

A nasal segment i s added t o the vowel segment , whi c h in t urn l o s e s i t s

nasal feat ure . This is an instance o f a feat ure b e c oming raised t o
t he s t atus o f a segment . The following rule , called t he Nasa l Segmen­

[ ] [::���:::: ] [ ]
16
tation Rule , forma l i s e s t h i s sound change :

( 10 ) - c ons onant al t al +consonant al

+ s y l l ab i c +
- s y l lab i c
+nasal -nasal +nasal

i . e . a nasal vowe l b e c ome s a comb inat ion of an oral vowe l p lus a nasal
c on sonant .
2.3.5 . Glottal isation

Through the me chani sm of the Glottal Segment Insertion Rule , a

glottal s t op ( q ) is added at the end of a Hokkien word who se final
segment is a vowe l , as att e s t e d by t he fo llowing examples :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
t a ii+ h u t a h 6q ' b e an aurd '
gii+a g6yaq ' s ma l l aow '
s 6+ s f s6s l q ' key '

The rule i s formalised as follows :

( 11 ) +consonant al

[ ]
-syl lab i c
- c ons onant al - cont inuant
¢ / # -+
+syllabic -ant erior
-coronal
+glot t al

It i s not alway s the case , t hough , t hat q i s added at the end of a

Hokkien word for there are c ountere xamples such as the fol lowing :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
h & l) + b a q humba 'highly spiaed dish o f meat '
b t +co b f t so ' r i a e - flour aake '
h& k+bii hukb6 ' a rmy '

Whi le the addit ion o f a final glot tal s t op appears t o be very muc h
within t he realm o f Tagalog M S conditions , the mot ivat ion for i t c ome s
from Hokkien , since it provides the envi ronment al condit ion t hat
t r i ggers final glot t a l i s at ion . At this point , howeve r , the glot t a l i s a­
t ion rule i s an ad hoc one , since it has been shown t o be inapp l i c ab l e
in quit e a number o f it ems whi ch f i t t he st ipulat ed environment .
Suffi c e it t o s ay t hat at this po int , glot t a l i sat ion i s a phonological
pro c e s s t hat affe c t s a number o f Hokkien words ; t hi s i s not t o mean
t hat the rule cannot be subj ect to future revi s ions t hat c an formulat e
the s ound c hange in an even more general way . Thi s quest ion i s open
and the rule , as it i s given here , i s t entat i ve rather t han de finit e .

2. 3 . 6. Gl ide I n sertion

Whenever a Hokkien word with vowel clust ers the first e l ement o f
whi ch has the feat ure s [ +high , ±back , ±round ] i s borrowed into Tagalo g ,
a glide i s insert ed , a s t he fol lowing , called t he Glide Insertion Rule ,
indi c at e s :
 [ 1
37

( 12 ) _h1gh

[
-aback
- a round

J
-h1gh - c ons .
-con s . -syll .

[ 1
aback +
</> /
+syll . - a round +high
+high aback
- h1gh
aback around
-aback
around
around

i . e . a glide t hat comes between two vowe ls share s t he same feat ure s as
t he first vowe l ; the second vowe l must have feat ure s whose values are
opp o s it e to those of t he first . Thus , t he Hokkien form l Q n + p i a will
have t he y glide insert e d between i and a resulting in Tagalog l u m p ( y a q .
Ot her examp les are :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
s i o+ m a T s i yomay ' 8 t e am e d dump Z i ng '
s i o+ p a u s i yo p a u ' 8 teamed p i c e c a k e '
c i �n+s ( s i yanse ' fpying i n s tpumen t '
h o+p i & hop l yaq , swee t -mongo c a k e '

In t he fol l owing examp l e s , the w glide i s insert e d :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
s u a+ h e s u wa h e ' sp e c i e s o f sma Z Z s hpimp s '
c h o+c u a s u t s uwa ' m e di c i na Z / s tpaw papep '
h ue+ t ij h uwe t e l) 'a numbe p - p a i p i ng game '
.

mT+ s u a m i s u wa ' fi n e , t hpead- Z i k e n o o d Z e s '

There are , however, some apparent except ions t o t h i s rule . For

instance , the Tagalog forms g u y a q and k u y a c ome from Hokkien gu+a and
ko+a respe c t ively . The original forms did not have a vowe l cluster ;
rathe r , a j uncture s e gment + int ervene s between two suc c e s s ive vowe l s
in two separat e morpheme s . This s ound change i s formalised in the
fol lowing rul e , called the Y-Glide Insertion Rule :

( 13 ) -c ons onant al
-syllabic
[ + j un c t ure ] / V V +
+high
-back
-round

i . e . t he y glide is insert e d b etween two morphemes where the last s e g­

ment of the first i s a vowe l and where t he initial segment o f the se c ond
is l ikewi se a vowe l in t he original Hokkien form .
38

2.3.7. Glide Sub stitution

A glide is sub s t itut e d for t he first or the se cond vowel segment o f

a Hokkien form i f t he vowel c luster appears e i t her initially or finally
in a morpheme . For example , the Hokkien form ko+ l o q which has an
init ial vowe l c luster in t he s e c ond morpheme become s k u y oq result ing in
the sub s t itution of i by y . Similarly , in the Hokkien form bo+ u t + s f t
'un Lucky ' , t he w glide is sub st itut ed for the init ial segment u o f t he
s e c ond morpheme result ing in t he Tagalog form b u w f s i t ' j i nz. i L L - om e n e d ' .
The Gl ide Substitution Rule c an be formulat e d t hus :

( 14 ) -consonantal -cons onant al

{'_VV }
+ s y l lab i c -syllab i c
+high +high
aback co aback
/ ..
Bround C # Bround
o --

i . e . a vowe l se gment wit h t he features h igh , back , round will be rep laced
by a glide with t he same feat ures in cert ain environment s . Environment a l
c ondit ions are inherent i n t h e original Hokkien forms : that i s , Hokkien
+ I o q be come s Tagalog - y o q in k u y o q s ince the first environment al c on­
st raint app l i e s , but in a form l ike Hokkien b a q + c u ) , t he Tagalog form
is b a t s o y with I be coming y rat her than u bec oming w since it is t he
se cond environmental const raint t hat i s app l i c ab le . More e xamp les o f
t hi s s ound change follow :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
l a u+ l a u l a w l aw ' Loose '
hT+ k a Q h l k aw ' earring '
kh u+cha l k u t s ay ' c e L ery '
p o + t h a u, p u t h aw ' s ma L L az '
l an + s u l yan soy , c o L iander '

2.3. 8. Vowel Raising

The Hokkien oral vowe l e be comes I and the Hokkien vowe l 0 b e comes u
at a l l t ime s b y t he me chan i sm of the TL rule on vowel rai sing. The se
s ound c harge s are examp l i fied by the fo llowing forms :

HOKKIEN DERIVED TL FORM TAGALOG

g O I) +g l5 l) * g u l) g U I) g U l) g o l) ' s t up i d '
h o+ se *hu 5 1 hus l ' c L o t h ma t eria L made
from abaca fib e r '
so+s f *su 5 1 sus l q ' ke y '
o+ t a ll *u tau u t aw ' s oy b ean '
 39

Except for Hokkien g O Q + g o Q , t he re s t o f the forms have derived TL

forms t hat are ident i c a l to the Tagalog surface represent at ions . In
such case s , t he Tagalog phonological rule of vowe l lowering ( see S e c t ion
2 . 5 . 7 . ) would apply vacuous ly .
The vowe l rais ing rule i s formali sed as fo llows :

( 15 ) -c onsonant al
+syllabic
-high
- low
[
� i�
aback
J
aback

i . e . a vowe l segment with the fe atures [ -high , -l ow , -bac k ] will be

rep laced by a vowe l segment with the features [ +high , -low , -bac k ] ,
and a vowe l segment wi t h t he feat ure s [ -h i gh , - low , +bac k ] will be
replaced by a vowe l segment with the fe ature s [ +high , - lo w , +bac k ] .
Hokkien g O Q + g � Q , by this rule , t he re fore , become s * g u Q g u Q and sur­
fac e s as t he Tagalog g U Q g O Q a ft e r the app l i c at ion of t he Tagalog vowe l
lowering rule .
The TL rule on vowel rai s ing i s properly mot i vat ed by t he fact that
Taga log shows the t endency t o conform t o more natural phono logical
pro c e s s e s , namely , t hat the t hree -vowe l system i -a - u is more natural
t han ( Schane 1 9 7 3 : 1 1 1 ) . Thi s t endency furt her support s t he
i -e-o

linguist i c fact that Tagalog , be fore the entrance of Span i s h loanwords ,

po s s e s sed a t hree -vowe l system : i -a-u . There are two imp l i c at ions in
relat ion t o the foregoing : ( 1 ) t hat the Hokkien loanwords t hat have
undergone this sound change probab ly entered Tagalog at a t ime when the
lat ter had a t hree-vowe l s y s t e m , and ( 2 ) in language a s in b iological
organi sms , t he re is an atavi s t ic t endency to revert t o t he original
st ruct ure whi c h c onforms t o the l ingui s t i c hist ory of a part i c ular
language .

2.3.9. Vowel Cl uster Simplification

In t he foregoing s e c t ions , discus s i ons have cent red on what s ound

pro c e s s e s Hokkien vowe l c lusters have undergone in t he forms borrowed
int o Tagalog :glide s are insert ed in ce rt ain envi � onment s whi l e in
other environment s , the first or the s e c ond e lement of a vowel c luster
i s replaced by a glide . Other Hokkien vowe l c l usters are simp l i fi e d
as a t t e s t e d by t h e fol lowing forms :
40

HOKKIEN DERIVED TL FORM TAGALOG

h i e l)+a * h e l) a h i l) a ' to b r e a t h e '
t i el)+ h e * t e l) h e t l l) h oy ' z' amp '
t a u+g e *tu ge toge ' b ean sprou t '
t h a u+
. c a I) * t u t s a l) t u t s a l) ' s hort h a i r o n woman ' s
head '
ka t + l uaq * k i l uw a q k e l wa q ' mu s tard '

where Hokkien I e be come s e , Hokkien a u be c ome s u , and Hokkien a l b e c ome s

i in initial morpheme posit ion as e vi dent in t he forms in t he s e c ond
c olumn . This t ran s - l ingui s t i c sound change , called the Vowel Cluster
S imp l i fication Rule , is formal i s e d as follows :

( 16 ) [-c ons onant al ]

+syllab i c / # Co v + ¢

i . e . the first e l ement of a vowel c luster i s de leted when this o c curs

in init ial morpheme p o s i t i on .
The s ingle vowe ls t hat have remained a ft e r vowel c luster s imp l i f i -
c at ion h a s taken plac e , name ly e , u and will later be changed to I
by t he TL rule on vowel rai s ing , and t o 0 and e by the Tagalog phono­
logical rule on vowel lowering , result ing in the Tagalog surface
repre s entation forms in t he t hird column above .
The following derivat ions i l lustrate how the vowel c luster simp l i fi­
cat ion rule fits in t he t otal s c heme o f TL rules in relation to t he
examp l e s given :
h i � I)+� t h au+ c � 1) Hokkien form
h i e l)+ a t h a u+ c a l) ka i + l uaq Detonali sat ion Rule
t a u + c a l) De-aspirat ion Rule
t a u + t s a l) Bi-segment ali sat ion Rule
h e l)+a t u + t s a l) k i + l uaq Vowel Cluster Simp l i f i . Rule
h l l)+a Vowel Rai s ing Rule
k i + l uwaq Glide Insert ion Rul e
h l l) a k i l u waq
t u t s a l) Morpheme Boundary De let ion Rule
h i ll a k l l uw a q
t u t s a l) Derived TL-Tag . unde rlying form
7
The Hokkien word tau + s T 1 , which be comes Tagalog t a w s i , has appar­
ent ly not undergone t he c luster simp l i ficat ion rule . There is a very
c l o s e s imilarity between t he Hokkien and the Tagalog forms , a s i mi l ­
a r i t y whi c h leads one to suspect t hat t he borrowing must have t aken
place very rec ent ly .
 41

2.3.10. Vowel E penthesis

Hokkien words like h ue+ t � ' n umber-pairing game ' and l a Q+ s 9 ' c o o k ing
apparatus made of b amboo s l a t s fixed i n a tin ring used for s teaming '
do not have any vowe l in the se cond morpheme ; in t hi s c as e , it i s t he
nasal t hat i s syllab i c . In their borrowed forms in Taga l o g , t he s e
become hw e t e Q and l a n s o Q respe c t i vely w i t h a vowe l insert e d between two

[ ] [ ]
suc c e s s i ve c onsonant s . One way o f forma 1 i s ing t hi s c hange is by way of
t he following rule , called the Vowe l Epenthes i s Rule :

_ cons onantal
+syllab i c
ahigh
[ ]
+ con s .
+syl l .
_ cons .
+syl l .
ahigh
'" / 6back + C +nasa1 6back

i . e . a vowel whi c h share s t he feature s o f a pre c e ding non- c ont iguous

vowel is insert e d between two consonant s on the condit ion t hat the
second c ons onant is a syl lab i c nasal .
In t he case o f Tagalog l a n s 6 Q , t he app l i c at ion o f t he rule should
result in * l a n s a Q , whi ch later change s to l a n s 6 Q by a Tagalog di s s imi­
lat ion rule . The formulat ion of this rule , howeve r , will not be
at t empt e d here since it does not app ly to a b i g number o f words .
The change from Hokkien h ue+ t � t o Tagalog hwe t e Q invo l ve s s t i l l
another rule called t he De-sy1 1ab i s ation Rule who s e formali sation fo l­
lows :

(18) [ + consonant a1
+sy11abic
] [ - syllab i c ]
+nasa1 / v

i . e . a s y l lab ic nasal in Hokkien will lose i t s s y 1 l ab i c it y i f an

epent het ic vowel has been insert e d be fore it .

2.3.11. M etathesis

Met at he s i s i s a s ound proc e s s t hat also o c curs in Hokkien loanwords

although it is not a very common one . Chomsky and Halle ( 1 9 6 8 : 3 5 8 - 3 6 4 )
favour the t rans format ion format for it s formal i s at ion . In the Hokkien
forms c u f + k u l and s i u+ t i e k , t he vowe l s in the init ial morpheme are
me tathe s i s e d via a TL rule res ult ing in Tagalog s i y u koy and s w i t i k .
Vowe l met athe s i s c an be acc ounted for t hrough the fol lowing TL rul e
c a l l e d t he Vowel Metathes i s Rule whi c h h a s a t ran s format ional format :

[ ] [ ]
( 19 ) Struct ural De s c ript ion :
C -consonant al -consonant al +
0
+ s y l l ab i c +syllabic �
1 2 3 4
Struct ural Change : 1 3 2 4
42

Normally , t he glide sub s t i t ut ion rule should apply t o Hokkien c u f + k u l

resulting i n * s u y ko y , but t hi s doe s not happen . Howeve r , c u f + k u l has
undergone me t at he s i s , but only in t he two vowe l segment s in t he first
morpheme . Cases o f t his sort has led Chomsky and Halle t o remark t hat :

• . • we would require that all or s ome segments mentioned in the

metathesis rule be supplied with a special abstract feature [ +Metathesis ] .
The ' cost ' of such a rule would then be equal to the number of features
mentioned in the SD plus the number of segments to which we have assigned
the feature [ +Metathesis ] . ( 19 6 8 : 3 6 1 ) .

App lying the sugge s t ion o f Chomsky and Halle , u l in c u f + k u ) and l u in

s i u+ t i e k will be spe c i fied in addit ion t o its other feature s , for t he
feature [ +Met athe s i s ] and t he derivat ions for both will appear as
fo llows :
- ,

s i u+ t i e k cu f+kul Hokki en form

s i u+t i ek c u i +ku i Det onal i sat ion Rule
s u i +t i ek c i u+ k u i Metathe s i s Rule
s uw i + t i e k c i yu+ku i Glide Insertion Rule
suwi +tek Cluster Simp l i fi cation Rule
s uw i + t i k Vowel Rai sing Rule
c i yu+kuy Gl ide Sub s t itut ion Rule
s i yu+kuy Bi-segment ali sat ion Rule
suwi t i k s i yu kuy Morpheme-boundary De let ion Rule
suw i t i k s i yu kuy Derived TL-Tag . unde rlying form

2.3.12. Morpheme B oundary D eletion

The Hokkien words borrowed into Tagalog are generally composed o f two
morphemes , each o f whi c h has a meaning different from t hat c ont ained in
the comp o s i t e fo rm . For instance , Tagalog p e t s a y ' Ch i n e s e cabbag e '
h
c ome s from the two Hokkien morpheme s p e q ' w hi t e ' and c a T ' vege t ab l e ' ,
b ut the form peq + c h a T means ' Ch i n e s e cabbage ' rather t han ' w h i t e
v e g e t ab l e ' . There fore , all the Hokkien words borrowed i n t o Tagalog have
two levels of meanings ; t he lit eral and t he idiomat i c one s , but it i s
t he idiomat i c meanin g , not t he l i t e ral one , t hat is b orrowed into the
Tagalog language , t o gether with the corre sponding phonet i c form . Once
a Hokk1en word is borrowe d into Tagalog , t here i s no t race what s oe ver
of t he meanings o f each o f t he individual morpheme s .
The foregoing t rans-l inguist i c phenomenon mani fe s t s i t s e l f in a t rans­
l ingui s t i c rule called the Morpheme Boundary De letion Rule whi ch c an be
formally stated as fol lows :

(20) [ +morpheme boundary ] ¢

i . e . a morpheme boundary , symb o li s e d as + in is olat ion , w i l l bec ome null

 43

as a re sult of this part i c ular rule . The morpheme boundary de let ion
rule , t ogether wit h t he detonal i sa t i on rule , app lies t o all Hokkien
words borrowed into Tagalog . There are no except ions to these two
18
rule s , and , as a result , both of t hem are apt l y called ' ma j o r rules , .
While t he det onali sation rule i s t he first TL rule t hat app l ie s t o
all Hokkien words in all instanc es , t h e morpheme boundary de let ion
rule has to be app l i e d a ft e r certain other rule s have already app l i e d .
This is further d i s cussed in S e c t i on 2 . 3 . 1 3 .

2.3.13. O r d er of Trans- ling uistic Rul es

The TL rules app l i c able to Hokkien loanwords are clas s i fied in this
sect ion into orde re d and unordered rul e s .

2. 3.13. 1 . O�de�ed Rule4

The TL rul e s t hat are ordered are presented b e low . Exc ept for the
det onali sation rul e and t he morpheme boundary de let ion rule , t he re st
o f t he rule s are pre sent e d in pairs to indi cate t he ordering o f one
rule in relat ion to t he other . The sequence of p re s entation of the
paired rules doe s not nece s s arily imp ly t hat t hey are ordered as t hey
are pre sent e d .

2. 3.13. 1 . 1 . Detonal is ation R ul e

19
The detonali sat ion rule i s considered as a maj or rule t hat app l i e s
to a l l Hokkien words entering t h e Tagalog s y s t e m as loanwords without
e xcept ion . As such , it must be app lied be fore the rest o f the TL rul e s .
The detona l i s at i on rule i s not only a maj or rul e but a l so a very b a s i c
rule as examp l e s have indicated a lack o f c orre lat ion between Hokkien
t one and Tagalog stress patterns . It would l ikewi se seem logical t hat
a b a s i c rule s hould be ordered first in a series of rules .

2 . 3 . 13 . 1 . 2 . D e - a s piration and Bi - s egmental is ation Rules

h
In c onne c t ion with the TL rul e s t hat change Hokkien c to c, and
Hokkien c to Tagalog t s , a fundamental i s sue inevit ably arise s : Are
the rules on de-aspirat ion and b i - s e gment a lisat ion ordered? The
inve s t i gator favours rule-ordering for the fol lowing reasons : (1)
generat i ve p hono logy i s aimed at de s c ribing the language compet ence o f
a spe aker-heare r , part i cularly h i s knowledge o f the rules t hat c onvert
unde rlying forms into phone t i c repre s ent ations . Chomsky has , on many
o c c a si ons , hypothe s i s e d t hat the human mind goe s t hrough minut e ly­
programmed s t age s be fore it produce s t he observab le surface e vent ;
( 2 ) i f the rules are ordere d , whi c h one c ome s first , the de-aspiration
44

rul e o r the bi-segment ali sat ion rul e ? The invest igat or favours the
de-aspiration rule c oming first because it has an analogue in the de­
aspirat ion rule for t he series o f Hokkien aspirat ed s t op s . Furthermore ,
it seems that the natural tendency , as attested by Grimm ' s Law ( Lehmann ,
1 9 6 2 : 9 3 ) , i s for natural languages with asp irat ed obstruent s t o lose
their asp i rat ion . In generat i ve phono logy terms , this i s viewed as a
natural phono logical phenomenon by whi ch languages t end t o simp l i fy
their overall phono logi c a l structure by dropping c ertain feature s . If
anythin g , t he de-aspirat ion rule demon st rat es " t he met atheore t i c a l
princ iple t hat we e xpe ct t o find ru les which make segment s l e s s marked"
( Sc hane 1 9 7 3 : 1 17 ) .
I f one were t o consider Hokkien c h becoming t s be fore de-aspirat ion ,
one woul d have an int e rmediat e form t hat would look l ike t s h . His tori­
c a l ly , t he re i s no l ingui s t i c evidence t hat c an attest t o t he presence
o f an aspirat e d segment in Tagalog in part i cular and in Original
Austrones ian in general ( see Dempwo lff 1 9 3 8 ) . Furt hermore , if aspir­
ation i s t o be cons idered as a feat ure at t ached t o s result ing in s h ,
it presuppo s e s t hat Early-Tagalog had t hi s sound , whi c h i s very un like ly .
Intuit ively t o o , it seems imp laus ible t o de-aspirate an original non­
asp irat e * s h .
In t hi s l i ght t here fore , t he words p e t s a y and k i n t s a y will have t he
fol lowing derivat ions :

k h i n+ c h a T peq+c h a T Hokkien form

k h i n +c h a i peq+c ha i Detonal i s at ion Rule
k i n +c a i peq+ca l De-aspirat ion Rule
k i n+ t s a i peq+t sa l Bi- segment alisat ion Rule
k i n+tsay peq+ t s a y Y-glide Sub s t itut ion Rule
k i n t s ay peq tsay Morpheme Boundary Delet ion Rule
k i n t s ay peq tsay Derived Tl-Tag . underlying form

2.3.13. 1 .3. vowel Epenthesis and De-syl l abicisation Rul es

The vowe l epenthe s i s rule has to be app l ied first be fore t he de­
s y l l ab i c i sat i on rule since t he app l i c at ion o f t he latter rule i s depen­
dent on an environment al c ondition created by the former rule . To
i l lustrat e , reference is here made to t he derivat ions of h uwe t e l) and
l a n s o l)
h ue+ t � l an + s 1 Hokkien form
h u e + t f} l a n + s f} Detonali s at ion Rule
h uwe+ t f} Glide Insert ion Rule
h uwe+ t e l) l a l)+ s a l) Vowel Epenthe s i s Rule
h uwe+ t e l) I a l)+ s a l) De -syllab i c i sat ion Rule
 45

h uwe t e l) l a l) s a l) Morpheme Boundary De l e t i on Rule

h u w e t e l) l a l) s a l) Derived TL-Tag . unde rlying form
I a n 5 0 1) Diss imilat ion Rule

The original syllab i c feat ure pre sent i n the nasal cons onant i s swit ched
over to t he epenthe t i c vowe l . This i s a case o f regre s s i ve a s s i mi lation ,
rather t han progre s s ive a s s imi lation for it would be redundant to show
t hat a Tagalog vowe l acquire s t he feat ure syl lab i c from a fol lowing
syl lab ic nasal .

2.3.13. 1 .4. Metathesis and Gl ide Insertion R u l es

The derived TL form o f Tagalog s i y u k oy pre sented in S e c t i on 2 . 3 . 11 .

and here repeated for easy referenc e l ikewise indicates t he ordering
o f t he met at he s i s rule be fore t he glide insert ion rule :

cu f+kul Hokkien form

c u i +ku i Detonalisation Rule
c i u+ k u i Met at he s i s Rule
c i y u+ k u i Gl ide Insert ion Rule
c i yu+kuy Glide Sub s t itution Rule
s i y u+ k u y Bi-segment a l i sation Rule
s i yu kuy Morpheme Boundary De let ion Rule
s i y u kuy Derived TL-Tag . underlying form

2.3.13.1 .5. De-nasal isation and Gl ottal Segment Insertion Rules

Whenever t he TL rules on de-nas a l i sat ion and glot tal segment

in sert ion have to be app lied to a single item, the former is ordered
be fore the lat t e r as e xemp l i fied in the fol lowing derivat ion :

l un + p i 3 Hokkien form
l un+p i a Detonalisat ion Rule
l u n+p i ya Glide Ins e rt ion Rule
l u n+p i ya Denasali sat ion Rule
l un+p i yaq Glottal Se gment Insertion Rule
l u n p i ya q Morpheme Boundary De let io� Rule
l un p i yaq Derived TL-Ta g . unde rlying form
l u n p i ya q Tag . Nasal As s imilation Rule

App l i cat ion of t he de -nasa l i s at ion rule will yield a word-final segment
t hat is an oral ( or non-na sal ) vowe l whi c h will further p rovide t he
proper envi ronment for the app l i c at ion of the glot t al i s at ion rule .
46

2 . 3 . 1 3 . 1 . 6. Cl uster S i mpl i f i cati on and Vowel R a i s i ng Rules

The c luster simp l i ficat ion rule must precede the vowe l rai s ing rule
in it s app l i c at ion as t he derivat ion of Tagalog h i � � indi c at e s ( s ee
Sect ion 2 . 3 . 9 . ) . Since t he vowel rais ing rule rep laces a s ingle segment
with another vowe l , it is inap p l i c ab le in instan c e s where two vowe l
segment s ( vowel c lusters ) are involved ; vowel c lusters would aut oma t i ­
c al l y block the app l i c at ion of the vowe l raising rule . It i s only
t hrough the mechani sm o f the vowel c luster simp l i fic ation rule where
two vowel s e gment s , e . g . i e , be come a s ingle segment , e . g . e that t he
proper environment for the app l i c at ion of the vowel rai sing rule is
creat e d .

2 . 3. 13. 1 . 7 . Morpheme Boundary Del etion R ul e

The morpheme boundary de let ion rule i s the last ordered rule t o be
app lied t o al low a l l t he rule s with environment al constraint s t o be
app l i e d first . I f the morpheme boundary de let ion rule were t o be app l ied
earlier in t he serie s , even as early as t he det ona l i sation rule , t he
app l i c at ion of t he re st of the rules with envi ronmental cons t raint s
would be ineffe c t ive s ince the boundary markers are not pre sent t o
del ine ate the are as o f app l i c at ion . For examp le , the glide insert ion
rule spe c i fies t hat the glide w should be inserted in the vowe l c luster
"
ua in the Hokkien word s ua+ h e result ing in s uwa+ h e . I f t he morpheme
b oundary delet ion rule is applied be fore the glide insert ion rule ,
s ua+ h e b e c ome s s u a h e and t here i s no means of det e rmining whether s u a h e
doe s in fact have a vowe l c luster for the word could p o s s ib ly be broken
up int o s u+ a + h e , which does not provide the proper environment for t he
appl i cation of the glide insert ion rule .

2 .3. 13. 2 . U n o 4de4ed Ruie6

The re st o f the TL rule s , namely , t he glide sub s t itution rule and t he

c luster s imp l i fi c at ion rule , are ordered aft e r t he general or ' maj or '
rule o f detonal isation and be fore another maj or rule - the morpheme
boundary delet ion rule ; in this sense , t hey are ordered . However , in
t he sense t hat their app l i c at ion is not dependent on the app l i c at ion o f
a previous rul e , t hey are unordered .

2.4. M O R PH E M E S T R U C T U R E C O NV I T I ONS O F TAGA LOG

20
This s e c t ion c ontains t he morpheme struc t ure condi t i ons that app ly
t o Tagalog loanwords o f Hokkien origin . The MS condit i ons that appear
here are re stricted only to the sequence s t ruct ure c ondition s . Since
 47

redundant feat ure s o f Tagalog phonologi cal segments have already been
spe c i fied in S e c t ion 2 . 2 . , i t i s not ne c e s sary to give the s e gment
21
s t ruct ure condi t i ons here .

2.4. 1 . Cond ition on M ed i al Cons onants

In t he following unde rlying forms o f Hokkien ori gin , a glottal s t op

q t hat o c curs in a syl lab le within a word i s de l e t ed :
b a q + t s oy +
b a t soy
maq+m l +
mam i
p e q+ t s a y +
petsay
peq+ s a q +
pesaq
Thi s i s due t o a morpheme s t ructure c ondit ion i n Tagalog t hat spe c i fi e s
t hat ' in word interior syl lable final p o s i t ion ' all cons onant s , e xcept
h and q , c an o c c ur ( Llamzon 1 9 6 8 : 5 1 ) . Formally s t at e d , the c ondit ion
will appear in t he form be low :

( 21 ) + c onsonanta l
- s y l l ab i c
- sonorant
- cont inuant
N (el +glot t al / ev +

+cons onant al
-syllab i c
-sonorant
+c ont inuant
+glot tal

whi ch means that the two mat rices o f s e gment fe at ure s above c on s t i t ut e
a negat i ve ( s ymbo l i s e d by N ) condit ion ( s ymbo l i s e d by ( e » within the
environment of a syl lable wit hin a word , whi c h w i l l p revent the o c c ur­
rence of such Tagalog forms as * b a q t s oy and * m a q m i .
The not ion o f t he ' negat i ve condit ion ' i s one o f t hree kinds o f MS
22
c ondit ions p roposed by S t anley ( 1 9 6 7 : 4 2 7 ) , whi c h means t hat all t he
mat rices in a l anguage are accept e d except mat r i c e s in the negative
c ondit ion . The imp l i c at i on behind t he negat i ve c ondi t ion i s that it i s
for use i n s t at ing t he s y st emat i c phonemes not present i n the language .
In adopt ing S t anley ' s negat i ve c ondit ion , two revis ions have been
made here whi ch appear adequat e enough to cover t he difficul t i e s posed
by this part i cular morpheme structure condit ion o f Tagalog . The
di ffi culty t hat i s b e ing referred t o is the inadequacy of the regular
MS rule to s t at e in e conomi c a l and general t e rms the non-o c c urrence o f
48

q and h i n a syllable within a word ; this i l lustrat e s Stanley ' s point

when he says t hat MS rule s do not allow us "to s t at e s i t uat ions whi c h
ari se i n natural language s but whi c h are not e a s i l y s t a t e d i n t e rms o f
rule s " ( se e S e c t i on 2 . 1 . 2 . 2 . ) . A regular rule would have required t hat
a consonant should inc lude a l l t he feat ure values of all t he syst emat i c
phoneme s o f Tagalog except h and q ; in e ffe ct , t he form o f such a rule
would look like the fol lowing :

( 22 ) + consonant al
-syl lab i c
± s onorant
± c ont inuant
± ant erior
[C] + ± c oronal / CV ----
+
± lat eral
± s t rident

This di fficulty is furt he r compounded by t he general MS condit ion t hat

MS rule s do not change feat ure value s . As a result , a rule o f the
form :

(23) +consonantal
- s y llab i c
-s onorant + ¢ / cv +
+gl ott al
-cont inuant

i s not allowed s ince all t he fe atures t o t he l e ft of the arrow be come

de leted t o the right of t he arrow , whi ch , in e ffe ct , violat e s the c i t e d
re s t rict i ve c ondit ion . C learly , it i s notat ionally more e legant and
l ingui s t ically more general to state in this situat ion what part i cular
segment s may not appear in a part i c ular environmental c ontext .
The solution l i e s in t he use o f the negat ive condit ion with the
fo l lowing revi sions : ( 1 ) t he addit ion of an environmental const raint
to t he c ondit ion , whi ch further change s a segment s t ructure condit ion
( as originally conceived of by S t anley ) to a sequence structure
c ondit ion , and ( 2 ) t he e xtension of the condit ion to c over s y st emat i c
p honeme s whi ch are present i n t he language . Revi s i on s 1 and 2 have
t urne d out to be both viab le and perhap s should be cons i dered in future
revi sions of the struc t ure of MS condit ions .
 49

2.4.2. Condition on Syl l a b l e Structure

Tagalog has a MS condi t i on whi ch spe c i fies that the b a s i c morpheme

s t ruct ure in i t s system is CY ( C l CY ( C l . This is formal i s e d as a p o s i t i ve
condit ion called the Syl lable Structure Condition with the fol lowing
form :

[ ] [ . ([ ] ]
J
(24 ) P (Cl + + conson . -cons + cons . +
-sy l l . +sy l l . -syl l .

[ ] [ . ([ ])
J
+cons . - cons +cons .
-sy l l . +sy l l . -syl l .

The mot ivation for this c ondi t i on l i e s i n the fact t hat there must be
a me chani sm in the system t hat can segment alise unde rlying forms of
Hokkien ori gin into format ives t hat will c orre spond to t he syl lable
st ruc ture of Tagalog . Furthermore , the c ondit ion helps to indi cate
t hat c onsonant c lusters within the same morpheme or format ive are not
al lowed in t he system. 2 3 Thus , an unde rlying form l ike h u n b aq c annot
be de c omposed into format i ve s c ons i s t ing of * h u n b+a q . The condit ion
is l ikewise nece s s ary for its relevance to t he gene ral s t r e s s p lac ement
rule , s i nce t he latter ass igns stre s s on the b a s i s of the syl l ab l e
structure o f Tagalog ; thus , t he MS c ondi t i on o n syl lab le s t ruct ure i s
logi c a l ly ordered be fore t he P rule o n stre s s plac ement .
Imp l i c i t in this rule i s t he fact t hat unde rlying forms of Hokkien
origin lose their morpheme ident i t i e s , t hat i s , morpheme s lose their
original individual meanings . Format ive s replace morpheme s , which
dictates t hat t he analy s i s o f Tagalog loanwords must be in terms of
format i ve s , not morpheme s .
Another point t hat must be stre s s e d here i s t he order o f app l i cation
o f t he MS c ondit ion on syl lab le struc ture in re lat ion t o t he MS con­
dit ion on de-gl o t t a l i sation ; in t he derivat ion o f b a t s o y below, t he
former i s ordered be fore t he lat t e r :

baq+cu) Hokkien form

baq+cu i Detonal i s at ion Rule
baq+t s u i Bi-segment a l i sation Rule
baq+ t s uy Y-gli de Sub st itut ion Rule
baq t s uy Morpheme Boundary De let ion Rule
baq t suy Derived TL-Tag . underlying form
baq+ t s u y MS condi t ion-syllab l e struct ure
ba+tsuy MS condit ion-medial c ons onant s
ba+ t s uy Stre s s Placement Rule
b a + t s oy Vowe l Lowering Rule
ba t soy Derived Tagalog form
50

The c ondit ion for de -glottali sat ion ( MS condit ion o n me dial c ons onant s )
p re s ume s t he p resence of a MS condit ion t hat s t at e s the b a s i c morpheme
st ruct ure of Tagalo g . In relat ion to this , there is an imp licat ion
t hat t he MS oondit ion on syllab le s t ruct ure must apply be fore t he MS
c ondi t i on on de- glottalisat ion , a considerat ion whi c h quest ions the
val i di t y o f S t anley ' s theory t hat MS condit ions are an unordered set .

2.4.3. Con dition on Disyll abic S truc ture

Tagalog has a MS c ondit ion on disyllab i c struct ure whi c h a c c ount s

for t he t endency of Tagalog words towards di syllab i sm . Hokkien words
whi c h have entered into Tagalog as loanwords , have , in the proce s s ,
b e c ome di syllab i c through t he delet ion of ent i re morpheme s or o f s ingle
phono logical segment s . This is attested by the fol lowing examp l e s :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
peq + s a q + h f ,
pesaq ' fi 8 h b o i � e d wi t h 8 p i c e 8 '
paq+s f+ l a Q pas l aQ ' to ki � l '
t a Q+e+ s o q tan soq ' coppe r '
I n+an+koQ i QkoQ ' grandfa ther '

whi c h indicate t hat t endenc ies towards simpler syl lab le st ruc ture i s
more natural ; Schane ( 1 9 7 3 : 1 1 7 ) has even sugge s t e d t hat a met atheore t i c a l
prin c iple t o this e f f e c t be formula t e d .
From t h e e xamples given above , it i s apparent t hat it i s usually the
mi ddle morpheme in a t hree -morpheme Hokkien word t hat get s de l et e d ;
t hi s p ro c e s s , otherwise known b y t he name haplology , i s mot i vated by
t he MS c ondi t i on formalised be low as a posit ive condit ion :

( 25 ) P (C) + [ +syllab le ] [ +syl lable ]

i . e . a Tagalog morpheme normally c on s i s t s o f two syllable s .

2.5. PHON O L O G I C A L R U L ES O F TAGA LOG

In Sect ion 2 . 3 . , Hokkien words t hat have entered into t he Tagalog

language as borrowed forms have been shown to have undergone a number
o f TL rules , s ome o f whi ch are ne c e s sarily ordered , some not . The
result ing derivat ions which may be t e rmed as ' intermediate ' derivat ions
serve as the unde rlying repre sent at ions in Tagalog t o whi ch all relevant
phonological rules of the language begin to app ly . This sect ion deals
only with t he P rul e s of Tagalog t hat ope rat e on the loanwords of Hokkien
origi n ; as such , t here fore , it doe s not make an att empt to be e xhaus t i ve
in i t s pre s entat ion .
 51

2.5 . 1 . S tress P l ac ement Rule

In the TL rule of de tonal i s at ion , all Hokk ien words lose t he i r t ones
be fore they enter into t he Tagalog system. Stre s s in Tagalog doe s not
24
involve the same kind of comp l e x ope rat ions as Engl ish s t re s s , s i nce
the former invo lves only two kinds o f s t re s se s : strong and weak stress
( S chact e r and Otanes 1 9 7 2 ) .
Inas far as Hokkien loanwords are concerne d , t he s t re s s p lacement
rule o f Tagalog has t he following formalisation :

( 26 ) [V] .... [ + s t re s s ] / (C __ + C (C) #

whereby t he di sj unct ive ordering c onvent ion e xp l i c itat e s t hat t he rule

must a s s i gn s t re s s first to the vowe l in t he penult imate syllab le of a
Tagalog word i f it i s an open syl lable ; otherwi s e , it i s t he vowe l in
t he final syl lable t hat get s t he stre s s .
Almo s t all of the Hokkien words borrowed into Tagalog cons i s t o f
two morpheme s and fit into t he d i s y l lab i c st ruct ure o f Tagalog without
2
difficult y . 5 App l i c at i on of t he disyllab i c stre s s p lacement rule is
e xemp l i fied in the following :

Stre s s on Penultimate Syllable On Ultimate Syl lable

HOKKIEN TAGALOG HOKKIEN TAGALOG
A
,
baq+cul bh soy s a+c l s a n s e,
b l +hun b f hon i an + s u 1 yan soy
gu+ t & g6to s 1 n+khe s i l) k f q
gu+a g 6y a q h & l) + b a q humb�
h T+ k a O h f k aw h & k+bu h u k b6
Through t h e me chanism o f t he T L rule o n gli de insert ion , two -morpheme
Hokkien words also b e c ome t ri s y l lab i c , but the t ri s y l l ab i c forms are
actually underlying forms in Tagalog. The s t re s s p lac ement rule is
app lied t o these underlying forms as the fo llowing e xamp le s show :

Stre s s on Penultimate Syl lable On Ultimate Syl lab l e

HOKKIEN TAGALOG HOKKIEN TAGALOG
s i o+ p a Q s i y 6 p aw c i an+s f s i yanse
5 1 o+ma 1 s i y6may
cu f+kul s i y 6 ko y
c i a+ h u s i y � ho
5 ua+ h e s uw � he
The t ri s y llab i c words w i l l lat er appear as disyllab i c i n t h e i r final
derived forms t hrough t he vowe l de let ion rule ( s ee S e c t i on 2 . 5 . 2 . ) which
forms part of a ' conspiracy ' t o fit morphological forms into the syl­
lab le s t ructure o f Tagalog.
52

2.5.2. Vowel Del etion Rul e

One of the P rule s that converts an unde rlying form in Tagalog into

[ :;��:::: [ ]
its c orre sponding phonet ic repre sent at ion i s t he Vowel Deletion Rule
formally stated b e low as :

J
( 27 ) tal _ consonant al
-syllabic
aback ... ¢l aback
a round / around

i . e . a vowel t hat agree s in backne s s and in roundness with a fo llowing

glide is delet e d . App l i c at ion o f t hi s rule gives t h e derivation o f the
fo l lowing it ems :
hop i ya q buw i s i t h uwe t e m i s uwa unde rlying form
ho p f y a q b uw f s i t h uwe t e m i s uwa first c y c le -St re s s
Placement Rule
ho p y a q bw i s i t h we t e m i swa Vowel De let ion Rule
h6 p y a q m r swa 2nd c y c l e -Stre s s
Plac ement Rule
h6 p y a q bw f s i t m f s wa derived form

2. 5.3. Pal atalisation Rule

App l i c at ion of the vowel de letion rule c reat e s an environment al

c ondition t hat mot i vates t he app l i c at ion o f the Palatalisation Rule t o

[ ]
Hokkien borrowings ; a first approximat ion o f t h e rule gives :

(28) +consonantal +consonant al

-syllab i c c onson=t. - s y l lab i c
+ s t rident -sy llabic ...
+strident
+ant erior -high -anterior
+ c oronal -back + coronal
+cont inuant

i . e . t he segment sequence s y be come s palat alised t o � . The app l i c at ion

of this rule is e vident in t he fo llowing e xamp l e s :
s i y o p aw ... s yopaw ... � o p aw
s i yomay ... s yo m a y ... �omay
s i y u ko y ... s y u ko y ... � u koy
s i yaho ... s y a ho ... h ho
where the forms in the last column are t he final derived or t he phone t i c
repre sentat ions of the forms in t he first column .
However , t here i s evidence t hat the palat al i sat ion rule a s present ed
needs furt her re finement . The sequence of segment s ts i s l ikewise
subj e c t ib le t o palat ali sat ion result ing in t he segment � who s e only
 53

difference from � l i e s in i t s feature value o f - for continuant , an

examp l e of which is p e t s a y � pecay . The palatal i s at ion rule t hat
changes s y to � and t s to c is a c ont ext- free one ; in t he lat t e r , the
app l i c at ion i s obviously mot i vat ed by such s o c i o l inguist i c fact ors as
one ' s educat ional background and soc ial s t atus , a topic t hat is beyond
the s c ope of this st udy . In view of the forego ing, the revised palatal­

[
i s at ion rule must have the following forma l i s at ion :

(29) + c onsonant al + c onsonantal

-syl lab i c c onoonanta ] -syl lab i c
< +strident - s y llab i c > + s trident >

+ant erior -high -anterior

+c oronal -back + coronal
�
+cont inuant a

+consonantal + c onsonantal +consonant al

-sy llabic -syllabic -syl lab i c
< -strident +strident > + s t ri dent >

+ant erior +ant erior -anterior

+ c oronal +coronal + coronal
- c ont inuant b

i . e . sub -rule ( a ) change s s y to � and sub-rule ( b ) change s t s t o c .

2. 5.4. N asal Assim i lat i o n Rul e

Nasal a s s imi lat ion i s a c ommon phono l ogical pro c e s s in Tagalog which

[ ]
i s e xt ended t o app ly to its unde rlying forms o f Hokkien origin . Thus ,
the general Nasal Ass imilation Rule ( Sc hane 1 9 7 3 : 7 0 ) .

[
J
( 30 ) aanterior -sonorant
S c oronal I aanterior
S c o ronal

app l i e s to the fol lowing Hokkien forms :

HOKKIEN TAGALOG
l Q n+p i 3 l ump i ya q ' mixed v e g e tab L es and s h rimps wrap p e d
i n wrappers of do ugh '
h 8 1) + b a q h umba ' hi g h L y s p i c e d di s h of c h i c k e n or pork '
bTn + po b ( mp o ' face towe L '
� ,
s a+ c ,l s a n se ' appe L La t i o n for t h i r d e L der s i s t e r '
t � l)+e+ s o q t an soq ' copp e r '
s �+ko s a l) ko ' app e L L a t i o n for t h i r d e Lder b r o t h e r '
54

The f o l lowing derivat ions indicat e how t he nasal ass imi lat ion rule
actually app l i e s to unde rlying forms of Hokkien origin :
saNse b i n po i n ko l) l a l) s a l) unde rlying form
saNse b f n po i n k6 1) l a l) s � 1) stre s s p lacement rule
,
sanse b f mpo i l) k6 1) l a n s � 1) nasal ass imi lat ion rule
l a n s 6 1) diss imi lation rule
,
sanse b ( mp o i l) k6 1) l a n s 6 1) derived form

2.5.5. Degemination Rule

Tagalog has a P rule t hat de let e s one of two suc c e s s ive ident i cal
cons onant s . The rule , called t he Degemination Rule has the fol lowing
forma l i s at ion :

( 30 ) [C] /
and app l i e s to such underlying forms o f Hokkien origin as b a k+ k i y a q
and p a k+ k i aw result ing in b a+ k i ya q and p a + k l y a w respect ively .
The fo l l owing i s an i l lustrat ion o f t he app l i cat ion of t he
degeminat ion rule :

b a k+ k i y a q p a k+ k i y a w underlying form
b a k+ k f ya q p a k+ k ( y a w 1 s t cy c le-Stress Plac ement Rule
b a k+ k y a q pa k+kyaw Vowe l De let ion Rule
b a k+ k y � q p a k+ k y �w 2nd c y c le-Stre s s Plac ement Rule
ba+kyaq p a + ky a w Degeminat ion Rule
b a ky � q p a ky � w derived form

The fore go ing derivat ions indicat e t hat t he c luster s imp l i fi c at ion rule
must be ordered lat e in a series o f rules for the fol lowing reason : it
h a s to allow t he proper environmental c ondit ion for t he app l i cat ion o f
t he s t re s s p l ac ement rule i n t he se c ond c y c le ; t hat i s , a c l ose penul­
t imat e s y l l ab le . If the degeminat ion rule were t o be re-ordere d a s in
t he fol lowin g :

b a k+ k i y a q p a k+ k i y a w underlying form
b a k+ k f y a q p a k+ k f y a w 1st c y c l e -Stre s s Plac ement Rule
ba+k i yaq p a + k i y aw Degeminat ion Rule
ba+kyaq p a + k y aw Vowel Delet ion Rule
ba+kyaq p � + k y aw 2nd c y c le-Stress Placement Rule
*bakyaq * p a ky a w derived form

the derived forms will turn out to be phonet i c ' mi s represent at ions ' .
 55

2.5.6. Vowel L owe ring Rul e

Tagalog has a P rule whi c h lowers the vowe l in the ult imate or in
the penult imate syllable o f a word ; t he rule called the Vowe l Lowering
Rule , is formalised as fo l lows :

[
( 31 ) -consonant al
+syllabic

J
+high - hi gh
-low + aback / II e --
(el + (e ( e l I II
aback B round
B round

whereby the di s j un c t i ve convent ion spe c i fies that t he vowe l in the

ult imate syl lab le should be lowered i f it has the feat ure s [ +high ,
±back , ± roun d ] ; i f the vowel in t h i s p o s it ion already has the feat ure
[ -low ] , then t he vowe l in t he penult imate s y l lab le should be lowered
if i t s feature s are [ +high , ±back , ±round ] .
The rule , in i t s full vers ion , appl ie s t o the fo l lowing underlying
forms of Hokkien ori gin :

b i +h u n + b f hon
l o+m l + 1 6me
baq+ t s u y + ba tsoy
,
yan+soy + yan soy
s i yu+kuy + s i y u ko y
The rule a l s o appl ie s t o Tagalog words o f Hokkien origin where the
vowe l s are i dent i c al as i l lustrat e d by the fol lowing de rivat ions o f
t h e words h i be , k u s o t and m i ke :

ku+su t he+ b 1 mT+ k T Hokkien form

ku + s u t he+b i m i +k i Det onal i s a t i on Rule
h i +b i Vowel Rai sing Rule
ku sut hi bi mi ki Morpheme Boundary De let ion Rule
ku sut hi bI mi ki Derived TL-Ta g . underlying form
k u+ s u t h i +b i m i +ki MS condit ion-syllable s t ructure
ku+ s u t h f +b l m f+k i Stre s s Placement Rule
ku+ s o t h f +be m f+ke Vowel Lowering Rule
kusot h f be m f ke Derived form

A Tagalog dialectal variant of h f b e is h ( b l , and of m f k e

2 7 is m f k i in
whi ch cases the vowe l lowering rule has not app l i e d . This could imply
t hat the rule , not b e ing o b l i gat ory , i s a minor rule t hat could we l l be
on i t s way out o f t he phono logical s y s t em o f Taga l o g . T h i s seems t o b e
t he c a s e t han t he reve rse .
56

The surface o r derived forms o f such Tagalog words as t l ko y , u k o y ,

and t l � h o y leave t races o f the part i cular dialectal variant o f Hokkien
from whi ch the Tagalog words came . In the inve s t i gat or ' s diale ct , t he
corresponding Hokkien forms of the loanwords above are t T + k e , o+ k e ,
and t i e �+ h e respe ct ively , whi ch would have b e c ome * t i k l , * u k i and
* t l �h i in Tagalog a ft e r all proper TL and Tagalog P rule s have been
app l i e d . As this is not t he case , t l ko y , u ko y and t i � h oy must have
0 + k u 'e an d t l e• �+ h u 'e , whi c h 2 8 b y t he me c han ism
come f rom H 0 kki e n t :.l + k u 'e , - .

o f t he TL rule on gl ide insert ion , should have be come t i + kuwe , o + k uwe

a n d t i e �+ h uwe respect ively . But again , this is n o t t he case ; the
hypot he s i s here i s t hat the se t hree Hokkien words must have b e c ome
t i + k u i , o+ k u i and t i e �+ h u i by analogy to forms l ike b a q + c u ) , c u f + k u )
and l � n+ s u 1 . The TL gl ide sub s t itut ion rule must then have app l i e d t o
change word final i to y resulting i n - k u y ; t h e Tagalog P rule whi c h
lowers u to 0 i s final ly app lied t o - k u y result ing in _ koy . 2 9 To
summari se , the deri vat ions of Hokkien t ' + k u e , o+ k u e and t i e �+h u e are
given be low :

d + ku e o+ k u e t l e �+ h u e Hokkien form
t i +kue o+kue t i e �+ h u e Detonal i s at ion Rule
t i +ku i o+ k u i t i e �+ h u l Analogical change
t i +ku i Denasali sat ion Rule
t e �+ h u l Cluster Simp l i ficat ion Rule
u+ku i t l �+ h u i Vowel Rai s ing Rule
t l +kuy u+kuy t i �+ h u y Glide Sub s t i t ut ion Rule
t i kuy u kuy t i � huy Morpheme Boundary De let ion Rule
t i kuy u kuy t l � huy Deri ve d TL-Ta g . underlying form
t i +kuy u+kuy t i �+ h u y MS c ondition-syl lable s t ruct ure
t f+kuy 6+kuy t i �+ h 6 y Stre s s Placement Rule
t f + ko y 6+koy t i �+h6y Vowel Lowering Rule
t f koy 6 ko y t i �h6y Derived Tagalog form

In the deri vation of such Tagalog words as t o g e 'b ean sprou t s ' ,
t o kwa ' b ean aur d ' , 3 0 and ke l wa q ' mu s tard ' , it is t he unexpande d form
of the vowel lowering rule t hat app lie s , t hat is , the vowe l in the
penul t i mate syl lab le i s lowered . The derivat ions of t hese words are
gi ven be low :

t au+ ku� kat+l uaq Hokkien form

tau+kua Detonal i s at ion Rule
t a u+ k u a Denas ali sat ion Rule
t u+ k u a t u+ g e k i + l uaq Cluster Simp l i fi c at ion Rule
t u + k uwa k l + l uwaq Glide Ins ert ion Rule
tu kuwa tu ge k l l uw a q Morpheme Boundary Delet ion Rule
 57

t u ku w a tu ge k i I uwa q Derived TL-Tag . underlying form

t u + ku w a t u+ge k i + l uw a q MS c ondi t i on- syl lab le s t ruct ure
t u + kuwa t u+ge k l + l uw a q Stre s s Plac ement Rule
to+kuwa t6+ge ke+ I U wa q Vowe l lowering Rule
t o +kw a k e+ l w a q Vowel De l e t i on Rule
t 6 +kwa t6+ge ke+ l w a q 2nd c y c le-Stre s s Plac ement Ru le
t 6 kw a t6ge ke l wa q Derived form

2.5. 7. Ord ering of Tagalog Phonologic al Rul es

All the Tagalog P rul e s that have appeared in this s e c t i on b e c ause

of their relevant app l i c at ion to Hokkien loanwords c an be c l a s s i fied
into ordered and unorde red rule s . The c l a s s i fic at ion i s based solely
on their appl i cat i on to Hokkien loanwords ; in a fuller t reatment of
Tagalog phono logy , t he rule s will mo st likely have t o be re - c la s s i fi e d .

2.5 . 7 . 1. OAdeAed Rule4

The Tagalog rules t hat are ordered are presented b e low in their
corre sp onding order o f app li c at ion .

2 . 5. 7 .1 . 1 . Stress Pl acement R ul e

The first rule t o be app l ied i s t he stre s s plac ement rule . This i s
so because stre s s must be a s s i gned b e fore t he form o f a word i s changed
by other P rules . For e xamp l e , t he vowe l delet ion rule changes the
following t ri s yllabic words into disyl lab i c words whose c anoni cal forms
do not conform to t hat st ipulat ed in the s t re s s p lac ement rule , be ing
of the form C C V+C V H : 3 1

s i yopaw + s yo p a w
s i yomay + s y oma y
s i y u ko y + s y u ko y
s i yahu + syahu
s uw a h e + swa h e
In view o f the above , s i y o p a w and s uwa h e wi l l have t he fol lowing
order of deri vat ion with t he stress p l ac ement rule having only one
c y c l i c a l app l i c at ion :

s i y o p aw s uw a h e underlying form
s i y6paw s uw a h e Stre s s Placement Rule
s y6 p aw swa h e Vowel De let ion Rule
sopaw Palatali sat ion Rule
sopaw swa h e Derived form
58

2.5. 7 . 1 . 2. Vowel Del etion R ul e

The vowe l delet ion rule i s ordered after t he stress p lacement rule
and be fore the palat alisat ion rule . The app l i c at ion of the vowe l
de let ion rule leads t o t he creation of an environment t hat w i l l t rigger
t he app l i c at ion o f the palat a l i s at ion rule .

2.5. 7 . 1 . 3 . Degernination R ul e

The degeminat ion rule i s app lied aft e r the stre s s plac ement rul e .
Just i f i cation for this ordering i s given i n Sect ion 2 . 5 . 5 .

2 . 5. 7 . 2 . U n o �de�ed Rule4

The rest of the P ru les , name ly , the nasal a s s imilation rule and t he
vowe l lowering rule are , in a sense , a l so ordered since they c an be
app l ied only aft e r the stre s s plac ement rule has been app l ie d . They
are unordered rule s b e c ause each is not dependent on any of the rest
of rules for its app l i c at ion .

2.6. S UMMARY

The fore going sect ions have des cribed t he sound change s that have
affe c t e d Hokkien loanwords and t he sound p ro c e s s e s which t hey have
undergone . Upon entering Tagalog as borrowed forms , Hokkien words are
conce ived of as undergoing a set of so-cal led t rans- l ingui s t i c rules
whi c h are ordere d . The se rules , as ment ioned earl ier , are a form o f
acqui sit ion rules synchroni c a l ly pre s ent a t t he t ime when Tagalog
borrowed the Hokkien loanwords . The fol lowing summar i s e s in out l ine
form the set o f TL rules :

(1) Det onali s at ion Rule

[ l
[ +tone ] ....
¢
(2) De-asp irat i on Rule
+ , on,onant al
-syllab i c
- cont inuant
+aspirat ed
.... [ -aspirat e d ]
+consonantal
-syllabic
- c ont inuant
+st rident
+ant erior
+aspirat ed
 59

(3) Bi-segment ali s at ion Rule

+consonant al

[
-sy llabic
- c ont inuant
+ c ons .
+strident
-syll . + conS .

J
+aspirat ed + -- >
/ a < .... a -cont . - sy l l .
+ c onsonant al -stri . + c ont .
-syl lab i c - asp i r . + s tri .
+st rident
-c ont inuant
-aspirated

(4)
[
De-nas a l i s at ion Rule

]
-consonantal
+ s y l labic / -_ # .... [ -nasal ]
+nasal

(5)
[
Nasal Se gment at ion Rule
- c onsonanta l
+syllabic
] [....
-cons onantal
+syllab i c
] [ + consonantal
-syllabic
]
+nasal -nasal +nasal

(7) Glot t a l i sat ion Rul e

/
[ -consonantal
+syllab i c
] ....
+consonantal
-syllabic
¢ #
-cont inuant
-ant erior
-coronal

[ 1
+glottal

(8) Glide Insert i on Rule

- hlgh

[
-aback
-Bround

]
- h l gh -cons .
aback -syll .

[
-cons .
-round +high
¢ / +syl l .
aback

1
+high - high
Bround
aback aback
B round B round
60

( 9 ) Y-Glide Insertion Rule -consonantal

[+juncture] V V ... -syll / +hi-bacghkabic
(10) Glide-cSubstitutio n Rule -round
o+syllansonbantal
ic -co-syllnsoanbicantal
+hiabacghk {+_V Co} +high /
abac
...
k
( 11 )
B r o
Vowel[-Cluster und Simplif i C o V
cation -- #
Rul e B r ound
+s coynllsoanbicantalJ Co V + / # ...

( 12 ) Vowel-consoRaisingnantalRule
+s-higyllhabic [+high] ...
-lowaback aback
(13) Vowel Epenthesis r+scoynsllaonbicantall [+cons oJ rCOnS ]
Rul e
...

r/J /
ahiBbacgkh + C +s+nasyll.al +syll. __ ahigh
B b ac k
( 14 )
[++nasconsoalnantal Rule V # [-syllabic]
De-syllabicisation
+s y lla b ic J / __ ...

( 15 ) Metat h esis Rul e

SD: Co [-+sconsyllabiconantal] [-+sconsonant
1 2
yllabic al] + 3 4
=>

( 16 )
SC:Morpheme Boundary Deletion Rule
1 3 2 4

[+morpheme boundary] ...

r/J
 61

By the mechani sm o f the t rans-lingui s t i c rule s , ori ginal Hokkien

forms bec ome t he derive d t rans -lingu i s t i c forms . The t rans l ingui s t i c al ly
derived forms are also t he unde rlying or syst emat i c phonemi c forms whi ch
se rve as t he input to a set o f re levant morpheme struc ture c ondi t i ons
and phono logical rules o f Tagalog . The MS c onditions and the P rule s
are given in out l ine form be low :

Morpheme Structure Condit ions :

(1) Condi t ion on Me dial Cons onant s
+ c onsonant al
-syl lab i c
-sonorant
-cont inuant
+glot t a l
N (C) 'V / C V +
-consonant al
-syllab i c
- sonorant
+cont inuant
+glot tal

(2 ) Condit i on on Syllable Struct ure

P (C) + C J G J (C J) c J G J (C J)
c ons
-syl l .
cons
+syl l .
c ons
-syll .
+ c ons
-syl l .
cons
+syll .
cons
- s yl l .

(3) Condit ion on Disyllab i c St ruct ure

P (C) + [ +syllable ] [ + syl lable ]

Phono logical Rule s :

(1) Stre s s Placement Rule

[ �
[ V ] ... [ + s t re s s ] / ( C -- ) + C (C) #

(2 ) Vowel De let ion Rule

conson=ta c o",onanta

J J
+ s y l l ab i c ...
-syllabic
rp
aback aback
Bround / B round
62

( 3) Palat ali s at ion Rule

consonant a
-syllab i c [ eonson=t a
consonanta
-syllab i c

J
< +stri dent -syllab i c > +st ri dent >

+ant erior -high -anterior

+coronal -back +coronal
.. + c ont inuant
+cons onantal +consonant al +consonant a
-syllab i c -syllab ic -syllab i c
< -strident +st rident > +st rident
+ant erior +ant e rior -anterior
+coronal +coronal +coronal
-c ontinuant

(4) Degeminat ion Rule

[C] ..
¢ / C'

(5) Vowel Lowering Rule

�
-consonantal
+syllab i c

J
+high high
-low .. aback / #e (el + ( e __e l l #
aback Sround
Sround

(6) Nasal As simi lation Rule

rc l .. fCx ant erio

l7 nasa u � coronal J
� �
sonoran
aant erior
/ S coronal

The output of the MS condit i ons and the P rules are the Tagalog
derived surface o f syst emat ic phone t i c repre sentat ions . The s e surface
repre sentat ions , alt hough oft en d i s s imi lar to t he i r original Hokkien
c ount erpart s , show t races o f predi c t ably regular sound change s .
 N O T E S

1. The structural i s t s have been ext reme ly pro l i fi c in the t reatment o f

s ound change . Among t he more e xemplary works are t ho se done b y
Hoeni gswald ( 1 9 4 4 , 1 9 4 6 , 1 9 6 0 ) and Bloomfi e l d ( 19 3 3 ) .

2. See Noam Chomsky ( 1 9 6 5 ) for a detailed acc ount .

3. The phone t i c framework used here follows very c lo s e l y t hat o f

Chomsky and Hal l e , Chapt er 7 ( 1 9 6 8 ) .

4. The fa ct t hat there i s no feature front t o d i s t ingui sh vowe ls doe s

not mean t hat back vowe l s are not di fferent iated from front vowe l s .
One would e xpect t hat i f t he vowe ls are di st ingui shed by the fe ature s
h igh and low , they should l ikewi se be dist ingui shed by the feat ure s
front and back . Howeve r , Schane ( 1 9 7 3 : 3 0 ) account s for t h i s seeming
inc onsi stency t hus : " Since , at mo st , two degrees ( a + value and a -
value ) c an be dist inguished for a given s ingle feature , in order t o
di fferent iate t hree degrees , such a s h i gh , mid , and low , one need t o
use two feature s c onj oint l y , spe c i fiying value s for both" . I n c ontrast ,
alt hough t here is such a t hing as c entral vowe ls , S chane ( 19 7 3 : 1 2 )
point s out t hat they are usually treat e d as back vowe l s since t he y are
perceptually s imi lar to back unrounded one s .

5. See Robert King ( 19 6 9 ) .

6. Wi lson ( 1 9 7 2 ) in her st udy o f Palauan verb s , favours t he vowel

feat ure s h igh , low , back for Palauan consonant s mainly b e c ause anterior
is a redundant feat ure , " unl e s s it c an be shown that consonant s made
e i ther in the back or t he front hal f of the mout h c ons t i t ut e a natural
c l as s " . She chooses to use high in l ieu o f anterior for the purpose o f
64

s aving an e xt ra feature . While I agree with Wi l s on ' s c ontention that

it would be hard to prove t hat the anterior consonant s c ons t i t ut e a
nat ural c lass ( Schane 1 9 7 3 : 3 0 share s the same view ) , I c annot see t he
use of vowe l features as feature spe c i ficat ions for true cons onant s .
For instanc e , high , i f used t o spe c i fy the l abials p , b , m , doe s not
c apt ure ac curat e l y the phone t i c repre sent at ion of this part icular c lass ,
for they are cert ainly not produced in t he higher part of the mouth .
S imi larly , i f anterior c annot show how the c onsonant s made in the front
of the mouth c onst i t ut e a natural c lass , ne ither c an high , app lied t o
consonant s , indicate that they const itut e a natural c l as s . Furthermore ,
consonant s and vowe ls const itute a language-universal di chot omy whi ch
has been shown empirically to be properly mot i vated in t e rms o f the
voc a l t ract and the cons t r i c t i on o f the air pass age in the mout h ; thus ,
consonant s are consonant s be cause t he air passage i s const r i c t e d and
vowe l s are vowel s b e c ause the air passage is not . In this l i ght , using
di fferent sets o f fe ature s to de s cribe consonant s and vowe l s is c apt ur­
ing a uni versal phonological t rait , and is , there fore , a cons i s t ent way
of viewing this di chot omy . Wilson furt her as sume s that " some vowe ls
and some consonant s const itut e a natural c l a s s " ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 9 ) so t hat
certain fe ature s may be used in c ommon . Whi le this may be t rue , as for
instan ce , the use of the vowe l feature back as a spe c i ficat ion for both
t he back vowe ls and the ve lars and t he uvulars , the imp l ied aim of
Chomsky and Hal le is t o show that it i s " nat ural" for consonants to
have their own feature spe c i fi c at ions and for vowe ls t o have theirs .
On the other hand , in the Jakob sonian framework ( Jakob son and Halle
1 9 5 6 : 2 8 -32 ) , vowe l s and c onsonant s are both des crib ed in t e rms of
d i f fuse , compact and grave whi c h correspond t o high , low and back
re spect ive ly ; the feature anterior of Chomsky and Hal le corre sponds t o
t he feat ure d i f fuse whi le t h e feature coronal corresponds t o grave with
oppo s it e value : non -grave c onsonant s are coronal , grave consonant s are
non-c oronal ( Chomsky and Halle 1 9 6 8 : 3 0 6 - 3 0 7 ) . Howeve r , in pro c e s s e s o f
velarisat ion , pharyngeali sat ion , and palat a l i sat ion , Chomsky and Halle
c onc ede t hat t he vowe l features may be used t o " characterize sub s idiary
consonantal art iculat ion " ; t hus , the feature s [ +high , -back J characterise
palat al i sed consonant s , the feature s [ +high , +back J , pharyngealised
cons onant s , and [ +low , +back J , velarised c onsonant s ( 1 9 6 8 : 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 ) . In
view of the forego ing reasons , I have kept the features anterior ,
coronal in my treatment o f Tagalog and Hokkien Chine se phonological
sy stems .

7. Since length i s an inherent part o f the feature high in the analys i s

o f Tagalog stre s s , it i s not t reat e d as a separate feature ; t h i s w i l l
 65

make the phono logi c a l c omponent s imp ler and more general , since i t w i l l
save on t h e number o f phono logical rules o f Tagalog , e . g . a vowe l
lengthening rule whi ch automat i c a l l y app lies a ft er the stress p lacement
rule , will not have to be app l ied .

8. Gon zale z ( 1 9 7 0 : 1 8 ) and Llamzon ( 1 9 6 8 : 4 9 ) equat e stre s s in Tagalog

with acc ent . Gonz ale z views ac cent in Tagalog as cons i s t ing of " a
distinctive feat ure o f p rominence " , acous t i c al ly c orre lated t o longer
durat ion , higher frequency and/or greater amp l i tude . Llamzon ' s
as sert ion i s s imilar t o Gon z ale z : ac cent in Tagalog is " reali zed by
c oncomit ant ly higher p i t ch and greater energy c ontent and longer
durat ion in t he accented syllab le " . In Schacter and Ot ane s ( 1 9 7 2 : 5 5 ) ,
stre s s in Tagalog i s " characteri z e d by length prominence , p i t c h
p rominence or by both" . T h i s st udy adopts Gonzale z ' acous t i c approach
and considers stre s s in Tagalog as having t he di stinctive feat ure s
h i gh and length but for reasons already given ( see Note 6 above ) , only
the feat ure high i s ret ained in the underlying repre sentat ion .

9. The ru les t hat are p o s i t e d in this chapter will t ry to acc ount for
the c ompetence o f t he speake r , not his performance ( s ee 2 . 1 . 1 . ) . As
such they only "provide a s t art ing point for formulat ing and t e s t ing
t heories o f performanc e " and do not make a " dire c t commitment vis-a-vi s
performan ce" ( King 1 9 6 9 : 1 2 ) . They provide a princip l e d ( not ad hoc )
b a s i s for t he speaker ' s choice of one set o f rules over anot her and in
this manner , approaches t he l ingui s t i c goal o f e xplanat ory adequacy .

10 . l owe this c lari ficat ion t o Dr . Curt is Mc Farland .

11 . In t he present analy s i s , only t he d i s t in c t ive features t hat have

undergone value change s are repeat ed to the right of the arrow . It i s
understood t hat t he other feat ure s are c arried over wit hout change i n
value .

12 . Howeve r , t here are two Tagalog words b i t h a y ( from Hokkien b f + t h a l )

and p u t h aw ( from Hokkien p o + t h a 6 ) t hat t ake except ion t o this general
rule . In this instanc e , a s ingle s e gment , t h b e c omes two segment s :
t , h with conc ommit ant re sul t s o f de-asp irat ion in the s t op segment
and the insert ion of a j uncture ( + ) between t he two s e gment s . B i t ha y
and p u t h aw are most likely analogi cal creat ions o f Sanskrit loanwords
such as b u d h i , I l k h a , m u k h a , d u k h a ( see Franc i s c o 1 9 7 3 ) .

13. Tagalog a t e , from Hokkien a + c 1 , should have b e c ome * a t s i by the

me chanism o f t hi s rule .
66

14 . Dr Arsenio Manuel point ed out t o me that in t he rural areas ,

s i n e l a s , s i t s a ro n and s a m p a k a are the forms use d .

15 . Harms uses the " alpha-environment " t o spe c i fy that i f ' the se gment
to t he le ft of the arrow fit s into t he environment given to the right
of the arrow, the value of alpha is " o lus " ; otherwi se alpha is "minus '"
thus :
[ ] + [af i ] / a <ab >

The di fference in my adopt ion of t h i s convent ion here lies only in the
swi t ch of the environment from right of t he arrow to the left of the
arrow . Admi t t e dly , this c onvent ion is int ended for segment change s
within the same language system, but it has been demonst rat ed here that
it can be emp l oyed in a s i t uat ion where two language sy st ems are
involved s ince the primary princ iple behind i t s use remains intact .

16 . Some count ere xamples t o this rule are Hokkien t T + k e + Tagalog

hr+tau
t i ko y , Hokkien c + Tagalog s i t a w . There are very few c ount er­
examp l e s to invalidate the general rule On nasal segmentat i on .

17 . Another Hokkien word whi ch has not undergone this rule i s t au+ h n ,
Tagalog t a ho , whi ch re fle c t s a phonological regularity in the sense
t hat it has a CVCVC syllable st ructure but the choice o f the vowel a
rather t han u in the first syl lable appears t o be due t o a Tagalog
d i s s imi lat ion rule where a CoC u become s a CaCo .

18 . See King ' s propo sal on maj or and minor rule s ( 1 9 6 9 ) . I p ropose
t hat there be three general t ypes o f rule s : maj or rules , maj or-minor
rul e s and minor rules for TL rule s : the first to apply to all forms
wit hout except ions , the se cond to forms who se app l i cat ion is not as
wide spread as the maj or one s nor as l imit e d as t he minor one s such as
t he nasal segmentat ion rule , and the third to forms wit hin those covered
by t he maj or-minor one s such as vowel epenthe s i s rule .

19. Whi le King uses the t erms ' maj or ' and ' mino r ' to refer to rules
e x i s t ing within one language system, I have adopt ed t he t erms here in
re lation to TL rule s , which seems viable enough .

20 . It wi l l probab ly be b e t t er t o call MS condit ions " format ive

st ruct ure condit ion s " in the case o f Tagalog loanwords of Hokkien origin
s ince t here is c learly a di f ference between t he meaning-bearing
morpheme s o f Hokkien and the non-meaning-bearing one s ( format i ve s ) o f
Taga l o g ; howeve r , for purposes o f greater comprehensib i l it y , t he t erm
 67

' MS condit ions ' w i l l b e ret ained here . Also , t he plus ( + ) s i gn which
was used in t he TL rules to s i gnal morpheme boundary , is here used t o
signal format ive boundary i n Tagalog .

21. Furthermore , s ince t h i s s t udy i s only a p art ial s t udy of Tagalog

phonology , it i s not imperat ive t o state what t he s e gment s t ructure
rule s of the language are .

22. The o t her t wo are ' i f-then ' and ' po s i t ive ' c ondit ions : t he former
is defined as ' a pair of mat rices I ( C ) and T ( C ) , . . . where I ( C ) and
T ( C ) are each incomp letely s p e c i fied mat r i c e s whi ch have rows . . . and
ent ries ' + ' and ' - ' , or no ent ry ( b lank ) . . . ' . The i f-t hen condit ion
has t he fo llowing int erpre t at i on : for all t he mat rices M in U such
t hat I ( C ) is a submatrix of M, C a c c e pt s M i f T ( C ) i s also a sub -mat r i x
o f M , and C rej e c t s M i f T ( C ) i s di s t inct from M ; i f I ( C ) i s dist inct
from M, t hen C accepts M regardl e s s o f what T ( C ) i s ; t he lat t e r is
de fined as a ' MS condit ion in whi c h all mat r i c e s in U o f whi c h P ( C ) is
a sub-mat rix are ac cep t e d , all other mat r i c e s in U are rej e c t e d ' .

23. That consonant c lusters do o c c ur in loanwords o f Spanish origin is

not relevant t o Tagalog phono logi c a l rules for such loanwords have to
be alt ogether clas s i fied under c ert ain s p e c i al SUb- s y s t ems within the
language ( se e Harms 1 9 6 8 : 1 2 0 ) .

24 . Stre s s in Engl i s h invo l ves several rul e s since dist inc t i on i s made
among t he t hree degre e s of s t re s s as well as weak s t re s s ; furthe rmore ,
stress placement depends t o a large e xt ent , on t he grammat i cal cat egories
o f l e xi c a l it ems . For a thorough t reatment o f Engl i s h s t re s s , see
Chomsky and Halle ( 1 9 6 8 : Chap t er I I I ) .

25 . To be sure , t here is a sma l l number of loanwords t hat doe s not

follow t he gene ral s t ress plac ement rule such as Hokkien bTn + p o +

Tagalog b (m p o , Hokkien t au+ h u + Tagalog t a h 6 , but i rregularit ies are

a nat ural fact of nat ural languages t hat must not hinder the formulat ion
o f general i sat ions whenever these are p o s s ible and app l i cable t o an
e ven greater numb er of regular forms . The sugge s t e d solut ion t o
irregular forms b y Chomsky and Hal le and a great many generat ivist s i s
t o ent er the except ions i n t he lexicon with a note that says [ -Rul e X J .

26 . Chomsky and Halle have a simi lar rule wh ich t hey c a l l " c luster
simp l i fi c at ion rule " and whi ch app l i e s t o such words as atte s t , appear ,
a s s is t , e t c . ( 1968 : 4 3 ) .
68

27. Tagalog p l h e which comes from Hokkien peq + h e must have undergone
the TL rule on vowel raising result ing in * p l + h l and lat er , t he Tagalog
phonological rule on vowe l lowering result ing in p i h e .

28 . See Wang ( 1 9 6 9 ) .

29 . Tagalog h uw i p e c ome s from Hokkien h ue + p � ( or h e+ p e , my dialect ) .

On t he analogy of words l ike b a q + c u ) , Hokkien h u e become s h u ) but doe s
not be come * h o y because o f i t s o c currence i n a morpheme -init ial p o s it ion .

30 . In the Taga log word t o y o ' s o y sauce ' , t he vowe l in t he penult imate
s y l l able is very likely lowered not through t he phonological rule on
vowel lowering but t hrough the pro c e s s of vowel harmony as t he fo l low­
ing derivation c an show :

t a u+ i u Hokkien form
t a u+ i u Detonal i sation Rule
t u+ i u Vowel Cluster Simp l i ficat ion Rule
t u+yu Glide Sub s t itut ion Rule
tu yu Morpheme Boundary Delet ion Rule
tu yu Derived TL-Tag . unde rlying form
t u+ y u MS condition-syllable structure
t u+ y u Stre s s Plac ement Rule
t u+yo Vowel Lowering Rule
t o+yo Vowel Harmony
toyo Derived form

31 . For purp o s e s o f convenience and generalit y , glide s w i l l be treated

as cons onant s in t he stress p l acement rule alt hough in S e c t i on 2 . 1 . 3 . ,
they are t reated as glide s . Strict adhe rence t o t he Tagalog c anonic al
form C V C+ C V C pre sent s problems where t he glides w and y are c onc erne d .
What t hi s probably imp l i e s i s t hat another c anoni cal form whi ch c an
make room for t he glides must be formulat e d .
 C H APTE R 3

THE SEMANTICS OF HOKKIEN CHINESE LOANWORDS

3. 0. I NTROVUCT I O N

The excursus int o t he phono l ogical aspe c t o f Tagalog words o f Hokkien

Chine se origin in Chap t e r 2 has re sulted in a t heory o f borrowing within
t he generative phono logical framework . The pre sent chapter c oncent rat e s
o n the semant i c s o f t hese loanwords .
In mo st s t udies made on loanwords , t he t reatment of the semant i c
a s p e c t has largely been c on fined t o determining what semant i c p roc e s se s ,
e . g . , l o s s , re s t r i c t i on or extension o f t he original meaning o f a word ,
have o c curred ( Mc Carthy 1 9 7 0 ; Sa ' id 1 96 7 ) . Inde e d , such a t endency c an
be j us t i fied in view of t he pervading not ion in l inguist i c s that the
s tudy of loanwords i s pre dominant ly h i s t orical in dimension invol ving
a c ompari son of the earl ier and the later s t ages o f t he languages
involved ( Haugen 1 9 5 0 ) . This chapt e r deviat e s marke dly from t radi t i onal
studies in the sense t hat it subj e c t s t he Hokkien Chinese loanwords t o
t e chnique s o f formal semant i c anal y s i s rather t han t o h i st orical t reat­
ment . Semant i c change s , however , w i l l not ent irely be ignored in t h i s
chap t e r .
In t he past t wo or t hree de cade s , t he e ffort s o f l ingui s t s and
1
anthropologi s t s t o p in t he semant i c s y s t em of a language down t o
formal ana l y s i s have b e e n int en s i fied . That such e ffort s are s t i l l
c ont inuing refle c t s t h e high degree o f their suc c e s s i n t h i s are a .
Foremo s t among t he t e chnique s used for for.mal semant ic analys i s i s t he
we l l-rece ived and much-experimented-with component ial analys i s ; t axonomic
analy s i s is equally p op ular and useful for the analy s i s of lex i c al
domains in whi ch the use of c omponent i al anal y s i s i s deeme d inapp l i c ab l e .
The se t wo t e chnique s are here emp loyed in the pre sent st udy .
The l i t e rat ure on Chine s e influence as gauged t hrough the loanwords

69
70

has always been one wherein t he lat t er were l i s t e d under maj or semant i c
cat egori e s or domains . Conclusions were drawn as t o whi ch semant ic
domain re ce ived the great e s t influence . In subj e c t ing t he loanwords t o
formal semant ic anal y s i s wit hin part i cularly chosen domains , it i s l i kely
t hat t he study would gain an in-dept h view o f t he nature o f the borrow­
ings . The domains of kinship and cookery are only t wo domains chosen
for t h i s exerc i s e , the reason be ing t hat their p art i c ipat ion in the
domains i s more homogeneous t han ot hers .
S e c t i on 3 . 1 . conc ent rat e s on t he domain of kinship t e rminology o f
Tagalog and c ompare s cert ain aspect s o f Hokkien Chinese and Tagalog
kinship syst ems . The domain o f Hokkien loanwords on cookery is d i s c u s s e d
i n 3 . 2 . ; a t axonomic ana l y s i s w a s made o f t he t ermino logy and a semant ic
formula for formali sing Hokkien culinary loanwords is proposed . 3.3.
give s a view of lexical borrowings in relat ion t o their ext ent o f
l e x i c a l acculturat ion . 3 . 4 . summari s e s t he chap t e r .

3.1 . VOMA I N O F K I NSH I P

2
The domain o f kinship is one of two domains ( s ee Sect ion 3 . 2 . for
t he domain o f cookery ) t hat is given e xt ens ive analysis in this chap t e r ,
alt hough the number of Hokkien loanwords i s rather small . Hime s ( 1 9 7 2 :
4 4 -4 8 ) l i s t s a t ot al of forty kin t erms in Tagal o g , nine o f whi ch are
3
defini t e l y of Hokkien ori gin . To subj e c t j ust t he loanwords to a
c omponent ial analy s i s i s not viable since t h i s p art icular t e c hnique of
semant i c anal y s i s i s de s i gned for t he " e s s ent ially natural sub s et s " o f
a language ( Bendix 1 9 6 6 : 3 ) and t he Hokkien loanwords on kinship are
mere l y t e rms wit hin t he natural sub set of Tagalog kinship . In view o f
t hi s , t he ent i re Tagalog kinship sys tem i s considered i n t he t reatment
of t he Hokkien loanwords on kinship . In addit ion , certain relevant
aspe c t s of t he Hokkien kinship system are brought in by way of providing
b a s e s for a c omparat ive study of the t wo kinship systems . It is assumed
t hat a c omparat ive st udy of t he kinship systems of both Tagalog and
Hokkien Chinese culture s , t ogether with their respect ive t e rminologie s ,
w i l l yield di fferences in the t wo culture s t hat can provide insight s
int o a rat ionale behind t he presence of certain Hokkien loanwords as
opp osed t o the absence o f others in t he borrowing language .

3.1 .1. Componential Anal ysis App l ied to K inship

In t h i s s e c t ion , a s imp le definit ion o f the t e rm ' c omponent ial

4
analy s i s ' w i l l be given . The prac t it ioners o f c omponent ial analysis
de fine it " a s an analyt i c al t e chnique by whi c h t e rms at one t axonomic
leve l in any lexical domain are arranged in their relat ion to each other
acc ording t o defini t i ons cons i s t ing o f a fixed number o f c omponent s "
 71

( Hime s 1 9 7 2 : 8 6 ) . Component ial anal y s i s is mo s t app li c ab l e t o such

domains as kinship in whi ch " t he various semant i c dimens ions cross cut
one anot her in such a way t hat all , or at leas t , a high proport ion , of
t he pos sible combinat ions o f components c omb ine with one another t o
de fine a term" ( Burling 1 9 7 0 : 3 9 - 4 0 ) . For ins t anc e , Burme se kinship
t e rminology c an be defined in t erms of seven semant i c dimensions :
( 1 ) c onsanguini t y , ( 2 ) generat ion , ( 3 ) linea l it y , ( 4 ) sex of kinsman ,
( 5 ) relat i ve age , ( 6 ) sex of speake r , and ( 7 ) degre e of col lat eral
removal ( Burling 1 9 6 5 : 1 0 9 - 1 1 1 ) . Thus , the Burme se kinship t e rms g a p e i
h
' fa t h e r ' and g ame i ' m o t he r ' share t hree semant i c dimensions , i . e .
consanguine al , one generat i on removed from EGO and l ineal ; t hey are
opp osed only in the dimen sion of sex where t he former has t he c omponent
' male ' and t he lat t e r , t he c omponent ' female ' .
The immediat e goals o f a c omponent ial anal y s i s o f kinship t e rmino logy
is a " s et of symbolic not at ions c ap able of de fining the various kin
t e rms by s p e c i fi c c ombinat ions o f the c ontrast ive component s " ( Po s p i s i l
1 9 6 5 : 1 8 8 ) 5 , and " a s t at ement o f t h e semant ic relat ionship ( u sually in
a di agramma tic form ) among the t e rms and o f the s t ructural princ i p l e s
o f the t erminological system o f a language " (Wal lace and At kins 1 9 6 0 : 6 0 ) .

3. 1 .2. Componential Anal ysis App l ied to Tagal og Kinship Termino l ogy

6
A s i z able number of studies on the Tagalog kinship s y s t em inc lude
several c omponential analyses of t he t e rminology , the mo st ext ens ive o f
which i s Himes ' ' Kinship , Disease , Propert y , and Time i n t h e Tagalog
Area , Phi l ippine s : A Study in Ethno s c ienc e ' ( 1972 ) . A review o f Hime s '
study at t h i s point i s e s sent ial as a bac kground t o t he inve s t i gat ion
of t he presence o f certain Hokkien loanwords in the domain of kinship .
Hime s made a component ial analy s i s of t he Tagalog kinship t e rminology
used in Mari lao , Bulacan , part icularly in the fo llowing areas :
Pob l ac i on , or the t own prop e r , Tab ing I l og , " a c ont iguous b arri o " and
7
Lorna de Gat o , " a more remo t e farming barri o " . The anal y s i s y i e lded
t he following seven semant ic dimensions :
1. Consanguinit y , whi ch encomp a s s e s t hree kinds o f re lat i onship :
consanguine al , affinal and ritual .
2. Generation whi ch app l i e s t o seven generat ions : t hat o f Ego ' s ,
t he two above him and t he four be low him .
3. Degree o f proximi t y t o Ego .
4. Relat ive age which encomp a s s e s two c omponent s : ' re l at ively
o l der ' and ' re lat i ve l y younger ' .
5. Birt h order o f Ego .
6. Sex , whi c h enc omp a s s e s t he c omponent s of ' male ' and ' female ' .
72

7. Generat ion o f l inking kinsman whi ch encomp a s s e s t w o component s :

' a kinsman l inke d t o Ego t hrough someone o f his own generat ion ' and ' a
kinsman linked t o him through an inferior generat ion ' .
The fo l lowing paradigm o f the t e rmino logy reproduced from Hime s '
st udy shows the semant ic relationships among t he t e rms . The l e t t er
symb o l s are e xp lained by t he acc ompanying " Comp onent ial Analy s i s o f
8
the Kin Terms i n Marilao" , also here reproduced from Himes .

COMPONENTIAL ANALYSIS OF THE KIN TERMS RECALLED IN 11ARILAO

( from Himes )

A. THE COMPONENTS
A Consanguinit y : a consanguineal
l
a 2 a ffinal
a ritual
3
B Generation b t wo gene rat ions above Ego
l
b one generat ion above Ego
2
b Ego ' s generat ion
3
b 4 one generat ion be low Ego
b t wo generat ions below Ego and beyond
5
C Degree c direct ( l ineal , single-link affinal ,
l
p art ic ipat ing ritual )
c close ( first degree col lat eral , doub l e - l ink
2
a ffinal , non-part i c ipat ing act ive ritual )
c dist ant ( se cond degree c o l lat eral and beyond ,
3
t riple- l ink affinal and beyond , non-part i c i ­
p at ing p a s s ive ritual )
D Re lat i ve age d elder ( referent or l inking kin sman o l de r
l
t han Ego or re ferent older t han l inking
kinsman )
d 2 younger ( re ferent or linking kinsman younge r
t han Ego or referent younger t han l inking
kinsman )
E Birt h order : e first
l
e 2 se cond
e t hird
3
e fourt h
4
F Sex of re ferent fl male
f female
2
G Generat ion of g Ego ' s generat ion
l
g
l inking kinsman 2 one generat ion below Ego
 73

B. COMPONENTIAL DEFINITIONS
l. tatay c
l
2. nanay c
l
3. anak c
l
4. 1010 c
l_ 3
5. lola c
l_ 3
6. apo c
l-3
7. kaka c
2_ 3
B. dyo c
2-3
9. dya c
2_ 3
10 . p a ma n g k f n c
2_ 3
ll. kapa dd c
2
12 . kuya c
2
13 . ate c
2
14 . d i ko c
2
15 . d i tse c
2
16 . s a n g ko c
2
17. s a n s e, c
2
lB . dete c
2
19. p i nsan c
3
20. a s aw a c
l
2l. b i yenan c
2
22. man ugang c
2
23. s i yaho c
2
. ,
24 . I nso c
2
25 . b a yaw c
2
26 . h i pa g c
2
27. b i I as c
3
2B. b a l ae c
3
29. n i nong c
l
30 . n i nang c
l
3l . i naanak :1
32 . kumpa d re c
2
33 . k u ma d r e c
2
34 . k i n a ka p a t f d c
3

3.1 .2. 1 . H ok k i en L oa nwor d s i n the Doma i n of T a ga log K i ns hi p

A s t r i c t c ount o f t he number o f Hokkien loanwords in t h i s domain

y i e l d s only nine t e rms , and these are : i n g ko n g , k � y a , a t e , d f ko , d f t s e ,
s a n g k6 , s a n s e , i n s 6 , and s i y a h o . Himes ( 1 9 7 2 : 2 9 ) l i s t s i m p6 'grand­
m o t h e r ' as b e ing of Chinese origin , but this is doub t ful for two
74

reasons : ( 1 ) t he Hokkien count erp art for i n g ko n g is � + m a , 9 and ( 2 ) i t s

origin h a d alre ady b e e n t raced t o Dempwo l ff ' s * e ( m ) p u ' forefa th e r,
10
g rands o n ' ( Mohring 1 9 7 4 : 2 7 ) .
Other evidence ( s ee Chap t e r IV ) w i l l
show t hat the word h a s a Hokkien-related morpheme but is n o t a dire c t
loan .
D e t e ' fo u r t h o Z de r s i s te r ' must be an analogical creation since the
ll
Hokkien form for t h i s glo s s i s S I + c ) , whi ch i s not anywhere near d e t e .
The - t e in d e t e must have re sulted from an analogy t o � t e ; d e - seems
c lose t o t he first syl lab le in d f t s e and d f ko except t hat the vowe l
has undergone vowel lowe ring . How d e t e c ame t o have it s meaning o f
' fo u r t h o Z de r s i s t e r ' remains a source of e t ymological my st ery . Whi le
i m p6 has been ruled out in t h i s s tudy as be ing o f Hokkien origin , d e t e
i s not for t he reason given above .
All but two of the loanwords c o n s t it ut e part of t he c onsanguineal
t e rminology ; s i y � h o and i n s 6 are affinal t e rms . Of the consanguineal
i n g k6 n g is t he only t e rm that is sub s t i t utable by other kin
t e rms ,
t erms all referring to the same kin type : 1 0 1 0 and p a po
12 ( Hime
s 1972 :
44 ) . As a mat t e r o f fac t , 1010 se ems t o be a more c ommonly used t erm
than i n g k6 n g . In conne ct ion with t he use o f i n g k6 n g , no law o f borrow­
ing c an be deduc ed except for the obvious obs ervat ion t hat borrowing
t ends to t ake p l ace where there is a heavy influence of t he donor lan­
guage .
Unl i ke i n g k6 n g , t he whol e sub-set of kinship t e rmino logy re ferring
to Ego ' s e lder s i b l ings is not sub s t i t ut able by any o t her set . They are
used as both re ferent ial and adre s s t e rminologies . The affinal t e rms
s i y � h o and i n s 6 are used as terms of addre s s , whi l e t he i r re s p e c t i ve
c ount e rpart s b a y aw and h i p a g are used referent ially . The Hokkien loan­
words are here used t o fill in a fun c t i on that cannot be ful fi l le d by
t he e x i s t ing Tagalog kinship t e rmino logy ; also , un like i n g k6 n g , they
have no c omparab le sub s t i t ut e s .

3.1 .2.2. C o mpo n ential A n aly� i� a� I nd e x to Lingui� ti e A e eultuAatio n

Lingui s t i c acculturat ion refers t o t he pro c e s s b y which l ingui s t i c

borrowings are int egrat ed int o t h e overall lingui s t i c s t ructure o f the
b orrowing or re ceiving language . The degree o f l ingui s t i c acculturat ion
o f loanwords can be me asured in t e rms o f t he ab i l i t y o f t he loanwords
to part i c ipate in regular morpho logi c al proce s s e s , p art icularly t hat o f
derivat ion and infl e c t ion , o f t he re ceiving language ( Lopex 1 9 6 5 ; S a ' id
1967 ) . Other means of measuring lingui s t i c acculturat ion have been
att empt e d by Doz ier ( 1 9 6 4 ) , who corre lat ed the Yaqui Indians ' w i l l ingness
t o b ring in Spani sh l ingu i s t i c borrowings with t he fact t hat the Indi ans
 75

were not forc e d t o accult urate by t heir conque rors , and by Linden fe ld
( 1 9 7 1 ) , who provided semant i c reasons t o account fo r t he Yaqui Indians '
grammati cal borrowing from Sp ani sh .
In the component ial analy s i s o f Tagalog kinship t e rmino logy , b i rt h
order has been shown t o be one o f t h e semant i c dimens ions . The presence
of t he sub-set o f seven Hokkien loanwords on Ego ' s e l der s ib l ings wit hin
the domain o f Tagalog kinship has ne c e s s i t a t e d t he inclusion o f t he
dimen s i on of birth orde r cons i s t ing of four c omponent s : first , secon d ,
t h i r d and fourth in order o f b irt h . Thi s finding has relevance t o the
Tagalog ' s cogni t i ve p roce s s or cognit i on o f his own kinship system,
since it affe c t s the way he c onceptual i s e s t he s t ructural re lat ionship s
of the system; t hi s i s furt her b orne out by Hime s 1 9 7 2 : 9 2 , who deter­
mined the p s y chologi cal val idity o f this component t hrough a sorting
test . The imp l i cat i on o f all this i s t hat component ial analy s i s can
be used as an addit i onal t e c hnique to measure the degree of l ingui s t i c
a c culturat ion o r int egrat ion o f loanwords . Det e rmining t h e degre e o r
ext ent o f l ingui s t i c acculturat ion can lead t o a typology o f loanwords
or of l ingui s t i c b orrowings and vice versa ( see Sect ion 3 . 3 . ) ; t hus ,
i n g k6 n g c an be viewed as not having t he s ame degree of lingu i s t i c
accult urat ion as k u y a , a t e , d f k o , d f t s e , s a n g k 6 , s a n s e and d e t e since
it is sub s t i t ut able by other kin t e rms whereas the o t hers are not .
In the case of the affinal s s i y a h o and i n s o , c omponent ial ana l y s i s
c annot help det e rmine t he degre o f lingui s t i c accult urat ion , as t h e
dimens ions t hat o c cur i n t h e se two t e rms also recur in o t hers as a
glance at Hime s ' c omponent ial definit ions w i l l show . There i s no doubt
though that these t e rms have be come int e grat ed int o the kinship t e rmin­
ol ogy as re fle c t e d by their p art i c ipat ion in a component ial anal y s i s o f
such t e rmino logy . This i s all t hat c an be s a i d about the affinal loan­
words ; furt her conc lusions about t hem w i l l be given in a lat e r s e c t ion .

3.1 .3. H ok k ien Kinship S ystem

The ent ire Chine se kinship system is a c omp le x one involving a

13
t e rminol ogical s t ructure that i s equally comp le x . The Hokkien kinship
s y s t em part ake s of this complexi t y , alt hough there are evident di ffer­
ences in t e rminology . Thi s be ing the case , t he dis cus s i on on the Hokkien
kinship system in t h i s sect ion c an neither be extensive nor e xhaus t i ve ;
only the s alient st ructural prin c i p l e s of t he system are given b e l ow .
1. LINEAGE . The Hokkien kinship system i s patrilineal rather t han
mat ri l ineal . Persons who se relat ionship or kinship c an be t raced t o
their fathers are considered kinsmen i n t h e t rue sense o f t h e word ;
agnat i c re lat i ve s are t he ones that really ' c ount ' . I f a woman remains
76

unmarri e d , she is s t i l l considered as a member o f t he sib defined by

Feng ( 1 9 3 7 : 1 4 2 ) as "a group o f people p o s s e s s ing a common s ib name
( pa t ronym ) , de s cended from a common male ance s t o r , no mat t e r how remo t e
and characterised b y a fee l ing o f relat ionship " . Once she is marrie d ,
she i s considered a s belonging t o her husband ' s fami ly and her member­
ship in her fathe r ' s agnat i c line be come s mere ly marginal ( Amyot 1 9 7 3 :
1 0 7 ) ; she now be longs to a non-sib group , that is , a group of re lat ives
who se s i b name i s different from t he one she c arrie d be fore she got
marrie d .
The b a s i c patril ineal system is refle c t e d i n the kinship t e rminology :
on t he grandparental generat ion , a distinction i s made between g ua+ k o n g
lit erally meaning ' grandfa t h e r who i 8 o u t 8 i de t h e patri t iny ' , and
l aT+ k o n g l it erally meaning ' grandfa t h e r who i8 in8 i de t h e pa tri t iny ' ,
and between g ua+ma ' g randma who i 8 o u t 8 i de ' and l aT+ma ' grandma w h o i 8
in8 i de ' . l aT+ k o n g and l aT+ma refer t o p at ernal grandparent s , g ua+ k on g
and g ua+m a , maternal grandparent s . Simi larly , grandchi l dren are re fer­
red to re c iprocally as either l aT+ s � n ' grandahi t dren who are wi thin t h e
p a t r i t i ny ' and g ua+ s � n ' granda h i t dren w h o a r e o u t 8 i de of t h e p a t ri t iny ' ;
t he former are the children o f Ego ' s sons whi le the lat t e r are the
children of Ego ' s daughters ( see Fi gure s 1 and 2 ) .
The di chot omy between kinsmen on the father ' s s i de and those on t he
mot her ' s s i de is further re fle c t e d in t he b i furc ation of kinship t er­
minology . Figure 3 gives a c lear illustrat ion o f t he d i s t in c t i on in
t e rminology . Ego use s a di fferent set o f kinship t e rms when re fe rring
t o or addre s s ing his un c l e s and aunts on his fathe r ' s s i de : a + p e for
' fa th e r ' 8 e t der bro t h e r ' , a + c i e k for ' fa t h e r ' 8 younger bro t h e r ' , and
a + ko for ' fa t h e r ' 8 e t der or y o unger 8 i 8 t e r ' . To addre s s or refer t o
his unc l e s and aunt s on his mot he r ' s s i de , Ego u s e s t he fol lowing t e rms :
a + ku for ' m o t h e r ' 8 e t der or y o unge r bro t he r ' , and a + f for ' mo th e r ' 8
e t der o r y o un g e r 8 i 8 t e r ' .
The empha s i s on p atri l iny is furt her evident in t he t e rmino logy used
t o dist inguish between fathe r ' s e lder and younger bro t hers , e . g . , a + p e
versus a+c i e k . On the other hand , no such distinc t i on is made for
mot he r ' s e l der and younger brothers , as both of t hem �re known to Ego
by t he s ame kin term : a + ku . Thi s i s c l ear evidence t hat Ego ' s father ' s
male s ib l ings are more import ant than Ego ' s mother ' s male s i b l ings in
the sense t hat the former are members o f t he same sib as Ego , t hat i s ,
t hey all have the same pat ronym and there fore , are ' t rue ' kinsmen .
The terminology used t o refer t o Ego ' s kinsmen on t he s ame gener­
at i onal leve l l ikewise re fle c t s t he dist inct ion between s i b and non- sib
members . Ego ' s cousins , de s c ended t hrough females , regard l e s s o f the
degree o f proximit y , are re ferred t o as p i a o ' o u t 8 ide ' , and there fore ,
 77

F I GU R E 1

E GO ' S PARENTS ' PARENT REFE RENT I AL TERMI NOLOGY

l aT+ k o n g l aT+ma g ua + k o n g g ua+ma

EGO
78

F I GU R E 2

E GO ' S CH I LDREN ' S CH I LDREN TERMI NOLOGY

EGO
o EGO

l aT+s u n g ua+ s u n
 79

carry di fferent pat ronyms from Ego , whereas Ego ' s cousins de s cended
t hrough male s , regardle s s of the degree of p roximity , are re ferre d t o
a s ke+ p a k , and , t here fore , share the s ame p at ronym ' ( see Figure 4 ) .

2. SEX . Closely int e rrelat e d t o l ineage i s s e x . Great er import an ce

i s given t o t he males o f a fami ly since it i s t hrough them t hat the sib
name i s perpetuat e d . This is re flected i n t he kinship t e rminology on
t he parental generat ion , wherein a distinction is made between the
elder and t he younge r male s i b l ings o f t he fat he r , but not between
ident ical s ib l ings of the mother ( Fi gure 3 ) ; t hus , a + p e refers to
a+c l e k ' fa t h e r ' s y ounger bro t h er ' ; Ego ' s
' fa t h e r ' s e L de r b ro t he r ' , and
unc l e s on the mot he r ' s s i de are a l l a + ku t o Ego . Furthermore , the
t e rmino l o gy used for addre s s ing and re ferring t o both parent s ' female
s i b l ings do not make a di st inction between t he e l der and t he younge r
one s ; t he b i furcat ion o f t e rminology i s only to dist inguish Ego ' s aunt
on t he fat he r ' s s i de , e . g . a + k o , from Ego ' s aunt on t he mother ' s s i de ,
e . g. a+ f .

3. SENI ORITY OR BIRTH ORDE R . Seniority or b i rt h order imp l i e s " an

order of re spect and aut hority" ( Amyot 1 9 7 3 : 1 0 7 ) . It also imp l i e s an
imp o s it ion o f cert ain respons i b i l i t i e s and o b l i gat i ons on t he p art o f
t he elder members o f the fami ly . It i s both t he respon s i b i l i t y and
t he obligation of the e l dest son to support h i s younger s i b l ings in the
e vent o f t he fat he r ' s de at h . I n ret urn , he i s given due re spect b y all
those younger t han he is ; all important de c i s ions are made by him, and
he has the final word on all mat ters t hat c oncern t he household and i t s
membe rs . I n the c a s e o f t he absence o f a n e l der son , t hen it i s t he
e lder daught er t hat ful f i l l s t he role imp o s e d on her by virtue of her
orde r o f birth within t he nuc lear fami l y .
The emphas i s on seniori t y or b i rt h order i s re fle c t e d in t he t e rmin­
ology by t he pre fi xat ion of t he numeral mod i fiers , dT ' s e c o nd ' , sa
' th i rd ' , si
h
' fo u r t h ' , g& ' fi ft h ' , l a k ' s ixth ' , c ) t ' s e v e n t h ' , et c .
t o the nucl ear t e rms in Tab le 6 . The first in orde r o f b irt h i s s imp ly
indi cated by the nuc lear t e rm plus the p art i c l e a as in ko+a ' e L de s t
ku+ a ' e L de s t unc L e o n m o t h e r ' s s i de ' o r t he prefi xat ion o f the
bro t h e r ' ,
p art i c l e a t o the nuc lear t e rms as in a + c ) ' e Lde s t s i s t e r ' , a + ko ' e L de s t
aunt o n fa t h e r ' s s i de ' , a+ f ' e L de s t aunt o n m o t her ' s s ide ' .
80

F I GU R E 3

E GO ' S PARENTS ' S I B L I N GS TERMI NOLOGY

EGO
 F I GU R E 4

EGO ' S PARENTS ' S I B L INGS ' CH I LDREN TERMI NOLOGY

p i ao+e EGO
82

TAB L E 6
HOK K I EN NUCLEAR TERMS FOR E GO ' S AND E GO ' S PARENTS GENE RAT I ONS

Nuclear Term Engl ish Gloss Kin Type

ko ' b ro t h el' ' Ego ' s e l der male s i b l ing

,
C I , s i s tel' ' Ego ' s e lder female s ib l ing
kti ' un c l. e ' Ego ' s mothe r ' s male s i b l ing
peq ' unc l. e ' Ego ' s father ' s e lder male s i b l ing
c i ek ' un c l. e ' Ego ' s fat her ' s younger male sib l ing
ko ' aun t ' Ego ' s fat he r ' s female s i b l ing
I
I 'aunt ' Ego ' s mot her ' s female s i b l ing
-

4. GENERATION . Interre lated with seniority i s generat ion . Members

o f the generat ions above Ego addre s s members o f Ego ' s generat ion by
their first name s , but t he lat t e r must addre s s and refer to the former
by the appropriate kin t e rms ( as out l ined in Figure 3 ) . Because aunt s
and unc l e s are one generat ion above Ego , t hey are conside red as E go ' s
senior kinsmen and must be given t he re spect due t hem . Since Ego i s
cons i dered a s be ing senior t o his nephews and nie c e s , h e can addre s s the
latter by their name s only .
All t o l d , t he Hokkien kinship t e rmino logy is so succinct.ly st ructured
t hat is is easy to determine t he relat ionship o f t he referent to Ego
through the kin terms use d . For inst anc e , in t he t e rm dT+ p e q , p e q c an
only refer t o Ego ' s fat her ' s elder brother with the prefix dT ' s e co n d '
indicating that t he referent i s se c ond in orde r o f birt h , o r , in t he
t e rm p i ao+e , t he re ferent c an only be Ego ' s cousins , regardle s s o f
de gree o f p roximit y , o n h i s mot her ' s s ide .

3.1 .4. Comparison of Tagalog an d H ok k ien Kin ship Termin ologies

The Tagalog kinship system, refle c t e d in i t s t e rmino logy , is much

l e s s int ricate and c omp lex t han the Hokkien kinship system. In this
s e c t ion , t he are as wit hin t he Tagalog kinship sy stem wherein Hokkien
loanwords are pre sent are examined by c omparing t hem with ident i cal
are as within the Hokkien kinship system. Certain conclusions about
the nature of lexical b orrowings c an be made .

3.1 .4.1 . Eg o ' 4 S�b !� ng4 T e�m�no!o g y

A s s t at e d i n an earlier s e c t i on , Tagalog has seven Hokkien l aonwords

which refer to the re lationship between Ego and his e l de r s ib lings .
This relationship i s diagramme d in Figure 5 , whi ch a l s o shows an
 83

ident i c a l relat ionship between Ego and h i s e l der s i b l ings within the
Hokkien kinship system. The only diffe rence i s t he kin t e rm d e t e in
Tagalog, which has a di fferent equiva lent in Hokkien . Hokkien kin
terms are writ ten in capital lett ers ; those of Tagalog are wri t t en in
lower c as e .
Hokkien kin t e rms o n this level c an e xtend t o a s many e lder s i b l ings
as t here actually are in t he nuc lear family . It i s a curious thing
t hat Tagalog should borrow t he kin t e rms t hat e xtend only t o t he third
e lder sibling , with t he fourth t e rm result ing from t he p ro c e s s o f
analogic al creat ion . Why t h i s should be so c an only be c onj e c t ured :
there probab ly was no need t o borrow kin t e rms beyond t he fourth­
numbered s i b l ing if F i l ipino fami l i e s were small in s i z e ; a likelier
p o s s i bi l i t y may be t he infrequency of o c currence o f Hokkien kin t e rms
referring to t he fourth-numbered s i b l ings and t hose beyond which could
t hen have let t he Tagalogs t o c reate t he i r own t e rm based on e x i s t ing
ones , e . g . , d e t e .
Within a more t radit ional Tagalog system, t he use of the e lder
s i b l ing loanwords is ext ended t o first c ousins who are t he o ffsp rings
of one ' s p arent s ' elder s i b l ings , regardle s s of their own age relat i ve
to Ego ( Hime s 1 9 7 2 : 6 4 ) . This fo llows c losely t he Hokkien kinship
s y s t em and t erminology a s the diagram in Fi gure 6 , reproduced from Hime s ,
but superposed with Hokkien t e rminol ogy , indicat e s . K a k a is t he t erm
Ego uses when he addre s s e s his fat he r ' s elder brothe r , whi le t l yo i s
u s e d for his fat her ' s younger brothe r . Ego u s e s the terms k u y a . d ( ko ,
or s a n g k6 when he addre s s e s his cousins who are t he chi ldren o f h i s
kaka . Howeve r , as Hime s p o i n t s out , this prac t i c e is b e c oming l e s s and
l e s s frequent ; t he same thing l ikewise c an be said of i t s prac t i c e among
Hokkien speakers in t he Philippine s .
One c an theori s e t hat cultural considerat ions led t o t he borrowing
of the sub-set of Hokkien kin t e rms on e lder s i b l ings . It is a b a s i c
t rait among t h e Tagalogs to give due r e s p e c t and de ference t o senior
kinsmen , and since the Hokkien kinship t e rmino logy o ffers a means o f
e xpre s s ing t h i s cultural t rait , it i s a natural c onsequence t hat Tagalog
should b orrow t he appropriate kin t e rms . It doe s not seem t o be t he
case , t he re fore , that the Hokkien loanwords were mot i vated by a
" t olerance for Chinese nat ionals in t he Central Plain" ( Hime s 1 9 7 2 : 1 5 ) ,
nor by t he fact t hat loanwords ' happen ' t o be t here b e c ause of heavy
Chinese influence . 1 4 It is t he t h e s i s here t hat c ult ural cons i derat ions
override such t hings as the proposed e xp l anat ions . In relat ion t o this
t here i s s ome negat i ve evidenc e t o support this the s i s , and t hat i s ,
the cultural diffe renc e s brought about b y t he underlying princ i p l e o f
l ineage pre sent in b o t h kinship syst ems . In t he previous se� t ion , it
 F I GU R E 5

TAGALOG AND HOK K I EN E GO ' S E LDER S I B L INGS TE RM I NOLOGY

D O

EGO F I RST NAME

kuya ate d i ko d i tse s a n g ko s a n s e dete EGO FIRST NAME
 F I GU R E 6

HOKK I EN AND TAGALOG F I RST COUS I N ADDRE S S TERM INOLOGY (TRAD I T I ONAL SYSTEM)

)\
( first born )
2\
( se c ond born )
/\
( t hi rd born )
kaka t i yo

!\ 2\ /\ DI +KO
d ( ko EGO
First name s or ni cknames
( any age )

CD
\Jl
86

was emphas i s e d t hat the Hokkien kinship system dist inguishe s the patri­
l ine al from the mat ri l ineal l ine o f de s c ent ( s ee Figure s 1 - 3 ) man i f e s t e d
i n t he b i furcat ion o f kinship t e rminology used for Ego ' s fathe r ' s
re l at ives as opp o s e d t o Ego ' s mother ' s relat ive s . On the o t her hand ,
15
t he Tagalog s o c ie t y i s s t r i c t l y mul t i l ineal ,
with equal import ance
given t o relat ives on both fat her ' s and mothe r ' s s i de s , and a d i s t inct ion
in t e rmin o logy , t here fore , need not be made . Thi s , being the case , t here
was no ne c e s s i t y for t he Tagalog s y s t em t o b o rrow the Hokkien kin t e rms
for Ego ' s parent s ' s i b l ings ; t he Tagalog kin t e rms t f y o ' un a Z e ' and
6
t f y a ' a un t ' refer to both p arent s ' s i b l ings without further d i s t inct i on �
In the Hokkien loanwords on elder s i b l ings , the dimens ion o f s e x
c r o s s cut s t h a t o f b i r t h order , t hus a t e , d f t s e , s a n s e , d e t e a l l denot e
Ego ' s elder female s i b l ings and k 6 y a , d f ko and s a n g k6 denote Ego ' s
e lder mal e s i b l ings . A c c ording t o t he Hime s ' st udy o f the ent ire
Tagalog kinship t e rmino logy , " se x d i s t inct ions are very common for
senior kinsmen and e qual s " ( 1972 : 61 ) . In trying to e s t ab l i s h the
rat ionale for t he presence o f these l o anwords as against that of others ,
e . g. the kin t e rms for father ' s e lder sib l ings and mot her ' s e l der
s i b l ings , the fo l l owing que s t ion c an b e asked : What was the Tagalog
kinship s y s t em l ike b e fore t he ent r.ance o f these loanwords ? What
p e cul iarit i e s did the kinship s y s t em have that led to these b orrowings ?
The c l ue l ie s in a related c onc lus i on o f Hime s , name l y , t hat Ego ' s
generat ion has the highe s t number o f d i s t inct i ons and that " t he t e rmin­
o l ogy e xhib i t s a generat ional b i as , but it s t re s s e s t he d i s t inc t i vene s s
o f the nuc l e ar fami l y " ( 1972 : 84 ) . Whi l e it may b e so that Hime s '
c o n c lus ions were made a ft e r an ana l y s i s of the Tagalog kinship t e rmin�
o l o gy inc luding the loanwords , it is s a fe to s ay t hat the great e s t
fact o r t hat l e d t o t he borrowing o f t h e k i n t erms for e l d e r s ib l ings
was the Tagalogs ' view o f t he nuc l e ar family as the mo st important unit
within it s s o c ial s t ructure .

3.1 .4.2. E g O ' 4 Elde� Sibling4 ' S p o u4 e4 T e�minolo g y

The Tagalog affinal kin t e rms o f Hokkien origin , name ly , s l yaho and
i ns6, are used s t r i c t l y for addre s s ing Ego ' s e lder s i s t er ' s husband
and b rother ' s wife resp e c t ively . The relat ionship refle c t e d in t h i s
t e rmin o l o gy i s given in F i gure 7 , t o gether with the Hokkien kin t e rms .
It i s c l e ar from the diagram t hat t he Hokkien kin t e rm used t o addres s
a s i s t e r ' s husband i s k o+a , and that c i a+hu, from whence c ame Tagalog
s iyahu, i s used as a re ferent ial t e rm ( s ee Figure 8 ) . Although the
re ferent remains the same , t he fun c t ion has been di fferent iate d . It is
c lear that t h e principle o f s e l e c t i ve borrowing ( Lindenfe l d 1 9 7 1 : 1 7 ) i s
 87

a t work here : t he Tagalog kinship s y s t em needs a t e rm o f addre s s for

Ego ' s e l d e s t s i s t e r ' s husb and , but b e c ause t he Hokkien equivalent y i e l d s
ko+a from whence came Tagalog kuya , whi ch i s already be ing used for
Ego ' s e ldest male s i b l i ng , a di fferent kin t e rm had to be b orrowe d .
Thi s refle c t s also t he importance o f the e xt ended fami l y , where the kin­
ship t e rminology must likewise remain sacrosanct and invariab le . Tagalog
uses a di fferent s e t o f kin t e rms - h l pag and b a y aw - t o refer t o Ego ' s
brother ' s wife and s i s t er ' s husb and respec t ively . The s e k in t e rms ,
however , re fer t o variab le kin t yp e s as h i pa g can a l s o refer t o
' sp o us e ' s s i s t ep ' , o r ' p ap e n t s ' s ib Z i ngs ' s o n ' s wife ' , and b a y aw to
' sp o us e ' s b po th e p ' o r ' papen t ' s s i b Z ings ' daugh t e p ' s h u s b and ' . O n the
other hand , i n so and s i y � ho are used to addre s s kinsmen b e longing to
invariable kin t y pe s .
Whi le it i s t rue t hat a c omponent ial ana ly s i s o f Tagal o g kinship
t e rminology a s s i gns s i y � ho and i n so
t o the affinal component , t h e i r
17
re ferent s a r e s t i l l members o f t he Tagalog imme diat e fami l y , a
p s y chologic a l rea l i t y whi c h c an explain why these two Hokkien kin t e rms
in part i c ular , rather t han o t hers , have been bo rrowed into the language .
The imp l i c at ion o f t h i s i s that a l t hough a componential analy s i s o f
t e rminology whi ch includes loanwords may at t imes help t o det e rmine t h e
nat ure and k i n d o f b orrowing ( se e Sect i on 3 . 1 . 2 . 2 . ) , at o t h e r t ime s , i t
i s o f n o value s i nc e i t cannot capt ure t h e p s y chological percept i on o f
s i y � h o and i n s o 1 8
t h e u s e o f t he t e rms as i l l u s t rat e d by t h e c a s e o f .

3. 1 . 4 . 3 . E g o ' � Pa� e n� ' Pa�e n�

In t he Hokkien kinship s y s t em de s c ri b e d earl i e r , a d i s t inct ion was

made between maternal and pat ernal grandparent s as re flec t e d in the
referent ial t e rminology ( see F i gure 1 ) . Howeve r , in addre s s ing grand­
parent s on both p arent s ' s i de s , Ego uses the same set of kin t e rms :
a n+ k o n g 'gpa ndfa t h e p ' and a+ma ' g pandmo t h e p ' ( Figure 9 ) . Obviou s ly ,
Tagalog has b o rrowed only the Hokkien kin t e rm for 'gpandfa t h e p ' , using
it as both an addre s s and a re ference t e rm .
The Tagalog k i n t e rm i n g ko n g i s undoub t edly o f Hokkien origin , and
c omes from Hokkien 1 n+� n + k o n g ' hi s gpandfa t h e r ' ; it then had to conform
to t he Tagalog MS condi t ion on d i s y l lab i c st ructure result ing in the
19
delet i on of the middle morpheme , and finally , t he P rule on nasal
a s s imi lat ion .
As to why Tagalog I n g ko n g should originate from Hokkien i n+ � n+ kon g ,
and Tagalog i n so from Hokkien 1 n + � + s o ' h i s e Z de s t b ro th e r ' s w i fe ' , one
c an only c onj e ct ure : the kin t e rms must have re sulted from a s o c i o ­
lingui s t i c c on t e xt whi c h invo lves a younge r kinsman addre s s ing an o l de r
88

F I GU R E 7

HOKK I EN AND TAGALOG E GO ' S S I B L INGS ' SPOUSES ADDRESS TERMI NOLOGY

D
KO+� A+C I KO+)(
0 A+SO
,
s i yaho ate k�ya i nso EGO

F I GU R E 8

HOKK I EN AND TAGALOG E GO ' S S I B L INGS ' SPOUSES RE FERENT I AL T E RM I NOLOGY

DC I A+ H U A+cl KO+)(
0 A+S O
b a y aw ate k�ya h i p ag
 f I GU R E 9

HOK K I EN AND TAGALOG E GO ' S PARENTS ' PARENTS ADDRE S S TERMI NOLOGY

D- O
A N + KO N G
D- O
A N + KO N G
i n g k6 ri g i n g k6 n g

EGO
90

kinsman . a s i t uat i on para l l e l t o one i n whi c h someone younger would use

sila i n s t e ad o f i k aw when addre s s ing someone o l der as in ' s i no ho s l l a 7 '
A s i t uat i on l ike t h i s c a l l s for an euphemi s t i c kind o f language whi ch
doe s not imp ly s o c i al d i s t ance but rather re spect and -deference due to
senior kinsme n .
Anthrop o l o g i s t s have o ften s tudied Tagalog kinship t e rminol o gy i n
order t o get a p i c t ure o f t h e s t ruct ure o f i t s kinship s y s t em ( St oodley
1 9 5 7 ; Murray 1 9 7 3 ; Evange l i s t a 1 9 7 3 ) . The forego ing demonstrat e s that
the s tudy o f l o anwords that form part o f a kinship t e rminology .
s p e c i fi c a l l y . t h e i r nature and their kind . c an p rovide furt her e vi dence
for the anthrop o l o gi st s ' findings .

3 . 2. VOMA I N O F C O O K E R Y

Unli ke t he number o f Hokkien loanwords on kinship . t he numbe r o f

l o anwords i n t he domain o f c ookery constitut e s a rat her s i z ab l e one .
Thi s numbe r inc lude s i t ems who se origins are unque s t i onab ly Hokkie n ;
i t doe s not inc lude t e rms whi ch have b e e n e xtended t o cover o t her t y p e s
o f f o o d such a s l u m p i ya u b o d and l um p i y a s h a n g h a i from the original
t e rm l um p i y a .
Be c ause o f t he presence o f t he l arge numb e r o f Hokkien l o anwords in
t h i s domain . a semant i c ana l y s i s can be made solely on t he bas i s of
t h e se l o anwords . a lt hough the argument t hat the loanwords on cookery .
l ike t h o s e on kinship . con s t i t ut e part o f an e s sent i a l l y natural sub­
set of Tagalog cookery c an be b rought fort h . Howev e r . the as sumpt ion
in t h i s s t udy i s that the ent i re Tagalog cookery . a c onglomerate o f
various cultural borrow ings . pre dominant ly Spani s h and Chine s e . c an b e
subj e c t e d t o more syst emat i c analy s i s i f one were t o s t art w i t h i t s
cult ural c o n s t i t uent s . The k i n d o f semant i c analy s i s t hat i s here
app l ie d to the l oanwords on c o okery use s t axonomic analy s i s .

3.2 . 1 . T ax onomic Analysis Versus Componential Anal ysis

No le s s than the anthrop ologist Lounsbury ( 1 9 6 4 : 10 8 6 - 1 0 8 7 ) has

admi t t e d that the s t ructure s o f certain s eman t i c fields rende r t hem
more s u s c e p t i b l e to c ertain kinds of semant i c ana l y s e s than o t hers .
For i n s t anc e . kinship s y s t ems are de s c ri b e d as having " s omething a b i t
s p e c i a l about t hem s u c h that t h e i r s t ructure s a r e in large part t h a t o f
t he " p aradigm" . which i n e s sence belongs t o component ial analy s i s " .
To Lounsbury . the more t y p i c a l type o f semant i c s t ruct ure i s t he
t axonomy .
Taxonomic analy s i s i s c ommonly used in z o o logy and bot any for the
c l a s s i fi c ation o f flora and faun a . I t c l a s s i f i e s set s o f c ontrasting
 91

c at egories hierarch i c a l l y into suc c e s si ve l e ve l s or t axa , "with the

c at e gories at any one level b e ing inc luded in a c a t e gory at the next
highe r l e ve l " ( Frake 1 9 6 4 : 1 96 ) . More t han two lower l e v e l s or t axa c an
b e long t o t he next h i ghe s t level or "t axon ( Bendix 1 9 6 6 : 5 ) . Taxonomi e s
are s a i d t o b e b i -dime n s i onal : a hori zontal one o f d i s c riminat ion and
a vert ic a l one o f genera l i sat i o n .
The rat ionale for the use o f t axonomic anal y s i s in t he s emant i c
ana l y s i s o f loanwords i n the domain o f c ookery i s e vi dent i n Lounsbury ' s
comp arison o f this anal y s i s and c omponent i a l analys i s ( 19 6 4 : 1 0 86 ) . In
a c omponential analy s i s , " t he features o f any dimens ion c omb ine with
a l l t ho s e o f any o t h e r dimens i on " , h e n c e t here i s n o hie rarc h i c a l
ordering o f dimensions s i n c e a l l " orders are p o s s i b le " . In a t a xonomy ,
t he feature s o f any dimens i on " c ombine wi th only one feat ure from any
other dimens i on" , hence " t here is but one p o s s i b l e hie rarchy " . It must
b e remembered , nonethe l e s s , t hat t he c l a s s i fi c at i on into t axonomic
l e ve l s c on s t i t ut e s a crucial s t age in c omponent ial analys i s .
Since t h i s s e ct i on i s intere s t e d in arriving at a t yp o logy t hat c an
indicat e the hierarchi c a l relat ionship of each of the l o anwords , rather
t han t he c omponent s that enter into it , i t d i s c ards c omponent i a l analy­
sis as a p o s s ib l e semant i c analy s i s . In relat ion t o t h i s , t a xonomi c
ana l y s i s o ffe rs a more e ffic ient and c onvenient way o f det ermining whi c h
c a t e gory or c at e gories within t h e hierarchy have t h e gre a t e s t numb e r o f
l o anwords ; t h i s can furt her b e used a s a n indi c ator o f t he nature and
the kind o f l o anwords that have been borrowed into t he domain of c ookery .
In princ i p l e , t hen , t he t e c hnique is used as a means o f re fining the
statement s t hat c an b e made about t he nat ure o f the l o anwords that have
already been i s o lated under t h i s domain .
Furthe rmore , b e c ause t h i s section i s not int ere s t e d in e st ab l i shing
t he psychological or c ognit ive rea l i t y o f t he users of t he s e loanwords ,
it do e s not consider component ial anal y s i s as relevant in t he present
analy s i s . Whe t her c omponent ial analy s i s c an be used to gauge the
p sy c ho l ogi c al validity o f t he speakers i s a much-debat e d theme among
20
anthrop o l o g i s t s , but it is not wit hin the purview of t h i s s t udy to go
into it .

3.2.2. Tax onomy of H ok k ien L oanwo r d s on Cook ery

Figure 10 is a diagram o f the t axonomic s tructure of t he Hokkien

l o anwords on c ookery . It c ontains ninet een cat egories whi ch appe ar on
five d i s t inct l e v e l s o f inclus ivene s s . Howeve r , there are " se ve ra l ,
more abstract c at e gories whi ch are superordinate t o t he nineteen
c at e gori e s " ( Po s p i s i l 1 9 6 5 : 1 9 5 ) . The c at e gori e s are presented b e low
in a manner t hat can b e s t c apt ure t he s t ructural relat ionship t hat
 F I GU R E 1 0
TAXONOMY O F REP RE S E NTAT I VE TAGALOG COOKE RY TE RMS O F HOK K I EN ORI G I N

C 0 0 K E R Y

F 0 0 D INSTRUMENTS

R A W COOKED
( s ee insert )

SOY BEAN RICE FLOUR

MEAT VEGETABLES PRODUCT PRODUCT PRODUCT

PORK BEEF FISH &

CUTS CUTS SEAFOOD FOWLS petsay tokuwa b i hon m i s u wa s i yanse
t i to goto t uw a b a k u 1 i kba

I N S E R T

C 0 0 K E D

FOOD PREPARATION TYPE OF FOOD MANNE R OF COOKING

MEAT VEGETABLE SOY BEAN RICE FLOUR FRIED BOILED STEWED SOUPY
PRODUCT PRODUCT PRODUCT STEAMED

toyo go to petsay taho b i hon m i swa u koy s i y o paw h umba m am i

 93

e x i s t s between them.
Meat i s a superordinate level t hat c overs t he loanwords on unc ooked
meat cut s corning from four c at egorie s : pork cuts , an examp l e o f whi ch
is t i t o ' p i g ' s tripe ' , beef cuts , an examp le o f whic h i s g o t o ' ox tripe ' ,
fowls , an e xamp l e o f whi ch i s u l i k b a ' wh i t e - fe a thered o r l i gh t - s k i n n e d
fow l w i th dark me a t ' , and f i s h and s e a food , a n examp le o f whi ch i s
t u w a b a k ' b i g - e y e d h e rring ' .
Vegetab les , whi c h c overs a l l loanwords on uncooked ve ge t ab le s , i s a
category on the s ame level as meat : t here i s no furt her d i s t in c t ion
made within this c a t e gory . Examp l e s are p e t s a y ' Ch i n e s e cabbage ' , and
k i n t s a y ' c e l e ry ' .
Soy bean products , like vegetables , i s a cat e gory b y i t s e l f . It
covers a l l l o anwords o n uncooked b e an produc t s such a s t o k uw a ' s oy b e a n
curd ' a n d tahu r i ' fe rm e n t e d s a l te d s o y b e a n curd ' .
Flour products c over a l l l o anwords on unc ooked flour produc t s ; it
l ikew i s e cons t i t ut e s a c at e gory b y i t s e l f . Examp l e s are m i k i ' th i c k
flour n o o d l e s ' and m i s uw a ' t hi n fl our n o o d l e s ' .
Rice c on s t i t u t e s a c at e gory b y it s e l f . It c overs a l l l o anwords on
unc ooked rice product s such as b i h on 'rice n o o d l e s ' .
The cate gori e s above , t o t a lling e i ght , are subsumed under t he level
o f raw . The fo l lowing c at e gories fal l under t he l e ve l o f cooked.
Manner of cooking is a sup e rordinate level that inc ludes four
c at e gori e s : fried, an examp le of whi c h i s u ko y ' fr i e d flour c a k e
cons i s ting of gra t e d s quas h, carro t s or t o ge w i t h s hrimps ' , boi led and
s teame d , an e xamp le of whi ch is s i yo p aw ' s teamed r i c e c a k e wi t h m e a t
and c ondim e n t s i n s i de ' , stewed , a n examp le o f whi c h i s humba ' highly
s p i c e d di s h of pork o r c h i c k e n ' c ooked a t l o w t emperature , and soupy ,
an e xamp le of whi ch i s m am i ' di s h of n o o d l e s c o o k e d in s oup s ty l e ' .
Type of food inc ludes a l l the c at e gori e s sub s umed under raw : meat ,
vegetab les , soy bean products , f i sh and sea food , rice products and
flour products . It must be point e d out here that whi l e t h e s e five
are c ontras t ing categories dire c t l y supe rordinat e d by the level raw,
t he y are interpo s e d by the level type of food, whi ch is the cat egory
dire c t ly superordinat ed by the level cooke d . One may find t hi s
appearance o f the s ame l inguist i c forms a t different l e ve l s o f c ontrast
c on fusing , b ut it i s a c ornmon phenomenon in c e rtain lingu i s t i c s y s t ems ,
such as in the di agno s i s o f d i s e as e s among the Subanuns as we l l as i n
t h e i r bot an i c a l and kinship t e rmino logies ( Frake 1 9 6 4 : 1 9 7 ) . Howeve r ,
the c at e gori e s that are inc luded i n type o f food can b e further
di s t inguished b y t he presence of c ert ain modifiers such as toge gu i sado
or k i n t s a y , g u i s a do ( see S e c t ion 3 . 2 . 4 . ) . The same thing c annot b e s ai d
o f t h e s e c at e gories appearing under raw .
94

Preparation o f food i s a who le cate gory b y i t s e l f . I t inc lude s a l l

t h e loanwords who se refe rent s are u s e d i n t he preparat ion o f food such
as s p i ce s , seasoning and other food pre s ervat ive s . Examp l e s are angkak
' r e d - c o Loured grain8 o f r i c e u 8 e d a 8 co Louring for foo d ' and k e l wa
'powder e d mU8 tard ' .
The cat e gori e s manner o f cooking , type of food and preparation o f
food are n o t c ont ras t ing categories but are comp lement ing c at egorie s ,
since it i s p o s s ib le t hat a l e x i c al item may b e long t o two o f the above­
name d c a t e go rie s , for e xamp l e , b i ko ' ri c e cake c o o k e d by 8 te aming ' or
that two l e xi c al it ems from two cat e gori e s may be comb ined , such as
upo g u i sado. 21
Instruments cont ra s t s with food on level two and con s t itut e s t he
s o l e c at e gory on t he vert i c al dimens ion . I t inc ludes all the loanwords
that refer to c ooking ut e n s i l s and other devi ce s . There are only five
loanwords b e l onging t o this c at egory : s i y a n s e , l a n s on g , b i t h a y , p o h i y a
and b i l ao .

3.2.3. L exic al Content of H ok k ien L oanword s on Cookery

A recent s tudy ( Thorp 1972 ) made on the lexical cont ent of t he

l e x i c a l entries in Panganiban ' s Talahulug a nang Pilipi no - I ngle� ( 1966 )
reveals 42 p e r cent are of fore i gn o rigin whi l e the remaining 5 8 p e r
c e nt are Tagalog in origin . Of t h e 42 per c e n t o f fore i gn words ,
Span i sh words have the highe st percent age - 33 p e r cent - followed by
Chinese - 3 p e r cent - and Malay - 4 per cent ; the re s t are spread out
among Engl i s h , Sanskrit and Arab i c .
I t i s not so much in the percent age s o f fore ign l oans that this
s e c t ion i s intere s t e d ; rathe r , it i s in the t e c hnique used t o arrive
at c ert ain conclus ions regarding t he lexical cont ent of Tagalo g . Thi s
t e c hnique i s here rep l i c at e d , but with a diffe rent obj e c t ive , and t hat
i s , to determine t he lexical content o f the Hokkien laonwords on cookery .
As imp l ie d earl i e r , the s tudie s on loanwords in Tagalog have , so far ,
me rely ' skimmed t he surfac e ' s ince c la s s i ficat ion of loanwords was
usually made on the b a s e s of b road , maj o r , seman t i c areas , and in-dep t h
s t u d i e s o f each seman t i c domain were neve r , in a sens e , done s y s t emat i ­
cally .
The t axonomic analy s i s of t he Hokkien loanwords on c ookery in t he
p re vious s e c t i on was made with t he view of s e t t ing up t he categories
ne c e s s ary for an in-depth anal y s i s o f loanwords in this domain result ing
in a t o t al o f nineteen c at e go rie s . Next , the Hokkien loanwords were
c l as s i fi e d and ins e rt e d in their proper s l ot s . What remains t o be done
in t h i s s e c t i on is t o det e rmine the p e rc e nt age of the t o t al numb e r of
 95

loanwords in each t axonomic c at egory . In the pro c e s s o f doing t hi s , a

de c i s i on was made t o ment ion the five c at e gories app e aring under the
higher cate gorie s o f both raw and cooked only once , whi ch meant cut t ing
t he t o t al number down to fourteen .
Tab le 7 gives a b reakdown of t he t ot a l percentage s o f loanwords
within each culinary c at egory . The catego ri e s are given b e low in order
o f the i r rank :
1. Veget ab le s ; b o i l e d and s t e amed
2. Food preparat ion
3. Soy b ean p roduct s ; s t ewed
4. I n s t rument s
5. Pork cut s , b e e f cut s ; fish and other sea food
6. Fri e d ; s oupy
7. Flour product s ; rice product s
8. Fowl s .
What c on c l us i ons can one draw on the b a s i s o f t h i s ? Firs t , it s eems
that of a l l t he raw mat erials that the Tagalog speakers were introduced
t o , t he great e s t varie t y c ame from the c at e gory o f vegetab les . This
means that these vegetables were e ither b rought into the c ountry by
t he Hokkiens or were found l o c a l l y but the cul inary p ot ent iali t i e s o f
whi ch were unknown t o the native s . Boiled and s teamed de s cribes a
method o f c ooking common among Hokkien speakers , but p reviously unc ommon
among Tagalogs ; it i s there fore not an unexp e c t e d phenomenon that t he
Tagalogs should have borrowed heavily in t h i s cat egory . S e c on d , the
Hokkien speakers int roduced varied ways o f food prep arat ion t o the
Tagalogs who s e own ways of food preparat ion were probab ly l e s s varied .
Thi s finding c oncurs with Thorp ' s that " it is more likely for a group
to a c c ept new ways of preparing raw mat erial s , rather t han a c c ept new
raw mat erials or new name s for things that have already been ident i fied"
( 1972 : 29 ) . Third , the use o f soy b e an for food produ c t i on i s c ommonly
ident i fi e d with t he Chine s e , and b y extens ion , with the Hokkien people ;
ne xt t o boi led and s teamed as a manner of c ooking , stewed i s a l s o
popular among the Hokkien people . Loanwords that fal l under the
c at e gories o f rice products and fowls are t he fewe s t i n numb e r . Thi s
c an be viewed as c on forming t o the act ual cultural fact s t hat rice i s
t he staple c rop o f t h e Tagalogs and that fow l s had long provided a
source o f food among t he people . This being t he c a s e , t he Tagalog
speakers had already in their p o s s e s s ion the c u linary words appropriat e
for de s c ribing referent s in the above -named categorie s .
I f t he loanwords are viewed from a di fferent p e rs p e c t i ve , t hat i s ,
i f t hey are d i s t ributed among higher- level cat e gorie s , di fferent
conclus ions c an be drawn , as shown in Tab le 8 .
96

TAB L E 7
PERCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL NUMBER OF HOKK I E N LOANWORDS I N
EACH CUL INARY CATEGORY

Culinary Cat e gory N No . o f l o anwords Percentage

1. Pork cut s 63 4 6 . 3%
2. Beef cut s 63 4 6 . 3%
3. Fowls 63 1 1 . 6%
4. F i s h and s e a food 63 4 6 . 3%
5. Ve ge t ab l e s 63 8 1 2 . 7%
6. Flour product s 63 2 3 . 2%
7. Soy b e an produc t s 63 6 9. 5%
8. Ri ce produc t s 63 2 3 . 2%
9. Fri e d 63 3 4 . 8%
10 . Bo i l e d a n d s t e amed 63 8 12 . 7%
11 . Stewed 63 6 9 . 5%
12 . Soupy 63 3 4 . 8%
13. Food preparat ion 63 7 11 . 1%
14 . Inst ruments 63 5 8 . 0%

TOTAL 63 100 . 0%

TAB L E 8
PE RCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL NUMBER OF HOKKIEN LOANWORDS D I STRI BUTED
AMONG THE H I GHER- LEVEL CATE GORI E S

Culinary Cat e gory N No . o f loanwords Percent age

1. Meat 63 13 2 0 . 7%
2. Legume s 63' 8 12 . 7%
3. Soy b e an product s 63 6 9. 5%
4. Flour and rice product s 63 4 6 . 3%
5. Manner o f c ooking 63 20 31 . 7%
6. Food p reparation 63 7 11 . 1%
7. I n s t rument s 63 5 8 . 0%

TOTAL 63 100 . 0%
 97

The superordinat e level o f meat c ont ains a higher number o f loanwords

t han the cat egory vegetables . Thi s fact doe s not inval idate the c on­
c lusion in t he previous paragrap h , but it doe s indi c at e t hat t he l o an­
words under t he c a t e gory meat const i t ut e a rather s i zable and s i gnifi­
c ant number , a ge nera l i s at ion whi ch was mi s s e d when t he category was
broken down into four-level catego ri e s . Howeve r , this could mean that
the Tagalogs acqui re d from t he Hokkien speakers t he hab it o f eat ing a
great many pork and b e e f cut s as we l l as c e rt a i n kinds of fish and s e a
food , whi c h t hey were n o t e a t i n g here t o fore ; w i t h t h i s hab it , o f cours e ,
c ame t he l o anwords . To be sure , p i gs and c hi ckens had been dome s t i c a t e d
even be fore t he coming o f t he Chine s e , as witne s s e d by t he pre sence o f
native Taga log t e rms s u c h as p a t a ' p i g ' s knuck � e s ' . u l o n g b a b o y ' he a d
of pig ' . ka l a m n a n 'jow � of p i g ' a n d o t h e r vari e t i e s o f meat a s b a l u n ­
b a l u n a n ' g i z zard ' . p u s o ' h eart ' . a t a y ' � i ve r ' . b a g a ' �ungs ' and others .
For b e e f cut s , mo st of t he t e rms used are Spani s h : p u n t a y pecho
' b r i c k e t ' . c a d e r a ' r i b s ' . t a p a d e r a ' rump ' . so l m i l l o ' t ender � o i n ' and
others whi ch might p o s s ib l y po int to the fact that the eat ing of b e e f
b e c ame c ommon among t h e Tagalogs as a result o f the corning o f t he
Spaniards . It c an s t i l l be said that of t he loanwords that fal l under
the maj or c at e gory o f r aw , a great number b e long to t he c at e gories of
meat and vegetab les . Although f lour and rice products are lumped
t ogether under one cat e gory , the comb ined perc entages are s t i l l small
as to be ins ign i fi c ant . There will be no di s c uss ion on the cate gory
manner of cooking , whi ch c on s t i t u t e s t he highe st percent age , s i n c e a
fairer c ompari son i s b etween c at e gori e s covering one t o four and
c at e gories sub s umed under manner of cooking , as contained in Tab le 7 .
Tab l e 8 i s t he result o f an analys i s made on the b a s i s of c at e gories
t hat are on t he same leve l .
On an e ven h i gher l eve l of categorisat ion , t he d i s t ribut ion o f
perc ent age s yie lded t he fol l owing order o f ranking as s e e n in Tab le 9 .
1. Raw
2. Cooked
3. Inst rument s

TA B L E 9
PERCENTAGE OF THE TOTAL NUMBER OF HOKK I EN LOANWORDS D I STRI BUTED
AMONG THE MAJOR CATE GOR I E S OF RAW , COOKED AND INSTRUMENTS

Maj or C at e gories N No . o f loanwords Percentage

l. Raw 63 31 49 . 2%
2. Cooked 63 37 4 2 . 8%
3. Inst rument s 63 5 8 . 0%

TOTAL 63 100 . 0%
98

Thi s ind i c at e s t hat the bulk o f Hokkien contribut ion t o t he domain o f

Tagalog cookery i s i n t e rms o f t he raw , rather than o f the cooke d , a s
the perc ent age o f the cat e gory raw i s greater than t he p ercent age s o f
the re st o f the cat e gories comb i ne d . The imp l i cat i on here i s t hat t he
Tagalogs had a lot of untapped raw mat erials and contact with t he
Hokkien speakers , who se eat ing hab i t s and food prep arat ion were de c i dedly
more highly deve loped , made t hem aware o f t h i s . The cat egory cooked ,
alt hough se cond in rank , i s not s i gn i fi c antly lower t han t he c a t e gory
raw as t he cat e gory instruments i s to cooked . The high p e rc ent age of
loanwords in the category cooked imp l i e s the Tagal ogs ' simp le way s of
c ooking and food preparat ion , whi ch must have led t hem to free l y adopt
newe r mode s o f cooking and food preparat ion . This fac t i s independent ly
at t e s t e d t o b y t he presence o f numerous Spanish-style di she s and means
of preparing food . The low percent age of loanwords under t he category
instruments can only be conj e c t ured : t hat the Tagalogs ' intere s t lay
in newe r ways o f preparing raw mat erials rather t han in the instrument s
u s e d for such preparat ion , or t hat t hey must have had utens i l s adequat e
for t he p reparat ion o f t he new kinds of c o okery .

3.2.4. E x ten d ed U se of H ok k ien L oan wor d s on C ookery

So far t he d i s c u s s i on on t he Hokkien loanwords in t he domain o f

c ookery , has c oncent rat e d only o n those forms who s e original meanings
have been kept more or l e s s int ac t . C a s e s of semant i c shift s are few ,
and wherever pre sent , are minor ( see Sect ion 3 . 2 . 5 . ) .
The loanwords in t h i s domain can be u s e d e it her in i s o lat ion or in
comb inat ion with other nat ive Tagalog words or with other fore i gn
b orrowings t o re fer t o concoct ions different from those de s i gnat e d by
the original . The results of t he lat t er are invariab ly c la s s i f i e d under
the c a t e gory cooked , never under t hat o f raw .
In t h i s s e c t ion , a formal semant i c analy s i s o f t he loanwords u s e d in
i s o lation , and in c ombinat ion with o t her forms , i s propo s e d . The t e rms
u s e d are first c larified in t he fo l l owing s e c t ions .

3 . 2 . 4 . 1. T e�mi n o lo g y U� e d

3.2.4. 1 . 1 . N u cl ear Terms

Nuc l ear forms are forms that oc cupy a c entral p o s i t ion and c an b e
equat e d w i t h t he n o t i o n o f noun head ( Bloomfi e l d 1 9 3 3 : 19 9 ) . They can
e i t her st and alone or can s t and in a relat ion of att ribut ion , where the
first e l ement is the nuc lear form and t he se cond i s t he modifier fol low­
ing t he Tagalog noun head + modi f ier con s t ruc t ion , e . g . , d a l agang
ma g a n d a : such a c on s t ruc t ion i s c a l l e d a composite form. The nuc lear
 99

forms i n t h e s e cont e xt s are Hokkien l oanwords . Such loanwords a s petsay ,

g o t o , h u mb a , e t c . c an o c c ur in i s o lat ion ; in t he Tagalog c u linary t e rms
such as k i n t s a y g u i s a do or l u m p i y a u b o d , t he first element , the nuc lear
form , i s a Hokkien loanword , and t he s e cond e lement , t he modi fie r , i s
a non-Hokkien word .

3.2.4.1 .2. S econdary Forms

A Hokkien loanword c an a l s o be used as a s e c ondary form in a

c omp o s i t e form where t he nuc lear form i s o f Tagalog or other fore ign
origin , and where t he modifier is a Hokkien loanword , e . g . , a r ro z c a l d o
c o n g o t o , B a g u i o o n i o n w i t h to kuwa , e g g s w i t h m i s uw a , etc . Alt hough
the loanwords do not , s t r i c t ly s peaking , mod i fy t he nuc l e ar t e rms , t he
lab e l modi fier i s used for t erminological simp l i c it y .

3.2.4.2. P40 p04 �d F 0 4mal A n alY4�4

The fol lowing formal ana ly s i s i s propo s e d for comp o s i t e cul inary
lab e l s within t he domain of Tagalog c ookery ut i l i sing Hokkien loanwords
e i t her as nuc lear or s e c ondary forms . In c ompo s i t e forms where the
Hokkien loanword i s a s e c ondary form, t he c onj unc t ion symb o l ( . ) i s
used t o indicate t hat t he t erms c onj o ined b y . i s the product ; where
t he loanword i s a nuc lear form , no c onj unc t ion s ymb o l is use d , exc ept
to c onne c t two c at e gories e n c l o s e d in parenthe s e s ( ) . X symb o l i s e s a
nuc l e ar form o f Hokkien origin ; Y , a nuc l e ar form of o t her ori gin . X
and Y are furt her spe c i fied for t he fo l lowing cat e gories whenever
app l icable :
p p ork
be beef
f fish and other sea food
fo fowls
r r i c e produ c t s
fl flour produc t s
b soy bean produc t s
fr fre sh
fd frie d
s soupy
st s t ewed
bs b o i l e d and s t e ame d

Categories are e n c l o s e d in parent h e s e s ( ) and fo l low X ; sub -c a t e gori e s

are e n c l o sed in parenthe s e s w i t h i n parenthe s e s ( () ). M st ands for
modi fi e r and is furt her s p e c i fi e d as X or Y . Thus , t he fol lowing
c u l inary t e rms will have t he fol lowing c o rre sponding formulas :
100

1. pe t sa y : X(L)
Read : X i s t he nuc lear form o f Hokkien origin and b e l ongs t o t he
category vegetab les
2. toge g u i s a do : X ( L ) M ( Y ( fr ) )
Re ad : X i s a nuc lear form o f Hokkien origin b e longing t o the
c at e gory of vegetables , modified by a non-Hokkien modifier .
3. m i l k f i s h e n t o c ho : Y . M(X(b ) )
Read : Y i s a nuc lear form of non-Hokkien ori gin modified by a
s e c ondary form o f Hokkien origin b e l onging t o t he category of soy bean
products
4. pesang da l ag : X(bd . f) M ( Y )
Read : X i s a nuclear form of Hokkien origin be longing to t he
c at egori e s of boi led and fish and M i s a modi fier of non-Hokkien origin .

Tab l e s 1 0 and 1 1 b e low give the formal anal y s e s of some Tagalog

cul inary l ab e l s t aken from Philippine C o o k e�y a n d H o u� ehold Hi nz�
( Al vare z 1 9 7 3 ) and R e cipe� 0 6 z h e Philip pi n e� ( Perez 1 9 7 3 ) . Number 4 ,
p a n c i t mo l o in Table 1 0 gives an anomalous c omb inat ion since panc i t
whi ch i s always fried comb ines with mam i whi ch i s a s oupy dish ; both
t e rms are o f Hokkien origin . Other anomalous uses of t he loanwords are
evident i n p a n c i t mo l o ( number 1 ) , pesang manok ( number 1 6 ) and humbang
ma n o k ( numbe r 2 0 ) . A formal semant i c analy s i s o f these t e rms has
yie lded anomalous c ombinat ions whi ch have been norma l i s e d by the borrow­
ing language through the proc e s s of semant i c shift s . Thi s means t hat
the meanings ident i fied wit h the original Hokkien words have undergone
seman t i c c hange s , e . g . pesa whic h means ' bo i l e d fi s h ' from Hokkien
pe+ s a q ' b o i l ed fi s h ' now simp l y means 'b o i l e d ' in t he combinat ion
p e s a n g m a no k .

3.2.5. Semantic Shifts of H ok k ien L oanwor d s on C ookery

Semant i c s h i ft or seman t i c change ( Bloomfie l d , 1 9 3 3 : 4 2 5 ) re fers t o

t he pro c e s s b y whi ch the meaning o f a loanword i s s h i ft e d from i t s
original meaning t o s omething t hat i s s imi lar o r c l o s e ly relat e d t o the
origina l . It o c c urs randomly and no s y s t emat i c pattern c an be evolved
from it . Some attemp t s had been made in the c l a s s i fi c at ion o f s emant i c
shift s b a s e d o n t he " logical relat ions o f suc ce s s ive meanings" such a s
narrowing , e . g . O l d Engl i s h me t e 'fo o d ' b e c oming mea t ' e dib l e fl e s h ' ;
w i dening , e . g . Middle Engl i s h b r i d d e ' yo ung b i rd l i ng ' b e c oming b i r d ;
met aphor , e . g . Primi t i ve Germani c [ * b i t r a z ] ' b i t i ng ' b e coming b i t t e r
' ha r s h o f t a s te ' ; met onymy , e . g . O l d French c e a c e ' jaw ' b e coming c h ee k ;
synechdoche , e . g . Primit ive Germanic [ * t u : n a z ] ' fence ' b e c oming t ow n ;
hyperbole , e . g . p re-French [ * kw a l l j a n ] ' to t o rm en t ' b e c oming O l d Engl i s h
 101

TAB L E 1 0
FORMAL SEMANT I C ANALYS I S OF SOME TAGALOG COOKERY W I TH
HOKK IEN LOANWORDS AS NUCLEAR FORMS

Cul inary Lab e l s Seman t i c Formulas

I. * P a n c i t Ho l o X ( fr ) M ( Y ( s »
2. P a n c i t G u i s a do X ( fr ) rot ( Y ( f ) )
3. *Panc i t L ug l ug X ( fr ) M ( Y ( b d ) )
4. *Panc i t Ham ! X ( fr ) M ( X ( s »
5. Pan i ct Lan g l ang X ( fr ) M ( X )
6. P a n c i t B i hon X ( fr ) M ( X ( r »
7. P a n c i t H a l a bo n X ( fr ) M ( Y )
8. P a n c i t H a r i l ao X ( fr ) M ( Y )
9. K i n chay G u i s a do X ( l ) M ( Y ( fr »
10. T o g u e G u i s a do X ( l ) M ( Y ( fr ) )
lI . U po D i n e n g d e n g X ( l ) M ( Y ( st »
12 . U p o G u i s a do X ( l ) M ( Y ( fr ) )
13. Lump i a Ubod X ( s t ) M ( Y ( fr ( l » )
14 . L um p i a L a b o n g X ( st ) M ( Y ( fr ( l » )
15 . Lump i a Shangha i X(bI. f) M(Y( f»
16 . **Pesang Da l ag X(bI. f) M(Y( f»
17 . *Pesang Hanok X ( b d . f ) M ( Y ( fo »
18 . S u g po S i n u am Y ( f ) M(X ( s »
19 . H a l a a n S i n u am Y ( f ) M(X( s »
20. H i p o n S i n u am Y(f) M(X ( s »
2I. H um b a E s t o f a d o X ( st . p ) M ( Y )
22. *Humbang Hanok X ( st . p ) M ( Y ( fo »

* anoma l ous l ab e l
** redundant l ab e l

TAB L E 1 1
FORMAL SEMANT I C ANALYS I S OF SOME TAGALOG COOKE RY W I TH
HOKK IEN LOANWORDS AS SECONDARY FORMS

Cul inary Labe l s Semant i c Formulas

I. A r o z c a l do c o n G o t o Y M(X (be »
2. B a g u i o o n i o n s w i t h T o k uwa Y M(X(b »
3. C h i cken w i t h S o t a n g hon Y M(X(b »
4. F i sh B a l l s w i th Pet say Y M(X ( l »
5. H e a t B a l l s w i t h S o t a n g ho n Y M(X(b »
6. Eggs w i th H i sua Y M ( X ( fl ) )
7. K i I aw I n P o r k w i t h To kwa Y . M(X(b »
8. H i l k f l s h en Tocho Y M(X(b »
9. P a to l a -H i sua Soup Y . M ( X ( fl ) )
10 . S team F i s h w i t h Taws l Y M(X(b »
102

cwe l l a n ' t o k i L L ' ; degene rat ion , e . g . Old English c ra f a ' b o y , s e rvan t '
b e c oming k n a ve ; and e l e vat ion , e . g . , Old English c n i h t ' b o y , s ervan t '
b e c oming k n i g h t ( Bloomfield 1 9 3 3 : 4 2 6 - 4 2 7 ) .
Not many Hokkien loanwords on co okery have undergone s emant i c s h i ft .
Tho s e t hat have undergone t h i s proce s s c an a l l be c l as s i fied under
widening. The list appears b e low :
1. panc i t whi ch come s from Hokkien p i a n+e+ s f t ( s ee Chap t e r 2 ) does
not mean a noodle dish ; l i t erally , it means ' s om e t hing t h a t i s
conven i e n t L y c o o k e d ' and s in c e noodl e s i s a dish t hat requires very
l i t t l e preparat ion , panc i t has somehow acquired t h i s name . Panc i t is
c ooked by frying the noodl e s ; i n Tagalog , it does not only mean frie d
noodle s b ut a l s o noodles cooked in a soupy s t y l e as in p a n c i t ma m i or
a non-noodle but soupy dish as in p a n c i t mo l o .
2. humba in Hokkien c ookery refers t o a pork di s h , but in Tagalog
c ookery , t he t e rm has been ext ended t o c over a chi cken di s h .
3. pesa i n Hokkien s imply means 'p L a i n b o i L e d ' and i t s usage i s
re s t r i c t e d t o t h e c ooking of fish , so t hat the comp l e t e t e rm i n Hokkien
is p e q + s a q+h f , t he last morpheme meaning 'fi s h ' . Howe v e r , Tagalog
adop t e d only t he first two morpheme s . If the t e rm is used in i s o lat ion ,
it has the same meaning as the ori ginal , but p e s a i s a l s o ext ended t o
c o ve r c h i c ken a s i n p e s a n g m a n o k ' c h i c k e n b o i L e d i n w a t e r ' i n whic h c as e
t h e t e rm has been widened t o mean ' c o o k i ng by b o i L ing ' .
4. l um p i ya in Hokk ien refers t o a kind of dish in whi ch vege t a b l e s
like c arrot s , c abbage s , st ring b e ans , and to kuwa are sliced into thin
p i e c e s , mixed and stewed 'unt i l cooke d . Thi s conc o c t i on i s t h e n wrapped
in t hin flour wrappers . In Tagalog c ookery , t he t e rm i s not r e s t r i c t e d
t o the ingre dient ment ioned b ut o t her kinds o f ingredi ent s like u bo d
' p i th o f c o c o n u t trunk ' and l a bo n g ' bamb oo s h o o t s ' are u s e d a s s ub s t i ­
t ut e s . The t e rm has been widened t o mean anything that i s wrapped in
flour wrappers , or wrappers made from eggs , e . g . l um p i ya u bod and
l um p i ya l a b o n g .
5. u ko y c ome s from Hokkien o+ k u e ' ca k e made from gabi ' . In Tagalog ,
c ookery , flour i s used as a s u b s t i t ut e for gab i , with the main
ingre di ent b e ing a s p e c i e s o f sma l l shrimp s ; shrimps are not an
ingredient in t he original Hokkien dish . Tagalog u koy i s made by deep­
frying t he mixt ure o f flour and shrimp s , whereas the Hokkien o+ k u e is
made by s t e aming the mixed ingrediant s , whi ch c an t hen b e eaten as is
o r aft er it has been deep-fried .
6. b a t soy in Hokkien re fers t o a dish with loin o f pork as i t s
main ingredient ; i n Tagalog cookery , t he ingrediant s range from kidney ,
t o pancre a s , to l iver and t o loin of p ork .
 W3

7. s u am in Hokkien has t he l i t e ral meaning ' c o o k t h e bro t h from r i c e

porridge ( l u g aw ) ' . The t erm has been e xt ended in Tagalog cookery t o
de s c ribe a dish o f e i ther s u g po 'prawna ' as in s u g p o s i n u am , o r h i p on
' a hrimpa ' as in h i po n s i n u a m c ooked i n a s oupy s t y l e w i t h r i c e adde d .
I n Hokkien cookery , the t e rm a m i s used s t ri c t ly t o de s c ribe the b ro t h
from ri c e porri dge ; t he s ame t e rm i s also borrowed int o Tagalog w i t h
t he same meaning .
8. taho in both Hokkien and Tagalog c ookery means ' s oy b ean curd ' ;
howeve r , whi le t he Hokkiens use the t erm t au+h u t o refer t o soy b e an
curd t hat i s unc ooked , the Tagalogs use the t e rm tah6 t o r e fe r t o soy
b e an curd t hat i s c ooked and i s eaten with b rown syrup . The Hokkien
t au+h u , when cooke d , is always a s a lt y , never a sweet d i s h , and the
Hokkien t e rm for the Tagalog tah6 is t a u+h u e .

3.3. H O KK I EN B O R R O W I NGS ANV L EX I C A L A C C U L TU RA T I ON

Lex i c a l ac culturat ion here refers to t he pro c e s s whereby the impact

o f a cult ure i s regi s t ered through t he l e x i c a l it ems that have been
t ransmi t t e d from a donor c ult ure to a re c e i ving c u l t ure . S a l z mann
( 1 9 5 4 : 1 3 7 - 1 3 9 ) t heor i s e s t hat l e x i c a l ac culturat i on c an be det e rmine d
qua l i t at i ve ly b y t h e kinds o f b o rrowings present in the re c e i ving
language ; these borrowings b e long t o four maj or c l a s se s : ( 1 ) l oanwords
( including l o anblends ) , ( 2 ) loan trans lations ( c al que s ) , ( 3 ) s emant i c
extensions , and ( 4 ) c i rcumlocutory denomination . Numbers 1 - 3 a r e s e lf­
exp lanat o ry and will not b e furt her defined in t h i s s e c t i on . Seman t i c
e xtens ions are b e t t e r known as l o an shift s ( Haugen 1 9 5 0 : 2 1 5 ) . Circum­
locut ory denominations refer to met aphorical usage s and new format ions .
To show the appl i c ab i l i t y of gauging l e x i c al ac c ulturat i on t hrough t h i s
c l a s s i fi c at ion , Salzmann indi c a t e s t hat " Kut enai avai l s i t s e l f primar i l y
o f 4 a n d l e s s o f 3 , whe reas 1 a n d 2 a r e relat i ve l y s c ar c e ly employed ;
Copainala Z oque uses 1 exten s i ve ly ; Chipewyan avai l s i t s e l f primarily
of 3 ; Arapaho depends largely on 4 " .
Inas far as Tagalog b orrowings o f Hokkien origin are c on c e rne d , mo s t
o f t hem fal l under the c l a s s i fi c at ion o f laonwords , alt hough loan-b lends
are not anywhere apparent in Tagalog ; t h i s means that mo s t o f the
Hokkien borrowings are s o very l ike the original in s hape and me aning
t hat det e c t in g t hem proved t o b e rather easy . A s i zable numb e r , howe ver ,
fall under the c l a s s i fi c at i on o f semant i c extensions .
A c l a s s i fi c ation of t h i s s o rt has c e rt ain imp l i c at ions . Firs t , in
t e rms o f a typology o f l oanwords , t he me thod c an be used to c l as s i fy
t he di fferent borrowings from different donor language s , whi ch in t urn
c an be used as b a s e s for measuring qua l i t at ively t he c u l t ural imp a c t o f
the donor language s . Thus , f o r e xamp l e , Tagalog borrowings o f Spani sh ,
104

Sanskrit , Malay , and English origins , i n addit i on t o Hokkien and other

Chinese language s , can b e t y p e d a c cording t o t he maj or c l a s s i f i c at i ons ;
a c omp arison o f t he various borrowings based on these c la s s i fi c at ions
c an next b e made whi c h c an lead t o conclus ions and genera l i sations
re garding the cultural impact o f each o f t he donor language s . The
s e c ond imp l i c at ion here , t hen , is that t he maj o r c l a s s i fi c at ions c an
de t e rmine the e xt ent of t he cultural impact . It se ems logi c a l t o say
t hat borrowings c l a s s i fied under loanwords reflect a greater e xt ent o f
cult ural impact than b orrowings c l a s s i fi e d under loan t rans lat i ons i n
the s e n s e t hat both t h e cultural i t em a n d i t s c orresponding l ingui s t i c
form remain intact in t he re c e iving language . A good examp l e of t h i s
i s the t yp i c a l Ge rman att it ude t owards borrowed c ultural it ems - when
a c u l t ural item is borrowed , i t s corre sponding lingui s t i c form is not ,
e . g . Engli s h ' t e lephone ' is t rans lated into German as Fernsprecher
( St urt e vant 1 9 1 7 : 1 11 ) , Greek words for ' ac i d ' and ' m a t e ri a l ' ( Engl i s h
' oxy gen ' ) t rans l at e d i n t o Ge rman Sauersto f f , Engl i s h ' hy drogen ' as
German Wasserstoff ( Lehmann 1 9 6 6 : 2 1 3 ) . In relat ion t o t h i s o b s e rvat ion ,
it i s s a fe t o say t hat the cultural influences e xert e d by Hokkien
cult ure on Tagalog cult ure met with l i t t le or no re s i stance by t he
l a t t e r inas far as the cultural it ems t o gether with their corresponding
lingui s t i c lab e l s are c oncerne d .

3 . 3. 1 . T he Semant i c Domai ns of H ok k i en L oanwor d s

Having e s t ab l i shed t hat l e x i c a l acculturat i on o f t he Hokkien borrow­

ings in Tagalog was pre dominant ly in t e rms o f loanwords , it now remains
for this s e ct ion t o det ermine in what semant i c domains or fields t he
l o anwords c luster .
Thorp ( 1 9 7 2 ) made a c la s s i f i c at ion of the Tagalog words of fore i gn
origins found in Panganiban ' s d i c t i onary ( 1 9 6 6 ) , result ing in a t o t a l
o f s i xteen c at e gorie s . In t h i s s e c t ion , Thorp ' s s i xteen categories
are adopt e d for the purp o s e stated in the previous paragraph .
Thorp divide s the cat egory man into vi s ib l e and invi s ib l e ;
under visible , h i s sub - c at e gorie s are :
( 1 ) anat omy ,
( 2 ) adornment , dre s s , s c ent ,
( 3 ) di s e a s e , medi c ine ,
( 4 ) phy s i c a l qual i t ie s , and
( 5 ) phy s i c a l a c t i vit i e s ;
and invi s ible , the sub - c at egorie s are :
( 1 ) mind , c o n s c i e nc e , soul , pers onal i t y ,
( 2 ) quali t i e s , and
( 3 ) a c t i vi t i e s .
 105

H i s s e c ond c at egory animals i s divi de d int o t he fo l lowing sub-cat egorie s :

( 1 ) kinds ( un s 1 aught ere d ) ,
( 2 ) anatomy ,
( 3 ) act ion ,
( 4 ) qual i t ie s , and
( 5 ) herding , hunt ing , fishing .
The t hird c a t e gory i s plants , sub - c a t e gori s e d int o :
( 1 ) k inds o f unp i cked , unharve s t e d p lant s ,
( 2 ) anat omy ,
( 3 ) qual i t i e s ,
( 4 ) act ivit i e s , and
( 5 ) farming , gathe ring , gardening.
The fourth cat egory i s food with the fol lowing sub - categori e s :
( 1 ) harve s t e d and s l aught ered food ,
( 2 ) p rep ared dishes and qua l i t ie s ,
( 3 ) kit chen utens i l s , s t orage c ontainers and
( 4 ) fire .
The c a t e gory food devices has been added under food in t h i s s e c t ion .
The f i ft h c a t e gory i s kinship and age , fo l l owed by social organisation
a s the s i x t h cat egory with the sub-cat e go ri e s :
( 1 ) t it l e s and honorifi c s ,
( 2 ) s o c ial powe r , c las s , government , and
( 3 ) mi l i t ary organ i sat i on .
Crafts and occupations c on s t i t ut e s the s e venth c a t e go ry wit h :
( 1 ) housing ,
( 2 ) b oat ,
( 3 ) t rans port ation and communi cat ion , and
( 4 ) general as sub-cat e gorie s .
Sub - c at egory 5 farmi n g , gat hering and gardening under the cat e go ry
plants is here shift ed under crafts and occupations . The o t her sub­
c a t e gorie s , except general , are rep laced b y goldsmithing, carpent ry ,
shoe making and fishing .
The e i ghth c at egory i s trade and commerce , t he ninth i s fine arts ,
the t enth i s games and gambl ing and the e leventh i s religion .
The t we l ft h category i s natural phenomena , t he t hirt eenth is material
ob j ects , the fourt eenth i s numerals , t he f i ft eenth i s measurements and
the s i xteenth is sounds .
In the pres ent t reatment , the sub- c at e gory o f housing under crafts
and occupations i s shi ft e d to t he c a t e gory o f man-visible , sub- cat egor­
i s ed as she l t e r and re l e vant inst rument s ; t he t ot al numb e r of c at e gories
i s here re duce d t o fift een s i n c e Thorp ' s category material obj ects
c overs loanwords whi ch are well t aken care o f b y other c a t e gorie s .
106

The loanwords are again c at e gorised a c c ording t o t he i r re s p e c t i ve

semant i c fields and perc ent age s are t aken of each cat e gory . This task ,
although alre ady done by Thorp , i s deeme d n e c e s sary t o be done again
b e c ause Thorp b a s e s his l i s t on Panganiban ' s Talahulug anang Pilipi n o ­
I ng l e4 ( 1 9 6 6 ) whi ch inc ludes que s t i onab le it ems o f Hokkien origin such
as p i ko t 'amb u s h e d, b e s i eged ' , p u n g l o ' ammuni t i on, bu L L e t ' , s i n a m o n g
' L arge China jar ' , and many others ; b e s i de s , t he l i s t inc ludes i t ems
who s e origins are those of Chinese languages other than Hokkie n , e . g .
t s a p s o y ' c ho p s u ey ' ( Cantone s e ) , t s awm i n ' fr i e d noo d L e s ' ( Mandarin ) ,
ho t o t a y ' di s h of Chicken bre a s t , carro t s , p e a s , poach egg f L o a t , and
fu L L b o di ed bro t h ' ( Cant one se ) . Furthermore , many of Panganiban ' s words
o f Chine s e origin are not loanwords in t he s t r i c t sense o f t he word but
are l o an c re at ions , e . g . p a kaw ' ho o k or c Lasp for e arring s ' , s i n g k a w
' hi t c h i ng a b ea s t of burden ' , s a kwa 'wo o den c Lo g s ' . In view o f t hi s ,
t he pre sent l i s t , being a l i s t of only t he Hokkien lo anwords in Tagalog ,
i s proport ionately smal ler , numbering only one hundred s i xt y three .
An important obs ervat ion , however, must be noted : in s p i t e of the
sma l l numb e r o f Hokkien loanwords in Taga l o g , their import ance lies in
the fac t t hat t hey are very much a part o f t he mainst ream o f Tagalog
culture .
Tab le 12 gives t he percent age s o f Hokkien loanwords in each semant i c
field . A curs ory glance at t he t able indicat e s t hat the category food
has the h i ghe st p e rcent age of loanwords ; the others ranked as fol lows :
2. Cra ft s and O c c upations
3. Man-Vi s ib l e
4. Man-Invi s ib l e
5. Kinship a n d Age
6. Anima l s
7. Games a n d Gamb l ing
8. Trade and Commerc e
9. Soc i al Organi sat i on
Hokkien loanwords in the c at e gori e s of plants , sound numerals , and
measurements are pra c t i c al l y ni l . Thorp ' s s t udy indicat e s that the
s ingle large s t number o f loanwords in t he s e cat e go ries are Spani sh in
origin , although indigenous Tagalog t erms in these domains far out ­
number those of Span i s h . It is intere st ing t o note t hat Malay contri­
but ion t o the domain o f nume rals is quite s i zable - 2 3 % . One c an
surmi s e t hat the reason why Hokkien loanwords are not pre s ent in these
domains i s t hat o f t he adequacy o f t he l ingui s t i c lab e l s the Tagalogs
already p o s s e s s e d for it ems within t he domains conc erne d when t he
Hokkiens c ame . One woul d expect , however , t he presence of numerous
l oanwords in the cat e gories of numerals and measurements , s ince the
 10 7

TAB L E 1 2
PERCENTAGE OF HOK K I EN LOANWORDS I N EACH SEMANT I C AND
SUB - SEMANT I C F I ELD

Seman t i c Field N No . of Items Percentage

1. Man-Vi s ib l e
A. Anat omy ' 163 1 .6
B. Adornment , Dre s s , S cent 16 3 9 5.5
C. Disease , Med i c ine 163 4 2.5
D. Phy s i c a l Qua l i t i e s 163 0 -
E. Phy s i c a l A c t i vit i e s 163 0 -
F. She l t e r & Re levant Art ic l e s 163 7 4.2

SUb-t ot al 21 12 . 8

2. Man- Invi s ib l e
A. Mind , Con s c ience , Soul 163 2 1.2
B. Qualit i e s 163 9 5.5
C. Act ivi t i e s 163 6 3. 7
D. Expre s s i ons 163 3 1.9

Sub - t o t al 20 12 . 3

3. Anima l s
A. Kinds ( un s l aught e re d ) 163 8 4.9
B. Anat omy 163 0 -
C. Act ions 163 0 -

D. Qual i t i e s 163 1 .6

Sub - t o t a l 9 5.5

4. Plant s
A. Kinds o f unp i cked ,
unharve s t e d p lant s 163 0 -
B. Anat omy 163 0 -
C. Quali t i e s 16 3 1 .6
D. A c t ivit i e s 163 0 -

Sub-t otal 1 .6

5. Food
A. Harve s t e d & S laught ered 163 19 11 . 7
B. Prepared Dishes & t h e i r
163 39 24 . 0
Qual i t ie s
C. Kit chen Utens i l s 16 3 5 3.0
-
D. Fire 16 3 0
E. Food Devi c e s 16 3 2 1.2

Sub - t o t a l 65 39 . 9

Kinship and Age 163 10 6.1

6.
\

\
7. S o c i a l Organi s at i on
A. Tit l e s and Honorifi c s 163 0
B. S o c i al Powe r , C l as s , 0
163
Governme nt
C. Milit ary Gove rnment 16 3 1 .6

Sub-t otal 1 .6 \
108

TAB L E 1 2 ( c.o nt . )

8. Craft s and Oc cupat ions

A. Fishing 163 2 1.2
B. Farming 163 2 1.2
C. Shoemaking 163 3 1.9
D. Carpentry 163 4 2.5
E. Go l dsmit hing 163 11 6.8
F. General 163 4 2.5

Sub - t o t a l 26 16 . 1

9. Trade and Commerce 163 2 1.2

-
10. Fine Art s 163 0

11. Games and Gamb l ing 163 5 3.0

12 . Re l i gion 163 3 1. 9

-
13. Numerals 163 0

-
14 . Meas urement s 163 0

-
15 . Sounds 163 0

TOTAL 163 100 100 . 0%

imme diate c ontact s i t uation b etween the Tagalogs and the Hokkiens was
a t rading s it uat i on . The Hokkiens were mainly t raders who l ikewi s e
p o s s e s s e d a highly-de ve loped s y s t em o f count ing and measurement . That
t h i s is not so can be exp lained by the p o s s i b i l i t y t hat t he Tagalogs
were already equally adept at numb ering and measuring t hings e ven long
b e fore t he c oming of the Spaniards as e videnced by the ir number words
22
o f Ori ginal Aust rone sian .
In t h e c a t e gory o f food , prepared dishes and their qual i t i e s have a
s igini fcant ly higher perc ent age o f loanwords than harvested and s laugh­
tered food ; t h i s may be an incons i st ency in re lat i on to the figures
pre sent e d in t he s e ct ion on the domain o f cookery , but such an incon­
s i stency c an be explaine d . Thorp ' s categorie s are such that harve s t e d
and s l aught ered fo od c an o n l y inc lude p lant s and animals ; a l o t o f t he
23
it ems c la s s i fi e d under raw in S e c t ion 3 . 2 . are not c l as s i fiab l e under
harve sted and s laughtered food , and a dec i s i on had to b e made to put
� hem under prepared dishe s .
Under t he c at e gory o f crafts and occupations , t he sub - c a t e gory o f
goldsmithing has the highest numb er o f loanwords . There i s n o doubt
that t he Hokkiens are a very ski l l ful people in the art o f go ldsmithing.
Whi l e it may b e t rue t hat gold was already found in t he i s lands and not
brought in as a cult ural i t em by t he Hokkiens ( Agonc i l l o 1 9 5 0 : 7 4 ) , s t i l l
 109

it was t h e latter who deve loped the c raft , c reat ing obj e c t s and other
t rinket s made o f gold that must have de l ight e d t he nat i ve Tagal o gs .
It i s s a fe t o s ay t hat goldsmithing b e c ame pro fe s s i on a l i s e d with the
advent o f the Hokkiens , and the s i zable numb e r o f loanwords in this
domain p oint s t o t h i s fac t .
In the c a t e gory of man-vi s ible , the sub - c a t e gory of adornment , dres s ,
scent , e t c . has t he highe s t percent age among a l l the o t her c at egori e s .
Thi s c an be said t o re flect t he fact that the Tagalogs are a very
met i culous people with regards to their personal appearan c e and are
fas t i dious with their manner o f dre s s in g .

3.3.2. Semantic E x tensions

The Tagalog words of Hokkien origin whi ch have undergone s emant i c

e xt en s i ons are few in numb e r . Neverthe l e s s , t he t a s k o f det e rmining
how a word entered a s Chine s e in both Manue l and Panganiban c ou l d
p o s s ibly c ome t o p o s s e s s the meaning it n o w h a s in Tagalog i s a t e dious
and painst aking one . Again , t he criteria used are phonological and
semant i c in nature . If t he shape o f the word pro fe s s e s a c orresponden c e
t o the phonologi c a l rule s set u p in Chapt er 2 , a n d i f the meaning has
a c lo s e relat ionship to t he original Hokkien word , t hen t he word i s very
likely a borrowed form . For i n s t anc e , Panganiban l i s t s Tagal o g ta kaw
' g r e e dy ' as b e i n g Chine s e . As suming that t he Chine s e language here i s
Hokkien and t hat t a kaw c omes from Hokkien t ua+ k a u l i t erally ' b i g dog ' .
i t i s not p o s s ib l e t hat t a kaw could have c ome from t ua+ k a u s in c e on
t he bas i s of phono logi c a l rul e s , the morpheme t ua wou l d b e c ome Tagalog
t u wa , and not ta alt hough Tagalog - k aw i s t he appropriate c orresponding
phone t i c repre sentation o f Hokkien k a u ; on t he b a s i s of semant i c
cons i derat ions , t he Hokkien origin does n o t s e em viab le for t h e c orre c t
c o rre sponding Hokkien usage i s t ua+ c u a l it e rally 'big snake ' . idiom­
a t i c al l y ' g r e e dy ' .
Since semant i c e xt ens ions often happen in an arb it rary and random
manne r , t here is no way of s y s t emat i s ing t hem . The re fore , t he Hokkien
borrowings whi c h have undergone semant i c e xt en s i ons are s imply l i s t e d
b e low . The Hokkien meaning i s given first ; t he Tagalog meaning , whi ch
is the seman t i c ext ension , i s given next .
1. h iya - Hok . h i a q ' forehea d ' ; Tag . ' s hame '
2. k i ya - Hok . k i 3 ' t o wa L k ' ; Tag . ' oharao t e r i s tio gai t o r p o s ture '
3. kuyo - Hok . ko+ i 6 q ' t o app Ly medioine on s k i n ' ; Tag . ' a k i n d o f
Chin e s e p La s te r app L i e d o n b o i L s '
4. l aw l aw - Hok . l a Q 'oLd '; Tag . ' L o o s e . dang L i n g downwar d ' .
Under s t andab ly , i f something i s used and re-used unt i l it b e come s an
' o l d ' t h ing , it b e come s loose .
llO

5. s am y o - Hok . s am+ l o q + h u n ' to spri n k � e m e di a ina � powde r ' ; Tag .

' fragranc e , p � ea s a n t or agreeab �e s me � � '
6. sang l ay - Hok . s a n g+ l a T ' t o bring or de � i v e r goods ' ; Tag .
' C h i n e s e trade r '
7. s e l ang - Hok . se+ l a n g ' We s t e rn p e op � e , Cauaas ian ' ; Tag .
' de � i a a a y , fas ti di o u s ne s s '
We s t e rners impre s s the Chine s e as a fa s t i dious group of people , hence
the i dea o f fas t i diousne s s i dent i fi e d wit h t he t e rm.
8. s i yoktong - Hok . s 1 + h o k + t o n g 'a b rand name meaning four � u a k
faa tory ' ; Tag . ' ri ae wine '
The t erm c ome s from the brand name of a kind of rice wine manufa c t ured
l o c a l ly ; it has been e xtende d to c over all kinds o f rice wine .
9. s uw i t l k Hok . s i u+t i e k ' e nemy ' ; Tag. ' artfu � , s � y , aunning '
-

10 . t i y a k - Hok . t a 1 + i a k ' p e rhap s , probab � y ' ; Tag . ' s ure, a e r t a i n '

11 . t i he - Hok . t �+ho ' th e b e s t ' ; Tag. ' bar of g o � d '
Very likely , t he meaning of t h i s t e rm re sult e d when Hokkien t raders
re ferre d to bars o f go l d used in t rade as being the b e s t .
12 . t uwa t s a t - Hok . t ua+ c h a t ' b i g t h i ef ' ; Tag . ' t o fo o � , to d e a e i v e '
13. katang - Hok . k � q + ta n g ' to aarry s ome t h i ng heavy ' ; Tag . ' s upport,
s tand '

3.4. S UMMA R Y

In the fore going s e c t ions , att empt s a t formal seman t i c analy s e s o f

Tagalog loanwords o f Hokkien origin in t he doma ins of kinship and
c ooke ry y i e lded c e rt ain s i gni fi c ant findings o f a c ros s-c ult ural nat ure .
Examining the Hokkien loanwords on kinship v i s -a-vi s t he c omponent ial
analys is previou s ly made o f ent ire Tagalog kinship t e rminology revealed
t he the kin t e rms used by Ego t o addre s s and t o refer t o h i s e l der
s i b l i ngs , i . e . k u y a , a t e , d f ko , d f t s e , s a n g ko , s a n s e and dete resulted
from the inherent import ance o f t he nuc lear fami ly. wit hin t he Tagalog
kinship s t ruc ture . In a manner of speaking , a cert ain c ircularity
surrounds this sub- set o f kin t e rms ; their presence in the Tagalog
kinship t e rmino logy l e d t o the addit ion o f the dimens ion o f birth
order in the c omponent ial analys i s t hat was made ; in turn , it was
through a c omponent i a l anal y s i s that this part i cular dimens i on was
uncovere d . I n the case o f the affinal kin t erms , i nso and s i yahe, t he
borrowings did not lead to a c reat ion of a new semant i c dimension ; as
a mat t e r o f fac t , c omponential analy s i s was viewed as not having any
value s i n c e it could not c apt ure t he psychological percept ion of the
24
user of these t e rms . The affinal t e rms were borrowed b e c ause t hey
were n e c e s sary as s t ruc t ural indi cators of t he relat ionship inherent
 III

i n t hem, i . e . t hey were used as addre s s t ermino logy for Ego ' s elder
s i b l ings ' spou s e s o f both s e xe s . In view o f a l l t hi s , t he Hokkien
loanwords on kinship , with t he except ion of the c o n s anguine al kin t e rm
i n gk6n g , were borrowed b e cause they c o u l d f i l l in cert ain s t ru ct ural
gap s within the Tagalog kinship s y s t e m , a conclusion cont rary to t he
usual not ion that their e x i s t en c e was due t o a great t o leranc e for the
Chine s e .
Applying t a xonomic anal y s i s t o t he ana l y s i s o f t he Hokkien l oanwords
on c o okery yie lded supe rordinat e and subordinat e leve l s whi c h c o u l d
show t h e hierarchi c a l relationships o f t he lowe s t -level c at egories t o
t he highe st -level one s . On the hori z ontal leve l , t he ana l y s i s r e s u l t e d
in t he c at e gories under whi ch the loanwords o n c o okery c o u l d b e c l a s s i ­
fie d . Percentage s o f loanwords under each category o n t hree di fferent
leve l s were t aken . Based on t he s e , general isat ions on t he nat ure o f
l o anwords in t h i s domain were made ; s u c h genera l i s at i ons b e ar o u t t he
impre s s ions one usually has about Chine s e ( Hokkien ) in fluenc e s on
Tagalog c o okery .
The findings revealed t hat on t he highe s t superordinate leve l , the
gre a t e s t bulk o f Hokkien l o anwords c ame from the c a t e gory o f raw ,
c l o s e l y fo l lowe d by t hat o f cooke d ; the category of ins truments had
t he lowest percent age . Under t he l e ve l of raw, t he c a t e gory meat had
t he highe s t percentage , fo l lowe d c l o s e l y b y that of vegetables , and
next , b y that of soybean products ; t he pe rcentage o f flour and rice
products is s i gn i fi c ant ly lower than t ho s e o f the former three cat egor­
ie s . Under the leve l of manner of cooking , t he c a t e gory boi led and
steamed had the highe s t perc entage , whi ch again bore out t he fac t that
t h i s was a way o f c ooking commonly ident i f i e d with the Hokkien people
whic h was readi ly a c c ept e d by the Tagalogs .
Final ly , under the domain of cookery a formal semant i c anal y s i s o f
t he Hokkien l o anwords whi ch oc cur i n i s o lat ion and with other non­
Hokkien words was propo sed . Such a formal ana l y s i s was b a s e d on the
use o f Hokkien loanwords as either nuc l e ar forms or as s e c ondary forms
and has proven to be viable in the anal y s i s of a c t ual Taga l o g c ookery .
P e rhap s , t he great e s t value o f such an anal y s i s l i e s in i t s ab i l i t y t o
d i s t ingu i sh what i s anomalous and what i s redundant i n Tagal o g cul inary
labe l s . The use of the analy s i s c an a l s o b e ext ended to o t her fore ign
l o anwords in Tagalog cookery , part i c ularly those of Spani sh ori gin .
The re s t of Chap t e r 3 propounds the t he ory t hat Hokkien borrowings
in Tagalog have a high degree of l e x i c a l accult urat ion , s ince mos t of
t he borrowed it ems fall under t he c a t e gory of loanwords , with none under
the c a t e gory o f loan translations or calques , and a handful under
112

semantic extens ions . Us ing Thorp ' s c at e gorie s with c e rtain rev i s i ons ,
the ent ire group o f loanwords were again c l a s s i fied under their resp e c t ­
i ve c at egories and t he re sult s indicated t hat t he category food had
t he highe st percent age , which j us t i fi e s we ll enough the separat e s e c t ion
devot e d t o the domain o f c ookery in t h i s chap t e r .
 N O T E S

1. The more not able works on t h i s t op i c in l ingui s t i c s are t he fol low­

ing : Weinrei c h ( 1 9 6 6 ) , Kat z and Fodor ( 1 9 6 3 ) , Chafe ( 1 9 7 0 ) . In
Anthropo l o gy : Lounsbury ( 1 9 5 6 ) , Goodenough ( 1 9 5 6 ) , Conk l in ( 1 9 5 5 ) ,
and Frake ( 1 9 6 1 ) .

2. The Tagalog kin t e rms o f Hokkien origin being ana l y s e d here are
those t hat Hime s re c orded as being used in Mari lao , Bulac an ( s ee
S e c t i on 3 . 1 . 2 . ) .

3. Hime s not e s t hat i m p o i s Chine se ( 1 9 6 7 ) .

4. For a det ai l e d de s c ript ion o f t he procedure involved in component ial

analys i s , see Wallace and Atkins ( 1 9 6 0 ) .

5. An . examp le i s p rovided by Hime s ( 1 9 6 7 ) .

6. See Bart l e t t St oodley ( 1 9 5 7 ) , Fox ( 1 9 6 1 ) .

7. In an earl i e r s t udy ( 1 9 6 7 ) , Hime s had c o l l e c t e d data on k inship

t e rmino logy in t he Gre a t e r Mani la Area ( Re gion I ) , in Bat aan , Northern
Cavit e , We s t e rn Ri z a l , East ern and Northern Bul ac an , and Nort hern Neuva
E c ij a ( Re gion I I ) , Batangas , Southern Laguna , and Sout hwe s t e rn Bat angas
( Region I I I ) and found that Region II has a " marked Chine s e influen c e "
( 1967 : 128 ) .

8. Hime s defines b a i ae c omponent i a l ly as g ( one generat i on b e low Ego )

2
which i s incorre c t ; t he p roper c omponent ial de finition i s g ( Ego ' s
l
generat ion ) .

113
114

9 . , Manue l ' s l i s t inc lude s i ma whi c h i s c loser t o t h e Hokkien form

alt hough i t s meaning is 'mo t h er ' rat her t han 'grandmo t h e r ' .

10 . In conc luding t hat i m po is Chine s e , Hime s has t h i s to s ay :

Most individuals exhibit a high degree of consistency in pairing these
terms . Thus a man who refers to his grandfather by the Chinese term
ingkong refers to his grandmother by the Chinese term impo . Lolo and
lola tend to co-occur , as do t iyo and t iya , mama and �, am� and in� ,
t atay and nanay and inang and tatang.

E l s ewhere , he makes a s imi lar ob s e rvat ion ( 19 6 7 ) :

The age grading among elder siblings found throughout this area and the
preference for the grandparent terms ingkong and impo suggest a marked
Chinese influence .

Whi l e t here i s some logical b a s i s t o Hime s ' t hinking, one must not
forget that i mpo is not a dire c t l oan l ike i n g ko n g although it is a
word t hat may be re l at e d t o Chine se ( Hokkien ) . In Hokkien , po i s used
t o refer t o o l d ladies as in l a u + p o ' o l d woman ' but it i s not used to
re fe r to ' g randmo t h e r ' .

11. Manuel l i s t s s i t s e as a Tagalog b o rrowing ; it i s doub t ful t hough

that it is a part of a Tagalo g speake r ' s a c t ive vocabulary .

12 . To det e rmine t h i s , Hime s used a so-called cognit ive saliency t e s t

de s c ri b e d as fo l lows :
a term which is recalled by a large number of informants is considered more
salient than one which is recalled by only a few informants . Thus , the
higher the frequency, the more salient a term i s . If two terms are
recalled an equal number of times , then the one which is recalled sooner in
the l i st of t erms is considered more salient than the one which is mentioned
lat e r . ( 1972 : 73 )

13. There i s a deart h o f l i t e rature wri t t en on i t , b u t a n extens ive

t re atment i s given b y Han-Yi Feng ( 1 9 3 7 ) .

14. Frank Lync h , S . J . , through p e rsonal communi cat i on .

15 . Rue l o s ( 1 9 6 9 ) account s for the non-di fferent i at ion o f " re lat i ve s

on t h e maternal s i de " from t h o s e o n t he paternal s ide t hrough a non­
d i s t i n c t i on o f sex ( p . 2 5 ) . I t i s obvious , howeve r , that the unde rlying
principle that ac count s for this i s mul t i l ineality rather than a non­
di s t i n c t i on o f sex .

16 . Himes points out that in a more t radit i onal s y s t e m , k a ka ' unc l e '
i s used fo r 'paren t s ' e l de r ma l e s ib l i ng s ' .
 115

17 . Immediate fami ly here refers to members o f the nuc l e ar fami ly and

the e xt ended fami l i e s .

18 . The finding here i s para l l e l t o Hime s ' regarding component ial

analy s i s i n whi c h " the c omponent s enj oy a degree o f p sychological
val i di t y " ( it a l i c s mine ) . An a l t e rnat.ive analys i s was pro p o s e d b y
Hime s c a l l e d " c o l loquial analys i s " whi c h " approache s more c l o s e ly t he
goal of p sychological val i d i t y than doe s t he c omponent i a l analy s i s " .

19 . The s ame rul e s must have app lied t o Tagalog i nso whi c h c omes from
Hokkien I n + a + s o ' hi s e L de s t b r o t h e r ' s wife ' .

20 . Bur l ing que s t ions the psychological validity o f component i a l

analy s i s ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 0 - 2 8 ) whi le Wallace favours i t ( 1 9 6 5 : 2 2 9 - 2 4 8 ) .

21. An alt ernat i ve analy s i s would b e t o t re at meat , vegetables , f i s h

and other s e a food , soy bean products , r i c e products a n d f lour products
as b e l onging to t he l e ve l of raw only . and a c omb inat i on such as u po
g u i s a do c an be t reated as c oming from a raw category t ogether with a
cooked c a t e gory . Howeve r , my intuit ion is that when the form u po
g u i s a do i s use d , one doe s not t hink o f u po as being raw and b e c oming
cooked t hrough t he addit ion o f gu i sado. G u l s a d o is u s e d to indicate
the manner in whi c h t he u po was c ooked as again s t some other manner of
c ooking such as fried or s i n u a m .

22. Words l ike i s a , d a l a wa , t a t l o , et c . are a l l o f Original Aust ro­

ne sian origi n .

23 . Lexical it ems l ike t a h o , t a h u r i , t o kuwa , t o t s o , s o t a n g ho n , etc .

24. The re sult o f Hime s ' s t udy indi c a t e s that c omp one n t i a l analy s i s
doe s n o t in e very i n s t an c e c ap t ures t he speaker ' s p s y c ho l o g i c a l
percept ion .
 CH A PT E R 4

CONCLUSION

4.0. I NTROVUCT I O N

Thi s st udy , whi ch focuses on t he Hokkien borrowings in Tagalog, h as

come up wit h c e rt ain s i gni ficant fin dings . Thi s final chapt er
summari s e s t he findings in S e c t i on 4 . 1 . , reviews in det a i l Manue l ' s
Ch�ne� e Elemen� �n �he Tagalog Lang uag e in t he l i ght o f t he fore go i ng
findings in S e c t i on 4 . 2 . and p ropo s e s areas for future research in
S e c t ion 4 . 3 .

4.1 . R E V I EW O F F I N V I NGS

Hokkien bo rrowings in Tagalog may b e subsumed under the cate gory o f

dire c t l o ans o r loanwords ; t hey provide t he data f o r the phono logical
and t he s emant i c anal y s e s in Chap t e rs 2 and 3 respe c t ive l y .
Examining and analysing the direct loans o f Hokkien in Tagalog in
phono l ogical t e rms has l e d t o two main ' di s c o ve rie s ' : ( 1 ) t he eme rge n c e
o f a set o f t rans-lingu i s t i c rul e s whi ch app ly t o the o ri ginal word a s
they ent e r t he rec i p i ent language , a n d ( 2 ) t h e feas i b i l i t y o f app lying
the generat ive phonol o gy framework t o a de s crip t i on o f direct l o ans .
Every Hokkien Chinese word that enters into t he Tagalog l anguage has
t o undergo a set o f t rans - l i ngui s t i c rules , a set o f Taga l o g morpheme
s t ructure c ondi t i ons and a set of Tagal o g phono l ogical rule s . The
first and t he l a s t each c on s i s t s of ordered rul e s whi le t he s ec ond
con s i s t s of unordered condit ions . The fo l lowing is a diagrammat i c view
o f what happens to a Hokki en loanword as it moves from one language
s y s t em to anothe r :

117
118

Hokkien surface => Derived TL-Tagalog

repre sent at i on TL rule s unde rlying representat i on

� Tagalog surfa ce
MS c onditions represent ation

A Hokkien word , upon i t s entrance as a l o anword into Tagalog , undergoe s

a s e r i e s o f TL rules result ing in t he derived t rans - l ingu i s t i c form
whi ch is at the s ame t ime t he Tagalog unde rlying rep resent ation . The
Tagalog unde rlying repre sentat i on has to c onform to c ertain MS con­
dit i ons resulting in a derived morpheme s t ruct ure form whi ch has to
s t i l l undergo the relevant Tagalog phono logi c a l rul e s be fore it emerge s
as a Tagalog surface repre s entat ion .
A few comment s in re l at ion to t he t heore t i c a l construct is in orde r .
The ordering o f T L rul e s provides independent mot ivat ion for the orde r­
ing of P ru le s , and even for that o f t ran s format i onal rul e s in a syn­
t a c t i c component o f a t rans format ional generat ive grammar . Inde e d , the
notion o f rule-ordering as part and parc e l o f t he language a c qui s i t i on
de vice i s not to be i gnore d in a theory of language borrowi n g .
A theory o f borrowing has it s lingu i s t i c imp l i c at ions . It could
l e ad to a t yp o logy o f b o rrowings wherein the latter c an b e c l a s s i fied
and c at e gorised on the b a s e s o f t he number and the comp le x i t y o f t he
TL as we l l as the P rul e s of a language they have undergone . Such a
t ypo logy would very likely reflect t he degree of c omp lexity of a donor
language as opp o s e d to a b o rrowing language or vice vers a . Thi s se ems
to be t he c a s e in re lat ion to Hokkien forms borrowe d into Tagalog ; the
number o f TL rul e s app l i c ab le t o s ingle forms out numbers t he numb e r o f
P r u l e s o f Tagal og as a glance at any word derivat ion will show . Further­
more , the comp l e x i t y or non- comp le x i t y of t he phono logical s t ructure o f
any language i s likew i s e refle c t e d in the T L and t h e P rule s ; again ,
t he c a s e of Hokki en versus Tagalog c an a t t e s t to t hi s .
Anot her imp l i c at i on of t he t he ory i s c omparat ive in nature : loan­
words of di fferent kinds , t hat i s , c oming from different language
syst ems , c an be studied - again u s ing TL and P rule s as base s . In
relat ion t o t h i s , que s t ions of t he fol lowing sort are bound t o arise :
Is t he re a patt ern evolving from a c omparat ive st udy o f TL and P rule s
t hat h a s appl i e d o n t h e di fferent kinds o f loanwords t o warrant Sap i r ' s
c oncept o f overall ' dr i ft ' ( 1921 ) ? Can a comparative st udy o f loanwords
in these t e rms re veal a uni versal set o f TL and P rule s , t he reby p ro­
viding addi t i onal empirical evidence to dis count or to ' c ount ' what has
been c laime d as language uni vers a l s ? Will the present e x i s t ing t yp o logy
of l anguage s find independent mot ivat ion from a comparat ive st udy o f
 119

t h e b orrowings i n t h e respe c t i ve language s ?

In re lat ion t o p oint No . 2 , sound change s could b e forma l l y s t at e d
i n rul e s t hat can c ap t ure t he general phonological phenomena i n Tagalog
and t he t rans - l ingui s t i c sound proce s s e s . More import ant s t i l l , t he
mode l could provide val id and logical e xp l anat ions for seemingly
i rregular fo rms , t hat i s , forms whi ch man i fe s t an apparent deviat ion
from regular sound corre sp ondenc e s .
It i s also e vident from the foregoing findings that the use o f d i s ­
t in c t ive feat ure s and b i nary notat ion h a s simp l i fi e d phono logical
general isat ions extensively , a c laim c ons tantly made b y generat iv i st s .
For ins t an ce , in the Tagalog P rule on vowel lowering , the phon o logi c a l
pro c e s s o f vowe l lowering i s s i mp ly and general l y capt ured t hrough a
change of feature values from + t o - for the feature high . The rule ,
in t h i s manne r , b e c ome s much more l ingui s t i cally s i gn i fi c ant , a fact
b o rne out by t he other TL and P rul e s .
The Hokkien loanwords on kinship and cookery , be ing more homogeneous
than others , were sub j e c t e d t o more c ommon t e chnique s o f semant i c
analys i s : componential and t axonomic analy s e s . Whi l e t he Hokkien
l oanwords in the domain o f kinship cons t i t ut e only nine out of a t ot a l
o f forty k i n t e rms , t hey are neverthe l e s s o f e xt reme s i gnifi cance s ince
their presence he lps t o fill in c e rt ain s t ructural gaps w i t hi n the
Tagalog kinship s y s t e m . Looking a t the loanwords on kinship in t e rms
o f c omponent i a l analyses previously made revealed c ertain import ant
cultural fact s : t hat Tagal og cult ure p la c e s great s t ore b y kin t e rms
t hat re flect i t s empha s i s on re s p e c t and de fe rence to re l at i ve s o l de r
t han Ego ; i n c onj unct ion with thi s , t he view t hat t he nuc l ear fami ly
i s t he mo s t imp ort ant unit within t he kinship s y s t em has re s u l t e d in
t he b orrowing o f Hokkien kin t e rms t hat c an capt ure the s t ru c t ural
re l a t i onship s within t he nuc l e ar fami ly . The semant i c dime ns ion o f
birth order whi ch c o vers the k i n t e rms k 6 y a ' appe l la t i o n g i v e n t o Ego ' s
e l de r b ro th e r ' , d f k o ' app e l l a t i o n g i v e n t o Ego ' s s e c o n d e lder b ro th e r ' ,
s a n g k6 ' appe l la t i o n g i v e n t o Ego ' s t h i r d e l der b ro t h e r ' , � t e ' appe l la t i o n
g i v e n to Ego ' s e l de r s i s te r ' , d ( t s e ' appe l l a t i o n g i v e n t o Ego ' s s e co n d
e l der s is t e r ' , s a n s e ' app e l l a ti o n g i v e n t o Ego ' s t h i rd e l de r s i s t e r '
appears as a result of these b o rrowings . The imp l i c at ion o f t h i s i s
t h a t c omponent ial anal y s i s c a n b e used as a n addit ional t e chnique i n
determining t he degre e o f l inguist i c a c c u l t uration or int e gration o f
loanwords .
The p re s ence o f t he affinal kin t e rms of Hokkien origin , name l y ,
s l y � h o ' a ddre s s t e rm for Ego ' s e l de r s i s t e r ' s h u s b a n d ' and l os 6 ' addr e s s
t e rm for Ego ' s e l der b r o t h e r ' s wife ' are fun c t ional ly di fferent from
t h e i r Hokkien equivalent s : in the lat t e r , they are used as refere n t i a l
120

t e rms whi le in the forme r , t hey are used as addre s s t e rms . Thi s
phenomenon demonstrat e s t h e principle o f s e l e ct ive borrowing s i n c e what
t he Tagal og kinship system nee d s is a pair of kin t e rms for addre s s ing
Ego ' s elder s i b l ings ' spouse s , not for referring t o t he m . The l a t t e r
fun c t i on i s already adequat e ly t aken c are o f b y t he Taga l o g b a y aw
' refere n ti a l t erm for Ego ' s e l der s i s t e r ' s busband ' and h l pa g ' re feren­
t i a l t e rm fo r Ego ' s e l de r b ro t h er ' s wife ' .
Analysing the loanwords o n kinship has finally demons t rat e d t hat
b orrowings took place not b e c ause there s imply was a t ol e rance for the
Chine s e nor b e c ause t he Chine s e influence was so heavy t hat borrowing
was inevit ab l e . The Tagalogs borrowed from t he Chine s e b e c ause o f a
real need t o c over up t he t erminological gaps in the Tagalog kinship
t erminolo gy .
A t a xonomi c ana l y s i s of the Hokkien loanwords on c ookery reve aled
t hat a great numb er were conc ent rat ed on t he catego ry o f raw, alt hough
t he l�ords under the c at e gory of cooked const i t ut e also a high
perc ent age ; t he c at e gory ins truments had the smal l e s t numb er o f loan­
word s . From these fact s , one can conclude t hat (1) cont act with the
Hokkien p e o p le made t he Tagalogs aware o f the pre sence of unt app e d raw
mat e r i a l s t hat could be used as foo d , ( 2 ) the Tagalogs had s imp le way s
o f c ooking be fore t he coming o f t he Hokkien people which event ually
int roduc e d newe r and more comp l e x met hods o f c ooking t o the Tagalogs ,
and ( 3 ) the Tagalogs were more intere s t e d in way s of preparing and
c ooking the raw mat erials in their mi dst rat her t han in t he ut e n s i l s
used f o r the preparat ion o f s u c h material s .
On a lower level o f t axonomic analy s i s , t he fol l owing c at egori e s had
a hi gher ranking t han o t her s : meat , vegetables and soy bean products
ind i c at ing t hat t he Tagalogs borrowed heavi ly in these areas . The
cate gory boiled and s teamed ranked highe st under the leve l of manner o f
cooking , a finding whic h c onfirms t he general impre s s ion t hat such
manner o f cooking i s very c ommon among t he Hokkien p eop le .

4. 2. MAN U E L ' S " CH I NE S E E L E MENTS I N THE TAGA L O G LA NGUAGE " R E V I S I TE V

F o r a non-nat ive speaker o f Chinese l ike Manue l t o come up w i t h a

pre liminary treatment of t he Chine se borrowings in the Tagalog language
is t ruly admirab le and c ommendab l e . Thi s s tudy i s indebt e d t o him for
a good number o f loanwords ( h i s Word l i s t I ) whi c h was u s e d as dat a for
the phonological ana l y s i s in Chapter 2 .
To arrive at h i s word l i st I , whi c h c o n s i s t e d o f 3 8 1 words c on s t i ­
t ut ing direct loans or loanwords , Manue l w a s guided b y t he fol lowing
c on s iderat i ons :
 121

1. phonet ic corre sponden c e s

2. semant i c relat ionship s
3. t he exclus ion o f a Chine se word from Original Indone s i an or
Original Aust rone s i an
4. t he exc lusion o f a Chine s e word in Malay
5. t he inclusion o f a Chine se word in Phi l ippine language s whi c h
are sure t o come in cont ac t w i t h out s ide influe n c e s
6. t he exc lus ion o f a Chine se word from Phi lipp ine languages which ,
b e c ause o f their i s o lat ion , c ould not have had c ont a c t with
fore i gn influences
7. the e t ymologies found in t he Chinese words .

The se seven s t e p s whi ch Manuel fo l lowed point to the t horoughn e s s with

whi ch he went about gathering and che c king h i s dat a . I t appears t hat
t he presence of s t e p s t hree to s i x is premi sed on the theory t hat the
Chine se words in t h i s l i s t are re lat ively rec ent since ( 1 ) t hey do not
appear in Original Indone s i an or Original Aust rone s ian , hypothet i c a l
c onstruc t s supposedly o f pre-hi storic vint age , ( 2 ) t hey appear in
Phi l i pp ine languages whi c h c ame in c ont a c t with fore i gn e l ement s imply­
ing t hat such languages must have been deep ly ens c on c e d be fore h i s t oric
t i me s , and ( 3 ) t hey do not appear in Malay and other ' i s o l at e d '
Phi l ippine l anguage s with t he same imp l i c at i on as that o f No . 2.
Alt hough Manuel point s out t hat phone t i c corresponde n c e s help him
to e st ab l i s h t he ' Chine sene s s ' o f a word , he doe s not s y s t e mat i c a l l y
present t h e s e c orre spondenc e s in formal t e rms . H e would o c c a s i onally
s t at e a sound law : " t he unvo i ce d velar in Chinese has a t endency t o
b e c ome vo i c e d i n Tagalo g " ( 19 4 8 : 2 0 ) i n reference t o the Tagalog word
g a pa n g , but t h e s e are rare and there fore gives one t he impre s s i on that
i n phono logical t e rms , his work is bere ft o f a c ert ain de gre e o f
' s c i ent i fi c n e s s ' .
I t i s obvious that Manue l ' s difficulty or re l u c t an c e at e s t ab li shing
s o und laws is due to t he fact t hat he t ri e s t o t race the words in t h i s
l i s t t o several Chine s e language s , name l y , Cantone se , Fukien ( Hokkien ) ,
Mandarin , whi ch are a l l late development s o f ancient Chine s e , and even
to archaic Chine se a s in Tag . b i n g i 'deaf ' from archaic Chine se beng
( b l i nd ) . - h i ( e a r ) ' deaf ' . ( Manuel enc l o s e s l i t eral meanings i n
parenth e s i s and i d i omat i c meanings i n s ingle quot at ion marks . ) Cer­
t ainly , to wield phonet i c laws for several languages is a t e dious t as k
a n d would require fami l i ar i t y w i t h the phono logical sy stem o f each
individual language , but t hi s i s the very heart o f the comparat i ve
me t hod and any linguist i c t ask t hat i s c omparat i ve in nature c annot
and must not i gnore it . In relat ion to a s c ribing cert ain l o anwords t o
archai c Chines e , one fundamental problem ari se s : archai c Chine se i s
122

o lder t han anc ient Chine se , t he parent o f such modern Chine se language s
as Mandarin , Cant one se and Fukien , and t herefore is not likely t o b e
used at a l l during t h e p e r i o d when t he direct l o ans ent e red t he Tagalog
language . How val i d , t hen, are the s e loanwords ?
To i llustrate the importance of phonet i c sound laws , some e xamp l e s
w i l l here b e given , and since t he inve st i gator i s not fami liar with
t he sound s y s t ems o f Mandarin , Cantone s e , and archaic Chine s e , only
those from Hokkien will b e given . Manuel gives Tagalog h i n g a l ' ga s p ,
p a n t ' as c oming from Hok . h i e n g ( c h e s t , breas t ) , - h a h ' b re a s t c a v i t y ' .
I n Hokkien , the lat eral 1 does not o c cur in final p o s it ion as the
Hokkien et ymo logy c an show . The first syl lab l e o f the word fol lows t he
sound rule e s t ab l i shed in Cahp t e r 2 of t h i s st udy , but t he final s y l l a b le
doe s not follow any rule , yet Manuel gives no e xp lanat ion for t he appear­
ance of final if h l n g a l is indeed Hokkien in origin . Al so in Hokkien ,
the nas a l s m, n , and Q o c cur in final p o s i t ion , and s in c e these sounds
a l s o oc cur in the same p o s it ion in Tagal og , t he y should not as a rule
undergo value change s as Q become s n in Tagalog as in h i ka n ' term u s e d
for c a l l i ng a p i g ' whi ch Manue l a s c ri b e s t o Hok . t i (pig, h og ) , - k a n g
'ma l e h o g o r p i g ' , or a s n b e c oming Q a s i n Tag . h i m b i n g ' so un d o r de ep
s l e ep ' from Hok . h i m ( h a pp i ne s s , j o y , p l ea s ure ) and b i n ( s l e ep ) , ' s ound
s l eep ' , o r as m be coming Q as in Tagalog h u n g h a n g ' fo o l , s i mp l e to n ,
fo o l i s h, craz y ' from Hok . h O Q (fi c ti ti o u s , fa l s e dream ) , - h a m ' exagger­
a t i o n , h y p e rb o l e , b o a s t i ng ' . I f Tagalog k i r l ' co q ue t ti s h, s en s ua l ,
l a s ci v i o u s woman ' i s supposed t o c ome from Hok . k l (pros t i tu te ) , - I r
(fema l e ) ' pro s t i t u t e , h a r l o t , s trump e t ' as Manuel woul d have i t , the
c orre spondence o f Hokkien 1 i s Tagalog r, and yet , i f these loanwords
are rec ent b o rrowings and there fore , should retain very c lo s e p honet i c
s imi l ari t i e s t o t h e i r Hokkien count e rpart s , kiri would have t o b e rule d
out . Examp le s o f t h i s s o rt are many and t end t o d i s c redit s omewhat
Manue l ' s Word l i s t I , which should be ac c e p t e d with some re s e rvat ions .
I t i s apparent that Manue l p l a c e s great emphas i s on the e t ymo l o g i e s
t hat Chine s e o ffers : " Aft er s i ft ing t he suspe c t e d words t hrough t h i s
l inguis t i c f i l t e r ( Steps 1-6 ) doub t s were final l y re s o l ve d b y the
e t ymo l o gi c a l e xp lanat ion whi ch Chine se has to o ffer " ( 19 4 8 : 9 ) . I n the
context o f this s t atement , suppo s e dly loanwords that do not fol low
s t ri c t ly the phonet i c c orre spondence s , are verified as authent i c i f the
e t ymo l o g i e s c an exp lain the Chine s e origins . Inde e d , in h i s c o n c l u s i on ,
Manuel adv o c a t e s for a s p e c i a l place for e t ymo logy in Austrone s ian
lingu i s t i c s s aying t hat :
In Indonesian and Austronesian linguistics two fundamental approaches
have so far been ut ilized to advantage and stre s s e d ; these are phoneti c s
and s emant ics , o r phonet ic correspondences and semantic relationships . . . .
They are fundamental - but fundamental only initially in my opinion . (1 9 4 8 : 123)
 12 3

An e xamp le o f a word who s e et ymo logy doe s not s ound c onvincing i s

Tagalog l ansa ' fi s h y , sme Z Zy , p u t ri d odor o r tas t e ' from Hokkien I �Q
(pu trifi e d ma t ter, pus ) , - ch 9 ( a b s c e s s , woun d, u Z cer, puru Z e n t wound ) .
Other e xamp l e s whi ch are equa11y unc onvinc i ng are : Tag . l a von ' purp o s e ,
a i m , o b j e c t , i n t e n tion, a s p i ra t i o n ' from Hok . lai (come, for t h e purp o s e
of) and 6Q ( come and go ) 'mu t u a Z re Z a t i o n ' ; Tag . 1 i h am ' Z e t t e r , wri t t e n
m e s s age, corre sponde n c e , m i s s i v e ' from Hok . lai ( i n terior, wi t h i n ) ,
- h�m ' i ns c ri p c i o n i n t erior de Za t ab Z i Z Z a g en t i Z i ca ' ; Tag . sag i ng
' banana ' from Hok . g i en g ( name of a fru i t ) , -cio (banana) ' b anana '
whi ch has undergone met athe s i s a c c o rding t o Manuel ; Tag . s um b o n g ' com­
p Zai n t , report ' from Hok . s i ong ( Zaws ui t , comp Z a i n ; to accuse ) , - b On
(to hear) ' to hear one ' s c omp Z a i n t ' .
I t was s t r e s s e d in Chap t er 2 t hat a Hokkien word may have t wo kinds
of meanings : the l i t eral and the idioma t i c me anin g ; t he l i t eral me aning
is inherent in t he indivi dual morpheme whi le t he idiomat i c meaning
re sul t s from a combinat ion o f morpheme s . The meanings of the Hokkien
l o anwords t hat ent er t he Tagalog l anguage are t he idiomat i c one s , not
t he l i t e ra l one s . Thus , a Hokkien word l ike s ua+h e ' a s p e c i e s of sma Z Z
s h rimps ' con s i s t s o f t wo morpheme s : s ua ' sandy ' and he ' s hrimp ' b ut i t
i s t he meaning o f ' a spe c i e s of sma Z Z s hrimps ' t hat t he Tagalog word
swahe acquire s . In view of t hi s , some of Manue l ' s ent ries have
e t ymologies where the combinat i on of certain Chine s e morphemes are very
unl i ke l y . For ins t anc e , Tag . t a t ay ' fa t h e r ' c annot be of Chine se origin
since the morphemes ta (big, Zarge, h i g her, e Zd e r ) , -tai (ge nera t i o n )
' o Zder g e n e r a t i o n ' are never u s e d in t h i s c omb ination t o mean ' fa t h e r ' ;
ne ither c an Tag . i m po k ' s ave e sp e c i a Z Zy mone y ' come from Hok . )m (guard,
pro t e c t, e n v e Z o p e , c o v e r ) and po (precious, va Z uab Z e ; m o n e y ) . No idio­
mat i c meaning for ) m+ po i s p rovide d by Manue l .
At ot her t i me s , Manuel give s e t ymo logie s from t wo d i fferent language s
for one s ingle loanword , as in Tag . s u k l ay ' comb ' whi ch he de s i gnat e s
as c oming from Cantone se so ( comb ) and Fukien l oa y a (comb ) w i t h b o t h
morpheme s meaning ' comb ' . The r e s u l t i s a n e t ymol o gy t hat i s e vident l y
c on t r i ved , and c a s e s o f t he s e are e ven more apparent in h i s Word l i s t I I .
I t i s logical t o see e t ymo logies o f words coming from one and t he s ame
source language but not from two d i fferent languages s in c e a c ont a c t
s i t uat i on t hat l e ads t o borrowings i s between a re c e i ving language and
a s ingle s ource o r donor language .
Manue l ' s Wordl i s t s I I and I I I are not very different from each o t he r
alt hough h e re fers t o t he former as " Taga log and Ori ginal Aust rone s ian
Wordb a s e s Found in Chine s e " , and t o t he l at t e r " Chine s e Mono s y l l ab i c
Words a s P o s s i b l e Sour c e s o f Tagalog and Aus trone s i an Roo t s " . I n both
l i s t s , h e at t emp t s t o show t he Chine s e c ont ent and in these l i st s , as
124

we l l a s i n Wordli st I , he seems t o b e more pre -oc cup ie d wit h e t ymo logi c al

e vi dence t han wit h phone t i c eviden c e . Again , in these l i s t s , there i s
n o at t empt t o e st a b l i s h regular sound corresponden c e s between the Chine s e
languages a n d Tagal o g . In fai l in g t o d o t hi s , Manue l ' s l i s t s mi s se d a
great many Tagalog word with a p o s s ib l e Hokkien base . The present s t udy
has s u c c eeded in locating more words t hat e xhibit a p o s s i b l e Hokkien
base t han those l i s t e d in Manue l b e cause regular reflexes o f Original
Aust rone s i an sounds in Hokkien were ini t ially e s t ab l i shed . .
Manue l ' s concern with e t ymologies in Wordl i s t I I again leads him t o
e s t ab l i s h ab surd o ri gins a s i n Tagalog k i mbot 'movement o f any orifi ae ,
s ua h a s the a n u s , e t a . ' from Hok . i m ( vagina ) , - b u t ( th e fema L e o rgan
o f g e n e ra t i o n ) , Tag . i pon ' ao L L e a t , gather, heap, p i L e ' from Hok . h e
( p u t , p L aa e , dep o s i t ) , - pu n (put or emp t y aap i t a L on s ome t h ing ) , Tag .
t i mb a n g ' w e i g h t , b a L an ae d ' from Hok . t ) m ( t o L ift a thing to t e s t o r
a a L a u L a t e i t s w e i gh t ) , - t � n g ( h eavy, w e i g h ty ) . The e t ymologies he
e s t ab l i she s for his Word l i s t I I I , howe ve r , are within t he confines o f
logic and ac cept ab i l it y , and appear t o b e l e s s c ontrived t han Word l i st s
I and I I since h i s concern i s t o show how a s y l lable in a Taga l o g word
c an be t ra c e d to a s ingle Chine se morpheme .
On the b a s i s of the data he pres ent s , Manuel c annot seem t o make a
conclusion one way or t he other regarding t he relat ionship o f Chin e s e
t o Tagalog a n d Ori ginal Aust raones ian . H i s Wordlist I I leads h i m t o
s u s p e c t t h a t Taga log and Ori ginal Aust raones ian h a d a "very primit i ve ,
i f not an original connect ion with Chine s e " ( 1 9 4 8 : 7 0 ) ; l at e r , t enden c i e s
o f t he Austrones ian languages t owards redup l i cat ion o f t h e root con­
s t i t ut e " one of the infa l l i ab l e c l ue s . . . that may lead to the e st ab l i sh­
ment of a dire c t o r c o llateral kinship b etween the Aus t rone s ian ori ginal
t ongue and prehi s t oric Chine s e ' ( 19 4 8 : 92 ) . Furt her on , on t he b a s i s o f
h i s t heory t hat affi xes i n Tagalog t ake t h e place o f tones as in the
case o f Tagalog magb l l i and bum i l i he suspe c t s that " e it her Tagalog
drew from Chine s e , or Tagalog and Chine se drew at one t ime o r another
from some primi t i ve l anguage " ( 1948 : 96 ) . Final ly , in his conclusion ,
he s t at e s : " I do not want t o imply here t hat the Original Austrone s ian
language b ranched out dire c t l y from the Chine se , alt hough t hat p o s s i ­
b i l i t y i s not remot e " ( 1 9 4 8 : 1 2 0 ) and t hen " t he avai l ab le e vi dence o n
hand p o i n t s t o t he l ike lihood that Original Aust rone s i an grew from some
S i ni t i c spe e ch or from a language fami ly whi ch was mono s y l l ab i c " ( 19 4 8 :
122 ) .
Apart from h i s inab i l i t y t o make a final s t at ement regarding the
que s t ion o f Chine s e -Tagalog-Original Aust rones ian relat ionship , Manue l ' s
other conclusions , simi l ar t o t ho s e arrived at independent ly in t h i s
s tudy , name l y , the limi t at ions o f the comparat i ve met hod , a r e sound .
Alt hough Manuel re a l i s e s t hat Ori ginal Aust rone s i an i s not as o l d as
 125

t he t rue , real parent o f t he Aust rone s i an languages should b e , he could

not o ffer any approximat e dat e for Ori ginal Aus t rone s i an . One other
c onc lus ion whi ch Manue l makes and whi c h this s t udy concurs i s t hat
Dempwo l ff ' s Original Aus trone s i an is only a later deve lopment of some
earl ier l an guage , and as such , t here fore , very likely c ontains e lement s
whic h should not be part of a language c on s t ruct c a l l e d Original
Aust rone s i an .
Seman t i c ana l y s i s o f t he l�ords has been t ot a l l y di sregarded b y
Manue l . The c lo s e s t t hing t o a seman t i c anal y s i s i s the categori s a t i on
o f the 3 8 1 loanwords into twent y five seman t i c domains ; percentages are
provided t o indi c a t e whi ch domain has t he b i gge s t number o f loanwords .
The first t e n domains are given in the order of their rank :
1. food and cul inary t erms 20%
2. a c t i on words 16 . 3%
3. t e rms for ab stra c t ideas or qual i t i e s 10 . 8%
4. gol d smi thing and b lacksmithing t e rms 9 . 2%
5. kinship and s o c ial relat ionship 6%
6. names of t o o l s , imp lement s , devi c e s 4 . 5%
7. zoological t e rms 3 . 7%
8. t rade , c ommerce , e c onomy 2 . 6%
9. agr i c ult ure 2 . 4%
10. gamb ling and game s 2 . 4%
In view o f t h e crit i c i sms rai s e d against the words i n Word l i st I , a
revi s ion i s expedient ; t h i s means that the t ot a l numb er o f loanwords
wi l l not b e 3 8 1 , and conc omit ant ly , the percent age o f the words in each
s emant i c domain will b e lowe r . A curs ory examinat i on o f t he words in
each domain shows t hat act ion words and t e rms for ab s t ra c t i deas or
qualit i e s may not b e as numerous as Manuel c laims .
A s s i gning p e rcentages to semant i c domains doe s not c ap ture c ertain
c r o s s - c ul t ural i n s i ght s as we l l as t he t e chniques o f c omponent i a l and
t axonomic analy s i s do . The result s o f the findings in Chap t e r 3 o f
t h i s st udy indicate t hat s imi lar t e chniques o f semant i c analy s i s should
b e app l i e d t o the Chin e s e l oanwords in the other semant i c domains .

4.3. I M P L I C A T I ONS F O R FUTU R E R E S E A R C H

The l e x i c on o f Tagalog , as any Tagalog d i c t i onary s hows , i s a c on-

. glomerat i on o f b o rrowings from various fore i gn t ongue s o f whic h Sp ani sh
c ons t it ut e t he highe s t percent age ( s e e Chap t e r 3 , S e c t ion 3 . 2 . 3 . ) . To
b e sure , mo st of t he b o rrowings have already been treated b y s cholars
i n the p a s t , but none o f t hem has ever ut i l is e d t he generat i ve phonol o gy
framework , it b e ing a rec ent development in the f i e l d of l ingui st i c s .
Since t h i s framework has been shown t o be fea s i b l e in t h i s st udy ,
126

sugge st ion i s here being made that i t be u s e d i n the s tudy o f other

l o anwords so t hat a typol ogy o f loanwords c lass ified and c ate gori s e d
a c c ording t o the numb er o f T L and P rules that t h e y have undergone can
b e made .
Another imp li c at ion of t h i s s t udy for future res earch l i e s in t he
dire c t i on of di st ingui shing the lingui s t i c b orrowings from other lan­
guages into direct loans , hybrids or loanblends , c alque s , l o an creat ions ,
etc . Such a t ask would provide invaluab le informa t i on t o d i c t i onary
makers who s e works would be enhan c e d if ent ri e s are spe c i fied for the
kind o f borrowing t hat i s invo lve d .
Semant i c analyse s such a s t h e ones ut i l i s e d in Chap t e r 3 should also
b e app l i ed t o other loanwords in the domains o f kinship and cookery for
purp o s e s o f ( 1 ) determining the use o f c omponential analy s i s in the
domain o f kinship as a means o f gauging a spe aker ' s p s ychologi c a l
val i di t y , ( 2 ) val i dating the use o f component i a l anal y s i s as a t o o l t o
gauge lingui s t i c acculturat ion , something whi ch gave p o s i t i ve re sult s
in the pre s ent study , and ( 3 ) indi c at ing , on a comparat ive b as i s ,
t hrough the use of t a xonomic anal y s i s whi c h culinary c at e gori e s re fle c t
whi ch donor l anguage so that c onc lusions of a mu l t i cultural nature
could b e made .
Hime s ( 1 9 7 2 ) c ame up with an alternate semant i c analy s i s which he
call s " c o l loquial analy s i s " ( 1 9 7 2 : 11 7 ) fo r kinship t e rmino logy . Under
such an analy s i s , kinsmen are not perce ived with a rat i onali s ing pro c e s s ,
t hat i s " Father" i s " not perce ived as a male , consanguineal , l ineal ,
+l
C ( one generat i on above Ego ) kinsman" but s imp ly as " father" . The
speaker may be aware of t h e " charac t e ri s t i c s c omparab le wit h t he
component s of an analy s i s , but he does not review them, one by one , on
a s s i gning t he referent to a kin c l as s " . An area for future research
could ut i l i s e the c o l loquial anal y s i s in t he domain o f cookery t o see
i f the s p e aker perceives any charac t e r i s t i c differen c e s when he uses
culinary t e rms o f one s ingle lingui s t i c ori gin or o f two or more lin­
gui s t i c ori gins . For instance , a Tagalog speaker may p e rc e i ve t he
t e rm s y o p a w as d i s t i nc t ly Chine s e , but may not perce ive p e s a in the
s ame way . Intere st ing c onc lusion s in relat ion t o the notion of l e x i c a l
a c c u l t urat i on w i l l undoub tedly a r i s e from s u c h a study .
In Phi l ippine lingui s t i c s , an area for future research would be the
s e arch fo r Hokkien loanwords in other Philippine language s . Another
p o s s i b l e area for future rese arch would b e t he loanwords from other
Chine se l anguage s in the Philippine language s , inc luding Taga l o g . Thi s
would hope fully result in ferret ing out other Chine s e source s b e s ides
that o f Hokkien .
 127

For the Phil ipp ine l anguages i n p o s s e s s ion o f Hokkien loanwords ,

sound c hange s may be forma l i se d in generat ive phonolo gi c a l rules within
t he cont e xt o f t he same t heoret i ca l phono logical c ons t ruct out l ined in
Chapt e r 2 . What would likely remain constant would b e t he TL rule s ,
that i s , t he s ame TL rules on det onal i sation , de-asp irat i on , morpheme
boundary de let ion and a l l t he re s t would be app l i c ab l e s i n c e t he l o an­
words c ome from t he same l ingui s t i c s y s t e m as Hokkien and s in c e t he
re cip ient languages are a l l relat e d t o Tagal o g . The MS c ondi t ions and
t he P rules are sure to vary from l anguage to l anguage but aft e r these
have been not e d , t he p o s s i b i l i t y o f a c ommon theoret i c a l const ruct o f
loanwords , a la Constant ino ' s common grammar for the Phi l ippine lan­
guages ( 1 9 6 5 ) may res ult .
 A PP E N V I X A
TAX O N O M I C C L ASS I F I CATI O N O F H O K K I E N L O AN W O R D S ON COO K E R Y

1 . Cookery f. k u t say
1 .1.1. Raw g. k i n tsay
h. p e t s ay
1 .1 .1 .1 . Meat
1 . 1 . 1 . 3. Soy Bean Produ c t s
1 .1 .1 .1.1. Pork cut s
a. to kwa
a. t i to b. tahu r i
b. kas 1 m c. t awpe
c. paykot d. swa t a n g ho n
d. I i yempo
e. totso
1 . 1 . 1 . 1 . 2. Bee f cut s
1 . 1 . 1 .4. Ric e Product s
a. go t o a. b I hon
b. k l nse b. bi l u-bi l o
c. kamto
1 . 1 . 1 . 5. Flour Product s
1 .1 .1 .1 .3. Fowls
a. m i swa
a. u l i kba b. miki
1 . 1 . 1 .1 .4. F i s h and ot her seafood
1 .1 .2. C ooked
a. swahe
b. t uw a b a k 1.1.2.1. Manner of Cooking

c. t uwa k a n g 1.1.2.1 .1 . Fried

d. pehe a. u koy
1 . 1 . 1 .2. Vege t a b l e s b. b i t so
a. s l taw c. pans i t
b. u po 1 .1 .2.1 .2. Boi le d and St e amed
c. u t aw a. t i koy
d. toge b. b i ko
e. y a n soy c. s l yomay

128
 129

d. s i yopaw 1 . 1 .2.2.2. Veget ab les

e. pe s a a. s i t aw
f. batutay b. u po
g. t i im c. u t aw
I

h. t a ho d. toge
1 .1 .2.1.3. Stewed
e. y a n soy
a. l ome f. k u t s ay
b. humba g. k i n t s ay
c. k i y am l o h. p e t s ay
d. padpo 1 . 1 .2.2.3. Soy Bean Product s

1 .1 .2.1 .4. Soupy

a. taho
a. mam i b. tahu i r

b. s u am c. tok wa
c. am d. swa t a n g h on
d. b a t soy e. t o t so
f. t awpe
1 .1 .2.2. Type o f Food
1.1 .2.2.4. Ri c e Product s
1 . 1 .2.2. 1 . Meat a. b i hon
1 . 1 . 2 . 2. 1 . 1 . Port Cuts b. b i l u- b i l o
a. t i to 1.1 .2.2.5. F l our Product s
b. kas i m a. m i swa
c. pay ko t b. miki
d. I i y empo
1 . 1 .2.3. Food Preparat ion
1 . 1 .2.2. 1 .2. Bee f Cut s a. toyo
a. goto b. taws i
b. k i nse c. h e ko
c. kamto d. ke l wa
1 . 1 .2.2. 1 .3. Fowls e. a n g ka k
a. u l i kb a f. sangke
1 . 1 .2. 2. 1 .4. Fish and other seafood
g. h i be
a. swahe 1 .2. Inst rument s
b. h i be a. s i yanse
c. t uwa b a k b. b i t ha y
d. t uw a k a n g c. b i l ao
e. pe he d. puh i ya
e. l an so n g
 A PPENV I X B
C L ASS I F I CAT I O N O F HOK K I EN L O AN W O R D S B Y L E X I CAL CATE GO R I E S

1. Man-V i s ible
A. Anat omy

-11
s un g k i
h
c h u. n + k h"I pro t ru d �ng
. too t h ' ; ( c u n ' p rotruding ' ,
k h ) 1 ' to o t h ' )
s u n k ( q ' buck t o o t h '
B. Adornment , Dre s s , Scent

k
b i m po
bTn+ po ' fa c e towe l ' ; ( b i n �
' face ' , po ' t ow e l ' )
b i m p6 ' fa c e towe l '
ba k i ya
bak+ k h i a q 'wooden c logs ' ; ( b a k
' c l o g s , s l ippers ' )
b a k y a q 'wooden c l o g s '

��
h i kaw
hT+ k a u ' e arrings ' ; ( h l Jf
, ear ' , k a u ' to hook, hook ' )
h ( k aw ' earrings '

(/...1 )
hus i
h6+ s e ' qu a l i ty c o t t on ' ; ( h o ' ri c h , g o o d ' , s e J �� .. .

' co t ton y arn ' )

h � s i ' c lo t h wo v e n from s i l k t hread o r fi bers '
l aw l a w
l a u+ l a u ' s loppy ' ; ( l a u �
' o ld ' )
l aw l aw ' dang l ing downward, l o o s e '
sak iya
h.
c h a. + k h l a q woo d en c l ogs ' ; ( c a
. • ,

' c logs, s l ippers ' )

s a ky a q 'wooden c logs '

130
 131

�J
sansoy
s � + s uT ' dre s s fri ng e s ' ; ( s� ' dres s ' , s uT � ' fring e s ' )
s a n soy ' a covering made of p a l m l e a v e s o r fibre fi t t e d and
sewed t o g e t h e r used by farmers for pro t e c t i o n aga i n s t ra i n '

J
t i ho
t e + h o ' t he b e s t ' ; ( t e ' ' prefix for ordinal numbers ' ,
ho # ' g o o d ' )
t i ho ' b a rs of go l d '
t u t sang ,.
t h au+ c a !) ' b rai d ' ; ( t h a u U. ' he a d ' , caY !) a, 'queue, tai l
worn on t h e he ad, p i g t a i l ' ) �
t u t s a !) ' s h ort h a i r on woman ' s head, q u e u e '

C. D i sease , Medic ine

a p i yan
a+p h .I a n o p t- um ;
A Y , • ,
1J� )T). 8 ame ' )
a py a n ' op i um '
-<J.<J ,

kuyo
ko+ i oq ' medica l p l a s t e r ' ; ( ko ' o i tmen t ' , l. oq
,

'medi c i n e ' )
kuyoq ' k i n d of Ch i n e s e p l a s te r app l i e d t o b o i l s '
p i nse
p i en+se ' b orax ' ; ( � jJ.J ' s ame ' )
p i n s e ' b o rax '
s i n g ka k
s i n + k h a k ' medi c i n e w i th b i t t e r t a s t e for diarrh o e a ' ; ( s i n
-' ' b o dy ' , k h a k fiJv ' hu s k , s h e l l ' )
s i !) k � k ' drug o f b i t t e r tas t e , fo r diarrh o e a , i n di g e s t i o n , etc. '

D. She lter and Re levant Instrument s

h uw i pe
h u e+ p e ' to rch ' ; ( h ue k ' fi re ' , pe JtJ ' b u n d l e ' )
hw f pe ' t orch '
ka t a n g
k a q + ta!) ' t o carry s ome t h i ng he avy ' ; ( ka q ' to carry ' , tan *
' h e avy ' )
k � t a !) ' 8 uppo r t , 8 tand '

�
pun taw
p u n + t a u ' du8 t pan ' ; ( p u n ' dung, manure ' , tau ' pa n ' )
p u n t �w ' du8 tpan '

1)1, k
sus i
s o + s f ' ke y ' ; ( s o ' lock ' ,
,
S l ' key ' )
5 u s i q ' k ey '
132

�
t a ng l aw
t i e l) + l a u ' l i g h t ' ; ( t i e l) >'<.J ' l amp ' , l a u ' t owe r '
t a l) I aw ' l i g h t '
t i n g hoy
t i e l) + h u e ' w i c k l amp ' ; ( t i e l) )/(J ' l amp ' , h u e *- ' fi re ' )
t i l) h6y ' w i c k l amp i n g l a s s fi l l e d w i t h o i l '

(
t i ngs i m
t i e l)+s i m ' l amp w i c k ' ;
A

/<"J I �' ' s ame ' )

t i l) s i m ( t i m s i m) ' l ampw i c k '

2. Man- I nvisible
A. Mind , Cons c ience , Soul , Personality
h uwa n a
' t erm u s e d t o refer t o Fi l ip i n o s by H o k k i e n s p e a k e rs ' ;
( h u a n ID 'fo re i gn ' , a 1} ' s on ' )
hwa na ' s ame '

iL.
sang l ay
s a l)+ l a'j ( 7 ) ' t o bring or de l i v e r goods ' ; ( s a l) ' to send ' ,
l a r � 'over ' )
s i e l)+ l i + l a l)+ l a f ( 7 ) ' b u s i ne s sman comes ' ; ( s i el)+ l i
' b u s i n e s s ' , l a l) A. 'peop l e ' , l a f � ' come ' )
/fJ
s a l) l a y ' Ch i n e s e trader '
B. Qual i t i e s

( ..#1,
g i an
g i a n ' t o l i k e , to d e s i re s om e t h i n g ' ; ' s ame ' )
g y a n ' de v e l o p e d fon dn e s s o r pro p e n s i ty fo r an a c t i v i ty '
g u n gg o n g
gOI) +gol) ' s tu p i d ' ; ( � L ' s ame ' )
g U l)g61) ' s t up i d ' �,
h i ya
h i a q * ' fo re h e a d '
h i y a q ' s hame, embarras s m e n t , timidi ty '
k i ya
k i i ' t o wa l k ' ; ' s ame ' )
k i y a ' p e c u l i a r or charac t e ri s t i c gai t or pos ture '
sel ang
se+ l a l) ' We s t e rners ' ( ? ) ; ( se .1lJ ' We s t ' , l a l) .J,* ' pe o p l e ' )
s e l a l) ' de l i cacy, fas t i di o u s n e s s '

ItA; .f. �
s am l a n g
a+c am+ 1 a I) dirty p er s o n ' ; ( a+cam
, , di rty ' ,
l a l) �'- ' p e o p l e ' )
s am l a l) ' di r t y , unsani tary '
 133

{1 �
s i ng k i
s l n+ k h ,eq ' n ewcomer ' ; ( s i n
�
f ' n ew ' , k h e, q ' v i s i tor ' )
5 i r] k f q ' gr e e nh o rn , b e g i nner '
...

�
s uw i t i k
5 i u+ t i e k ' en emy ' ; ( 5 i u 4/tJ ' re v enge ' , t i e k ' e nemy ' )
sw i t i k ' a rtfu L , s Ly , cunni ng '

}z.. ��
t uwa t s a t
t ua+c h a t ' th i ef ' ; ( t ua 'big ' , c a t
h ' thief ' )
twa t s a t ' fo o L , de c e i v e '
c. Act ivit ies
bant i t i
ban+th i+ thi ' v ery s L ow ' ;
' i n tens i fi e r '
b a n t i t i q ' de Lay '
k i y aw- k i y aw
k ·l a u+ , k h a u u s e � e s s , � n c e s s a n t t a '� k �ng
, k l· a u+ w , 1
•
· ,;
( k i a u+ k i a u * ' i nc e s s an t ' , k a u �. ' to cry ' )
h
k y aw- k y aw ' us e L e s s fre t t ing o r fZ urry '
k uw e k o n g
k u e+ k o r] ' p imp ' ' r o o s t e r ' ; ( ku e 2'!. ' fow L , h e n , c o c k ' ;
kOr] /A\... 'ma L e ' ) .,:. ....1
kwe ko n g ' p imp '

1J
pa s l a n g
p h a q + s f+ l a r] ' t o k i n ' ; ( p h aq ' to h i t, t o b e a t ' ,
s f iu ' de a d ' , l a r] J...." ' p e op L e , p e r s o n ' )
p a s l a r] ' to k i n '
p u s i yaw
put+s i a u ' unfi L i a L , di s o b e di e n t to pare n t s ' ; ( pu t <r,
' no t ' , s i a u Xi ' fi L ia L ' )
p u s y aw ' p a L en e s s , di s c o L o u ra t i o n ' ; dis credi t , di s ho nour '
s uwa t
c u a t ' t o c u t o ff ' ; ( \� tJ ' s ame ' )
s w a t ' to be rebuffe d '
D. Expre s s ions
b uw i s i t
-fy
Ai /V"
bo+u i + 5 r t ' un L u c ky ' ; ( bo J!r; ' no ' , , c Lothes ' ,
�
U '-

5 rt , fo od ' )
bw i s i t ' un L ucky '
suya
v<v­ ' t o L o s e
5 ue+a ' u n L u c k y ' ; ( 5 ue -J;f g o o d for t u n e ' , a*
' en c l i t i c suffix ' )
suyaq ' di s g u s t , s u rfe i t '
134

t i yak
' p e rhap s , p robab Ly ' ( ? ) ; ( J- ' big ' ;
P�
t a i+ i a k *
' appo i n tme n t ' ) , t i e k + kh a k ' c e r t a i n Ly ' ( ? ) : ( f:I!J
, certain ' )
tyak ' s ure, certain '

3. Anima l s
A. Kinds of ( unslaught ere d )
g uy a
, cow ' , a
gu+a 'y oung cow, ca rab ao ' ; ( g u
g u y a q 'yo ung o f carab ao '
1t ' s on ' )
ki ti
ke+ t l ' c h i c k ' ; ( ke ' hen, fow l , cock ' , ti , y o un g ,
ten de r ' )
k i t r ' ch i c k '
ku 1 i ng
ko+ l i e Q+c i a u ' s inging b i rd ' ; ( ko
' to twe e t ' , c i au '3 ' b ird ' )
hfV
k u l i Q ' a k i n d of b i r d '
l aw i n
l au+ i en g ' hawk ' ; ( l a u -t ' o L d ' , i � Q J
' hawk ' )
l aw i n ' hawk '
s uwahe
s ua+ h � ' s ma L L s p e c i e s o f s hrimp s ' ; ( s ua >'7 yJ' ' s and ' ,
h� f11v ' s h rimp ' )
swahe ' sp e c i e s of sma L L s h rimps '
tanga
t h a Q+ a ' wo rm ' ; t h a Q �� 4l ' w o rm ' , a /0- ' s on, s ma L L ' )
t a Qa ' p o t a t o bug or worm '
t uw a b a k
t ua+b � k + h r ' b i g - e y e d herring ' ; ( t u a A. ' b ig ' , b a k iJ
' ey e , h f �. ' fi s h ' )
t uw a b a k ' b i g - e y e d h erring '
\" .

t uw a k a n g
t ua+ k a Q+h r ' b i g d i l i s ' ; ( t u a /....... ' b i g ' , k a n )..t- ' ri v e r ' ,
h f II , ' fi s h ' )
t wa k a Q ' adu L t di L i s '
'"

B. Anat omy

c. Act ions
 1 35

D. Qual i t i e s
s a bsab
s � p+s � p * ' t e rm u s e d t o describe imp rop e r w ay o f e a t i n g , l i k e
a pig '
sabs�b ' manner of e a t ing pe c u l i a r t o hogs and dogs '

E. He rding

4. P l an ts
A. Kinds of Unpi cked , Unharve sted Plant s

B. Anatomy

c. Qua l i t i e s

�L
s am i y o
5 �m+ i 6q , to sprink l e medi c i n e ' ; ( 5 �m ' to s p r i n k l e
."l1
"

i 6q ' me di c i n e ' )
s a my6q ' fragran c e , p l e a s a n t o r agreeab l e sme l l '

D. Act ivi t ies

5. Food
A. Harve s t e d and Slaughtere d

-t-
d i k i y am
d l + k i �m ' s a l t e d, p r e s e r v e d p l ums ' , ( d l ' p Z um ' ,
k i �m ' � ' sa l ted ' )
d i k y am ' s a l t e d, p r e s e r v e d p l ums '
b a t aw
p a+ t a u ' c l imb i ng p l a n t w i th edi b l e p o ds ' ; ( , s ame ' )
b � t aw ' s am e '
g i ng i ng
g i iQ+g i � Q * 'a k i n d of swe e t , f l e s hy fru i t '
g i Qg i Q ' s h rub w i t h sw e e t f l e s hy fru i t '
goto
gu+ to ' ox o r cow ' s tripe ' ; ( gu , cow, ox ' , t o fit-
' s toma c h , i n s i de s ' )
g 6 t o ' ox o r cow ' s tripe '

( Mt
kamto
k � m+ t o ' e n t ra i l s o f s ow o r ox ' ; JJ- ' s ame ' )
k � m t o ' m e a t - Z i e part t a k e n from e n t ra i l s of s ow, ox, used
a s ingredi e n t i n k a r e - k a re '
kas i m
k a q + s Tm+ b � q ' b a c k p o r t i o n o f p i g ' ; ( k �q
sTm I\:J' ' ce n t e r ' , b�q � 'meat ' )
f 'back ' ,

k a s i m ' ba c k p o r t i o n o f p i g '
136

(.M At ,
k i nse
k i en+c � ' fo res hank of cow u s e d i n s o up ' ; same ' )
k i n s e ' fo re s h a n k o f cow us e d in s o u p '
k i n tsay
k h I n +c h a l ce � ery ' ; ( k h I n
� ¥ , 1 � ' n ame of p t a n t ' , C
ha l ¥

' ve ge tab t e ' )

k i n t s a y ' c e t e ry '
ku t s a y
k h Q+c h a T ' green 'l e e k u s e d as fo o d ftavo uring ' ; ( k h Q � �
' name of p t an t ' ; c a T
h � ' ve g e t ab t e ' )
k u t s a y 'green 'l e e k u s e d as fo o d ftavouri n g '
1 i y empo
l i am+ to+baq ' s toma ch p o r t i o n o f p i g ' ; ( l i am + t o * ' s tomach ' ,
baq rJJ 'meat ' )
l y empo ' b arb e cue h u n k o f p o rk s imi t a r to l e chon '

$
p a y ko t
p aT+ k u t ' s pa re ribs ' ; ( paT ' rows ' , k u t ' b one ' )
p a y k o t ' spare ribs '
p e t s ay
peq +c h a T ' C h i n e s e cabbage ' ; ( p eq 'white ',
ha l C
¥

' ve g e t ab t e ' )
petsay ' Ch i n e s e cabbage '
s i t aw
, s p e c�. es of s t r�ng
. b eans ' ; ( c h .<)i ' gr e e n ' ,
a ' b e an ' )
t a u .JI-
s i t aw ' s p e c i e s of s t ring beans '
t i to
tT+ t o ' p i g s ' s tripe ' ; ( t T ' p i g ' , to .}j.:t- ' s toma c h ,
i n s i de s ' )
t f toq ' p i g s ' s tripe '

1
toge
t au+g e ' b e a n spro u ts ' ; ( t au 'bean ', g e ' s p ro u t ' )
t 6 g e ' b e an s p rou t s '
u 1 i kba
0+ 1 i e k+ b a q ' w h i t e - fea t h e re d or t i g h t - s ki n n e d fow Z wi th da rk
m e a t ' ; ( o !" �
'b t a c k ' , l i e k 'green ' , b a q JfJ'meat ' )
u l i k b a q ' s ame ' ,

�!J
u po
o+ p u ' gourd ' ; ( 0 ' name of p t ant ' , p u ' g ourd ' )
u po ' gourd '
u t aw
o+ t a u ' s oy b ean ' ; ( o. <.=; � , 'b t a c k ' , tau � ' b e a n ' )
u t aw ' s oy b ean '
 137

y a n s oy
i in+ s u i * ' coriander '
y a n s6y ' coriander '
B. Prepare d Di she s and their Qual i t i e s
am
am 'rice b ro t h ' ; ( 71f ' s ame ' )
a m ' ri c e b ro t h '
a n g ka k
a f) + k h a k ' re ddi s h 'l e a v e s fo r fe rme n ta t i o n purpos e ' ; ( .1 1) i;i­
'red ' , khak it. ' s h e 'l 'l , h u s k ' )
a f) k a k ' reddi s h L e a v e s for ferm e n t a t i o n p u rp o s e '
b a t s oy
b a q + c u ) ' s oup di s h w i th 'l o i n of pork as m a i n ingredi e n t ' ;
rl,h
( ba q /;4.. J 'me a t ' , c u ) � 'wa t e r ' )
b a t s oy ' c hopped a n d s a u t e e d e n t ra i 'l s of p i g wi th s o u p '
b i hon
b i + h u n ' w h i t e r i c e nood'l e s ' ; ( b 1 *' ' ri c e ' , h u n ft ' f'lour ' )
b ( h on ' w h i te rice noo d'l e s '

�,
b i ko
b : + ko ' swee t e n e d rice cake ' ; ( b 1 df:.­ ' r i c e ' , ko , cake ' )
b i ko ' s w e e t e n e d r i c e cake '

�
b i l u-b i l o
b l + l ii ' s t i c k y ri ce ' ; ( b 1 .t ' ri c e ' , I ii ' s t i cky ' )
b i l u - b i l 6 ' kn e aded rice f l o u r b a 'l l s u s e d i n g u i n a t a a n '
b i t so
b i � ' fried c a k e made of rice f'lour ' ; ( b i f- ' ri c e ' , co
i[ ,

'ba Z Z s ' )
b i t s o ' fr i e d c a k e made of rice fLour '

�ft
heko
h e+ ko ' dark s a uce from s a 'l t e d s h rimp s ' , ( h e ' s h rimp ' ,
ko *- ' fa t , s auce ' )
h e ko ' dark s auce from s a 'l t e d s h ri mps '
hop i ya
ho+ p i � ' s w e e t mon g o - b e a n cake ' ; ( h o � ' g o o d ' , p i �
' ca k e , pas try ' )
iff
h 6 p y aq ' sw e e t mongo - b e an cake '
h umba
h a f) + b a q ' h igh 'ly s p i c e d di s h of pork ' ; ( han til
.�
b a q I� ' m e a t ' )
h u m b a ' h i g h 'l y s p i c e d d i s h of pork or c h i c k e n '
138

ke l uwa
-{I­
ka l + l u aq ' powdered mus tard ' ; ( ka i -11 'a k i n d of p l an t ' .
A

1 uaq ft ' s p i cy h o t ' )

ke l w aq 'powdered mus tard '
h i be
h�+ b l ' dried. s a l t e d s h ri mps ' ;
h ( b e ' s ame '
�ft :l ' s ame ' )

�
k i ya m l 0
J5Jr�
k i a m+ l 0 ' s t ew e d di s h ' ( ? ) ; ( k i am � 'sa lted '. 10
' s t ewe d ' )
kyam l 0 ( k i m l o ) ' Ch i n e s e di s h o f eggs o r n o o d l e s '
l ang l ang
l a n+ l a l) ' C h i n e s e ' ; ( l a l) tJ.� ' w e . our ' ; l a l) )'\.. ' p e o p l e ' )
l a l) l a l) ' t e rm u s e d t o de s c ribe a way o f n o o d l e prepara t i on
l i t e ra l ly meaning Chi n e s e '
l ome
'noodle d i s h wi th pork and c h i c k e n coo k e d i n cream
�
1 6+mT
s ty l e ' ;(16 � ' s tew ' . mT 'noodle ' )
1 6me ' s ame '
l ump i y a
l u n+p i � ' di s h of s l i c e d vege tab l e s l i k e carro t s . cabb a g e .
s t ring b e ans and mixe d and s t ewed and wrapp e d in
� ot�j j.f{
t o kwa.
doughy wrappers ' ; ( l u n ' s pring ' . pi� 'cake.
pas try ' )
l u mpyaq ' ro l l e d dump l i ng '
mam i
maq+mT ' n o o d l e di s h wi th pork and c h i c k e n coo k e d i n s oupy
s ty l e ' ; ( ma q IfJ 'me a t ' . mT � 'noodle ' )
mam i ( m�me ) ' s ame '

�
miki
m : + kT{ ' k i n d of n o o d l e . coo k e d or uncook ed ' ; ( mT 'noodle ' .
k i y....".. ' clas s i fie r ' )
m ( k i ( mT k e ) ' s ame '

�
m i s uwa
ml+ s u � ' k i n d o f fi ne n o o d l e made from flour ' ; ( ml
'noodle ' . 5u� \�� I thread ' )
m i swa ' s ame '
p a d po
p a t +po ' t erm u s e d t o describe c e r t a i n Ch i ne s e di s h e s ' ;
( pa t / \.. ' e i gh t ' . p o � ' p r e c i o u s ' )
p a d po ' di s h of mixed v e g e t ab l e s and n u t s wi th t h i c k sauce '
 1 39

pans i t
p i an+e+s f t ' di s h t h a t i s c o n v e n i e n t Ly c o o k e d. i . e . n o o d L e
d i s h ' ; ( p i an 1L. ' ready ' . e * s f t � ' fo o d ' )
p a n s f t ' n o o d L e dish '
pesa
p eq+s aq+h ( ' p L a i n b o H e d fi s h ' ; ( peq W 'whi t e . p La i n ' .
� ' b o H e d ' . h i l!JJ
s aq /� I-l'. ' fi s h ' )
p e s a q ' p L a i n b o i L e d fi s h '
'\'

�ft-
p i he
peq+h e ' a k i n d of s h rimps ' ; ( p eq � 'whi t e ' . h e
, s h rimps ' )
p f h e ' fre s h . p r e s e rv e d. o r s a L t e d cra b s . fi s h o r s h ri mp s '
sangke
s � + k I ' Ch i n e s e a n i s e ' ; ( s � ' t hree ' . k ) , a e n t ury ' )
s a n keq ' Ch i n e s e a n i s e u s e d a s s p i a e '
s i yo k to n g
s l + ho k + t 6 1) ' 4 L u a k faa t o ry ' ; , same ' )
s yo k t o l) ' ri a e w i n e '

PlJ
s i yomay
s i o+mai ' s t e amed dump L i ng ' ; ( s i 0 ' h o t ' . ma i ' to s e H ' )
s yomay ' s t e am e d dump L ing '
s i yo p aw
s i o+ p a u ' s teamed rice aake wi t h me a t and aondimen t s ' ;
( s i o j/\�W ' h o t ' . p a u V ' dump Hng ' )
s yo paw ' s ame '
s uw a t a n g hon
s u�+ t a l) + h u n ' s ma L L . w h i t e . ari n k Ly riae n o o d l e s . opaque w h e n
raw. t ra ns L u a e n t w h e n ao o k e d ' ; ( s u�+ t a l) Jh � ' Shan tung ' .
h u n .,�- ' f L o u r ' )
s w ch a I) h 0 n ( s 6 t a n h 6 n ) , sam e '
suam
e u + a m ' t o a o o k riae bro t h ' ; ( e u ..:Ii ' to aook ' . am ::ff
' ri c e b ro t h ' )
�1 /

suam ' s a u t e d fi s h o r m e a t w i th gar L i a and g i n g e r t h e n bro t h e d

in riae water '
taho ..-
t au+ h u ' b ea n aUI'd ' ; ( t a u Ji ' b ean ' . h u , curd ' )
t a h 6 ' de L i a a t e s s e o f s oy b e a n s m e a L and sy rup '

1 j
t ahu r i
t au+h u ' b e a n a U I'd ' ; ( t a u ' b e an ' . h u , aUI'd ' )
r a h u re ' ferme n te d s a L t e d soybean aurd '
l�O

t aw p e
t au+ p h e ' t h i n membran e o u s prepar a t i o n made from b e ans u s e d
for wrapping foo ds ' ; ( tau .-! ' b ean ' , phe � ' skin ' )
t aw p e ' s ame '

L
t aw s i
t au+ s T ' b ea n s p r e s e r v e d in s oy s auce ' ; , bean ' ,
jl�
( tau
51 'pre s e r v e d ' )
t aw s f ' s ame '
ti im
t im , to s t e am , ; ( J{, \,\ , same ' )
t i q f m ' s t e amed di s h '
t i koy
t T+ k u e ' sw e e t e n e d rice cake ' ; ' swe e t ' , k u e �\£
�\
, cake ' )
t f koy ' same '
t o kuwa
t au+ k u a ' harde n e d bean curd ' ; 1- 'bean ' ;
f
A A

( t au kua
' dr i e d ' )
t O kw a ' same '
totso
t au+ i u+ c h o+ h f ' fi s h c o o k e d in s o y s a u c e and v i negar ' ;
( t au+ i � J tJ:; ' s oy sauce ' , c h 5 � ' v inegar ' , h f \� )
' fi s h ' )
t o t s o ' s a u t e d fi s h w i t h t a h u r e '
toyo
t au+ i � ' so y s auce ' ; ( t a u 'bean ' ,
. ,
� I U ' o i l. ' )
t6yoq , s ame '
u koy
o+ k u e ' c a k e made from gabi a n d taro ' ; ( 5 ' g a b i , t a ro ' ,
k u e � ' ca k e ' )
� koy ' f l o u r cake of s h rimps and vege tab l e s '
C. K i t c hen Uten s i l s
b i J ao
b f + J au ' de v i ce fo r winnowing r i c e ' ; ( b ) � ' ri c e ' ,
J au 5A ' p a s s age ' )
b i J a qo ' round s h a l low winnowing bas k e t - t ray made of bamb o o
sp l i t s '
b i thay
b f+ t h a 1 ' r i c e s i ft er ' ; ( b 'j -* ' ri c e ' , t h a i �
"r ' to s i ft ' )
b i t h a y ' f l a t s i e v e o r s ifter b as k e t made of fi ne bamboo
splits '
 141

l a n s on g
l a Q +s Q ' co o k ing appar a t u s made o f bamb o o s p l i t fix e d in a t i n
ring �sed fo r s t e aming ' ; ( 1 aQ i€
1it�
' s t eamer ' , s � f. , de v i c e
made of bamb o o ) l " l
l a n s 6 Q ' s ame '

tf� .8
poh i y a
pu+h i a ' l a d l e made of go urd or wood ' ; ( ' s ame ' )
pohy� ' s ame '

k
s i yans i
c i a n + s f ' fry ing spoon ' ; ( c i an ��
...t.i
, ' t o fry ' , s f ' sp o o n ' )
s y a n s e ' same '
D. Fire

E. Food De vices
ka 1 i ya
ka+ l i aq * 'a v e ry l a rge round b amboo w i c ke r- w o r k t ray '
ka l y a q ' m e s h e d cra te or pann i e r for ca rry ing v e g e t a b l e s a n d
frui ts '
kap i n
k�+ p 1 n � ' s tanding s c re e n made of b amboo ' ; ( k �
i:t?
� ' frame ' ,
p1n In ' pa r t i t i o n ' )
k�p i n ' fl a t fram ework o r tre l l i s - l i k e frame made o f bamboo
used for dry i ng fi s h '

6. K in s h ip and Age
ate
a+c1 ' appe l l a t i o n fo r e l de r s i s ter ' ; (a ..:!1- ' p re fix t o
t it le o f re lat i ons ' , c1 � ' e l de r s i s t er ' )
a t e ' s ame '
d e t e ( by analogi cal creat ion )
d i tse
dT+d ' app e l l a t i o n for s e co n d e l de r s i s t e r ' ; ( dT , s e cond ' ,
......
--

d .JtJt ' e l der s i s ter ' )

d i t s � ' same '
kuya
ke+a ' app e l l a t i o n for e l der bro t h e r ' ; ( ke � � ' e l der bro t he r ' ,
a � ' suffix t o nouns ' )
k u y a ' s ame '
d i ko
dT+ ko ' app e l l a t i o n for s e cond e l der b ro t h e r ' ; ( dT ' second ' ,
ko � ' e lder bro t he r ' )
d i ko ' s ame '
 i n g kong
a n + ko f) ' g randfa t h e r ' ; ' s ame ' )
i f) k6 f) ' same '
i nso
� + s b ' ad dre s � term for e l der brot he r ' s w i fe ' ;
' s ame ' )
i n s 6 ' s ame '
sanse
s � +d ' appe l l a t i o n fo r t h i r d e l der s i s t er ' ; ( s � ' t h i rd ' ,
c 1 �� ' e l der s i s t er ' )
s a n s e ' s ame '
s a n g ko
s �+ ko � appe Z la t i o n for t h i rd e l der b ro t he r ' ; (sa
. �
--
' t h i rd ' ,
ko � ' e lder b r o t h e r ' )
s a f)k6 ' s ame '
s i yaho
c i a + hu ' re fe rent ial term for e l der s i st er ' s husband ' ; (cia
&IL ' e l der s i s ter, hu � ' hu s b a n d ' )
s y a ho ' addre s s term for e l der s i s t er ' s husband '

7. S o c i a l Organ i s a t i on
A. T i t l e s and Honor i f i c s

B. S o c i al Power , C l ass Government

C. Mili tary Organi sat i on

h u k bo
hok+bu ' s e rv i c e ' ; ' s ame ' )
h u k b 6 ' army '

8. C r a f t s and Occupations
A. Fis hing

JNj- #
san tso
c h a n + c6 ' sma l l j un k ' ; ( c h an ' raft ' , co ' j un k ' )
s a n t s o ' fi s h i ng raft made of b amboo w i t h a l a rge fi s h ing n e t '
t aykong
t aT+ ko f) ' ca p t a i n o f sma l l j u n k ' ; ( t a l f..... ' bi g ' , k O f) .:r­
, j ob ' )
t a y k6 f) ' ov e r s e e r o f fi s hi ng trip '

B. Farming
h u n g koy
h un + k u l * ' p r e s s i n g machine '
h u n k6y ' a mechanica l man-operated device u s e d i n w i nnowing
threshed rice '
 143

I i t haw
l e+ t h a u
I i t h aw
' p l o ugh ' ; (Ie'p lough ' , t a u
�
' h ea d ' )
h ,
'a k i n d of crude agricu l t ura l imp l emen t fo r p l ow i n g '
,

C. Shoemaking

�J
d i t s oy
h
d f q + c h ul ' s l i t open ' ' s l i t open ' ,
�
(?); ( d fq C U I

'mouth ' )
d i t s oy ' s h o e m a k e r ' s w e l t i ng aw l pro v i de w i t h a curved and
gro o v e d end '
t e ham
t E!+ h a m ' j o i n e d s o l e ' ( ? ) ; ( t e ;tv ' s o l e ' , ham1' ' t o j o i n ' )
t e ham ' a runn i ng c u t o n t h e o u t e r s o l e of a s h o e i n t o w h i c h
t h e s t i t ch e s are made and co v e r e d '
l ete
l aT+ t e 'inner s o l e '; ( l aT I� ' i ns i de ' , te .:iJ 'sole ' )
l e t e ' s ame '

D. Carpent ry
b a k t aw
b a k+ t h a u + c f n ' a n i n k l in e u s e d by s t re t c h i n g i t r i g h t o v e r a
p l ank and t o uc h ing i t w i t h t h e n a i l so as to m a k e a l in e ' ;
( ba k -l.! ' i nk ' , t a u
h t�
' h ead ' , d n �
, ' cha l k l i ne ' )
b a k t a w ' c arp e n t e r ' s l i nemark e r '

�
kusot
ku+s u t ' sawdus t ' ; ( k u JA;. ' t o saw ' , s u t ' du s t ' )
k u s o t ' s ame '

�
p u t haw
h
�
p +t a �� sma l l axe w i t h a s h o r t h a n d l e ' ; ( p o ' axe ' ,
t au � ' h ead ' )
p u t h a w ' s ame '
ubak
o+ ba k ' b l a c k ink ' ;
u b a k ' s ame '
E. Goldsmithing
g i n t s am
' c h i s e l u s e d b y s m i t h s fo r c u t t i n � l arge pieces of
fI
gTn + cam
bars o f go l d ' ; (gfn 4tv ' s i l v e r " cam , ' to cut ' )
g i n t s a m ' s ame '
k u t i yam ".
ku + t i am ' s awing b oard ' ; ( k u � ' to saw ' , ' b oard ' )
hi
t i am �tz
k u t ya m 'anvi l - l i k e b lo c k o f iron provided w i t h gradua t e d
gro v e s o r cavi t i e s o n t h e s urfa c e o r s i de s , s u e d b y s m i t h s
for s ha p i ng o r rounding rings '
144

l e buwa
' a r t i c l e s p owder ed b ro k e n down sma l l ' ; ' to
�
l e+ b u a 0 1' ( I e>"
fi l e ' ; bua ' t o grind ' )
l e bwa 'me t a l du s t , powder 0 1' l e ft - o v e r after t h e day ' s work
o n the w o r k i ng tab l e of a smi t h '
I i y a n koy
' s ma l l working b o a rd a t t a c h e d t o t h e fo r
�
l i an + k u l t o koy
supporting fi l i n g sawing job ' ; ( I ' c h ai n "
�
0 1' i an kuT
'ches t ' )
,
I y a n koy ' s ame '

�t
s i y a to
s i a+ t o 'a k i n d of knife ' ( ? ) ; ( s i li ' t o t hrow ' , t o ,AI
' kn ife ' )
syato ' tw o - o r - t h re e - e dg e d fi n i s h ing t o o l for smo o t h e n i ng
s cr a t c h e s l eft by a cours e fi l e '
s uw a p a n
s u� + p a n ' de v i c e provided w i t h h o l e s o f gradu a t e d diame t e rs
u s e d i n gauging me t a l t hread w i r e s u s e d by go l ds mi t h s ' ;
j:� 1/;...,
0 1'

( su� ' t hread ' , p a n ' b oard ' )

s w a p a n ' s ame '
t anso
t a f)+e+ s o q ' copper wire ' ; ' c opper ' , e 1' , A,
soq �f\
'wire ' )
t a n s 6q ' copper '
t i yam
t i a m ' b o ard, anvi l ' ; ( �Ii , b o ard ' )
t i yam ' s ame '
t o koy
t o q + k u T ' g o ldsmi t h ' s w o r k i ng t ab l e ' ; ( t oq ' tab l e ' ,
il
kuT <f ' safe, c h e s t ' )
t o koy ' s ame '
t s am b uwa
c a m+ b u a ' a r t i c l e s powde r e d b r o k e n down sma l l ' ; ( cam
0 1'

' t o c u t , chop ' , bua 1!t ' t o grind ' )

t s a mbwa ' p i e c e s , carv i ng s , s ha v ings dus t o f go l d
0 1' si lver 0 1'

l e ft on t h e smi t h ' s t ab l e '

t uwa
t h u a q ' draw e r ' ; ( � ' draw er ' )
t uwa ' drawer for k e e p i ng t o o l s 0 1' obj e c t s b e i ng made by
smiths '
 145

G. G eneral
katay
ka+ i + t h a r ' t o b u t ch e r , t o c u t , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h reference t o
meat cuts '; ( ka " ' a l ong w i t h ' , i ,� ' en c l i t i c ' , tha r Jt­
' to k i l l , to b u t c h e r ' )
ka t a y ' b u t c h ering, c u t t ing to p i eces '
k uwa t s oy
k h u a• q + c h y
U I
, • h A

�
¢!. ' b ro a d ' , c h
P 'l- C k axe ' ; ( k u a q I ' U I
y
'mouth ' )
kwa t s o y 'broad-b l a ded p i c k u s e d i n quarry i n g '
pun k i
pun + k i ' h o d or b a s k e t w i t h han d l e s fo r m o r t a r ' ; ( p u n
'was t e , dung ' , k i 1: 'container ' )
I .
p u n k , ' re c e p t a c l e for\ carry 'l- ng s a n d , s t o n e , l 'l-me
· used by
masons '
wa y u k a k
o�+ i u + k h a k ' p o t t e ry fo r mak ing bow l s ' ; ( o� f}() ' b ow l ' ,
�
iu W ' p o t ' , k a k �L ' h u s k , s he l l ' )
h
w a y u k a k ' co n t a i n e r made of b r o n z e fo r h o l di ng b o rax a n d
w a t e r fo r we lding '

9. Trade a n d Commerce
p a k i yaw
' t o s ubmi t by b u n d l e s ' ; 'bundle ' ,
\.tl� ,
p a k+ k i a u k i au
submit ' )
p a kyaw ' w h o l e s a l e b uy i n g '
suk i
c u + k h eq ' i mpo r t a n t cus t omer ' ; ' importan t ' , k h e' q
' c u s tomer ' )
'l:--
suki q ' l on g - s tanding cus tomer or c l i en t '

10 . F ine Arts

11. Garne s and Gamb l i ng

h uwe t e n g
' numb e r -p a i r i ng game ' ; ' fl ow e r ' ,
�U.
,
h u e+ t g ( h u e ;f tg
space ' )
hwe t e l) ' s ame '
kang
k a l) ' un i fo rm de s ign in m a h - j ong ' ; ( 4�
� ' s ame ' )
k a l) ' s ame '
146

kuwaho
ku �+6* ' a k i n d of card game '
kwaho ' gamb l i ng game u s i ng p l a y i ng cards '
pong
p 5 � * ' t erm u s e d i n mah - jong '
po� ' s ame '
tong
t o � ' percentage c u t o f a gamb l i ng t a k e n from w i nners '
t O I) ' s ame '

12 . Re l i g i on
s o t s uwa
c h o+ c u a ' c oarse paper ' ; ( c h o � ' cours e ' , cua �� 'paper ' )
s u t swa m e di c i na l/s traw paper oft en u s e d i n ma king s uob when
dri v i ng evi l s p i r i t s '

�
s i y u koy
c u f + k u ) ' merma i d ' ; ( c u r ;{j"\..- ' w a t e r ' , k u ) 'ghos t ' )
s i y � k 0 y s am e '
,

wisit
u+u l + s f t ' l u c ky ' ; (u ' t o have ' , u i /£Xv 'c lothes ' ,
. �

s rt ' fo o d ' )
w i s i t 'mas c o t for g o o d l u c k '

13. Nume rals

14 . Me asu rements

15. Sounds

* no Mandarin corre late

( ? ) doubt ful
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150

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 151

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 15 3

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154

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B-71, viii + 163 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1980. DOI:10.15144/PL-B71.1
©1980 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative.