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2019: 4

doi: 10.24834 / educare.2019.4.4

"Oh what fun, now immigrants are starting school!" Young people's experiences of

racism and survival strategies in Swedish schools

Fanny Pérez-Aronsson

https:// orcid.org/ 0000-0002-2533-4096

fanny.perez.aronsson@buv.su.se

This article criticizes the idea of schools as institutions of anti-racist knowledge and values, as well as schools

as institutions of equal opportunity for all students, by examining how youths retell experiences of racism

within the Swedish education system in online discussion forums. The study focuses on youths' experiences of racism in

meetings with teachers, in particular, as teachers are positioned as representatives of schools and

often regarded as carriers of anti-racist knowledge and values to be taught to their pupils. Using a

phenomenological approach, the study focuses on how pupils attempt to reproduce institutional lifelines promoting school

success and upwards social mobility and how such attempts are interrupted by teachers,

all the while forcing the pupils to embody a “happy diversity”. The article uses netnographic data from two online forums for

racialized youth to highlight their experiences as shared online in a “safe space”, created specifically for them, and how such

spaces constitute an alternative educational space beyond the limitations and regulations of their everyday school environments .

Keywords: queer phenomenology, postcolonial theory, marginalized youth, racism, netnography

1 Introduction

The school system has long held a position as children and young people's primary educational arena, with one

stated task to educate students in society's basic values and to functioning

Fanny Pérez-Aronsson

national. The school as an institution is also expected to have compensatory effects and offer one

equal education for all (Martinsson 2014). In connection with the emergence of new media is added

additional responsibility for schools and teachers to teach students to be source-critical of what they read

social media (cf. Lindqvist & Thorslund 2008). Young people's internet use, from uploading

selfies to the risk of sexual violence, has also led to moralizing debates about how the internet affects

adolescents' mental health and safety (Greyson et. al. 2014), which are partly met in discussions about

use of mobiles and social media in school. At the same time, Stanley and Weare (2004) believe that

the potential of the internet for increased democratization and participation of society has been overestimated

ambiguous consequences, especially for young people's political involvement and knowledge transfer. The

this article aims to make visible young people's experiences of racism and marginalization in school such as

they are expressed on separatist online forums, focusing on the relationship with teachers, based on the following

research questions:

• How can young people's recounted experiences of racism in school be understood on the basis of one

phenomenological approach?

• How does the specific platform shape how these experiences are expressed?

Previous research on racism in schools shows, among other things, that schools automatically (re) create

difference based on societal principles along gendered, racialized and classified boundaries. This

takes place, for example, through the creation of the ideal school student, where socio-economic conditions and

norms regarding gender and ethnicity make it difficult for certain groups to live up to the requirements set.

Categorizations such as "Swedish" and "immigrants" condition one's opportunities to create oneself as

student, where the latter group's identity is characterized by a problematic “non-Swedishness” (León Rosales

2010; Jonsson 2015). The creation of certain groups as problematic affects opportunities to meet

the demands placed on students, at the same time as stories about those who have succeeded in overcoming theirs

circumstances (through, for example, school success and class trips) are praised and Swedishness is portrayed

as something desirable (Lundström 2007; Jonsson 2015). The idea of success linked to one

making Swedishness is found not only in school, but in society at large (Mattsson 2001), but

gets a central role in the school's everyday practice (Lundström 2007). This article aims to contribute

further to this research by further highlighting young people's experiences of racism in school, with

starting point in how these experiences are highlighted and discussed on two different online forums.

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It is important to mention here that the school's activities are regulated by both international agreements,

as UN declarations and conventions (such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child), as national law,

for example, the Education Act and the Discrimination Act. The Education Act (2010) states, among other things, that all students

shall “be ensured a school environment that is characterized by security and study peace” (Chapter 5, §3) and that

education ”must be designed in accordance with fundamental democratic values and

[…] Everyone who works in education should promote human rights and actively

counteract all forms of abusive treatment ”(Chapter 1, §5). The Discrimination Act (2008) describes

ethnicity, where "national or ethnic origin, skin color or other similar condition"

included (Chapter 1, §5), as one of the grounds for discrimination. Arneback and Jämte (2017) believe that

The school's work against racism is not a negotiable issue, but that the basic idea of

the equal value of all human beings sets limits on how tolerant the school can be towards the expression of

racist values. Furthermore, they believe that the school is not a value-neutral place and that it is within

the school's mission to create a safe and equal environment for all students accommodates a resident,

anti-racist attitude for which all staff are responsible. The school must both convey and shape

democratic values, and the staff must act in line with the values and have a

obligation to distance oneself from values that are contrary to this and to act against racism (Arneback

& Jämte 2017).

Although work against racism is rarely mentioned explicitly in texts about the school's mission, it says

Arneback and Jämte (2017) that this is part of the work with equal treatment and against discrimination.

Racism is given a broad meaning here, from a "biologically" based racism to a more culturally based,

where racist expressions are motivated by perceived differences based on culture and religion (Arneback

& Jämte 2017). As biologically based racism has been condemned, especially since others

World War II, a “new” form of racism that is more culturally based has emerged (Modood

2015). Whether this form is really new or has existed much longer than the biological one

racism, and thus rather recurred, or existed in parallel with the biological, is something that

discussed in racism research. Cultural racism refers to those who are built on cultural differences

which are understood to be so extreme and essentially different that different cultures become incompatible with each other.

While biological racism is “the antipathy, exclusion and unequal treatment of people on the basis

of their physical appearance or other imputed physical differences ”(Modood 2015, p. 155) så

cultural racism builds on this by distinguishing groups from the national

the ‘civilized’ norm of the majority society and believe that they are culturally different, in order to

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suspect and demand a cultural assimilation from groups that are also exposed to biological

racism. This form of racism has the effect of marginalizing and alienating groups such as

moving mainly from overseas countries to the old European colonial states

(Modood 2015).

At the same time, racism is still understood by many primarily on the basis of the biologically based form,

which enables people to join a so-called color-blind anti-racism, and define

themselves as anti-racists, while expressing racist values of a more culturally based one

form (Blaut 1992; Balibar 2008; Modood 2015). Color-blind anti-racism (Bonilla-Silva 2003,

Hübinette & Lundström 2011) describe how an anti-racist attitude characterized by color blindness,

ie to claim that you do not see a difference in people based on, for example, skin color, makes the speech itself

about race and racialization (here understood as social processes where people are attributed racial affiliation

based on ideas of what race is, and thus “racized”), and by extension racism, is made impossible. The

strong notion of Sweden as a country with anti-racist values, as by extension

results in the notion of an anti-racist school and "color-blind classrooms", creating an active

silence about race, racialization and racism where whiteness is reproduced as the norm, which has consequences

for those students who are identified as norm-breakers (Martinsson 2014; Jonsson 2015; Arneback & Jämte

2017). With this color-blind attitude, the accusation of racism becomes the problematic act -

rather than the existence of racism - as it makes visible the failure of the color-blind anti-racism

(Ahmed 2004). Based on Sara Ahmed's (2012) research on diversity work in particular

universities and colleges, the school's values can also be understood as a non-performative act,

an institutional act of speech, which speaks of, to and (in) the school's activities without

necessarily say something about what this practice looks like. With non-performative (speech) actions

thus refers to statements that say something, but do something else. Documents such as

equal treatment plans and values thus claim that a school represents and works

based on specific principles, and can both function as something the business strives to fulfill

and something that the business claims to do, but the very existence of the document does not imply that these

commitments take effect or function as described.

forward, including a more tolerance-pedagogical approach in parallel with a growing one

norm-critical pedagogy. The tolerance pedagogy rests on ideas of respect and tolerance towards

each other and have been criticized for reproducing ideas of normality and deviation, where it

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the normative group is encouraged to tolerate the deviant (Bromseth & Darj 2011), although

tolerance pedagogy is under development and its proponents have taken on board the criticism that

directed towards the perspective, among other things by highlighting the importance of not stigmatizing individuals

children (cf. Lundberg 2017), Arneback & Jämte believes that there is a view of children in e.g.

the materials and methods of tolerance pedagogy where children are seen as developing while the adults,

ie school staff, are assumed to be reasonably fully developed (Martinsson & Reimers 2014;

Arneback & Jämte 2017). Basic work as a matter of knowledge transfer, there

school staff are assumed to be fully developed in their values, and are therefore seen as a superior

group that is expected to transfer their knowledge to a subordinate group, becomes central in discussions about

standard constructions. This happens when teachers' position as knowledge bearers implicitly positions children

as either bearers of bad values or empty objects waiting to be filled with values,

and which must therefore be nurtured by the school (Martinsson 2014). In this article, I build on

this problematization of the teacher as the obvious carrier of, for example, anti-racist or

norm-critical values, and the associated view of children where students become people in need of

management and development. This is done by making visible young people's experiences of racism from teachers in

school, experiences that rather reinforce some students' experiences of exclusion in school, in direct

opposition to the Education Act's section that students must “be assured of a school environment that is characterized by

security and study peace ”(Chapter 5, §3). By studying material from online forums for

young people who are racist are also made visible by the alternative channels that young people use to share

experience and knowledge among themselves, beyond what I will call a school without spaciousness.

2. Theoretical starting points

The study adopts a phenomenological approach to analyze young people's experiences of school and racism.

Gender scientist Signe Bremer considers bodies as experienced, created and creative, that is, we

experience and are experienced by the world through our bodies (Bremer 2011). The body is what it is

enables our knowledge of the world, and our knowledge is directly linked to our embodiment

(Source 2009). Sara Ahmed, in turn, builds on phenomenological approaches by combining

these with queer theory and postcolonial theories, where the living body becomes a starting point for

understand how different bodies are understood as strange and familiar and out of place

or out of line ”(Ahmed 2006, pp. 10-11). Ahmed uses the concept of orientation to

describe how bodies move along lines, always facing something and away from something else, and that

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these lines are something that is constantly reproduced (Ahmed 2006). These lines can be understood partly as

lifelines, partly as institutional lines, which are intertwined in, for example, the reproduction of

school success as a desirable and highly valued line to follow to become a "successful" adult.

Orientation, however, is not just about how we follow these lines, but also how bodies fit in

rum (Ahmed 2006). This embodiment can be understood through the concept of convenience: to follow

the line, to be (correctly) oriented and linear, is to be perceived as comfortable and experience comfort

(at ease). A comfortable body is one that is perceived as normal and therefore invisible, becomes one in

the quantity, for example through a reproduction of previous normative lines and orientations (Kipfer

2007). A body that is perceived as disoriented or non-linear, on the other hand, becomes uncomfortable and deviant,

and thereby incomprehensible and visible (Ahmed 2007). School success is understood here as the result of one

institutional line that creates the productive citizens that the school is expected to nurture, and

school success is partly based on the cultural understanding of (upward) class travel as

desirable (Sohl 2014), partly from the idea that education is a forward-looking movement that

us forward as individuals and society, where lack of education constitutes a stagnation. I ungas

stories about school and racism, education can also be understood as a strategy to avoid racism

and discrimination, this by acquiring an education capital and positioned as valuable

and worthy stranger (Sohl 2014).

Furthermore, Ahmed is interested in the character the stranger (the stranger or the alien). Ahmed mean

that it is in encounters with each other that bodies make sense and become alive, and that the stranger is one

constitutive figure for the creation of both collective and individual identity. The stranger is someone

who hesitate at boundaries, not only for the human and non-human, but for example

at the border of who belongs in a national space. The stranger can therefore also hold one

position as "the outsider within", a spatial function that establishes proximity

and distance) within a country. The stranger's position can also vary, on the one hand the stranger can

conceptualized as a dangerous figure, in, for example, what Sara Ahmed calls a “stranger

danger ”discourse, on the other hand understood in the form of a welcome diversity, within one more

multicultural discourse, both related to the idea of the stranger as an immigrant. What makes that

these discourses are similar to each other is that alienation is still crucial in the creation of one

collective, it is the stranger's difference from the norm that fills the norm with meaning (Ahmed 2000).

Based on the idea of alienation, the experience of being comfortable and understandable is understood as a relief,

where the invisibility that comprehensibility enables enables movement (Ahmed 2006; Kipfer 2007).

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Because this article focuses on young people's experiences of racism at school, of course

the stranger as a figuration mainly in relation to ideas about the ideal student and which bodies are moving

(and how) in school, not least in relation to nationality. To make the equivalent visible as often

is made between Swedishness and whiteness, ie ethnicity / nationality and race (Hübinette & Lundström 2011),

and thereby understand why some students read as strangers in school are used here

the concept of racism. Being racist describes the process by which people attribute to each other

racial affiliation based on our cultural ideas about links between race, nationality and ethnicity. A body

which is racized as non-white in a Swedish context undergoes a process of “marked racization” and

becomes foreign, while bodies that are read as white pass "unmarked" because they are understood as

acquaintances (cf. Hübinette & Lundström 2011; Svensson 2017).

How we are racialized affects how we are perceived and our ability to reproduce different lifelines or

institutional lines. In this article, institutional lines are primarily linked to the idea of

school success as a desirable lifeline and to the school as an institutional environment with the mission to

enable a reproduction of this lifeline for all students, through ideals as equality within

the school system. From a phenomenological perspective, the school's mission is to even out differences between

different children's conditions are thus understood as a way to straighten out and straighten out the discomfort, and that

align them in straight lines, to form linear, comfortable subjects.

With this phenomenological approach, the article contributes to further problematizing the school as

a place that works for equality and equality for all children, where differences are smoothed out and everyone gets

opportunity for, among other things, social mobility, and in addition problematize the linear and forward-looking,

above all by highlighting young people's experiences of not being allowed to be part of the linear and on which

way this is experienced.

2.1 Method and material

The material analyzed here is part of a larger project on identity creation in separatist

online forums. In addition to a phenomenological approach, I therefore also start from a netnographic approach in

the study. Netnography (Kozinets, 2015) means that researchers adapt their ethnographic

starting points for the specific environment that, for example, online forums constitute, and differ from

traditional ethnographic fieldwork, among other things in terms of access to the material, ethical

the dilemmas that may arise and not least the role of the researcher in the creation of the material. In this

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section, I will partly present what the material consists of, its scope and when it was collected

in, partly some of the ethical issues that arose during the work.

The material for the study comes from two different online forums, hereinafter referred to as forums A and

forum B in the material discussion, which is described by the moderators as being created by and for

people who are racist and have separatist guidelines, ie. that only persons who are racist may

actively participate in the forum. How to decide who is racialized and who is not, and therefore

not allowed to participate in the forum, is an ongoing discussion between the participants. At the same time means

this is not that the forums are closed. On the one hand, they are so open and accessible that anyone can

read the material, and others other than those who belong to the target group are encouraged to read and absorb what

written, through, among other things, direct addresses in posts written by moderators and "thread starters". However

comments are deleted that indicate that the person who wrote them is not part of the target group, continuously by

forum moderators1. Since the moderators partly approve the so-called "thread starters", a

process that I have not had insight into, partly have the opportunity to delete comments as they mean

contravenes the forum's guidelines, this affects who has the opportunity to post and who

posts that were left at the time of collection. This also means that it is only certain stories

which is shared with forums, while other experiences are made invisible.

Prior to the material collection, the moderators of the forums were contacted with information about the project

purpose and issues as well as ethical approaches. The moderators were also urged, if necessary

time and energy on their part, ask questions about the project. In accordance with an approved test at

The Regional Ethics Review Board in Stockholm, and a number of similar studies, have informed

consent from individual participants was not collected. This is partly because there are a lot of participants

anonymous and that others use aliases, where in many cases it would mean so extensive

intrusion on their privacy to try to identify them that this option was also considered

as unethical. When it was judged to be ethically problematic to seek consent from the moderators å

on behalf of others, this was not something that was requested either, but in contact with the moderators

they were offered the opportunity to decline participation for the entire forum. All material was anonymized in

connection with the collection, and which quote comes from which forum is not identified in the article

to further strengthen anonymisation. Materials produced under the relevant

1 Karin Hagren Idevall (2015) shows in her study of a separatist Instagram account the linguistic strategies used
to justify commenting even though you are aware that you are not part of the target group, and how this is treated.

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time period but which was considered particularly sensitive in terms of participants' anonymity, such as

participants who write about living with a protected identity were not collected.

The material is mainly written by young people in their late teens, where the majority went to high school

or had recently taken the student when the material was written. The material included in the article was published

at both forums during the period January to June 2017 and were collected during the subsequent ones

months. In total, the material consists of 507 posts written by 44 young people or "thread starters", ie.

those who started discussions with a post and thus started a forum thread. The focus is on 22

thread starters on each forum, however, the number of posts is somewhat uneven due to the different thread starters

degree of activity (268 posts from forum A versus 239 posts from forum B).

After the material was collected, a first manual coding of the material was done, where the posts

were sorted into one or more broad categories based on content, such as "school", "racism" and

"Activism". Based on this initial categorization, close readings of all themes were conducted, there

coding was slightly adjusted, and recurring patterns were mapped. Then 42 of these 507 posts

focusing on experiences of the school, written by 18 thread starters, the school as a general theme became clear

already early in the analysis process. In the majority of cases where thread starters have written about the school so have

they wrote between 2 and 4 posts, a total of 13 out of 18. This high prevalence of posts on the specific

the topic led to a growing interest in what and who was mentioned when the young people discussed

school. In reading these posts, there was a greater focus on meetings with teachers in the school,

rather than with other students, partly that meetings with teachers or other students were described in a noticeable way

different ways. While other students' practice of racism in school was largely described as

values you brought with you from home, rather than values you carried yourself, were presented by teachers

racism as more telling to them as individuals. Based on these early patterns where the school and teachers

highlighted as problematic, the research questions formulated for this article, in order to be able to

understand these experiences further.

Then almost half of all thread starters start discussions about their experiences in school, with one

high response in the form of comment, this means that school is a topic that is discussed often and by

many participants in the forums. This may partly be due to the age of the participants, as the school is a large one

part of their everyday life, but may also be due to the fact that the school is a place where their presence is partly made up of

coercion due to compulsory schooling and therefore means that they are in a potentially vulnerable and vulnerable

position. The target group for the forums thus means that a great focus on the school is relatively given, without

to be uninteresting for that matter.

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In the capacity of being the material from separatist online forums, where conversations take place between peers

without the direct participation of a researcher, the material becomes a complementary source to the school ethnographies

and interview studies done on racism in school and everyday racism. However, the material is not

without restrictions. The forum's focus on racism and racism undoubtedly shapes experiences

who are highlighted and who feel that they have stories to share, and the forums' linguistic and

discursive norms further contribute to regulating who participates, what experiences are considered

legitimate and how these experiences are described. The material can thus contribute to further perspectives on

racialization processes in school environments, through stories from young people who themselves identify it as

they have experienced as racism, while the range of experiences is limited by the forums

design and standards.

The article uses the term racization as this term is the one most commonly used in the material

and which reappears as a framing concept for those who actively participate in the forums. The choice to

use the same concept as the participants are twofold, and partly based on an ethical approach

to respect their self-identification and their own collective categorization. In addition to this ethical

choice, the concept of racism, and theories concerning it, are used to understand the worldview projected by the participants

and as a way of approaching the material. Although many participants participate

forum with alias, so many thread starters present themselves with their nickname. At the same time, others choose

thread starters to remain completely anonymous, and participate without aliases or any name. They quoted

participants have been assigned fictitious names in the article.

Young people's online activities have been the subject of moral panic, especially in the mass media

also in research, not least current issues of integrity and security, but also young people

political engagement (Greyson et.al. 2014). Online forums for political discussions can both be seen as

an opportunity for young people to become politically aware and engaged (Kamau 2016; Steele 2018) or

as an obstacle to young people engaging in formal, political processes (Stanley & Weare 2004;

Fuchs 2013). In this article, the virtual space is highlighted mainly based on how its function works

young people in their everyday lives are formulated on the forums, and how this function is put in relation to theirs

experiences of the school, without speculating on the question of whether these forums have consequences for

formal political processes and participation.

Experiences of racism in the Swedish school system

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This article presents a number of experiences of racism in Swedish schools, divided into three

teman. The first, to embody diversity, discusses how a view of diversity can be positive

promote alienation and help students feel vulnerable in their schools. The second, broken

lines and forward movements, make visible how students feel that they are limited in their possibilities

to reproduce the institutional lines that the school advocates, in the form of school success. The third

and the last theme, the spatial dimensions of colonialism, analyzes how the school as an insecure space can

understood on the basis of phenomenologically based theories of colonialism and spatiality.

3.1 To embody diversity

Sam: I went to a school in the inner city where a lot of the students came from the upper class. A very

white school where the exceptions were adopted like me (but still: brown bodies but white in mind). When

I started the second ring, a teacher proudly told me at the gathering in the dining room that OH SO FUN,

now immigrants have started at the school! Fun that we get to have them !!! 1! 1 !! It was so uncomfortable,

the way he said it. That they were not their own people but an exotic "color click" we could watch, like

animals at the zoo.

In the story above, Sam describes his experience of how teachers talk about different groups of students in the school

a way that is perceived as unpleasant. In the example, Sam experiences that the teacher expresses that it is

a positive change that it has started immigrant students at school. This positive view of

"Immigrant students" express a positive attitude towards diversity and the teacher seems to consider that

this means something good for the school. For Sam, on the other hand, this statement is perceived as unpleasant, that

the new students are something to look at, "like animals at the zoo". As the teacher is portrayed in Sams

narrative, it becomes clear that the "immigrant students" are considered to be something other than the ordinary students,

not least because they are referred to precisely as "immigrants" who they "now" received at school, and who did not

considered to have been there before. Ahmed (2000) believes that the idea of the stranger is a prerequisite

to create relationships. The stranger occurs in a variety of discourses, where the stranger can

attributed to different character traits and charges, but where it, regardless of whether it is seen as something positive

or negative, is characterized by the fact that it is a stranger who differs from a normative idea of one

clearly "we". Difference is something that exists in other bodies, which becomes diversity (Ahmed 2009). IN

In the example above, the school constitutes a clear (white) "we", which according to Sam consists primarily of white,

upper-class students, from whom the "immigrant students" are perceived to differ. Even when they are produced as

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something positive for the school, then the positive consists of them being something else, something new that the school is not

had before. Sam feels that the "immigrant students" are thus understood based on their difference from

other students, and therefore it is made clear how a happy diversity discourse presupposes that they are understood exactly as

strangers, in the same way as they would if their arrival had instead been understood as something

negative or threatening to the school.

Sam further expresses that he experiences it as if the new students "were not their own people",

which is also reinforced by the teacher's comment that it is "fun that we can have them". "Immigrant students"

is therefore perceived as something positive in the capacity of being able to add something as people who differentiate

from the majority, but also by becoming an object or a symbol for the school to "have". The

The presence of new students can therefore be understood as a symbol of the school's general mission to be

inclusive and equal for all have succeeded. The presence of "immigrant students" can thus say

symbolize successful mobility within cities, where aspects such as free school choice are considered to be possible

diversity and mobility (Lundström 2007). The idea of diversity can be understood as “a politics of feeling

good ”, an orientation that makes us feel that we have succeeded in the diversity mission or

the task of creating an equal school, but which hides the inequalities that remain (Ahmed 2009,

p. 44).

Then the students are considered to contribute something both in the school environment in general, for the benefit of other students and for

teachers, and more specifically for the school's profile and as a symbol of successful mobility, this can be understood

as that the "immigrant students" get embodied diversity, ie. that their individual bodies receive

represent and be the diversity, which is separate from the (white) majority, and also gives the school

diversity. Individuals thus "are" diversity, rather than diversity being understood as something

which arises in relationships between different people and is thus found in the student group in general (Ahmed

2009). Their mere presence as strangers gives the school the opportunity to show that it is for equality

and anti-racism, and their presence is presented as something positive. At the same time, this is happy

diversity conditional, it requires that those who embody diversity also buy it and

confirms the school's success stories. Ahmed says that “through diversity, the organization is

represented 'happily' as 'getting along' […] your arrival is thus a happy occasion for the

organisation. But you have to smile […] if your arrival is a sign of diversity, then you are a success

story ”(Ahmed 2009, p. 46).

In the experience that is retold, however, the uncomfortable fact that the new students are not allowed to be is made visible

his own characters and Sam also notices that he himself is different from it

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ordinary student group to some extent in the capacity of being adopted. In this way he himself takes one

position of alienation in order to distance oneself from the teacher's positions and instead criticize the alienation-

creating process to which the new students are exposed. The rendering of the event will be in

the context of the forums a story about how different student groups are distinguished from each other and how this

reproduces racist norms in school. At the same time, sharing the experience also gets one

Community-building function in the forums through the confirmation provided by other participants;

and the "we" that continues to be created based on the sharing of similar experiences and understanding

what Sam finds problematic with teachers' statements.

Among the young people's stories, there are also experiences of being made a stranger yourself

and is expected to speak as a stranger in school:

Izza: When we sat and discussed racism in English, my English teacher always checked
me, she wanted me to answer. Enough that it is difficult to talk about racism with white
people in Swedish, now I would take it in ENGLISH as well. My English teacher always diminished
my feelings.

According to Izza's story, it is a teacher who starts a conversation about racism, which could be understood

as an attempt by the teacher to perform an anti-racist or tolerance pedagogical work by

encourage students to discuss racism (Bromseth & Darj 2011). The teacher's attempt to get some students

participating in a discussion can further be understood as an attempt to let students take a seat and make theirs visible

experiences of racism, but according to Izza's reproduced experience of the situation, the lesson becomes instead

unpleasant and pointing. By making an individual student visible in a conversation about racism, with one

invitation to the student to participate and share, Izza feels that she is marked as different in

relation to the other students and is expected to express herself in a question based on who she is expected to

be. Like the previous example with the "immigrant students", Izza's experience can be understood

as that she is made a stranger, when she experiences that her body is separated from the others, is done

uncomfortable and limited (Ahmed 2000; Ahmed 2007).

Sociologist Sarita Srivastava (2006) believes, in her study of anti-racist work in feminist

associations, that conversations about racism like these rather serve as a way for the whites in the context

to process their feelings than as a way to solve racism problems in the specific environment, in this

case school. People who are exposed to racism experience an expectation to share theirs

experiences to enable the therapeutic conversation, but rather function as one

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awareness-raising conversations for whites where they are given the opportunity to process their own possible feelings of guilt

around racism. Contributing with their thoughts and experiences does not satisfy the student who experiences

that it is exposed to racism (Srivastava 2006). Instead, Izza experiences that she gets her own feelings

diminished, while at the same time feeling that she is still expected to participate actively. By

participate in a conversation about racism where her own feelings are made central but at the same time ignored, can

Izza's story is understood as another way of expecting bodily diversity (Ahmed 2009).

Both testimonies above show the importance of alienation in young people's experiences and

retelling of school memories where teachers worked anti-racist, as some students feel that they are done

to strangers to construct the school or classroom as an environment of successful diversity.

Students also experience that they are expected to contribute something other than other students because of theirs

alienation and they are distinguished from the others. The stories describe the experience that

The "immigrant students" and the student with experience of racism are expected to contribute something in particular

due to the positions in which they are placed by the teachers, as assumptions are made partly about theirs

migration experiences, partly about their experiences of racism. In both examples, the young people tell about

the experience of the students being divided into different groups, one we and they , where some students form one

invisible neutrum, like the white upper-class students who make up the regular student body at school,

while some student bodies are second-edged, even when they are also hailed in their deviation. This alienation

becomes a continued condition for a forward-looking movement on a more societal level, as their presence gets

represent a functioning, tolerant and inclusive school system, and it enables a continued

telling the success story of the happy diversity discourse.

3.2 Broken lines and forward movements

In the stories above, diversity is presented as something that is perceived as positive, including young people

experiences of racism or with an “immigrant background” are considered to contribute to the school environment and

learning through their mere presence. Although diversity is understood as positive, these experiences are described in

terms of discomfort, something that makes certain student bodies as deviant and distinct from those

"Ordinary" students. The forums also share experiences where teachers do not seem to share this picture

positive diversity as the teachers in the previous stories, but point out students in a way that is experienced

as more stigmatizing and hostile.

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Bilan: My schooling has been a pure roller coaster. I'm in my second year of high school now

but during certain periods I had constant problems with teachers or those with me rather.

My whole schooling during primary school has been about something having happened to someone

teacher. From a very early age, I have worked hard, been ambitious and tried to do my best in basically

everything. I know that many people probably recognize that racist young people in school are not

taken seriously and / or treated much more differently than white children in school (in many cases). If

you are blatte and take up space, you will be silenced really quickly, you have a great personality as

fills an entire room, you should calm down so as not to take up too much "space". The smallest thing

that makes you stand out from the crowd makes you the "messy" typical blatte student. Do not even @ 2

me on this because I know exactly what I'm talking about because I also have many other racists

myself have been through this. I myself have witnessed how non-racist children who are in any way

problematic are not taken seriously at all by teachers , get a kind frivolous reprimand when they do

something wrong. Anyway, it's not like the other way around, like for what? I talk about everything from

grades, school work and even the treatment of teachers, etc. where many injustices occur

completely unconscious to others. Many people may think that this is just imagination, but it is not

somewhere. Especially if you have had to go through it yourself during your early / late upbringing or

are simply observant and ask about experiences around the school from a POC

perspective. 13 year old I honestly thought I would never be portrayed in a negative stereotypical way

because that was not how I was at all? I'm a good student? But that was until my English teacher

changed his view of me completely and destroyed everything.

Here Bilan talks about her experience of her attempt to be a good, ambitious student

repeatedly met with resistance from teachers. She believes that she is instead perceived as

someone who takes up a lot of space, and experiences that she is then "silenced" and reduced to a "messy

typical blatte student ”in the classroom. By highlighting that she "tried to do my best" and means

that many probably recognize themselves in her experience, Bilan shows that she, like it

dominant notion in school policy debate, sees school success as something desirable

and a key to a successful adulthood, but meetings with teachers are perceived as an obstacle to

realize this, rather than an opportunity for success. Ahmed's (2007) interpretation of Frantz Fanons

phenomenological exploration of blackness, which explains how different bodies stretch and take

2 By "do not even @ [at] me on this" Bilan means that there is no point in "tagging" her, ie insert Bilan's alias so that she
is notified of answers, and in the long run that there is no points for trying to start a critical discussion with her about topics
as she "knows exactly what [she] is talking about".
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space in or fills space, shows how our ability to move is affected by the presence of other bodies. Fanon

describes how he becomes aware of his movements only when he gets a white man's gaze on him when he

should do something as mundane as smoke a cigarette, and describe this awareness as one

negative or negative activity that limits the body's ability to take place. Fanon becomes aware

about the movement required to reach the cigarettes, and how these are coded and racified with the white one

the man's gaze on himself. This means that the gaze interrupts or disturbs his ability to move, then his

movements are racist in this meeting and gain their significance (Ahmed 2007). From this perspective on

relational physicality, it is possible to read how Bilan feels that her way of taking a seat is racist,

and her movements are thus characterized by ideas about how different bodies take place. Balance sheet behavior in

the classroom, which she herself believes is part of being an ambitious student and doing her best,

she experiences being perceived by teachers as exaggerated and messy, and places her in the position of

messy "blatteelev". The idea of the messy student has traditionally been associated with boys, and which

group these boys are supposed to belong to (eg boys who have developed an anti-plug culture, boys

with neuropsychiatric diagnoses) has shifted over time, and in recent years, confusion has become increasingly prevalent

to be associated with “suburban boys” and “immigrant boys” (Jonsson 2015). The messy boy who

story exists in opposition to the ideal student, and embodies all the behavior that

considered wrong in school. In addition to ideas about how the ideal student should behave, the perceived one is strengthened

the messiness in Bilan's story that she also violates ideals around femininity, then messiness

coded as something (some) boys engage in, and especially a crime a school-sanctioned femininity

(Lundström 2010; Sohl 2014). The school-sanctioned femininity is strongly associated with this

a white middle-class ideal where girls balance between being good, active students in the classroom

and at the same time meet the requirements of silence, kindness and self-discipline. Bodies that are not racialized

whites are attributed in contrast to whites an aggression and intimidation, something that is also coded as one

masculine behavior, an idea that can contribute to Bilan experiencing her way of taking a seat in

the classroom becomes a particularly visible transgressor and is perceived as messy rather than good

(Lundström 2010; Sohl 2014).

Based on Ahmed's theory of orientation, Bilan's idea of a school success as something is also made visible

which leads her forward, along with a desirable lifeline, where she is focused on embodying

a caring school ideal. The car experiences itself fulfilling this endeavor, by doing its best and

perform at school, but experiences that she in the meeting with teachers is interrupted or disturbed in her movements

and in their attempts to reproduce a normatively desirable line of life or institutional line.

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Ahmed (2007) believes that institutions take shape according to what fits within them, and believes that many

institutions can therefore be understood as white, shaped by the bodies that are usually accommodated and gathered

within them. In the material, it is mainly the young people themselves who call their schools white, however

even in cases where it is not done, the school can still be understood as a white institution then the Swedish

the education system was designed based on the idea of a monocultural society where whiteness constituted one

prevailing norm (Tesfahuney 1999; Lundström 2010; Martinsson 2014). About the Swedish school

understood as a white institution, it means that the school room that students move in is also oriented around

whiteness, which therefore becomes invisible to whites. To then move, like a person being racized, in these whites

Ahmed therefore describes rooms as moving through "a sea of whiteness". The movement is characterized by it

self-awareness that Fanon (1967) experiences in Black skins, white masks, and bodies that are racist

as non-whites therefore do not have the same ability to extend into space as white bodies have,

the movement is slower at the same time as it involves a disorientation of the room itself (Fanon 1967;

Ahmed 2007). Fanon further describes:

I move slowly in the world, accustomed now to seek no longer for upheaval. I progress by
crawling. And already I am being dissected under white eyes, the only real eyes. I am fixed.
Having adjusted their microtomes, they objectively cut away slices of my reality. I am laid bare.
[…] I slip into corners, I strive for anonymity, for invisibility. Look, I will accept the lot, as
long as no one notices me! (Fanon 1967, p. 116)

The car therefore experiences that she is perceived as taking up more space in the room than other students, and

this occupancy of the room is also perceived as somewhat disturbing and uncomfortable, at the same time as she

herself feels that her ability to move is limited. Just like in the previous examples of diversity

as something positive, bodies stand out in rooms where they are seen as "out of place", which is also further

reproduces the whiteness of space (Ahmed 2000; 2007). Ahmed (2007) believes that one's ability to follow

institutional lines are affected by other lines that one also follows. The young people experience that just

racialization as non-white implies a fixation of how they are expected to behave and what lifelines they can

follow, and by extension therefore also implies a perceived inability to follow an institutional line,

although other aspects such as class also come into play (cf. Sohl 2014). To be able to make school success

and following institutional lines also means an opportunity to be able to take the position as a manager

ideal student, an invisible but desirable position. Fanon (1967) makes visible the experience of adapting his

movements and make them less visible, by “slip into corners, strive for anonymity” (p. 116),

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and Bilan experiences that her movements are perceived by teachers as larger and more disturbing than others

pupils. Through the experience of being understood as "messy", Bilan experiences that she thus

denied the position as an ideal student and the possibility of being perceived as neutral, invisible in the crowd

and successful. The equality and opportunity that the school is expected to constitute, and which is perceived to be

successful by the teachers in the first examples, is therefore perceived to be limited to certain student bodies.

For other young people, this fixation as a "messy immigrant child" becomes a stamp as well

points to other shortcomings in school, for example when it naturalizes the concentration difficulties that
Alex has:

Alex: My schooling was not easy. Being someone with a bit of "interesting" descent, letters to use in jokes,

and "difficult" last names excused my unruly behavior and rude

concentration difficulties so I never received the support that a Swedish child received. Due

my last name, I was seen as a standard messy immigrant child who had no chance of becoming as good

or smart as the Swedish children. Teachers have been calling me stupid. Idiot.

Sluggish. Cp. Dirt. In front of full classrooms.

Also in this story, the narrator, Alex, remembers experiences of a distinction from Swedish children,

which Alex thinks would have gotten help with his concentration difficulties and behavior if it were

those in question. Here, Swedish children's difficulty concentrating can be understood as a minor

interruptions in the reproduction of the institutional line, through which it is possible to rectify - through

special support - to orient them in the right direction, so that they too can reproduce a forward direction

movement. But for "immigrant children", as Alex himself calls it, this is not experienced as much as

an interruption in their attempt to reproduce an institutional line, but rather means the possibility

that they could do so is not even intended. The lifelines that so-called "immigrant children"

are expected to follow are instead perceived to be completely different, and institutional lines such as school success are something

which Alex experiences being orientated away from when they are fixed as just "immigrants" and strangers.

Alex experiences that her body is perceived as so foreign in the room that she never got it

"The support that a Swedish child received", and that he thus feels that the same attempt is not made

on the part of teachers to try to straighten him in the same line as the others, but he continues to be “out

of place ”and disoriented (Ahmed 2006). Here also comes the idea of a stranger discourse,

where Alex experiences that her body exists as a constitutive opposite to the Swedes

the children, her body is expected to take up too much space and be uncomfortable and disruptive, which in turn

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also constructs the Swedish children as comfortable and caring. Alex believes that her behavior

not understood as difficulty concentrating, but instead on the basis of ideas about her cultural background,

and through this her behavior is naturalized as normal (for him) but disturbing.

The naturalization of some students' behavior as something culturally bound can be understood as part of

the cultural racism that Modood (2015) describes. Alex thus feels fixed in a way that

makes it impossible to correct and correct him in the same institutional lines as he experiences

that her classmates may follow. The experience that Alex shares would, like Sams, too

can be understood as a community-building story on the forum. Alex refers to having

"Interesting" descent, "difficult" surname and to be perceived as "standard messy immigrant child"

who have been subjected to negative discrimination in relation to the children Alex identifies as Swedish,

experiences that readers are expected to understand and identify with. The experiences that are shared and

confirmed on the forums thus contributes to internal demarcations regarding which stories are seen

as legitimate and which participants belong on the forums.

In both stories above, these experiences are highlighted as typical, something that everyone who is racist

can recognize themselves in. Ahmed (2007) believes that the existence of non-whites is characterized by this very negation,

that they are not white, their bodily creation is marked by what they can not do, by one

movement restriction while whiteness is instead characterized by opportunities. In a Fanonian sense, success is

and forward movement therefore a matter of bodily privileges, an ability to move through

the world without being disoriented, fixed or having their movements interrupted. Some bodies are stuffed in theirs

movements by making them visible in themselves, and being racized as non-white or as “immigrants

student ”, regardless of whether this is done on the basis of a successful diversity discourse or on the basis of the experience of them

as messy and disturbing, means that, as young people recount their experiences,

constructed as a stranger and that even movements are constantly interrupted.

3.3 Spatial dimensions of racism

In the stories above, young people testify about the racism, abuse and discrimination they have faced

in school, from other students as well as teachers. In the forums, however, it is not only these negatives

experiences that lift but also ways of dealing with them.

Idil: How do I survive high school these days? First of all, I choose my battles.
Sure, it's fat hard to hear problematic things that people just throw out, but I have

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taught me not to spend so much time on it because I do not feel bad about it later.

Has also begun to terminate contact with people who do not understand the oppression I or

others go through. It saves soooo much time, energy, anger & frustration. Gets exhausted by the thought

of having to hang out with people who do not understand me or my anger. […] Think

It's fat important to surround yourself with people who understand you no matter what, especially when

you do not even have to say anything. We can look at each other and understand exactly what we mean
or feel.

Once, every two weeks, I also go to [a separatist group's] meetings, to rant and

hear other people's experiences. Fat nice to organize and discuss with people who understand you. You

are told that other high school students have gone through the same things that you & know exactly

then that one is not alone in the struggle. Last but not least, it's okay not to want to get involved with people

you do not like or who you think do not understand you. Personally, I think it's easiest

to hang out with people I know back me up. You CAN finish high school if you are yourself and

goes with problematic people. It's about having to believe in yourself and stand up for yourself

what's right. Everyone needs pepper every now and then but do not think you are alone !! You are strong.

The story describes a number of strategies for coping with everyday life at school. Idil tells how she

has learned to choose her battles, but also that she can terminate contact with people who

she experienced not sharing her opinions or experiences. To interact with other people in the school

she says it involves a balance between confrontation and distancing. Here constitute

The "joy killer" (Ahmed 2009) a possible position for Idil, both by confronting and so on

wise "kill the joy" in, for example, a classroom, but also by terminating the contact and

highlight the tensions that exist in social contexts.

This social exclusion can also give rise to one's own isolation, depending on the environment one

is in. The possibility of excluding people with whom you do not agree presupposes

a strong social network in general, and Idil turns to the reader at the end of his story to

remind him that he is not alone. "You CAN finish high school if you are yourself […] everyone needs pepper every

now and then but do not think you are alone !!" Although the school can be experienced as one

socially disadvantaged environment, the reader is reminded that the separatist space exists as support, both in its

physical as well as virtual form. The virtual space where these experiences are shared is experienced here as one

opportunity for those who do not have like-minded people in their physical environment that Idil has.

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In the forums, the sharing of these experiences has multiple functions. On the one hand, the stories form one

opportunity to make visible and process experiences of racism, and they get a community building

function for the participants in the forums. The alternation between Idil's own strategies, and a described "I",

and the personal appeal of an imagined "you", the reader, further contributes to creating a community on the

forums for those who recognize themselves in what Idil and the others are telling. Although

others can read what is written, so the forum's guidelines regulate who is allowed to participate actively, and create

therefore a security regarding which voices can and may be heard. Separatist rooms of various kinds

is described in Idil's report as a direct opposite to the school, as spaces where you can share

experiences of like-minded people, where you can discuss without feeling questioned. Idils

description of separatist rooms, however, also shows a view of who is expected to participate and be

themselves in these rooms, namely those who "understand" and "have gone through the same things". These

formulations both open up for the reader to contribute their own stories of racism in school

and limits which voices are expected to be heard in the forums. By further writing that “everyone

need pepper every now and then but do not think you are alone !! ” Idil shows that this is also a function

as separatist spaces and forums can fill, and again demonstrates the positive, community-building

role she attributes to separatism.

Based on the young people's experiences of being made a stranger and exposed to racism in school can

the school is also understood as a colonial space, a mirror of the surrounding society and its

values, where bodies that are racized as non-whites are also fixed, limited, and where ideas about

race, racism and racism are constantly reproduced (Kipfer 2007). The separatist room is experienced

thus as a respite from school, something that is safe and permissive in contrast to the school environment. IN

these rooms, it is then possible to move and extend in a different way, the rooms and the conversations

are for and shaped by the young people, rather than the white rooms where they are constantly characterized by

his lack of whiteness (Fanon 1967; Srivastava 2006; Ahmed 2007). Idil's story also shows that

her use of the virtual space does not limit her involvement in association life

beyond the internet, when the separatist group Idil visits every other week also engages in opinion-forming activities

(Fuchs 2013). Although the political commitment varies between

the youth on the forums do not constitute the use of the forums as an obstacle to other political

commitment, but rather a tool for mobilizing young people who experience oppression in their everyday lives.

4. Conclusions: a school without spaciousness

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Reducing human beings to their physical appearance - and the historical weight of past racism tied up in

bodily image - is achieved by putting Black bodies in place. This form of

objectification makes it impossible to escape bodily confinement and denies the possibility of freedom.

(Kipfer 2007, p. 709)

In the article, several experiences of racism in school have been highlighted and analyzed with the help of one

phenomenological approach. Here, the idea of teachers as anti-racist knowledge bearers and

knowledge communicators, and thereby the idea that the school is an equal environment where everyone has the same

opportunities to "succeed". Instead, students' experiences of different forms of racism from are made visible

especially teachers, both in situations where diversity is understood as something positive, racism is discussed

generally and where the student himself experiences that they are pointed out as a problem in the classroom.

The persistent idea that teachers as tolerant, anti-racist knowledge-bearers and

knowledge mediators should be problematized, as these can also carry prejudices that do not have

"Cured" neither during their own schooling nor during the teacher training that is expected to prepare

them to teach children about tolerance and anti-racism. The stories shared on the forums about racism in

the school is predominantly about teachers who are perceived as racist and shows how this racism continues

perceived as an obstacle for the young people in their schooling. At the same time, the stories are shared

on the forums limited in their selection: as I mentioned earlier in the presentation of material entails

the forum's focus on racism that it is mainly negative experiences that are highlighted. Teachers are attributed in

the stories a position that mainly adult Swedes, while the teachers who themselves share

young people's experiences or create a positive school environment are rarely made visible. In the youth

stories, teachers are perceived to limit students' mobility, which in turn can be interpreted as a break in

their attempts to reproduce desirable lifelines and make them visible as deviant strangers.

The school is instead perceived as a place without spaciousness, where bodies are regulated and limited in different ways

way, the school becomes "a world without spaciousness" (Fanon 1963, p. 39). In addition, it can be high

the presence of teachers as racists in young people's stories show the discrepancy between how one

teachers are expected to behave and how it is then in reality. Teachers who are perceived as racist

thus constitutes a betrayal of the adult world regarding the security and opportunity provided by the school

is expected to consist of and means that the students feel that they themselves must find strategies outside

school in order to survive their everyday school life.

The function of the separatist rooms appears most explicitly in the last story from Idil, there

separatism is identified as a concrete strategy for dealing with everyday school life. Separatist rooms
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is described here as something other than school, characterized by understanding, recognition and equality. except that

separatist rooms are perceived to be able to constitute a breathing space where young people can share theirs

experiences, the rooms also offer a possible educational arena outside the school, where young people own

experiences of racism are at the heart of knowledge production in a way that does not construct them

as strangers in their own world. In both Idil's and the others' stories, the sharing fills

experiences a community-building function outside the school, where you can talk to like-minded people

which one experiences understands and encourages one. The separatist guidelines that govern who

actively participating, but allowing everyone to read, also contributes to a perceived shift in which voices

who have the opportunity to speak and how, as well as what perspectives are presented, compared to

the young people's recounted experiences of their everyday school life. The separatist guidelines contribute to

a perceived security in the questioning of racist norms in school, at the same time as the forums

Relative openness to other readers also means that these voices are given a greater reach than in a closed one

group. With this article, I have wanted to show how young people continue to experience school as one

environment where they are made into strangers based on ideas of racism and alienation, in line with the past

research (Lundström 2007; León Rosales 2010; Jonsson 2015) and show that function

separatist spaces outside the school can fill for both the formation of knowledge about racism and racism

as for community building for the young people who apply to the forums.

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