Black Slave Owners
Black Slave Owners
Black Slave Owners
The
majority
of
black
slave
owners
were
members
of
the
mulatto
class,
and
in
some
cases
were
the
sons
and
daughters
of
white
slave
masters.
Many
of
the
mulatto
slave
owners
separated
themselves
from
the
masses
of
black
people
and
attempted
to
establish
a
caste
system
based
on
color,
wealth,
and
free
status.
According
to
Martin
Delany,
the
colored
community
of
Charleston
City
clung
to
the
assumptions
of
the
superiority
of
white
blood
and
brown
skin
complexion.
These
mulattoes
of
the
old
free
Black
elite
did
not
attend
church
with
the
dark-‐skinned
blacks
of
Charleston
City.
They
not
only
formed
congregations
which
excluded
freedmen
of
dark
complexion,
but
they
only
married
among
other
mulattoes
to
“keep
the
color
in
the
family.”
On
the
other
hand
the
black
population
in
1860
was
4.5
million,
with
about
500,000
living
in
the
South.
Of
the
blacks
residing
in
the
South,
261,988
were
not
slaves.
Of
this
number,
10,689
lived
in
New
Orleans.
In
New
Orleans
over
3,000
free
blacks
owned
slaves,
about
28
percent
of
the
free
Black
population
in
the
city.
The
majority
of
urban
black
slave
owners
were
women.
In
1820,
free
black
women
represented
68
percent
of
heads
of
households
in
the
North
and
70
percent
of
slaveholding
heads
of
colored
households
in
the
South.
The
large
percentage
of
black
women
slave
owners
is
explained
by
manumission
by
their
white
fathers,
or
inheritance
from
their
white
fathers
or
husbands.
Black
women
were
the
majority
of
slaves
emancipated
by
white
slave
owning
men
with
whom
they
had
sexual
relations.
Thirty-‐three
percent
of
all
the
recorded
colonial
manumissions
were
mulatto
children
and
75
percent
of
all
adult
manumissions
were
females.
Africans
coming
to
Jamestown
between
1630
and
1640
could
expect
to
be
freed
after
serving
their
indented
period
of
time
about
seven
to
ten
years
for
Africans
and
Indians.
At
this
time
there
was
no
system
of
perpetual
servitude
or
slave
for
life,
but
the
system
was
rapidly
evolving.
Between
1640
and
1660
slavery
was
becoming
a
customary
reality.
In
1640
three
servants
of
Hugh
Gwyn,
“a
Dutchman
called
Victor,
a
Scotchman
named
James
Gregory,
and
John
Punch,
a
negro,”
having
run
away
from
their
master
were
overtaken
in
Maryland
and
brought
back
to
stand
trial
for
the
misbehavior.
The
verdict
of
the
court
would
change
the
system
of
indentured
servitude
and
set
the
system
in
transition
to
plantation
slavery.
The
court
ruled
that
the
three
servants
shall
received
punishment
by
whipping
and
have
“thirty
stripes
apiece.”
The
court
ordered
that
the
Dutchman
and
the
Scotchman
should
“first
serve
out
their
times
with
their
master
according
to
their
Indentures
and
one
whole
year
apiece
after
the
time
of
their
service
is
expired”
and
that
they
shall
served
the
colony
for
three
years.
“The
third
being
a
negro.
.
.shall
serve
his
said
master
or
his
assigns
for
the
time
of
his
natural
life.”
This
marks
the
first
time
that
race
and
color
becomes
a
factor
in
the
status
of
both
black
and
white
indentured
servants.
In
other
words,
the
system
is
rapidly
evolving
to
meet
the
new
demand
for
cheap
labor,
and
race
is
slowing
being
used
as
the
justification
for
the
enslavement
of
peoples
of
African
origins.
Between
1640
and
1660
Africans
were
going
to
court
and
suing
for
their
freedom.
In
1649,
there
were
about
three
hundred
Africans
in
the
colony
and
an
increasing
mulatto
population.
African
and
European
indentured
servants
off
springs
were
increasing
and
considered
alarming
in
regard
to
the
status
of
the
mulatto.
That
is
a
system
was
evolving
based
on
being
either
black
or
white.
Africans
who
entered
Jamestown
between
1620
to
1650
could
expect
to
be
freed
after
serving
their
indented
time
and
given
50
to
250
acres
of
land,
hogs,
cows
and
seeds
and
the
right
to
import
both
white
and
black
indentured
servants.
For
a
brief
period
in
American
history
between
1630
to
1670,
a
number
of
Africans
had
become
freedmen
and
owned
indented
white
servants.
The
act
of
1670
forbidden
free
Negroes
to
own
Christian
servants
but
conceded
the
right
to
own
servants
of
their
own
race.
By
1670,
it
was
becoming
customary
to
hold
African
servants
as
“slaves
for
life,”
and
by
1681
what
was
customary
became
law.
The
first
laws
regarding
the
status
of
Africans
recognized
the
free
blacks.
The
first
status
was
passed
in
1662
provided
that
the
status
of
offspring
should
follow
that
status
of
the
mother.
What
this
law
did
was
to
allow
white
fathers
to
enslave
their
own
children,
and
free
women
of
color
to
perpetuate
the
free
black
population.
In
other
words,
it
also
guaranteed
freed
black
females
the
right
to
extend
their
free
status
to
their
children.
Black
women
who
have
served
their
indentured
period
would
not
provide
foundation
for
the
free
black
community.
Many
of
those
African
who
were
grandfathered
in
the
new
system
not
only
became
the
free
black
community,
but
this
is
the
origins
of
Black
slave
owners.
The
act
of
1668
dealing
with
the
condition
of
the
colored
population
related
solely
to
the
tax
obligations
of
a
free
black
woman,
and
two
years
later
an
act
guaranteed
to
“negroes
manumitted
or
otherwise
free”
the
right
to
own
servants
of
their
own
race
and
expressly
denied
to
them
the
right
to
purchase
or
to
own
white
or
“Christian
servants.”
This
law
recognized
and
sanctioned
slavery,
but
also
guaranteed
the
continuity
of
the
free
black
class,
who
were
now
largely
mulatto.
ANTHONY JOHNSON
Black
slave
owners
have
not
been
studied
as
a
part
of
American
history,
rather
as
a
datum
to
American
history,
and
yet
slavery
as
a
perpetual
institution
is
legalized
based
on
a
case
brought
before
the
House
of
Burgess
by
an
African,
who
had
been
indentured
in
Jamestown,
Virginia
1621
and
was
known
as
Antonio
the
Negro
according
to
the
earliest
records.
He
later
Anglicized
his
name
to
Anthony.
Anthony
Johnson
was
believed
to
be
the
first
Black
to
set
foot
on
Virginia
soil.
He
was
the
first
black
indentured
servant,
the
first
free
black,
and
the
first
to
establish
the
first
black
community,
first
black
landowner,
first
black
slave
owner,
and
the
first
person
based
on
his
court
case
to
establish
slavery
legally
in
North
America.
One
could
argue
that
he
was
the
founder
of
slavery
in
Virginia.
Anthony
Johnson's
plantation
was
located
on
the
neck
of
land
between
two
creeks
that
flowed
into
the
Pungoteague
River
in
Northampton
County.
A
few
years
later,
his
relatives,
John
and
Richard
Johnson,
also
acquired
land
in
this
area.
John
brought
eleven
servants
to
the
colony
and
received
550
acres,
and
Richard
brought
two
and
received
100
acres.
In
1654
Anthony
Johnson
went
to
court
and
sued
his
white
neighbor
for
keeping
his
black
servant
John
Casor.
Casor
claimed
that
Johnson
“had
kept
him
his
serv
[an]
t
seven
years
longer
than
hee
should
or
ought.
Johnson
who
the
courts
described
as
an
“old
Negro,”
claimed
that
he
was
entitled
to
“ye
Negro
[Casor]
for
his
life.”
Johnson
realized
that
if
he
continued
and
persisted
in
his
suit,
Casor
could
win
damages
against
him.
So,
Johnson
brought
suit
against
his
white
neighbor
Robert
Parker,
whom
Johnson
charged
had
detained
Casor
“under
pretense
[that]
the
s[ai]d
John
Casor
is
a
freeman.”
The
courts
now
ruled
in
his
favor
and
John
Casor
was
returned
to
him
and
Parker
had
to
pay
the
court
costs.
From
the
money
and
land
that
Metoyer
gave
her,
she
started
a
plantation.
The
first
crop
was
tobacco,
and
in
1792
she
was
shipping
9,900
rolls
to
Cuba
for
cigars
(Mills,
30).
She
also
produced
indigo,
manufactured
medicine
and
the
major
source
of
her
income
came
from
hunting
bears
and
fowl.
All
this
was
done
with
the
help
of
her
older
sons,
because
she
had
no
slaves
at
this
time.
She
tried
for
nine
years
to
free
her
other
children
from
slavery
and
in
1815
when
Metoyer
died
all
her
children
were
freed.
In
1816
written
Church
documents
show
that
she
had
twelve
slaves,
but
local
tradition
credits
her
with
many
more.
Marie
Theresa
now
had
three
plots
of
land
estimated
at
11,000
acres.
She
was
now
in
her
late
sixties
and
completely
turned
over
the
plantation
to
her
children.
She
died
sometime
in
the
spring
of
1816.
Augustine
was
now
married
and
on
his
own
since
1795.
He
was
the
first
of
Marie
and
Claude's
children
to
acquire
a
plantation,
and
become
a
slave
owner.
Within
two
years
he
purchased
his
first
slave,
a
male
between
the
age
of
eighteen
and
twenty
to
help
him
clear
the
fields.
Most
of
the
slaves
he
bought
were
for
labor,
but
he
did
purchase
some
for
family
devotion.
In
1798,
he
bought
his
second
slave,
an
eight-‐
year-‐old
named
Marguerite
who
was
his
wife's
sister.
In
1800,
$300
was
paid
for
his
third
slave;
this
was
a
child
of
his
still
enslaved
brother.
The
next
year
a
slave
named
Marie
was
purchased
and
became
Pierre’s
wife.
His
second
labor
slave
was
purchased
in
1806,
a
female
to
be
the
wife
of
the
male
he
already
owned.
In
June
of
1809,
Augustine
purchased
eight
“African
Negroes”
for
$3,500
cash:
a
male,
five
boys
and
two
girls
aged
eleven
to
thirteen,
and
then
three
of
the
males
were
sold
to
his
brother
for
$1,350.
In
1810,
he
purchased
two
more
slaves
from
a
planter
in
the
next
county.
Similar
purchases
and
manumissions
are
recorded
for
of
the
Metoyer
children.
In
1810,
Marie
Suzanne
purchased
a
slave
costing
$600;
the
peculiar
thing
was
that
she
was
still
a
slave
herself.
By
the
1810
census
Augustine
had
seventeen
slaves;
Louise,
fifteen;
Pierre,
twelve;
Dominique,
eight;
Francois,
three;
Joseph,
two;
and
Toussaint,
one.
A
total
of
fifty-‐eight
slaves
were
acquired
in
just
twelve
years.
The
fifty-‐eight
slaves
had
increased
to
287
by
the
end
of
1830.
The
Metoyer
surname
owned
an
average
of
2.3
slaves
per
person,
and
the
whites
in
the
county
only
owned
an
average
of
.9
slaves
per
person.
No
other
family
group
came
close
to
matching
the
holdings
of
the
Metoyer
name.
The
affluent
period
was
between
1830
and
1840
for
the
Metoyer
family.
Pierre,
one
of
the
less
prosperous
brothers
died
in
1834
leaving
a
plantation
of
677
acres,
after
giving
his
seven
children
land
for
their
marriages.
Augustine
divided
the
land
between
six
children
and
kept
two
plantations
for
himself,
which
contained
2,134
acres
(Mills,
109).
Early
in
1850
the
Metoyer
family
had
improved
their
land
by
5,667
acres
and
had
a
total
of
436
slaves.
In
the
treatment
of
Metoyer
family
slaves
there
are
some
contradictory
statements.
By
1820
Ellison
had
managed
to
buy
his
first
two
slaves,
two
males,
ages
twenty-‐six
and
forty-‐five
respectively.
With
the
purchase
of
the
two
slaves
he
demonstrated
to
the
local
whites
that
he
was
not
afraid
to
own,
use
and
exploit
slave
labor.
In
just
four
short
years
he
was
a
master
gin
maker,
had
changed
his
name
and
was
now
a
slave
owner.
William
purchased
a
valuable
location
for
his
shop
right
at
the
cross
road
of
town.
The
going
rate
at
the
time
was
$3.00
to
$7.00
an
acre,
but
he
knew
what
prime
land
was
worth
and
paid
$375.00
for
the
land
to
his
shop.
The
gin
business
flourished,
and
his
reputation
among
the
whites
grew.
Now
that
he
was
a
prominent
figure
in
the
community
he
purchased
more
land,
but
this
land
was
for
a
plantation.
To
William
Ellison
slaves
were
a
source
of
labor.
This
ideology
helps
to
explain
why
there
was
a
ratio
male
to
female
of
4
to
1
in
the
1860s.
The
male
slaves
were
a
direct
source
of
income,
the
females
were
future
benefits.
Assuming
that
the
women
produced
children
at
a
ratio
of
one
boy
to
one
girl
the
best
explanation
for
a
shortage
of
girls
is
that
they
were
sold
as
slaves.
The
average
price
for
a
slave
girl
was
$400
and
selling
twenty
girls
would
add
additional
$8,000
cash,
which
could
contribute
to
land
and
slave
purchases.
This
silent
tradition
around
Stateburg
was
not
questioned,
but
his
reputation
as
a
harsh
master
was
talked
about.
His
slaves
were
said
to
be
the
district's
worst
fed
and
clothed.
Ellison
and
his
family
lived
frugally;
he
was
even
more
tightfisted
about
providing
food,
clothes,
and
housing
for
his
slaves.
His
harsh
treatment
may
have
come
from
the
fact
that
his
slaves
were
very
bitter,
because
the
men
and
women
had
seen
their
daughters
sold
away
into
slavery.
Also,
the
harsh
treatment
could
have
been
from
Ellison’s
need
to
prove
to
the
whites
that
he
was
not
soft
on
slaves,
because
of
his
color.
Sometimes
his
slaves
ran
away,
and
on
at
least
one
occasion
he
hired
a
slave
catcher.
He
never
skipped
on
medical
care
for
his
slaves,
but
he
did
not
care
to
help
their
spiritual
needs.
Through
all
the
years
William
Ellison
may
have
been
harsh
on
his
slaves,
but
the
money
they
produced
helped
keep
his
family
well-‐to-‐do
up
until
the
Civil
war.
In
1829
he
purchased
two
more
male
slaves
between
the
ages
twelve
and
twenty-‐four.
Early
in
the
1830s
Ellison
started
using
his
sons
as
gin
makers,
but
there
was
still
more
work
than
the
men
could
handle.
At
the
end
of
the
decade,
Ellison
now
owned
thirty-‐six
slaves
thirty
were
male,
and
six
female
who
mostly
worked
the
fields
and
produced
children.
The
census
at
this
time
had
Ellison
with
fourteen
slaves.
As
his
ownership
of
slaves
grew
so
did
his
land,
buying
over
350
acres
in
that
ten-‐year
span.
By
his
fiftieth
birthday,
in
1840,
William
had
reached
a
plateau
that
few
whites
let
alone
blacks
had
ever
reached.
In
the
early
1840s
his
sons
and
daughters
married
mulattos
from
Charleston
and
came
to
live
on
the
Ellison
Plantation.
His
sons
became
slave
owners
with
the
help
of
their
father.
The
slaves
were
from
the
Ellison
family
and
were
just
passed
down
to
the
next
generation.
These
slaves
were
not
income
producing
slaves,
but
rather
house
servants.
By
1860,
Ellison
increased
his
slave
population
from
thirty-‐six
in
1850
to
sixty-‐three,
an
increase
of
seventy-‐five
percent.
That
year,
in
the
census
he
reported
that
his
total
worth
was
just
over
$61,000,
which
was
very
low
for
the
property
and
personal
slaves
that
he
owned.
The
man
who
started
out
life
as
a
slave
achieved
financial
success.
His
wealth
was
90
percent
greater
than
his
white
neighbors
in
Sumter
district.
In
the
entire
state,
only
five
percent
owned
as
much
real
estate
as
Ellison.
His
wealth
was
fifteen
times
greater
than
that
of
the
state’s
average
for
whites,
and
Ellison
owned
more
than
99
percent
of
the
South’s
slaveholders.
He
never
achieved
a
monopoly
in
Stateburg,
but
was
the
highest
producing
slave
owner
in
the
county.
Without
slaves
Ellison
could
never
gotten
past
the
income
of
a
tradesman;
with
the
slaves
he
accomplished
the
security
of
no
other.
His
slaves
were
listed
among
the
runaways
because
of
his
harsh
treatment.
Having
started
life
out
as
a
slave
did
not
make
him
sensitive
to
their
needs
because
he
saw
his
slaves
as
no
more
than
property.
On
one
occasion
Ellison
hired
the
services
of
a
slave
catcher.
According
to
an
account
by
Robert
N.
Andrews,
a
white
man
who
had
purchased
a
small
hotel
in
Stateburg
in
the
1820s
hunted
down
one
of
his
valuable
slave
in
Belleville,
Virginia.
He
stated:
“I
was
paid
$77.50
returning
the
slave,
and
$74.00
for
expenses.”
William
Ellison
died
on
December
5,
1861.
According
to
his
last
will
and
testament
his
estate
should
be
divided
jointly
by
his
free
daughter
and
two
surviving
sons;
he
also
bequeathed
$500
to
a
daughter
he
had
sold
into
slavery.
During
the
Civil
War
the
Ellison
family
actively
participated
and
supported
the
Confederacy
throughout
the
war.
They
converted
nearly
their
entire
plantation
to
the
production
of
corn,
fodder,
bacon,
corn
shucks
and
cotton
for
the
Confederate
armies.
They
paid
$5,000
in
taxes
during
the
war,
and
they
also
invested
more
than
$9,000
in
Confederate
bonds,
treasury
notes
and
certificates
in
addition
to
the
Confederate
currency.
At
the
end
of
the
war
all
this
was
worthless
and
cost
the
family
a
great
deal
of
wealth.
The
majority
of
the
colored
masters
were
mulattoes
and
their
slaves
were
overwhelmingly
of
black
skin.
There
was
strong
division
between
the
two
classes
based
on
color,
class,
status
and
a
culture
of
whiteness.
There
was
a
color
and
cultural
clash
between
the
two
groups.
The
mulatto
community
in
Charleston
separated
themselves
from
the
dark
skinned
people,
and
they
banned
dark
skinned
people
from
their
social
clubs
and
seldom
married
unmixed
blacks.
They
created
exclusionary
societies
such
as
the
Brown
Fellowship
society.
Membership
was
based
on
brown
skin
meaning
the
sons
and
daughters
of
slave
masters.
They
formed
schools
and
benevolent
groups
to
provide
mutual
aid
and
operated
a
burial
ground
and
society.
Among
its
members
were
John
W.
Gordon,
William
T.
Oliver,
Edward
P.
and
Lafayette
F.
Wall,
Richard
Dereef
and
Robert
Houston.
Among
black
slave
holders
the
free
mulattoes
owners
were
over
represented,
being
the
offspring
of
white
planters
and
merchants.
Many
of
their
white
fathers
provided
for
them.
Thomas
Hanscome,
a
white
planter
of
St.
James
and
Goose
Creek,
provided
for
the
mulatto
children
of
Nancy
Randale,
a
free
black
woman,
with
six
slaves
as
well
as
stocks
and
bonds
valued
at
$150,000.
In
1823,
the
mulatto
children
of
Henry
Glencamp,
the
superintendent
of
the
Sante
Canal,
and
Jenny
Wilson,
a
free
black
woman,
inherited
eighteen
slaves
as
well
as
the
plantation
called
Pine
Hill
in
Stephens
of
Charleston
District.
In
the
Palmetto
(rice
areas)
there
were
only
seven
large
rice
planters
of
African
descent,
and
they
were
primarily
related
to
white
kin.
One
example
of
this
is
the
Pendarvis
family,
which
was
one
of
the
largest
slave
owning
“colored”
families
to
plant
rice
in
the
state
during
the
1730s.
The
mulatto
children
of
Joseph
Pendarvis,
a
white
planter
of
Colleton
County,
and
his
African
mistress
Parthena,
were
given
1,009
acres
of
land
near
the
Green
Savanna
as
well
as
a
plantation
in
Charleston
Neck.
Joseph
Pendarvis
gave
to
his
children
James,
Brand,
William,
John,
Thomas,
Mary,
and
Elizabeth,
land,
money
and
slaves.
They
became
one
of
the
wealthiest
and
most
prominent
slaveholding
families
in
South
Carolina.
James
the
first
born
received
most
of
the
property
of
his
deceased
father,
and
owned
more
than
100
slaves.
By
1786,
he
owned
113
slaves
and
3,250
acres
of
land.
The
1790
census
informs
us
that
he
owned
123
slaves.
Many
of
the
mulatto
offspring
of
white
planters
became
large
plantation
owners
in
their
own
right.
For
example,
Margaret
Mitchell
Harris
and
her
half
brother
Robert
Michael
Collins
inherit
money,
plantation
and
slaves
from
their
white
father.
In
1844,
she
bought
Santee
Plantation
for
4,050,
but
made
$7,635
from
the
harvest
in
1849.
She
ran
a
profitable
enterprise.
SUMMARY
The
majority
of
black
slave
owners
were
members
of
the
mulatto
class,
and
in
most
cases
were
the
sons
and
daughters
of
white
slave
masters.
Many
of
the
mulatto
slave
owners
separated
themselves
from
the
masses
of
black
people
and
attempted
to
establish
a
caste
system
based
on
color,
wealth,
and
free
status.
According
to
Martin
Delany,
the
colored
community
of
Charleston
City
clung
to
the
assumptions
of
the
superiority
of
white
blood
and
brown
skin
complexion.
After
slavery
it
was
the
children
of
the
mulato
class
that
was
more
willing
to
cross
the
color
line
and
to
bridge
the
gap
between
light-‐
skinned
and
dark-‐skinned
blacks.
Also,
a
large
number
of
the
“new”
black
leaders
in
the
South
came
from
this
class/caste
group.
The
sons
and
daughters
of
black
slave
masters
were
educated
and
resourceful.
In
the
late
1860s,
Frances
Rollins,
the
daughter
of
William
Rollins,
a
black
slave
owner
of
Charleston
City,
worked
as
a
school
teacher
in
Beaufort
County.
She
was
educated
at
the
Institution
for
Colored
Youth
in
Philadelphia
and
was
one
of
four
sisters
who
worked
to
uplift
the
newly
freed
in
South
Carolina.
Later,
she
married
William
James
Whipper,
a
state
representative
of
South
Carolina.
Thaddeus
Sasportas,
the
son
of
Joseph
A.
Sasportas,
a
mulatto
slave
owner,
went
to
Orangeburg
County
to
aid
the
ex-‐slaves
and
to
work
as
a
teacher,
where
he
taught
ex-‐slaves
to
read
and
write.
Bibliography
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Michael
P.
and
James
L.
Roark.
Black
Masters:
A
Free
Family
of
Color
in
the
Old
South.
New
York:
W.W
Norton
and
Company,
1984.
Koger,
Larry.
Black
Slave
owners:
Free
Black
Slave
Masters
in
South
Carolina
1790-‐1860.
North
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McFarland
and
Company,
Inc.,
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Ronald
L.
and
James
E.
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and
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