Police Carreer Path

SECTION
5
Police officers begin their careers working on patrol.
Career Paths of
Police Officers
S e c tion
t i o n Hi g h l i g h ts
•• Examine why people choose to become police officers.
•• Review the three phases of training.
•• Identify the factors that influence officers to seek promotion.
P olice work is often presented as an exciting and challenging profession on popular television
programs. Despite the fact that police work on TV has been edited to present some of the most
interesting aspects of the job, many people are still drawn to this profession each year. Other than
the excitement of the job, why do people choose to become police officers? And once they have made this
career choice, what do they have to do to become police officers? This section begins with a discussion of
some of the most common reasons that people choose to become police officers. Standard application
and selection requirements are then covered to provide a general overview of the hiring process. This
section also covers three types of police training that take place over the course of a typical policing
career: police academy training, field training officer (FTO)/police training officer (PTO) program, and
in-service training.
165
166 PART I OVERVIEW OF THE POLICE IN THE UNITED STATES
yy Choosing a Career in Policing

The career paths of individuals who choose to become police officers begin with them making the decision
to apply. Research indicates that people choose careers in policing for an opportunity to help other people,
a good salary and job security, a job that is exciting, and the prestige that comes with being a police officer.1
Surprisingly, men and women give very similar responses when asked about their motivations for becom-
ing police officers.2 A recent study of police recruits in the New York City Police Department revealed that,
in general, motivations for pursuing policing careers were also similar across all racial/ethnic groups.3
Police cadets in the Los Angeles Police Department reported that they had decided to become police offi-
cers several years before they had actually applied for the job—they stated that it was something that they
had always wanted to do.4 There are other people that choose policing as a career as a result of recruitment
efforts by police agencies.
yy Recruitment
Police agencies use a variety of recruitment techniques to attract the best applicants. Visiting technical
schools, community colleges, and universities is a common recruiting practice used by police agencies.
Potential applicants are also reached through career fairs, advertisements in newspapers, television and
radio, and Internet recruiting websites. Some police agencies begin the recruitment process early by visiting
local high schools. The Explorers program is another
way to spark interest in a policing career early on in
youth populations. The Explorers program gives youth
a hands-on look at the profession by allowing them to
participate in activities with officers from local police
agencies. This is a program offered in cities across the
United States.5 All of these recruitment efforts are
important, as they have a direct impact on the quality
of police officers that are ultimately hired.
The diversification of police agencies has become
an important part of the recruitment process for
American police agencies. Agencies specifically seek-
ing female applicants highlight their family-friendly
policies to attract women who might have otherwise
believed that having a family would be a barrier to a
career in policing.6 Female police officers also attend
career fairs to attract female applicants, and are able to
The Explorers program introduces young people to the policing give them first-hand accounts of what it is like to be
profession. women working in this profession. Similarly, agencies
that are looking to expand racial/ethnic diversity
within their organizations provide mentoring programs in which minority police officers share their experi-
ences with minority citizens that are considering jobs in policing. Other police agencies conduct focus
groups and community meetings in racially diverse neighborhoods to attract more diverse applicants.7
Many police agencies have found that they need to go beyond traditional recruiting efforts if they want to
attract a more diverse pool of applicants.
Section 5  Career Paths of Police Officers 167
Standard Employment Requirements

U.S. citizenship/driver’s license Residency requirements
Minimum age 21 years Education—at least high school diploma
Height proportionate to weight Vision—varies across agencies
Criminal record—no felonies
yy What Are Some of the Common Requirements

for Hiring Police Officers?
There are no national, standardized employment requirements imposed on police agencies in the United
States. Requirements for employment vary from state to state and agency to agency. This variation in
employment requirements explains why police agencies are so different from one another across the coun-
try. Most police agencies, however, do have standard employment requirements in the following areas:
U.S. Citizenship/Driver’s License

Being a citizen of the United States is a nearly universal requirement that needs to be met in order to become
a police officer in any state in the United States.8 A valid driver’s license is also a universal requirement to
become a police officer.
Residency Requirements
Residency requirements vary from one police agency to the next. Some police agencies require their
officers to live within the city limits of the communities they serve, while other agencies do not. Less
restrictive residency requirements might allow their employees to live no further than a certain number
of miles away from police headquarters. Residency requirements have been debated for some time and
have even been contested in court. In general, residency requirements have been deemed constitutional by
federal level courts as long as the employing agency can demonstrate that there is a rational basis for such
a requirement.9
Reasons police officers should be required to live within the communities they serve include the
idea that this will allow them to better understand the needs of their community; they will have a
greater stake in serving the community; they will contribute to the local tax base; it could reduce absen-
teeism of officers; and it allows police officers to respond quickly if they are needed in emergency situ-
ations.10 In contrast, there are many reasons to oppose residency requirements, including the idea that
it could disqualify otherwise qualified applicants that live outside of the community; police officers will
be able to provide quality services even if they do not live in the communities they serve; and officers
should be given the choice to live wherever they want to live—housing in some cities is very expensive
and could cause financial hardship for police officers forced to live there.11 This requirement has
become negotiable in some jurisdictions when police agencies have had difficulty attracting qualified
applicants within the community.
Age
The minimum hiring age commonly used by police agencies in the United States is 21 years old.12
Recently, there has been discussion about raising the minimum hiring age beyond 21 years old.
Justification for increasing the age requirement is based on the idea that chronological age may not
reflect an individual’s maturity level; thus, raising the hiring age by a few years will give people more
time to mature. The opposing side of this debate asserts that if the age is raised too high, it will reduce
the overall size of the pool of applicants. On November 5, 2010, the Chicago Police Department
announced that it had raised its minimum hiring age from 21 to 25 years old. Police Superintendent
Jody Weis stated that this increase in the minimum hiring age was an effort to encourage a more mature
police force.13
Education
Nearly all local police agencies in the United States have some kind of education requirement as part
of their hiring standards.14 A majority (82%) of local police agencies require that applicants have a
high school diploma, while 6% require some college credits but no degree, 9% require a 2-year degree,
and 1% requires a 4-year degree.15 When these statistics are compared to those from previous decades,
it is clear that police officers are becoming more educated in the United States over time. But does an
increase in education requirements result in better police officers? This question has been studied
extensively over the last four decades. In the Roberg and Bonn article included at the end of this sec-
tion, the impact that higher education has on police officer attitudes and job performance is discussed
in detail.
Height/Weight
Many police agencies in the United States used height and weight requirements as part of their selection
process for hiring until the late 1970s.16 Some agencies required that applicants weigh at least 150 pounds
and measure 5’8” or taller.17 This requirement had an exclusionary effect on women and some racial/ethnic
minorities interested in becoming police officers. Under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the courts
determined that this screening requirement was discriminatory, as it would disqualify a higher percentage
of female applicants when compared to male applicants.18 Further, the courts ruled that this requirement
was not an accurate way to assess whether someone could do the job. Most agencies eliminated this require-
ment after the Supreme Court ruling in the case of Dothard v. Rawlinson (433 U.S. 321, 1977).19 Today, some
agencies use a modified version of this requirement by requiring that applicants’ height is proportionate to
their weight; however, most police agencies will assess whether someone is physically capable of doing
police work by requiring them to complete a physical agility exam.20
Vision
Many police agencies have a vision requirement. The level of vision required by applicants varies from
one agency to the next. In most agencies, peripheral vision must be normal and there cannot be a his-
tory of eye disease.21 It is important to have good vision when performing most job-related tasks, but
any problems with vision can jeopardize both a police officer and public safety in this particular line
of work.
Criminal Record
According to recent statistics, all local police agencies in the United States conduct criminal record checks
on all applicants as part of the hiring selection process.22 Most police agencies will not hire people that have
been convicted of felony charges, as most state Police Officer Standards and Training (POST) programs will
not allow certification of people with such convictions.23 There is great variation from one police agency to
the next regarding the type of violations that will be allowed as part of the hiring process. Many police agen-
cies have a list of the criminal violations that are either tolerated or not on their department website.24
In the past, when police agencies have lowered their hiring standards, the results have been disastrous.
For example, in 1988, Congress required the District of Columbia to hire 1,500 new police officers within a
20-month time period or it would lose $430 million of aid. This rushed hiring process (which involved
lowering hiring standards) resulted in more than half of the officers hired during that timeframe either
being arrested or being brought up on criminal charges.25 Similarly, many of the officers that were involved
in the 1998 Rampart scandal in the Los Angeles Police Department were hired during a time when employ-
ment standards were lowered. Many of the Rampart police officers had been previously convicted of a
variety of criminal acts, including selling marijuana, domestic violence, grand theft, and driving under the
influence.26 After investigating the police officers that were directly involved in this scandal, the Los Angeles
Police Department concluded that
While it is impossible to substantiate completely, it appears that the application of our hiring stan-
dards was compromised when these officers were hired during periods of accelerated hiring in the
late 1980s and early 1990s. . . . Several employees were aware of the Department hiring people with
prior gang affiliations, drug use and criminal histories.
These examples demonstrate the importance of maintaining high employment standards for police
officers.
yy Selection Process
The process of becoming a police officer goes beyond filling out an application and meeting the minimum
employment requirements. This process can be lengthy (6 months or longer) and requires applicants to
demonstrate that they are both physically and mentally fit to be effective in this profession. The selection
process varies from one police agency to the next, but there are some general steps used by most police
agencies across the United States. The steps in the selection process also vary in the order of occurrence
across police agencies.
Written Exam
Once it has been determined that the minimum standard requirements have been met by applicants, they
will likely be asked to take a written examination. Most (80%) American police agencies serving popula-
tions of 25,000 or more require applicants to take a written aptitude exam.27 Written exams measure reading
comprehension, vocabulary skills, and, in some cases, analytical and problem-solving skills. The content of
written exams varies from one agency to the next. Many police agencies tailor written exams to measure
skills that they feel are important for police officers working in their communities. Exams are graded and
then rank ordered from the highest

to the lowest score. Exam scores are
often combined with other scored
requirements for each applicant over
the course the hiring process to
determine each applicant’s overall
ranking in the pool of candidates.
Physical Agility Exam

Applicants will be asked to take a
physical agility test to determine if
they are capable of meeting the
physical demands of police work.
Most (90%) police agencies serving
Applicants are required to demonstrate that they are physically able to do the job.
populations of 25,000 or more
require applicants to complete a
physical agility test.28 Physical agility exams require applicants to do push-ups, do sit-ups, and run a
specified distance to judge their cardiovascular endurance levels. Some police agencies also utilize obstacle
courses to test an applicant’s physical agility. There has been some controversy over the use of agility
courses, as they often disqualify a high percentage of female applicants.29 Research on this topic finds that
physical agility courses do not reflect the skills that police officers actually need to be able to provide
adequate services to the public.30
Oral Interview
Nearly all (99%) police agencies require their applicants to participate in an oral interview with a panel of
professionals.31 The composition of professional panels varies from one police agency to the next, but police
executives, civil service representatives, human resource personnel, and, in some instances, citizens from
the community could be part of this group. Like many of the other steps in the hiring process, the content
of the questions asked during an oral interview will vary across agencies. Some general questions that could
be asked may be related to why an applicant wants a job in that particular agency; why he or she wants a job
in policing (in general); or how the person might respond to hypothetical situations (i.e., would you write
your own mother a speeding ticket?). In some cases, applicants are asked questions regarding elements of
crimes or criminal code for their jurisdiction.
Medical and Psychological Exams

Applicants will also be asked to take both medical and psychological examinations. Many police agencies
leave these examinations for the end of the screening process because of the costs associated with such
services. A majority (89%) of American police agencies require medical examinations to ensure that
applicants are in good physical condition.32 The examination includes elements of routine annual physi-
cal examinations conducted by physicians. In addition, audiograms (hearing), vision testing, pulmonary
function testing (breathing), chest x-ray, electrocardiograms (heart function), and cardiopulmonary
stress tests (heart and lungs) are sometimes included in medical exams.33 Drug testing has become part
of the medical examination in some agencies. In fact, most (83%) police agencies require drug testing
prior to being hired.34
Psychological screening is used by many (72%) police agencies as part of the screening process.35 The
type of test used in psychological screening varies across police agencies; however, the Minnesota
Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) is often used to assess the psychological state of applicants.36
The MMPI screens for psychological issues, including paranoia, schizophrenia, depression, and manic
behaviors.37 The Inwald Personality Inventory is another test that is used during the screening process. This
instrument is used to identify negative personality traits, including rigidity, loner mentality, emotional
instability, impulsivity, antisocial attitudes, and difficulty with interpersonal relationships.38 This “screening
out” approach has been criticized because it focuses on identifying negative traits while failing to identify
people who have positive traits that would be suitable for this profession.39
Record Checks/Background Investigation

Nearly all (99%) police agencies conduct a background check on applicants.40 The depth of background
checks varies across agencies, but in general, this usually involves telephone interviews with neighbors,
teachers, personal references, and former employers. It is also at this stage in the process that applicants’
driving, criminal, and credit records are examined. Recent statistics indicate that all police agencies check
to see if applicants have criminal records, and nearly all (99%) agencies check driving records.41 The inclu-
sion of credit history as part of the background investigation is becoming common in police agencies. For
example, 70% of police agencies serving populations of 25,000 or more looked at the credit scores of appli-
cants in 2003; this increased to 83% in 2007.42
Polygraph Examination
Polygraph examinations are not used as frequently in the hiring process compared to some of the other
screening techniques mentioned in this section. Only half (50%) of local police agencies require applicants
to take a polygraph exam.43 This practice has become less common over time, as it is expensive and the
accuracy of this test has been challenged in court.44 It has been suggested that if police agencies choose to
use this screening approach, they should use it to deter lying instead of detecting lying.45 In addition, the
results of such an exam should not be weighted as heavily as other parts of the screening process, as the
accuracy of its results is debatable.
Assessment Centers
An assessment center is a place applicants go to participate in a series of situational exercises that
simulate responsibilities and working conditions of police officers.46 The situational exercises are used to
assess applicants’ abilities to work in teams, their communication skills, and their ability to interact with
the public.47 They are another tool that is used to supplement (not replace) the traditional screening
process used by police agencies. Slightly more than one-third (35%) of all local police agencies use
assessment centers as part of their hiring process.48 The high cost of using assessment centers prohibits
some agencies from utilizing this tool in their screening process.49 But are assessment centers better than
traditional cognitive exams for predicting who will be good police officers? Joan Pynes and John
Bernardin conducted a study comparing the predictability accuracy of traditional cognitive exams (pen-
and-paper format) and assessment center exercises.50 This study revealed that traditional cognitive
exams were better predictors of police academy performance, while assessment centers were better
predictors of on-the-job performance.
If applicants successfully make it to the end of the selection process and are offered a job, they will be
required to enroll in a police academy. In some places, people are not allowed to enter academy training until
after they have been offered a job with a police agency.51 People who have been offered a job prior to entering
the police academy would be paid all or a portion of the salary they will receive once they are done with
academy training, and the agency may also cover all or some of the costs of academy training. In contrast,
some agencies require people to complete police academy training before they begin the screening process.52
The drawback of entering police academy training before having a job offer is that the individual would be
responsible for paying for his or her own police academy training.
yy Training
Police officers go through three stages of training over the course of their careers: police academy training,
field training officer (FTO)/police training officer (PTO) program, and in-service training. Each phase of
training provides officers with the information and skills that are necessary to be effective in this position.
Police Academy Training

Police academy training is the first phase of training for police officers. The purpose of academy training
is to teach police cadets about what is expected of them once they become police officers and also the
proper way to conduct police work. In 2006, there were 648 state and local law enforcement training
academies providing basic training skills across the United States (98% of these academies were
approved by state agencies).53 The average police academy program lasts 19 weeks or 761 hours (not
including field training requirements).54 The average number of training hours (including both class-
room and field training) is 1,370 hours.55
Police academy training has both a classroom and field training component. The topics covered in the
classroom portion of academy training vary from one academy to the next; however, there are several topics
that are covered by most police academies:56
•• Criminal law (average of 36 hours)

•• Constitutional law (average of 12 hours)
•• Cultural diversity (average of 11 hours)
•• Community policing (average of 8 hours)
•• Mediation/conflict management (average of 8 hours)
•• Report writing (average of 20 hours)
•• Ethics (average of 8 hours)
Some police academies offer training on a variety of specialty topics, including domestic violence,
interacting with juveniles, terrorism, hate crimes, and handling hazardous materials.
Training in the field is also part of police academy training. This type of training focuses on the physi-
cal aspects of police work. Some common topics covered in field training include:57
•• Firearm skills (average of

60 hours)
•• Self-defense skills (average
of 51 hours)
•• Health and fitness training
(average of 46 hours)
•• Patrol (average of 40 hours)
•• Investigations (average of
40 hours)
•• Emergency vehicle operation
(average of 40 hours)
•• Basic first aid skills (average
of 24 hours)
Firearms training is just one of several practical applications covered in the academy.
Police academies have been criticized for not incorporating more training related to community polic-
ing and problem solving into their curricula.58 The criticism comes from the idea that most police agencies
claim to have adopted community policing and problem-oriented policing practices (which rely less on
physical skills), but a large portion of police academy training is focused on the physical aspects of the job
instead of skills related to community and problem-oriented policing. Another criticism is that the academy
curriculum reinforces the idea that masculinity and aggressiveness are valued and necessary traits associ-
ated with being a police officer. An emphasis on such traits can make police academy training difficult for
some women.59
FTO/PTO Programs
The field training officer (FTO) program was developed in San Jose, California, in 1972.60 This stage
of training requires newly sworn police officers to apply what they have learned in the police academy
to real-life situations on the streets while being observed by field training supervisors. The FTO pro-
gram also helps to determine who will be able to function effectively as police officers. There are several
general phases included in most FTO programs:61 (1) an introductory stage in which recruits learn
about policies and procedure that are unique to their agency; (2) training and evaluation phases in
which recruits are introduced to more difficult tasks associated with policing; and (3) the final evalua-
tion phase in which recruits work independently while they are being critiqued by field training super-
visors. FTO programs have been criticized because they do not contain elements of community or
problem-oriented policing.62
A new postacademy training program, the police training officer (PTO) program, was created in the
early 2000s through funding provided by the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services in Washington,
DC.63 The Reno, Nevada, Police Department worked in conjunction with the Police Executive Research
Forum (PERF) to study the training needs of police agencies across the country. Based on findings from this
study, the new PTO program was designed around the concept of problem-based learning. Problem-based
learning is a process that helps officers develop problem-solving skills, the ability to be critical thinkers, and
skills to work well in a team setting. 64
The PTO program is composed of eight phases.65 (1) Orientation phase provides information before
trainees enter the field training program. (2) Integration phase teaches trainees about department resources,
their agencies’ administrative procedures, and the PTO process. (3) Phase A is the initial training, which
emphasizes nonemergency incident responses. (4) Phase B is the second training experience, which focuses
on emergency incident responses. (5) Midterm evaluation allows PTO supervisors to evaluate the progress
of trainees at the midway point to determine if additional training is needed or if the trainee can move on
to the next phase. (6) Phase C focuses on training related to patrol-related activities. (7) Phase D centers on
training related to criminal investigations. (8) Final phase once again requires trainees to demonstrate their
abilities in front of PTO supervisors. If trainees have difficulty with certain tasks, they will be allowed to go
back for additional training. If trainees do not demonstrate appropriate levels of ability after they receive
additional training, they will be terminated.
The PTO program is different from the FTO program, as it is emphasizes problem-based learning
skills that enhance problem solving and critical thinking, while the FTO program focuses on developing
mechanical repetition skills and rote memory capabilities.66 The FTO program places great emphasis on
applied skills, which include defensive tactics and shooting abilities, while the PTO places great emphasis
on problem-solving and critical-thinking skills. The PTO program was designed to be flexible so that each
individual agency can tailor the training to fit its individual needs, while the FTO program is structured
in a more general manner based on the assumption that most police agencies function in the same way.67
The PTO program is viewed as more reflective of both problem-oriented and community-based policing,
while the FTO program is based on a more traditional policing model. Thus far, there has not been a
nationwide adoption of the PTO program, but some police agencies are choosing PTO programs over FTO
programs today.
In-Service Training
In-service training takes place over the course of police officers’ careers once they have completed both
academy and FTO/PTO training. Nearly all (92%) local police agencies in the United States require their
officers to participate in some type of in-service training each year.68 The type of training and the number
of required hours varies from one agency to the next. Recent statistics indicate that the average number of
in-service training hours required by American police agencies each year is 35.69
A wide range of topics can be included in this phase of training. Training in certain areas may be
required of police officers each year (such as firearms or defensive tactics training); however, officers may
also be able to choose from some elective topics. Some examples of elective training topics include problem-
solving skills, computers, equipment (such as breathalyzers or nonlethal weapons), search and seizure,
domestic violence, crime scene investigation skills, and interview and interrogation skills.70 This type of
training is important because it helps police officers stay current on any changes that may impact their
work, and it allows them the opportunity to continually refine their policing skills.
yy Promotion
Promotion within police organizations is a way to facilitate organizational continuity and reward officers
that demonstrate excellence at work. The promotion option also provides police officers the opportunity to
learn new skills and take on additional responsibilities that can expand their roles within the organization.
Promotional opportunities may also keep police officers from getting bored with their work and, as a result,
increase their commitment to the job.71 The availabil-

ity of promotion opportunities differs from one agency
to the next, with large police agencies providing more
opportunities for advancement than smaller agencies
with fewer positions overall.
But how does the promotion process work?
Similar to the recruitment, hiring, and training of
police officers, the promotion process varies across the
country. Several general elements are included in the
promotion process.72 (1) Written test—the written
exam is often used at the beginning of the promotion
process to help rank order people based on their gen-
eral knowledge of policing. (2) Practical exercise—
officers are given tasks that mirror those that they
may encounter once they are promoted. For example,
each person might be asked to write a memo to the Promotion allows police officers to take on new challenges and
chief explaining how she or he believes a policy or responsibilities.
procedure could be changed to be more effective.
(3) In-basket exercise—this type of activity is used
to assess quick and effective decision making. A common in-basket exercise would require officers to
respond to a series of e-mails (all of which pose a different set of problems) in an allotted amount of time.
(4) Oral interview board—this assesses officers’ attitude, judgment, leadership skills, and professional
accomplishments. The composition of this board differs from place to place; however, it is common to
have sworn police personnel and/or community representatives or a combination of both in this group.
(5) Review of performance evaluations—the idea behind the review of performance evaluations is that
past job performance can predict future job performance. Once officers have been scored using several
means of assessment, they are rank ordered and placed on the promotion eligibility list. The chief of police
then uses this list to choose who will be promoted.
So why do police officers choose to pursue promotional advancement? Thomas Whetstone found that
officers pursue advancement because it is a personal goal they have set for themselves, because promotion
allows for additional career opportunities, some people want to be in leadership roles, and because others
in the department had encouraged them to do so.73 Both male and female police officers gave these reasons,
with slight variation in the order. There were some racial differences in motivations for pursuing promotion.
White officers stated that they viewed promotion as a personal goal, while minority officers reported that
promotion would allow them to be positive role models to youth in their community.74
Research has also explored the reasons officers choose not to pursue promotion. There are three general
categories of reasons some police officers opt out of the promotion process.75 First, there are personal
reasons—these include a potential decrease in salary (they might lose opportunities for overtime if pro-
moted), child care, and familial concerns, because a promotion may require a shift change, and they believe
that they are not ready for the test. Second, officers cited professional reasons, including that they prefer
their current shift and assignment, they are not interested in the promoted position (specifically the posi-
tion of sergeant), and they feel that they are not ready to be promoted. And finally, officers reported several
organizational reasons, such as perceptions of unfair testing practices, bias by the administration, not
enough openings, and that they were not encouraged to do so by others/supervisors.
With a few exceptions, there is little variation in the reasons given for why male and female police officers
choose not to pursue promotion.76 In a recent study, female police officers reported both personal and orga-
nizational reasons for choosing not to pursue promotion (similar to those previously mentioned) but also
stated that being married to male officers working within their organization hindered their ability to
advance—hence, they paid a “marriage tax.”77 Tokenism is another factor that impacts the promotion of both
racial minority and female police officers. A recent study by Carol Archbold and Dorothy Moses Schulz found
that some women choose not to pursue promotion because they believe that their male colleagues will think
that they were promoted because they are women and not because they are qualified to do the job.78 Racial/
ethnic minority police officers share similar experiences when they seek promotion within police agencies.79
yy Retention
The decision to leave the policing profession can take place at any time over the course of an officer’s career.
Joan Barker studied the occupational socialization of Los Angeles police officers and found that there are
several stages in an officer’s career at which he or she may question his or her career choice: 80
1.
Hitting the streets—this phase occurs during the first 3 years, including the time in the training
academy and probationary period, and also the time that officers begin learning the realities of
police work. During this stage, officers are trying to prove themselves, and their colleagues help
them learn the ropes using both formal and informal practices unique to their department.
2.
Hitting their stride—this is a 5-year phase in which officers are gaining confidence and developing
their own style of policing. At this point in their careers, they begin to notice and express dissatisfac-
tion with negative parts of their job.
3.
Hitting the wall—this phase lasts roughly 4 years. Officers begin to question many aspects of their
work and become disillusioned about their job.
4.
Regrouping—this phase lasts until an officer makes the decision to retire or leave the job before
retirement. This phase consists of officers re-evaluating their careers and deciding how to proceed.
If they choose to remain in policing, they take time during this phase to figure out a strategy toward
finishing their careers through retirement.
5.
Deciding to retire—the final phase in an officer’s career is when he or she decides to retire from
policing. This is a hard decision for most officers, as many retire at a young age and are then faced
with the task of finding another way to spend their time (in some cases finding another career).
Some of Barker’s career phases identify times when officers may be more likely to think about leaving polic-
ing. For example, when officers are first exposed to the realities of police work in the hitting-the-streets phase,
they could decide to leave before becoming too entrenched in the work. The hitting-the-wall phase is also a point
in time at which some officers might become so disillusioned with their jobs that they decide to leave.
But why do some people choose to leave? Being unhappy with salaries and benefits (primarily in small
agencies), frustration with police administration and the criminal justice system, and job and family stress
are some reasons people choose to leave this line of work.81 There is evidence that female police officers are
more likely to leave policing compared to male officers.82 Minority police officers are also more likely to drop
out of policing when compared to White officers.83 The article written by Robin Haarr that is included at the
end of this section examines the reasons people (specifically racial/ethnic minorities and women) drop out
of policing. Police administrators need to track individuals who choose to leave their agencies (perhaps by
using exit surveys) to better understand why these individuals decided to leave. This information may then
be used to implement changes within their organizations that could result in fewer people leaving in the
future. In contrast, studies have also revealed that good salaries and benefits, job security, the challenge and
excitement of the job, job satisfaction, an opportunity to work with people, and simply needing a job are
some of the reasons people choose to remain police officers.84
SUMMARY
•• Men and women give very similar reasons for wanting to pursue policing careers.
•• Most police agencies have a minimum hiring age of 21 years.
•• After submitting an application, most people will be required to take a written exam and participate in a
physical agility test, an oral interview, and medical and psychological testing and agree to a background
investigation.
•• There are three stages of training that take place over the course of a police officer’s career: police academy
training, field training officer (FTO)/police training officer (PTO), and in-service training.
KEY TERMS
age requirement in-basket exercise residency requirement
assessment center in-service training Title VII (1964 Civil Rights Act)
Explorers program Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
FTO/PTO program Inventory (MMPI)
height/weight requirement
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. What are some of the ways that police agencies recruit applicants for police officer positions?
2. Discuss the history of the use of height/weight requirements by police agencies.
3. How are assessment centers used by some police agencies during the hiring process?
4. Why have some police training academies been criticized over the years regarding the substance of their
training curricula?
WEB RESOURCES
•• To learn more about the Explorers program, go to http://exploring.learningforlife.org/services/career-
exploring/law-enforcement/.
•• To learn more about law enforcement training academies, go to http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/index.cfm?ty=tp&
tid=77.
•• To learn more about careers in policing, go to http://www.policecareer.com/careerassessment.htm.
178 SECTION 5 CAREER PATHS OF POLICE OFFICERS
READING 9
This article explores whether a college education is necessary for police officers working in modern police
agencies in the United States. Roy Roberg and Scott Bonn explain the evolution of higher education in policing,
as well as the debate over its importance to this profession. The authors believe that there is strong empirical
evidence to support a college degree requirement for all police officers; however, they suggest that the require-
ment should be implemented at a slow, graduated pace.
Higher Education and Policing:

Where Are We Now?
Roy Roberg and Scott Bonn
yy Introduction local departments require a minimum two-year degree,

or its equivalent in college units. Baro and Burlingame
For nearly 100 years, there has been a debate over (1999, p. 60) argue, however, that while an increasing
whether a college education for police officers is desir- number of officers are completing college units, this
able or even necessary. In present-day society, with the could simply represent “degree inflation” as an associ-
ever-expanding complexity of the police role and the ate’s degree (two year) today may only be the equivalent
transition to community policing, this question is more of a high school diploma in the 1960s.
important than ever. Interestingly, the initial require- The evolution of higher education in policing, the
ment of a high school diploma to enter the field of long-term debate over its importance, social and techno-
policing occurred at a time when most of the nation’s logical changes, and the complexity of the contemporary
population did not finish high school. Thus, a require- police role provide the focus of this article.
ment of a high school education actually identified
individuals with an above average level of education.
Today, the high school diploma has essentially yy The History of Higher-
been replaced by a college degree as the above-average Education Programs for
level of educational attainment in the USA. In fact, 24.4 Police
percent of Americans age 25 and over have a four-year
college degree or higher (US Census Bureau, 2000). The debate over higher educational requirements for
Consequently, local police departments that have not police officers is not new. Starting in the early 1900s,
raised their educational requirements for entry have Berkeley, California, Police Chief August Vollmer called
failed to keep pace with their early tradition of employ- for the recruitment of officers who were not only trained
ing people with an above-average education. It should in the “technology of policing” but who also understood
be noted, however, that while police departments in “the prevention of crime or confrontation through
general do not require a four-year degree, an increasing [their] appreciation of the psychology and sociology of
number of police officers do have them. Also, many crime” (Carte, 1973, p. 275). Vollmer, known as the
READING 9 Higher Education and Policing: Where Are We Now? 179
father of police professionalism, required his officers to major role in ushering in the “golden age” for higher
attend classes at University of California at Berkeley and education for the police (Pope, 1997). The first event
designed a series of courses there specifically to enhance was the enormous increase in the crime rate that began
their formal education. Because of his outspoken sup- in the early 1960s; the second event was the ghetto
port of higher education, his officers became known as riots, which occurred in the mid-1960s. The burning,
“Berkeley’s college cops” (Carte, 1973). looting, and general turmoil in many of the nation’s
Following Berkeley’s lead, other programs major cities was the catalyst that spurred the public
emphasizing police education were developed at and the government into action. It was at this juncture
major universities during the 1920s and 1930s. Early that the “war on crime” began (Pope, 1987).
programs laid the foundation for higher education in As a result of a heightened emphasis on crime
criminal justice, which was typically labeled police prevention, the growth of law enforcement programs in
science, police administration, or law enforcement. both two-year and four-year schools during the 1960s
Such curricula were developed in selected four-year and 1970s was dramatic. It has been reported that in
institutions and many community colleges through 1954 there was a total of 22 such programs in the coun-
the mid-1960s. try (Deutsch, 1955), but by 1975 the numbers had
Even with the development of academic police increased to more than 700 in community colleges and
programs, the concept of the college-educated police nearly 400 in four-year schools (Korbetz, 1975).
officer was strongly resisted by the majority of rank- Southerland (2002) reported a total of 408 four-year
and-file officers. In fact, it was not until the latter 1950s criminal justice programs in the USA in 1999–2000.
and early 1960s that a minimum requirement of a high Also playing a key role in the debate over higher
school or general equivalency diploma (GED) was education in policing, the President’s Commission on
firmly established (Garner, 1999). Officers who either Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice (1967)
had a degree or were attending college were often issued a comprehensive report titled The Challenge of
viewed with suspicion and distrust by their peers and Crime in a Free Society which documented the serious
supervisors. Goldstein (1977, p. 284) aptly described impact of crime on US society. The report identified the
their plight during this era: need for college-educated personnel (including the
police) to address the increasing complexities of soci-
The term itself implied that there was some- ety. One of their most significant, and controversial,
thing incourageous about an educated police recommendations was that the “ultimate aim of all
officer. College graduates despite their steadily police departments should be that all personnel with
increasing number in the general population, general enforcement powers have baccalaureate
did not seek employment with the police. The degrees” (President’s Commission, 1967, p. 109).
old but lingering stereotype of the “dumb Shortly thereafter, Congress passed the Omnibus
flatfoot,” the prevalent concept of policing as a Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, which cre-
relatively simple task, the low pay, and the ated the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration
limitations on advancement—all of these fac- (LEAA). Through LEAA, the federal government
tors made it appear that a college education poured billions of dollars into the criminal justice
would be wasted in such a job. system—focusing on the police—in an attempt to
improve their effectiveness and reduce crime. Under
Two significant and interrelated events, however, LEAA, an educational-incentive program, known as the
took place in the mid- to late-1960s that required the Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP), was
country to take a hard look at the level of professional- established in the late 1960s, professedly to increase the
ism and quality of US police forces as well as the rest of educational standards of officers throughout the nation.
the criminal justice system. These two events played a In practice, it provided financial assistance primarily to
in-service police personnel, rather than “civilians” who police departments should place more emphasis on
wished to pursue law enforcement as a career. “recruiting the educated” or on “educating the
In 1973 a highly influential Report on Police by the recruited.” The commission concluded that the “occu-
National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice pational perspective” of full-time police work, “proba-
Standards and Goals (1973), further advanced the higher- bly reduces the impact of college on students” (Sherman
education recommendations made by the President’s and The National Advisory Commission on Higher
Commission. The Report on Police included a graduated Education for Police Officers, 1978, p. 13).
timetable that would require all police officers, at the time Since the late 1960s and early 1970s, many police
of initial employment, to have completed at least two programs have broadened their focus, emphasizing
years of education (60 semester units) at an accredited criminal justice administration rather than technical
college or university by 1975, three years (90 semester training. As the LEEP program was eventually phased
units) by 1978, and a baccalaureate degree by 1982 out, so too were most of the weaker police programs in
(National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice higher education that had emerged largely to pursue
Standards and Goals, 1973, p. 369). federal funding. The stronger programs continued to
Based on these reports and the federal govern- recruit PhDs trained in criminal justice and other social
ment’s educational-incentive program, a meteoric and sciences for their faculties, thus establishing a more
unregulated increase in police science (law enforce- scholarly approach toward teaching and research. These
ment) programs ensued. Serious questions about their changes in higher education in criminal justice, includ-
academic rigor and viability were soon raised. In order ing faculty quality, student body makeup and curricular
to capture their fair share of the LEAA funds, many content, have allowed the field to mature quite rapidly
schools hurriedly spliced together programs that were and gain academic respectability. As reported by Garner
lacking in academic quality. These programs failed to (1999, pp. 90–91), “many of the past decade’s mistakes
meet the President’s Commission’s goals, that is, to pro- have resulted in a natural ‘course correction’ as a conse-
vide a broad educational background that would help quence of demanding increased standards and reduced
officers to meet the demands of their changing and discretionary funding.”
increasingly challenging roles.
The National Advisory Commission on Higher
Education for Police Officers spent two years conduct- yy Higher Education
ing a national survey and documenting the problems of Requirements for Police
police education (Sherman and The National Advisory
Commission on Higher Education for Police Officers, Advances in raising educational requirements for
1978). The report was extremely critical of the state of police have been slow and sporadic. In fact, a four-year
the art of police education at the time. The Commission college degree requirement is still virtually nonexistent.
found that many criminal justice college programs A national study of approximately 3,000 state and local
were “simply extensions of academy-based courses” police departments serving communities of all sizes,
(Garner, 1999, p. 90). It recommended significant conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS)
changes in virtually all phases of police higher educa- (Hickmans and Reaves, 2003a), indicates that only
tion, including institutional, curriculum, and faculty. 1 percent of departments required a college degree for
Significantly, the Commission recommended that employment in 2000. However, in some jurisdictions
police should be educated prior to employment; this the number is considerably higher than 1 percent, for
argument attacked the very basis of the LEEP program, example, 6 percent for departments in cities serving
which as previously noted, provided an overwhelming between 500,000 and 1,000,000 residents. Interestingly,
amount of its funds to in-service personnel. This rec- 0 percent of departments serving more than 1,000,000
ommendation started a serious debate on whether residents require either a four-year or even a two-year
degree. However, 33 percent of departments serving an important finding because it suggests that with highly
more than 1,000,000 residents do require some college. educated police chief executives as role models, higher
A total of 15 percent of departments had some type education may finally be emerging as an important part
of college requirement, usually a two-year degree of the police culture. It is likely that these chiefs will
(8 percent). For sheriffs’ offices, the BJS survey begin to emphasize, and even require, higher education
(Hickman and Reaves 2003b) reports that 12 percent of as part of their overall strategy to improve their depart-
offices serving more than 1,000,000 residents require ments, including promotional and hiring practices.
some college (while none require a degree); 6 percent of A study of 51 sheriff ’s departments and municipal
all offices require a two-year degree. police agencies in Colorado indicated that 22 percent
The BJS national survey (Hickman and Reaves, had a written policy requiring a college degree for pro-
2003a, p. 6) further reported that the percentage of motion (Nees, 2003). The PERF survey on higher edu-
officers employed by a department with some type cation (Carter et al, 1989a) found a growing trend for
of college requirement for new officers in 2000 was departments to tie educational requirements to promo-
32 percent, or about three time that of 1990 (10 percent). tion. Some 20 percent of those responding indicated
From 1990 to 2000, the percentage of officers employed that they had either a formal or informal policy requir-
by a department with a degree requirement increased ing some level of advanced education for promotion;
from 3 percent to 9 percent; for Sheriffs’ offices, the 5 percent required a college degree (as reported by
percentage with a degree requirement increased from Carter and Sapp, 1992).
3 percent to 5 percent. These trends are encouraging, The Arlington, Texas, Police Department provides
but there is clearly room for improvement. an example of what college degree requirements may
Even though the development of formal educa- look like in the future. Arlington, with approximately
tional requirements has been slow, some research sug- 600 sworn and 180 non-sworn personnel, began phas-
gests that approximately one quarter of officers in the ing in college degree requirements in 1986; currently,
field have a baccalaureate degree, most likely due to the about 75 percent of Arlington officers hold a bachelor’s
increased number of colleges and universities offering degree (Bowman, 2002). Table 1chronicles the develop-
criminal justice/criminology degrees. For instance, a ment of the Arlington Police Department’s emphasis on
1994 national study of departments with more than higher education.
500 sworn officers (Sanders et al., 1995) found that As Table 1 indicates, by 1999, all new recruits in
approximately 28 percent of the officers were college Arlington were required to hold a bachelor’s degree. With
graduates. Data from another national study for the respect to promotion, by 1991 a bachelor’s degree was
Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) of 485 state, required for deputy-chiefs, and in 1995 for lieutenants. A
county, and municipal police departments (Carter et al., master’s degree requirement was instituted in 1990 for
1989a) indicated that 65 percent of police officers have assistant chiefs; and in 2000, at least a four-year degree
completed at least one year of college and an additional was required of officers seeking promotion.
23 percent possess a four-year degree (as reported by
Carter and Sapp, 1990b).
Just as the percentage of police officers holding col- yy The Impact of Higher
lege degrees has increased, so too has the number of Education on Police
police chiefs holding degrees. A study conducted by Attitudes and Performance
PERF (Law Enforcement News, 1998) of 358 city and
county police chiefs in jurisdictions of 50,000 or more Early research on the impact of college on police atti-
residents discovered that 87 percent held bachelor’s tudes centered on comparing levels of authoritarian-
degrees, almost 47 percent had master’s degrees, and ism of college-educated police to police with little or
nearly 5 percent had law or doctoral-level degrees. This is no college. For instance, it was shown that police with
Table 1 Development of higher education requirements in the Arlington, Texas, police department
For entry For position
1986, Bachelor’s degree required for new recruits with no prior 1991, Bachelor’s degree required for deputy chiefs
police experience. Associate’s degree required for recruits with a
minimum of two years’ experience 1995, Bachelor’s degree required for lieutenants
1994, Bachelor’s degree required of all new recruits, regardless of 1999, Master’s degree required for assistant chiefs
experience
2000, Bachelor’s degree required of officers seeking
promotion
Source: Bowman (2002)
some college (Smith et al, 1968) and those with col- (2000) conducted a study of undergraduate college
lege degrees (Smith et al, 1970) were significantly less students (235 criminal justice majors and 428 non-
authoritarian than their non-college-educated col- criminal justice majors) at three large southern univer-
leagues. Guller (1972) found police officers who were sities in which subjects were asked to specify the prison
college seniors showed lower levels of authoritarian- sentence for a white or black convicted felon in one of
ism than officers who were college freshmen and of two hypothetical cases. No significant differences were
similar age, socioeconomic background, and work found in sentencing preferences between criminal jus-
experience, indicating that the higher the level of edu- tice majors and their non-criminal justice counter-
cation, the more flexible or open one’s belief system parts—suggesting that higher education appears to
may be. Dalley (1975) discovered that authoritarian deliver a more humanistic candidate for police work—
attitudes correspond with a lack of a college educa- a good sign as the nationwide trend toward community
tion and increased work experience. The author sug- policing continues. It has been argued that humanism
gested that a more liberal attitude is more conducive is a valuable trait in departments that practice com-
to the discretionary nature of law enforcement. A munity policing because an officer’s ability to empa-
number of other researchers have also found college- thize and communicate with local citizens is vital to its
educated officers to be more flexible and less authori- success (Meese, 1993).
tarian (Parker et al, 1976; Roberg, 1978; Trojanovicz Because police departments are so diverse, it is
and Nicholson, 1976). difficult to define performance measures. What is
There is some evidence to indicate that college- considered to be “good” or “poor” performance may
educated officers are not only more aware of social and vary from department to department. The criteria
cultural/ethnic problems in their community, but also used to measure police performance are not clear-cut
have a greater acceptance of minorities (Weiner, 1976), and are often controversial. Accordingly, research
are more professional in their attitude (Miller and Fry, findings on police performance will usually be more
1978) and ethical in their behavior (Tyre and useful if they are based on a wide variety of perfor-
Braunstein, 1992). In addition, college-educated offi- mance indicators. The research described next, on the
cers are thought to be more understanding of human relationship between higher education and police
behavior, more sensitive to community relations, and performance, is based on a number of different mea-
hold a higher service standard (Miller and Fry, 1976; sures of performance.
Regoli, 1976). This suggests that such individuals may Several studies have indicated that officers with
be more “humanistic” police officers. Carian and Byxbe higher levels of education performed their jobs in a
more satisfactory manner than their less educated department, have lower rates of absenteeism, receive
peers, as indicated by higher evaluation ratings from fewer injuries on the job, and are involved in fewer
their supervisors (Finnegan, 1975; Roberg, 1978; Smith traffic accidents (Cascio, 1977; Cohen and Chaiken,
and Aamodt, 1597; Truxillo et al., 1998). The Roberg 1972; Sanderson, 1977). There is even some evidence
(1978) study of 118 patrol officers in the Lincoln, that better-educated officers tend to use deadly force
Nebraska, Police Department, indicated that officers (i.e. fire their weapons) less often (Fyfe, 1988). In one
with “college degrees had the most open belief systems recent study, citizen encounters involving inexperi-
and the highest levels of job performance, indicating enced and less-educated officers resulted in increased
that college-educated officers were better able to adapt levels of police force (Terrill and Mastrofski, 2002).
to the complex nature of the police role” (Roberg, 1978, Another study conducted in the state of Florida (Law
p. 344). It was shown that age, seniority, and college Enforcement News, 2002), reported that police officers
major had no impact on the results, lending support to with just a high school diploma made up slightly more
the notion that the overall university experience may be than 50 percent of all sworn law enforcement person-
important in broadening one’s perspectives. It is impor- nel between 1997 and 2002, yet they accounted for
tant to note that all of the college graduates were from nearly 75 percent of all disciplinary actions issued by
a major land-grant state university that could be con- the state. Based on these findings, the International
sidered to have high-quality academic programs. Thus, Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) has commis-
the quality of the educational experience may also be sioned a two-year national study on the correlation
an important variable in determining the impact of between higher education and disciplinary action
higher education. against officers (Law Enforcement News, 2002). The
The Smith and Aamodt (1997) study, which con- goal of the national study is to provide empirical sup-
sisted of 299 officers from 12 municipal departments port to police administrators who want to implement
in Virginia, found that the benefits of a college educa- college requirements in their departments.
tion did not become apparent until the officers gained Some interesting findings with respect to the evo-
some experience. This finding is not surprising and lution of police departments indicate that college-
suggests that higher education is simply another tool, educated officers are more likely to attain promotions
along with training and experience, which allows offi- (Cohen and Chaiken, 1972; Polk and Armstrong, 2001;
cers to become more effective performers. Truxillo et al. Roberg and Laramy, 1980; Sanderson, 1977; Whetstone,
(1989) studied a cohort of 84 officers in a southern, 2000), tend to be more innovative in performing their
metropolitan police department over ten years and work (Trojanowicz and Nicholson, 1976), and are more
found that college education was significantly corre- likely to take leadership roles in the department and to
lated with promotions as well as supervisory ratings of rate themselves higher on performance measures
job knowledge. (Coben and Chaiken, 1972; Trojanowicz and Nicholson,
Other researchers have found college to have a 1976; Weirman, 1978; Krimmel, 1996). Kakar (1998)
positive effect of a number of key, individual perfor- indicated that these officers with higher education
mance indicators. For example, several researchers rated themselves higher in leadership, responsibility,
have found college-educated officers to have fewer problem-solving and initiative-taking skills in com-
citizen complaints filed against them (Cascio, 1977; parison to less educated officers.
Cohen and Chaiken, 1972; Finnegan, 1976; Sanderson, Of course, not all of the research findings on
1977; Trojanowicz and Nicholson, 1976; Wilson, 1999; higher education and policing are either positive or
Lersch and Kunzman, 2001). Additional research has have significant findings. For example, in one large-
indicated that college educated officers tend to per- scale reanalysis of survey findings in a 1977 study,
form better in the academy (Sanderson, 1977), have Worden (1990) found that the effects of higher educa-
fewer disciplinary actions taken against them by the tion on attitudes and performance were so small that
they were not statistically significant. Nevertheless, he survey (Hickman and Reaves, 2003a) of approximately
did discover that supervisors found educated officers to 3,000 state and local police agencies, serving commu-
be more reliable employees and better report writers, nities of all sizes, reported in 2000 that 90 percent of all
and citizens found them to be exceptional in their use officers worked for a department with either a formal
of good judgement and problem solving. or informal community policing plan. The survey
There is also evidence that college-educated offi- revealed that 60 percent of the nation’s largest police
cers become involved in cases of “individual liability agencies (serving 1 million or more residents) had a
significantly less frequently than non-college officers” formal plan, while 40 percent had an informal plan,
(Carter and Sapp, 1989. p. 163), and that college- indicating that 100 percent of the nation’s largest
educated officers tend to have a broader understanding departments now have some form of community polic-
of civil rights issues from legal, social, historical, and ing plan. In addition, the BJS national survey of the
political perspectives (Carter and Sapp, 1990a). Because nation’s sheriffs’ offices (Hickman and Reaves, 2003b)
lawsuits claiming negligence on behalf of police depart- reported that in 2000, 74 percent of all sworn personnel
ments are on the increase (along with the amount of worked for an agency with either a formal or informal
damages being awarded—often between $1 million community policing plan. Even though the BJS data
and $2 million per case), this is an important area for cannot tell us the degree to which such plans have usu-
future research. If a correlation between higher educa- ally been implemented, or how well they conform to
tion and reduced liability risk can be established, the community policing principles, it is nevertheless clear
availability and cost of such insurance to police depart- that a national, philosophical shift toward community
ments requiring higher education could be affected. policing has developed.
It has been argued that “the implementation of a
community policing plan supports and empowers
yy Higher Education and front-line officers, decentralizes command, and
Community Policing encourages innovative problem solving” (Hickman
and Reaves, 2008b, p. 14). Vital to the successful
One of the most important changes in police organiza- application of community policing is a problem-
tions over the past 20 years has been the evolution of solving orientation by its practitioners. As noted by
community policing. According to Geller and Swanger Goldstein (1979, p. 236), a problem-oriented approach
(1995, p. 3), community policing involves a “strategic suggests that the police develop “a more systematic
shift…toward the view that police can better help process for examining and addressing the problems
redress and prevent crime, disorder, and fear, through that the public expects them to handle.” Goldstein
active, multifaceted, consultative, and collaborative argued that the police have historically been too nar-
relationships with diverse community groups and pub- rowly focused on specific incidents (i.e. they handle
lic and private-sector institutions.” At the heart of com- the same incidents time after time) and should
munity policing is the notion that “public safety [is] a instead became more involved with solving the prob-
community responsibility, rather than simply the lems that lead to these repeated incidents. Goldstein
responsibility of…the police.” This change “transforms also believes that the community policing approach
the police officer from an investigator and enforcer into should improve the working environment for edu-
a catalyst in a process community self help. Rather than cated officers, who have much greater flexibility to
standardized services, police services become “custom- take the initiative and be creative in solving prob-
ized” to individual communities” (Osborne and Gaebler, lems. An improved work environment should lead to
1993, pp. 50, 174). increased job satisfaction for the police and improved
The Bureau of Justice Statistics reports a substan- quality of police service provided to the community.
tial movement toward this approach. The BJS national Significant to the debate over higher education, a
transition to community policing should more effec- yy Higher Education, Community

tively utilize the potential of college-educated offi-
cers, “who have been smothered in the atmosphere of
Policing and Terrorism
traditional policing” (Goldstein, 1987, p. 28). The threat of domestic terrorism will undoubtedly
Griffin et al. (1978) found that as education affect the police role. DeGuzman (2002), for instance,
increases, sources of job satisfaction may be related to argues that patrol work in the post 9-11 USA will need
internal factors, such as control. Accordingly, they recom- to be “target-oriented” with greater emphasis placed on
mended that structural changes (i.e. decentralization) be “event” analysis in addition to crime analysis. Target-
implemented in police departments to allow for more oriented is the concept that officers assess likely targets
control among lower-level officers. Likewise, Sherwood in their districts; that is they should not only be watch-
(2000, p. 210) states that job satisfaction may be linked to ing over obvious places and persons who might be of
the “use of a variety of skills, the ability to follow the task danger, but also where disruption in “safe places” might
through to a conclusion, freedom to make decisions, and occur. This suggests that the police should be able to
knowledge of the effectiveness of one’s efforts…” This is “deconstruct the obvious” (Crank, 1999; Manning,
consistent with the less hierarchical structure and more 1979). In other words, they should attempt to deter-
autonomous style of community policing which, logi- mine the vulnerability of people and places and how
cally, should be most appealing to officers with higher they may become targets of terrorism. Event analysis
education. Reinforcing the need for higher education to suggests that the police should be aware of ideologies
effectively implement community policing, Redelet and and cultural context, including important celebrations
Carter (1994, p. 156) stated: and event anniversaries of known activists, terrorists,
or groups and attempt to determine whether these
Given the nature of this change, the issue of events may be connected to a possible terrorist act.
college education is even more critical. The Because one of the central themes of community polic-
knowledge and skills officers are being asked ing is problem solving, many departments are already
to exercise in community policing appears to familiar with one method of analysis that could be used
be tailored to college preparation. for this purpose, known as scanning, analysis, response
and assessment (SARA). The SARA process would be
Perhaps most importantly, higher education can appropriate for analyzing events in the community and
provide the skills necessary to analyze and to evaluate their relationships to possible terrorist acts.
a range of nontraditional solutions to a problem. DeGuzman (2002) believes that the threat of ter-
Worden (1990, p. 576) stated: rorism will test officers’ decision-making and communi-
cation skills, and provide a challenge to police legitimacy
Because college education is supposed to pro- (i.e., belief that police are fair and equitable). The author
vide insights into human behavior and to foster suggests this will occur as a result of traffic enforcement
a spirit of experimentation, college-educated being intensified to combat terrorism, it is believed that
officers are (hypothetically) less inclined to no-nonsense (or even “zero-tolerance”) policies regard-
invoke the law to resolve problems, and corre- ing traffic violations will limit the movement of terror-
spondingly are inclined more strongly to ists. A number of Supreme Court decisions have
develop extralegal solutions. expanded the use of traffic stops for the purpose of
stopping, searching and investigating. Thus, it is sug-
In turn, the freedom to exercise one’s reasoning gested that the previously unreliable “hunch” or “sixth
and analytical skills (i.e. the ability to “think outside of sense” by the police is slowly being acknowledged by
the box”) should lead to increased job satisfaction the courts as legitimate grounds for police intervention.
among educated officers (Sherwood, 2000). And, given the social climate of the time, it is not
expected that the courts will be likely to strictly inter- more sensitive to the community in which they operate.
pret the requirements of the exclusionary rule (against Logically, the analytical skills provided by higher edu-
unreasonable searches and seizures) as originally set cation will prepare an officer to meet the complex chal-
out in Mapp v. Ohio (1961)[I]. Of course, while such an lenges presented by terrorism, while exposure to the
approach may, at least on the surface, appear better able humanities and social sciences through higher educa-
to track and investigate certain people, there are impor- tion will produce a more sophisticated, “socially con-
tant constitutional issues with respect to “racial profil- scious” and culturally attuned officer.
ing,” and perhaps just as importantly, police legitimacy.
Recently, this type of “sixth sense discretion” and zero
tolerance policies have led to distrust of the police by yy Validating Higher
minority groups, with a concomitant loss of police Education for Policing
legitimacy (Kennedy, 1997).
While undoubtedly more emphasis will need to Given the increasing number of college-educated offi-
be placed on anti-terrorist activities in the future, the cers in the field, such slow progress in developing
police need to be careful not to develop a “we versus higher-education standards is perplexing, especially
they” attitude with respect to these activities. Thus, it considering the evidence that, in general, college educa-
seems more crucial than ever to promote a community tion has a positive effect on officer attitudes, perfor-
policing approach, where vital information can be mance, and behavior. With such support for higher
gained through improved relationships with the com- education, why have standards not been significantly
munity. In this way, the public plays an important role raised by most police departments? The PERF study
not only in helping to combat traditional criminal (Carter et al., 1989a) identified two common reasons.
activity, but potential terrorist acts as well. Additionally,
this should also lead to gains in police legitimacy, 1. Fear of being sued because a college require-
which, in turn, will lead to additional help and infor- ment could not be quantitatively validated to
mation from the public in preventing crime and ter- show job relatedness.
rorism. In fact, studies have indicated that police 2. Fear that college requirements would be dis-
legitimacy among the public is highly correlated to a criminatory toward minorities.
willingness to obey the law (Tyler, 1990) and that com-
munity policing facilitates police legitimacy (Skogan, Each of these important issues warrants discussion.
1994). The superior communication and problem-
solving skills derived from higher education, implicitly
required by community policing, would seem well yy Higher Education
suited to fostering legitimacy among citizens for law as a BFOQ
enforcement officers.
The unique and complicated challenges posed by As the PERF study of police executives reported
the threat of terrorism will require police officers that (Carter et al., 1989a), one of the primary reasons
are at once both analytical and socially aware. Being departments had not embraced higher-educational
well versed in the latest crime fighting technology will requirements more vigorously was the dilemma of not
not suffice, unless it is accompanied by an awareness of being able to validate such a requirements for the job,
social context. Consistent with this line of reasoning, thus opening the department to a court challenge.
Goldstein (1987) believes that if the police are to Establishing higher educational requirements as a
improve operations and to mature as a profession, they bona fide occupational qualification (BFOQ) for police
need to focus more directly on the end product of their work could be an important step in facilitating the use
work (including the consequences), and to become of advanced education as a minimum entry-level
selection criterion. A brief discussion of higher educa- could be held to be discriminatory by the courts. Not
tion as a BFOQ for police work follows: only that, but there are also obvious ethical and social
Interestingly, the courts in this country have con- issues raised. Any educational requirements for
tinuously upheld higher educational requirements in policing, then, must not only be job related but also
policing to be job related. In Castro v. Beecher (1972)[2], nondiscriminatory.
the requirement of a high school education by the In the Davis v. City of Dallas[4] case, the suit con-
Boston Police Department was affirmed citing the rec- tended that higher-education requirements were dis-
ommendations of the President’s Commission on Law criminatory in the selection of police officers. According
Enforcement and Administration of Justice (1967) and to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, there cannot be
the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders employment barriers (or practices) that discriminate
(1968). Arnold v. Ballard (1975, p. 73B)[3] supported against minorities, even if they are not intended to do so.
the notion that an educational requirement can be However, in Griggs v. Duke Power Co. (1971, p. 853)[5],
quantitatively job validated in stating that such require- the US Supreme Court held that if an employment
ments “indicate a measure of accomplishment and practice is job related (or a “business necessity”), it
ability which … is essential for…performance as a may be allowed as a requirement, even though it has
police officer.” And, in Davis v. City of Dallas (1985)[4], discriminatory overtones. Thus, courts must base deci-
the court upheld a challenge to the Dallas Police sions on the balance between requirements that are
Department’s requirement of 45 semester units (equiv- necessary for job performance and discriminatory
alent to one and one-half years of college) with a mini- practices. In Davis v. City of Dallas[4], the city of Dallas
mum of a C average from an accredited university. conceded that the college requirements did have a “sig-
In Davis v. City of Dallas[4] the court’s decision nificant disparate impact on blacks” (Davis v. City of
was based partially on the complex nature of the police Dallas, 1983, p. 207[4]). As noted above, the court nev-
role and the public risk and responsibility that are ertheless held that the complex requirements of police
unique to it. Such a decision indicates that higher stan- work (e.g. public risk and responsibility, amount of
dards of qualification can be applied to the job because discretion) instigated against the discriminatory effects
police decision making requires an added dimension of of a higher-education requirement.
judgement. This logic has been applied by the courts to In other words, if certain requirements for the job
other occupations such as airline pilots and health- can be justified, even though they may discriminate
related professions. Thus, the Davis v. City of Dallas against certain groups, the benefits of such require-
(1985)[4] decision can be viewed as the next logical ments are judged to outweigh any discriminatory
step in increasing police professionalism and may pro- effects. Following this line of reassuring, if higher
vide further support for police executives to require educational requirements can be shown to be a bona
higher education (Carter et al, 1988, p. 10). fide occupational qualification (BFOQ), then such a
requirement would be considered a business necessity,
and thus a legitimate requirement for successful job
yy Higher Education, performance.
Discrimination and Some data, however, exist to suggest that requiring
Recruitment a bachelor’s degree may have an adverse impact on
race. Decker and Huckabee (2002) explored the effect
A second area of concern reported to PERF by police of raising educational requirements to a bachelor’s
executives was the potential impact the higher-educa- degree by analyzing recruit information from the
tion requirement might have on the employment of Indianapolis Police Department over four years. They
minorities. If minority-group members do not have concluded that almost two-thirds (65 percent) of suc-
equal access to higher education, such a requirement cessful candidates overall would have been ineligible,
and 77 percent (30 of 39) of African-American appli- encourage officers to continue their education beyond
cants did not have degrees. The researchers also looked that required for initial employment. Some of these
at raising the age requirement to 25, and found that include tuition assistance or reimbursement, incentive
25 percent of the traditionally successful applicants pay, shift or day-off adjustments, and permission to
would not have been eligible, however, the age require- attend classes during work hours. Another study of
ment would not have a disproportionately high effect on 72 Texas police departments, representing more than half
minorities as it would have eliminated only 18 percent of the police officers licensed in the state (Garner, 1998),
of black applicants. While the research did not discuss indicated that 52 departments (72 percent) offered
whether any recruitment efforts were made to increase some type of incentive for obtaining a college education,
the pool of college educated minority applicants 42 reported various forms of tuition reimbursement,
(unlikely), it is worth noting that nine of the 39 African while 32 provided higher pay for those with degrees.
American applicants did possess baccalaureate degrees. Other educational incentives offered by numerous depart-
While it appears, at least in this instance, that a col- ments included the use of vehicles for transportation to
lege degree requirement had an impact on race, it also classes, time off to attend courses, and scheduling prefer-
had an impact on the overall applicant pool, which is ences to accommodate the college semester. Various
likely to occur when departments are attempting to departments used one or more of these incentives.
improve the quality of their personnel by raising stan- The preponderance of data indicates that a trend
dards. There is little doubt that departments that raise toward higher education exists in policing and appears
their educational requirements will also need to signifi- not to have the negative impact on minority-officer
cantly enhance their recruitment efforts, as other profes- recruitment that was initially feared. The fact that the
sional fields have done. For example, using multicultural proportion of minorities employed by state and local
recruiting task forces and employing broad-based departments, especially in medium to large agencies, is
recruitment efforts, including college campuses and approximately equal to proportions in the national
reaching beyond city, county and state boundaries, have population (Hickman and Reaves, 2003a; Hickman and
proven to be effective (Law Enforcement News, 1997). Reaves, 2003b) is also encouraging. As Carter and Sapp
Some police departments already aggressively (1992, pp. 11–13) argued:
recruit college graduates. For instance, in a study of 37
Texas police department (TELEMASP, 1996), it was It appears that a college requirement is not
found that the median number of recruiting trips to col- impossible to mandate as evidenced by both
lege campuses was six, that 21 departments (56 percent) the legal precedent and empirical data. A col-
have educational-incentive pay, providing additional lege educated police force that is racially and
pay for officers who have attained certain levels of ethically representative of the community can
higher education. In addition, some departments be achieved. This only serves to make a police
grant bonus points on hiring tests or use an acceler- department more effective and responsive to
ated career ladder for those with college education. community needs.
Still others provide tuition-assistance programs and
flexible duty shifts for officers who are still working
on their degrees. One of the departments reported yy Requiring a College Degree
that it has had some success in recruiting college- and Policy Implications
educated officers through participation in a college
internship program. If college education is to become an entry-level
The PERF study (as reported by Carter and Sapp, requirement for policing, it is important that support-
1992) found that most of the departments had devel- ing policies also be established. As noted above, it is
oped one or more educational-incentive policies to possible to offset the possible discriminatory effects of
a higher-education requirement through an aggressive A graduated timetable could be set up for phasing in
recruitment strategy. Additionally, of course, it is help- first, a two-year degree requirement, and second, a bac-
ful to have a competitive salary scale, good employ- calaureate degree for initial selection purposes. In fact,
ment benefits and high-quality working conditions. It PERF called for a similar plan years ago (Carter et al,
is important to point out that over the past decade, 1989b). At the same time, requirements could be estab-
many medium and large police departments have lished for supervisory and executive personnel, first at
implemented highly competitive salary structures, in the baccalaureate level, and then, at least for executives,
line with, and often substantially above the starting at the master’s level. These requirements could also be
salaries for college graduates in most public-sector tapered to account for different types of agencies; for
and many private-sector jobs. In addition, healthcare and example, larger agencies serving larger and more diverse
retirement benefits are often very good at the local and populations could have the requirements phased in ear-
state levels. Finally, in the long term, the implementa- lier. However, the bottom line would ultimately require
tion of a community policing paradigm will likely be any officer with general enforcement powers to have a
necessary in order to significantly enhance police degree, regardless of location or type of agency. For those
working environments, creating a more professional departments or cities that feel they could not comply
atmosphere where college graduates will feel comfort- with such requirement, they could contract with a nearby
able and can flourish. agency that can meet the requirements. Such an arrange-
In the final analysis, it appears as though enough ment is not without precedent, as many small and/or
evidence (both empirical and experiential) has been rural cities contract for local police services through
established to support a strong argument for a college- larger municipal or county departments.
degree requirement for entry-level police officers: The quickest way for a police department to
require higher education is for the chief to get squarely
•• The benefits provided by a higher education, behind it. This process, however, has been limited to a
combined with social and technological changes, very small number of departments over the past four
the threat of terrorism (along with civil rights decades, and it is clear that something more is needed.
issues) and the increasing complexity of police It is likely that in order for higher education to become
work, suggest that a college degree should be a entrenched throughout the field, a serious push will be
requirement for initial police employment. needed from the federal government, perhaps along the
•• If educational and recruitment policies are lines of the Justice Department’s community-oriented
appropriately developed, a higher-education policing services (COPS) program, which has provided
requirement should not adversely affect minor- funds nationally to promote community policing (but
ity recruitment or retention. with tighter strings attached). With respect to higher
education, federal funding should be provided to police
Recognizing that there are diverse types of police departments for achieving higher educational stan-
departments throughout the country, with differing dards. Specifically, the funds could be used for:
styles of operation, levels of performance, and commu-
nity needs, it is apparent that some can adapt to a college- •• broad-based recruitment efforts;
degree requirement more readily than others. •• educational-incentive programs;
Consequently, perhaps some type of graduated •• the elimination of policies that restrict appli-
timetable for college requirements similar to those cant searches (including residency require-
found in the National Advisory Commission’s Report on ments); and
police (1973) would be appropriate (as noted previ- •• to promote the development of a written policy
ously, the Commission recommended that all officers defining college education as a BFOQ as it relates
be required to have a baccalaureate degree by 1982). to the department.
However, as persuasively argued by Sherman and the Carter, D.L., and Sapp, A.D. (1992), “College education and policing:
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Carter, D.L., Sapp, A.D. and Stephens, D.W. (1985), “Higher education as
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1. Identify some of the ways that police officers with college degrees behave differently than those without degrees.
2. Explain how higher education for police officers coincides with the tenets of community policing.
3. What are some of the policy implications for police administrators to consider before they implement the requirement
of a college degree for police officers?

R E A D I N G 10
Robin Haarr examines why police recruits “drop out” of police work. Using interview data, Haarr found that
people drop out of police work by deciding to leave the profession themselves, they are asked to leave the police
academy, or the department initiates termination. Close attention is paid to the reasons why both women and
racial/ethnic minorities leave the policing profession.
Factors Affecting the Decision of Police

Recruits to “Drop Out” of Police Work
Robin N. Haarr
R esignation of police officers is a significant

concern among police executives because of
the direct financial costs of recruiting, select-
ing, and training police personnel as well as the indi-
rect costs related to disruption of services and
organizational efficiency, time spent waiting for police
recruits to achieve a “streetwise” competence, and pro-
viding fewer services to citizens (Gettinger, 1984;
Harris & Baldwin, 1999; Manili & Connors, 1988;
Webster & McEwen, 1992). The financial costs of
READING 10 Factors Affecting the Decision of Police Recruits to “Drop Out” of Police Work 193
premature resignation vary across police agencies; but, studies of police resignation (Wilson & McLaren,
in 1999, Harris and Baldwin (1999) estimated the 1950) theorized that police officers who are dissatis-
replacement cost for a single police officer to be approx- fied with their job voluntarily resign from police work,
imately $14,300. If one considers that resignation often whereas officers who have high levels of job satisfac-
occurs during the earliest stages of a police officer’s tion remain. Factors affecting job satisfaction included
career, the replacement cost for an officer could be as salary, rank, overtime compensation, insurance, length
high as $29,000. of work week, medical and safety programs, and
Since the 1970s, police agencies have undertaken retirement incentives.
special initiatives to increase the recruitment and hir- Building on the concept of job satisfaction, Reiser
ing of female and racial/ethnic minorities, yet the (1974) proposed a theoretical link between police turn-
numbers of full-time sworn personnel in police over and burnout caused by job stress. Adherents of
departments serving populations of 250,000 or more burnout theory argue that police officers who volun-
remains low. In 2000, females represented only 16.3% tarily resign after relatively long periods of police ser-
of full-time sworn personnel (up from 12.1% in 1990), vice do so because they gradually experience a state of
Blacks made up 20.1% (18.4% in 1990), Hispanics burnout that occurs due to inherently cumulative
were 14.1% (9.2% in 1990), 2.8% were Asian/Pacific occupational and organizational dissatisfactions and
Islander (2.0% in 1990), and 0.4% were Native stresses (DeLey, 1984; Favreau & Gillespie, 1978; Harris
American (0.3% in 1990) (U.S. Department of Justice, & Baldwin, 1999; Seidel & Courtney, 1983; Sparger &
2000). Thus, the costs of premature resignation of Giacopassi, 1983). In a study of Memphis police officers
female and racial/ethnic minority officers are not who voluntarily resigned from police work between
amenable to the same financial calculations provided 1975 and 1980, Sparger and Giacopassi (1983) con-
by Harris and Baldwin (1999). cluded that veteran officers voluntarily resigned because
Despite high costs associated with resignation of of “burnout” resulting from the culmination of occupa-
police personnel, research into the reasons for resig- tional frustrations and dissatisfactions related to tradi-
nation and turnover is sparse (Fielding & Fielding, tional authoritarian management styles, organizational
1987; Harris & Baldwin, 1999; James & Hendry, 1991; policies, departmental politics, lack of appreciation for
McDowell, 1971; Reiser, 1974; Seidel & Courtney, their efforts, the system of internal discipline, pay and
1983; Sparger & Giacopassi, 1983; Wales, 1988). fringe benefits, relations with civic officials, court poli-
Moreover, virtually no research has explored the rea- cies, and community expectations. Veteran officers who
sons for resignation of women and racial/ethnic voluntarily resigned reported feeling stagnated in one’s
minority officers (Doerner, 1995; Fry, 1983; Holdaway job (see also Seidel & Courtney, 1983; Singleton &
& Barron, 1997). This article is significant because it Teahan, 1978).
adds to the limited literature on police resignation More recently, Dick (2000) analyzed clinical data
and explores why female and racial/ethnic minority from therapy with police officers who were under stress
officers drop out of police work during the early and considering leaving the police force and described
stages of their careers. “epiphenal events” that resulted in emotional exhaus-
tion and burnout. At the epiphenal event, officers rea-
soned that the organization stood in the way of their
yy Theories of Resignation ability to make their desired, positive contribution
through work. Dick presents the data as evidence of an
A review of the limited literature on police resignation officer’s inability to cope in a way that allows continua-
and turnover reveals four lines of inquiry, including tion of work, whereas adherents of burnout theory
job satisfaction, “burnout” theory, confluency theory, contend that retention of officers requires an awareness
and cognitive dissonance theory. One of the earliest of job satisfaction factors.
Harris and Baldwin (1999) tested confluency the- Fielding and Fielding (1987) tested the use of cog-
ory and eight variables associated with job satisfaction nitive dissonance theory in a longitudinal study of 125
as predictors of turnover among officers who volun- police recruits who entered the Derbyshire Training
tarily left the Birmingham, Alabama, Police Department Establishment, of which 28 (22%) resigned within 42
between 1992 and 1996. Confluency theory attributes months of joining. They compared resigners to nonre-
police turnover to an absence of pre-employment job signers on individual demographics and attitudes
awareness and to incongruencies between job expecta- toward crime, law enforcement, and social and political
tions and realities. Their findings failed, however, to issues. At induction into police work, resigners and
support confluency theory and disagreed with conven- nonresigners did not differ in their levels of instrumen-
tional wisdom and the majority of turnover research talism (attitudes toward extrinsic aspects of the job:
findings (Hoffman, 1993; Phelan, 1991; Premack & pay, status, or security); however, by the end of the first
Wanous, 1985; Seidel & Courtney, 1983; Sparger & year, resigners reported greater instrumentality and
Giacopassi, 1983; Wales, 1988). less commitment to the police role. Resigners also
Although job dissatisfaction and burnout theory expressed greater dissatisfaction with the amount of
are useful in explaining the resignation of veteran paperwork involved in the job, the social isolation asso-
officers, it does not apply to the sample of police ciated with the job, and the public image of the police.
recruits in this study. Because police recruits in this Resigners were also more likely to advocate recrimina-
study were tracked for a 16-month period, starting tory action (use of corporal and capital punishment)
with recruits’ entry into basic training, it is assumed against offenders, were less concerned with achieving
that recruits would not experience a state of burnout; fairness in assessing punishment, and were more con-
rather, recruits would experience problems of adjust- cerned with punishing the offender. Fielding and
ment as they enter basic training and are socialized Fielding concluded that those who were most likely to
into their new role as police officer. Drawing on resign from police work within the first 4 years were
Festinger’s (1957) theory of cognitive dissonance and those whose early idealism was soonest traded for the
prior research by McDowell (1971), Van Maanen pragmatic instrumentalist perspective that overtook all
(1975), and Fielding and Fielding (1987), I hypothe- police to some degree.
size that police recruits who “voluntarily resign” from Cognitive dissonance theory of police resigna-
police work within the early stages of police training tion can be enhanced when coupled with the socio-
and service experience problems of adjustment as a logical concept of occupational socialization
result of conflict between the version of policing (Fielding & Fielding, 1987), which places emphasis
embodied in their ideal, that projected in formal on the formal and informal processes of socializing
training, and the reality of policing in practice. recruits to the fundamental features of the occupa-
Officers who experience adjustment problems and tional culture, including team membership, acceptance
conflict within the early stages of their careers may of particular values and beliefs, stereotypical think-
respond to the psychological dissonance by altering ing, trust, forming of relationships through joke
and revising their belief systems and remaining in law telling, and the manner of dealing with racial/ethnic
enforcement or resigning from police work and reliev- minorities and other members of the public. Van
ing the painful psychological experience by preserv- Maanen (1975) contended that police officers are
ing their idealized notion of the job (Fielding & continually involved in the process of socialization,
Fielding, 1987). The decision to remain in or resign which begins prior to one’s entry into police work
from police work is contingent on the recruits’ stake (referred to as anticipatory socialization) and contin-
in conformity to occupational and work group norms ues indefinitely forward to an officer’s present posi-
and commitment to the occupation and organization tion. Police officers experience their police careers in
(Van Maanen, 1975). stages of career contingency, representing thresholds
at which officers can decide to withdraw from further pride and integrity about their status as Black and
commitment or continuation in police work. The Asian people, and resignation became a means to har-
decision to resign is contingent, in part, on officers’ monize one’s cultural and personal identities.
stake in conformity and commitment to the occupa- This study explores the reasons why police
tion and organization. recruits drop out of police work within the first 16
months of their policing careers, including those
reasons that may be salient for women and racial/
yy Female and Minority ethnic minorities. This study also explores the use-
Officers’ Resignation fulness of cognitive dissonance theory as an explana-
tion for the voluntary resignation of police recruits
A shortcoming of the police resignation and turnover from police work within the early stages of police
research is that it reflects the experiences of Caucasian training and service.
male police officers. Most resignation studies have
failed to consider distinctive predictors of resignation
among women and racial/ethnic minorities; rather, yy Method and Data
the tendency has been to present women’s attrition
from police organizations as related to family concerns The sample of dropouts for this study was obtained as
(e.g., child care, unsupportive husbands) and personal part of a larger longitudinal study of a panel sample of
failures in coping (Doerner, 1995; Seagram & Stark, 446 police recruits who were followed through the
1992). This approach fails to consider the unique 606.5-hour, 16-week Phoenix Regional Police Basic
workplace problems for women in policing and a con- Training Academy Program and then to their respec-
nection between these problems and resignation. For tive police agencies, where they proceeded through
example, women in “male defined” occupations, such field training and the completion of a 1-year proba-
as policing, experience male coworkers and supervi- tionary period. The panel sample of 446 police recruits
sors who are unsupportive and hostile toward females was selected from 14 successive training academy
as well as sexual harassment and gender discrimina- classes that began between December 1995 and
tion from peers, supervisors, and subordinates (Haarr, October 1996. On entering the training academy,
1997; Lafontaine & Tredeau, 1986; Martin, 1980, 1990; police recruits were pretested (Time 1; see Table 1).
Morash & Haarr, 1995; Texeira, 2002). The pretest measured police recruits’ baseline atti-
Research exploring the resignation of racial/ tudes toward police-public relations, policing philoso-
ethnic minority officers from police work is virtually phies and strategies, and problem-solving techniques.
absent. The only systematic study of resignation A 16-week lag existed between the pretest and the first
among Black and Asian officers was conducted in posttest (Time 2), which was conducted during the
Great Britain by Holdaway and Barron (1997) and final days of basic training. At Time 2, 389 recruits
revealed that Black and Asian officers were routinely completed the posttest. A second posttest (Time 3) was
excluded from full participation in the workforce and conducted at or near the end of the recruits’ field train-
becoming a member of the occupational culture at ing process, 12 weeks after the first posttest. At Time 3,
various stages of their career. Minority officers who 356 police recruits completed the posttest. Finally, a
desired to be more integrated into the police force third posttest (Time 4) occurred after recruits com-
recognized the need to demonstrate their commitment pleted 1 year of employment in their respective police
to the dominant assumptions of the Caucasian occu- agency. At Time 4, 292 police recruits completed the
pational culture, which constructed racial prejudices survey (administered between March 1997 and
and discrimination. Holdaway and Barron concluded February 1998). Twenty-five Arizona police agencies
that Black and Asian officers who resigned conveyed a had police recruits in the final sample.
Table 1 Characteristics of the Panel Sample by Time (%)

Time 1: Enter Time 2: Exit Time 3: End Field Time 4: End 1 Year
Characteristics Academy (n = 446) Academy (n = 389) Training (n = 356) (n = 292)
Gender
Male 89.7 88.4 88.5 90.1

Female 10.3 11.6 11.5 9.9
Race/ethnicity
Caucasian 76.8 79.4 79.5 81.4

Black/African American 3.2 3.7 3.9 3.4
Hispanic/Latina 12.8 12.0 11.0 10.3
Asian American 2.5 2.9 3.4 2.8
Native American 3.2 0.8 0.6 0.0
Other 1.6 1.3 1.7 1.7
Age
20–25 years 47.7 45.2 42.9 31.3

26–30 years 32.3 34.1 36.2 44.1
31–35 years 12.3 13.7 13.0 14.8
36–40 years 4.1 3.4 4.2 5.2
41 years and older 2.9 3.6 3.7 4.5
Level of education
High School/GED 9.0 5.9 5.4 4.8
Technical school 4.1 2.3 1.1 1.7

Some college 48.4 52.1 51.9 51.2
Bachelor’s degree 35.1 37.4 37.6 40.6
Graduate degree 3.4 2.3 4.0 1.7
Police agencies
Phoenix PD 54.5 56.9 57.2 58.5

Suburban Phoenix 23.6 24.3 25.2 28.2
Rural Arizona agencies 11.7 11.1 11.5 8.2
Indian tribal agencies 4.9 2.8 2.2 2.4
University agencies 2.2 2.3 2.8 2.7
Other agencies 3.1 2.6 1.1 0.0
yy Sample and Survey Caucasian females, 5 (14.7%) Hispanic males, 1 (2.9%)

Hispanic female, 3 (8.8%) Native American males, and
of Dropouts 1 (2.9%) African American male. There is nothing to
Of the original sample of 446 police recruits, 113 suggest that the resigners interviewed were atypical of
(25.3%) dropped out of police work during the period dropouts.
of the research, which included the 16-month period The telephone interview schedule was premised
starting with each recruit’s entry into the basic training on the view that a decision to resign from police work
academy. A “dropout” is an officer who voluntarily was rarely sudden or brought on by a single event but
decided to leave police work or was terminated from was part of a mental process of self-reflection that takes
police work. Fifty-two (46%) of the 113 police recruits into account a variety of circumstances over a period of
dropped out during basic training (between Time 1 time (Holdaway & Barron, 1997). It was also developed
and Time 2), 18 (15.9%) dropped out during the field to explore the usefulness of cognitive dissonance the-
training process (between Time 2 and Time 3), and 43 ory as an explanation for the voluntary resignation of
(38.1%) dropped out after they completed the field police recruits from police work within the early stages
training process yet prior to the end of a 1-year proba- of police training and service. Thus, the interview
tionary period (between Time 3 and Time 4). schedule consisted of a series of open-ended questions
On completion of the third posttest (Time 4) in developed to tap eight information domains: reasons
February 1998, a one-page questionnaire and a letter for entering police work, reasons for leaving police
requesting participation in a telephone interview was work, training academy experiences, experiences work-
mailed, via certified mail, to the 113 police recruits who ing in their police agency, expectations about police
dropped out of police work between December 1995 work, realities of police work that conflicted with their
and February 1998. To encourage dropouts’ participa- expectations, recommendations for changes to acad-
tion in a telephone interview, they were offered $20 as emy training, and recommendations for changes to
an incentive for returning the one-page questionnaire field training. The telephone interviews, which lasted
and participating in a telephone interview. Thirty-four 15 to 45 minutes, were conducted to gain a descriptive
(30.1%) of the 113 dropouts returned the one-page understanding of dropouts’ experiences in the training
questionnaire and consented to participate in a tele- academy and the police department and their reasons
phone interview. The overall size of the sample should for leaving police work.
be placed within the context of the obstacles faced
when attempting to contact dropouts via mail. One yy Data Analysis
obstacle faced was that 33.6% (n = 38) of the initial
mailings came back as undeliverable by the U.S. Postal The first step in the analysis was to use data collected
Service because the most recent address of a dropout, from the Police Personnel Survey to compare dropouts
provided by the training academy, was out of date. The to non-dropouts on individual characteristics. This
lack of accurate information about the current address analysis allows us to determine whether select indi-
of resigners clearly reduced the sample. Finally, 1.8% vidual characteristics were significant in differentiating
(n = 2) of the dropouts refused to accept the certified police recruits who dropped out of police work within
letter and declined to be interviewed. the first 16 months of their police careers from those
The final sample was made up of 34 dropouts: who remained. Next, qualitative data, collected via tele-
44.1% (n = 15) dropped out during basic training, phone interviews with dropouts, were systematically
26.5% (n = 9) during field training, and 29.4% (n = 10) analyzed and dominant themes identified. Analysis was
after completing field training yet prior to the end of a based on point of dropout, reason for dropout, and the
1-year probationary period. The sample of dropouts interactive effects of race and gender. Data analysis was
includes 19 (55.9%) Caucasian males, 4 (11.8%) guided by the recognition that a police recruit does not
decide suddenly to resign from police work because Significant differences did emerge in rates of drop-
resignation is a process of reflection and decision mak- out among racial/ethnic minorities. One of the most
ing (Holdaway & Barron, 1997). Thus, efforts were interesting findings is that Native Americans had the
made to identify and understand those situations when highest rate of dropout at 85.7%. It is notable to point
doubts about remaining in police work were raised in out that 91.6% (n = 11) of the Native Americans who
the recruits’ mind. dropped out did so during the 16-week basic training
academy. Hispanics also experienced a high rate of
dropout (38.6%), significantly greater than the dropout
yy Results rate for Caucasians (22.0%).
Dropouts Versus Non-dropouts: Significant differences also emerged in rates of
dropout among recruits who were separated or divorced
Individual Characteristics (42.9%) on entering basic training versus those who
Using data collected from the Police Personnel Survey, were married (20.6%) or single (27.1%). In regard to
dropouts were compared to non-dropouts on individ- level of education, recruits with a high school diploma/
ual characteristics. Table 2 reveals that although the GED (37.9%) or some graduate courses/graduate degree
number of females (n = 46) entering police work is (36.8%) were more likely to drop out of police work than
small, there was no statistically significant difference recruits with some college/college degree (21.8%). There
between males (25.3%) and females (28.3%) in the rate were no significant differences in dropout rates based on
of dropout from police work. age or prior military or law enforcement experience.
Table 2 Comparison of Dropouts to Non-Dropouts on Individual Characteristics

Characteristics Dropouts (n = 113) Non-Dropouts (n = 333) Total (N = 446) χ2
Gender
Male 25.3 74.7 89.7 .69
Female 28.3 71.7 10.3
Race/ethnicity
Caucasian 22.0 78.0 76.8 37.07*
Hispanic/Latino 38.6 61.4 12.8
Black/African American 14.3 85.7 3.214
Native American 85.7 14.3 3.2
Asian American 9.1 90.9 2.5
Other 14.3 85.7 1.6
Age group
20–25 years 23.6 76.4 47.5 .89
26–30 years 25.9 74.1 32.1
31–35 years 29.1 70.9 12.3
36–40 years 27.8 72.2 4.0
41 years and older 27.8 72.2 4.0
Characteristics Dropouts (n = 113) Non-Dropouts (n = 333) Total (N = 446) χ2

Marital status
Single 27.1 72.9 49.9 7.22*
Married 20.6 79.4 43.8
Separated/divorced 42.9 57.1 6.3
Level of education
High school/GED 37.9 62.1 13.1 9.80*
Some college/degree 21.8 78.2 78.4
Some graduate courses/degree 36.8 63.2 8.6
Prior military
Yes 24.7 75.3 35.7 .09
No 26.0 74.0 64.3
Prior law enforcement
Yes 26.0 74.0 23.5 .02
No 25.3 74.7 76.6
Note: All figures shown are percentages, except for those in the fourth column. *p ≤ .01. **p ≤ .05
yy Reasons for Dropping Out categories: self-initiated resignations, academy-

initiated terminations, and department-initiated ter-
of Police Work minations. Among the sample of 34 dropouts, 50%
Analysis of qualitative data obtained via telephone (n = 17) self-initiated resignation, 26.5% (n = 9) were
interviews with dropouts revealed police recruits who terminated by training academy administrator, and
dropped out of police work within the first 16 months 23.5% (n = 8) were terminated by their employing
of their careers could be grouped into three distinct agency (see Table 3).
Table 3 Reasons for Dropout by Point of Resignation for the Sample of Dropouts (%)
Time 1 to Time 2: Time 2 to Time 3: Time 3 to Time 4:
Reason for Dropout Basic Training (n = 15) Field Training (n = 9) 1 Year (n = 10) Total (N = 34)
Self-initiated resignation 17.6 17.6 14.7 50.0
Academy-initiated termination 26.5 — — 26.5
Department-initiated — 8.8 14.7 23.5

termination
Total 44.1 26.5 29.4 100.0

Self-Initiated Resignation maniacs. It was like if you’re a moron in here,

you must be a moron out there. …I guess
The majority (88.2%, n = 15) of recruits who self-
maybe I just have a different approach to
initiated resignation experienced a significant amount
policing than some others do. A lot of them
of stress and conflict when their beliefs and expecta-
just like to go out there and kick ass. I like to
tions about police work differed considerably from
talk. I liked actually being able to help people.
the actual practices and realities of police work. Police
(Hispanic male)
recruits who self-initiated resignation during the
basic training program indicated that the conflict For some recruits, the recognition that their atti-
they felt when they realized their experiences in the tudes and values conflicted with their classmates was
training academy were inconsistent with or contra- coupled with an aversion for the paramilitary nature of
dictory to their sense of self and their cognitions academy training. Under the paramilitary model,
about what police work should be forced them to police recruits are expected to be obedient, obey orders,
reconsider their decision to enter further into police perform tasks in a precisely prescribed manner, and
work. One Caucasian male explained that within the meet intellectual and physical demands in a highly
first 4 days of basic training, he heard instructors structured environment with discipline and, in some
lecture on “the cold reality of shooting someone.” He cases, harassment. Considering that only 35.7% of the
recalled, “At the time, I struggled with the reality that recruits who entered the training academy had prior
I might have to shoot someone and wondered whether military experience and 23.5% had prior law enforce-
I would be able to, psychologically, cope with shooting ment experience, it is not surprising that some recruits
another person.” The act of shooting someone created experienced conflict when exposed to and socialized
a sense of internal conflict for him, and after discuss- into the paramilitary model of policing. The features of
ing his internal conflicts with his wife, he decided to the paramilitary model that resigners found to be par-
resign from police work. He explained, “I thought ticularly stressful included the authoritarian style of
policing was the career for me. I spent 2 years going management, the process of breaking down individuals
through the recruitment and hiring process and get- in order to build them back up as police officers, the
ting ready mentally and physically to go into police strict standards of physical fitness, and the stringent
work.” Within the first week of basic training, this physical exercise regimen. One Caucasian female
recruit self-initiated resignation. explained that the combination of experiences with
Police recruits who self-initiated resignation dur- classmates, training academy staff, and the paramili-
ing basic training typically did not identify only one tary structure of the training academy culminated in
aspect of the academy experience that created conflict her resignation.
for them; rather, their decision to resign was based on a
multitude of factors. The decision to resign was based I left police work because I was discouraged
largely on the realization that their attitudes toward with the system and lack of integrity. I wit-
police-public relations and interactions as well as nessed cover-ups and officers not being
appropriate and inappropriate work behaviors differed truthful. I believe police officers are supposed
considerably from some of their classmates. to be held to a higher level of integrity than
the general public, and I didn’t see that [in the
I left police work because I was tired of my basic training academy]. I always thought
coworkers’ attitudes, which were very differ- police work was to uphold justice, and
ent from mine. I wanted to do something for [I learned] that is not the case. . . . It was the
the community, but the other cops were atmosphere more than anything else. I also
unbelievable; some of them were egotistical thought the training academy was too intense
considering what police work really is like interactive effects of the field training process, their
once you get on the street. The training and incompatible relationship with their FTO(s), factors of
physical aspects are understandable, but the the organizational environment, and the informal cul-
same standards are not held after you leave ture of the police agency caused them a substantial
the academy; you have overweight officers on level of stress and conflict, which created a state of
the street where in the academy if you were dissonance and led to their decision to resign from
one pound over they threatened to kick you police work. Aspects of police work and the organiza-
out. It just seemed like a double standard. tion that resigners maintained caused them stress and
I understand the point of the training acad- conflict included risks related to the job, problems
emy is to break you down so that they can with FTOs and supervisors, the phenomenon of run-
build you back up, but they never build you ning call-to-call, the immense amount of paperwork,
back up. For example, we had uniform inspec- organizational policies and procedures, politics that
tions every day and they would always flunk guide assignments and promotions, and the possibil-
you. They would always find something and ity of being sued for doing one’s job. Rather than
it seemed extreme, like lint. We already had to allowing the powerful forces of the organizational
run miles and miles, and if you flunked the environment and informal occupational culture to
uniform inspection, you had to run even reshape their attitudes and behaviors to be more con-
more miles. We’re only human. Plus, we are gruent with those of their FTOs and coworkers or
not going to chase a suspect for 2 miles, not adjusting their expectations to be more compatible
on foot. We are going to get in our car, get the with the realities of police work, they chose to resign
helicopters out, and get back up. It was just from police work. In the end, many resigners con-
excessive; I guess the experience opened my cluded policing was not the job for them.
eyes to the real work of the police, and it is
not what I perceived. I thought I knew what police work was all
about. I enjoyed the academy, it was a differ-
Once police recruits complete basic training, they ent experience because I am not military, but
return to their respective police agencies, where they once you get past that and get used to it, it was
undergo the field training process, which represents an great. The academy taught [me] a lot, but you
important stage in the process of socialization into the don’t come out knowing all the things you
organization and occupation as well as immersion into need to know; the academy only teaches the
the real world of police work. The field training phase basics. Field training is an incredible amount
presents the first real opportunity for the police recruit of information and you have no clue. In the
to experience the police officer role, engage in actual academy, they tell you about the paperwork
police work, and experience the environment and cul- and how you will need to document details,
ture of the organization. During this stage, recruits are but they don’t tell you that paperwork is
assigned to one or more field training officers (FTOs), 99.5% of what you do and that only .5% will
who are responsible for training them in formal poli- be contact with people and hands-on work.
cies and procedures, teaching them how to put the That was disappointing. I knew there was
skills acquired in the training academy to use on the paperwork involved, but I didn’t know how
street, teaching them which people should not be much. I don’t enjoy paperwork. It isn’t even
trusted and need to be policed, and exposing them to the paperwork, but you are not even taught
the informal culture of the police agency. procedures for documenting. I came to field
Police recruits who resigned during the field training and my FTO expected me to know
training phase found that the cumulative and policies and procedures. It was just too much
information. I began to doubt myself and prevent crime. The reality is there is no time
question my judgment. My FTO had me for community policing.
thinking that I was incompetent. …The field
training process was a major part of my rea- During the field training phase, FTOs and supervi-
son to quit police work. I always considered a sors exert considerable power over police recruits. They
police officer to be a public servant, but the can verify or negate a recruit’s work performance, delay
majority of police work is the documentation training progress, and interpret in formal communica-
of crime and not necessarily helping victims. tion and written records a recruit’s motivations and
I looked forward to helping victims. In the abilities or lack thereof (Holdaway & Barron, 1997).
academy, the instructors preached commu- Three Caucasian males recalled that their FTOs exerted
nity policing, but once you’re working the considerable power over them in negative ways, which
streets, there is no chance of doing that. All triggered feelings of self-doubt, self-consciousness, and
you do is run call-to-call, and there is no depression.
opportunity to get out and talk to citizens. After completing field training, recruits proceed to
Even with victims, there is no time to assist complete a 1-year probationary period during which
them and say, “Here are some things you can they are expected to demonstrate that they possess the
do” or “These are your rights.” It is so high skills and knowledge necessary to maintain a satisfac-
volume that it prevents that kind of interac- tory level of work and suitability for permanent employ-
tion. The reality of the work is show up, document. If a satisfactory level of work is not achieved
ment, and leave. (Caucasian male) during the probationary period, questions about a
recruit’s suitability for permanent employment will be
When asked if there were any other reasons for raised and a permanent appointment may not be con-
leaving police work, he proceeded to explain, firmed. Recruits are also expected to demonstrate the
capacity to work with their colleagues, which implies an
The officers I worked with were abusive to ascribed status as a member of the police team, which
me and citizens. A lot of times you are embodies the values and practices of the rank-and-file.
humiliated in front of other officers or citi- The five police recruits who self-initiated resigna-
zens to get you to learn something. Field tion during the 1-year probationary period revealed
training is stressful. There are so many offi- that they experienced continued conflict and a state of
cers around you who are knowledgeable and dissonance based on the realization that their attitudes
have so much experience. There is enough about police work and police-public interactions dif-
anxiety in field training, it didn’t help to fered from their coworkers. Even though many of these
escalate things and make a scene. I was recruits were assigned to a single-person patrol car,
humiliated in front of citizens and cowork- they still found police work was not what they expected;
ers. Also, I saw other officers go out of their in particular, they realized police work did not allow for
way to demean citizens they came in contact the level of involvement in community policing activi-
with. My FTO said it was to elicit more infor- ties they had expected. One Caucasian female explained,
mation, but I think it was to get a rise out of
them and get them upset. It was like it I have always been interested in policing.
turned him on to bad-mouth suspects on the I was an officer in a big city and I expected a
scene and other things like that. He was not small city to be different. I thought they (small
the only one who did it; there were others on town officers) would be more community-
the squad. I thought police work was getting oriented and different in the way they
to know the community and finding ways to treated their citizens, but they were very
heavy-handed.…I guess the agency’s ideas Gender Discrimination and

about what crime is and how to interact with Self-Initiated Resignation
people is different from my philosophies.
Policing is heavily influenced by gender and preserves
Coupled with the lack of involvement in commu- a set of traditional Anglo American masculine values;
nity policing, resigners from different police agencies as a result, it provides a social context that can often be
reported feeling conflict as they witnessed their uncomfortable for women. Texeira (2002) contended
coworker use “heavy-handed policing” tactics. Several that the most difficult force for female officers to over-
resigners felt that their coworkers acted and behaved in come is often not work, the community, nor their fami-
ways that provoked subjects to fight and resist arrest, lies but the antagonism and harassment of their peers
resulting in an escalation of the use of force. and supervisors who are part of the male-dominated
culture of policing (see also Haarr, 1997; Hunt, 1990;
I didn’t leave police work, I just left that police Martin, 1980, 1990; Morash & Haarr, 1995). Thus, it was
agency. I didn’t like the department or the city. not surprising that 3 of the 4 Caucasian female recruits
It was the politics and policies. I responded to (75%) who self-initiated resignation spoke of gender
a fight and when I got there, the subjects discrimination directed at them by their FTO(s) and
involved were separated. One of the subjects supervisor(s). One Caucasian female explained,
had been drinking so he was a little out of it,
but the officers weren’t going to talk to him. It I was not prepared it, for the bad neighbor-
was like they just pushed the subject until he hoods and drugs. I also had problems with
was provoked enough to fight. I guess I saw my training sergeant. I felt like I was dis-
too much of that. (Caucasian male) criminated against, not in the sexual sense,
but I was not treated the way I should have
It opened my eyes to the real police work and been. I heard other female officers had simi-
it is not what I perceived. I definitely like help- lar problems. …It was very different from
ing people, that was the most rewarding and the academy. There were not many females
fulfilling aspect of police work. The worst in the precinct I was working, and there were
thing was having to stand by and watch offi- none on my training squad. So, it was intim-
cers conduct illegal searches. Like when they idating. Plus, I heard some things about my
are searching women, they have them lift their training sergeant before I ever left the acad-
bras. You can’t do that. I had to stand by and emy. They were not going to make it easy. It
do nothing; there was no way to stop it. If you was a difficult transition, and there was not
say anything, then all the officers are against the support that I had at the academy. Also,
you. The problem with that is if you need I had to work with people who did not like
backup, it is really slow. I was also surprised at me. It was negative because I was surprised
the lack of supervision. (Caucasian female) that a department like that would have
someone with such a bad reputation in a
These data support the proposition advanced by training position. Well, I figured if I could get
Holdaway and Barron (1997, p. 29) that “decisions to through such a negative field training expe-
voluntarily resign from police work are not sudden or rience and work in a not-so-good neighbor-
dramatic; rather, the decision to resign is the end result hood, then I can do just about anything.…
of a consideration of incompatible experiences within Being new, I had no one to go to for help.
the workplace and relationships with colleagues and I didn’t feel like I had any support. It was the
supervisors.” first time in my life I had no one supporting
me in my professional life. I had my family people. The area I worked had a lot of needs. I
and friends, but it is hard to tell them what also speak Spanish and was able to help in
you are going through. that respect. I decided to leave police work
because my children were having a hard time
The only female recruit who did not experience adjusting. My husband is a police officer and
gender discrimination was a Hispanic female who was has been for 8 years, and the kids were used to
married to a veteran police officer working in the same me being home when he worked nights. The
policy agency. Similarly, Texeira (2002) found that kids were OK while I was working days, but
African American women who were married to officers when I switched to nights, my son began bit-
were less likely to be sexual harassed on the job. ing his nails and my daughter wasn’t sleeping
very well. …I liked doing something other
Family Strain and Self-Initiated than caring for my kids.
Resignation
Each of these recruits spoke to the dilemma of
Four male recruits (2 Caucasian, 1 Native American, reconciling the “competing urgencies” of family and
and 1 Hispanic) and 1 Hispanic female maintained work (Hochschild, 1989).
their decision to resign was based on a combination of
personal and family stresses due to the demands and Academy-Initiated Termination
pressures of the training academy and police work. For
the Native American male, the academic and physical Police recruits whose termination was initiated dur-
demands of basic training were very challenging. He ing basic training by academy administrators were
also spoke of difficulties related to attending a basic terminated for three reasons: medical withdrawal,
training academy that was more than 200 miles away breaking academy rules, and academic failure. The
from his home, family, and friends who were living on most common reason was medical withdrawal due
the Indian reservation. The pressures of traveling long to injury. The majority (66.7%, n = 6) of these drop-
distances to attend basic training and the impact of the outs, 5 Caucasian males and 1 Hispanic male, injured
job on one’s sense of self caused tension within recruits’ themselves during the regimented physical training
families, particularly among newly married recruits. schedule, which includes running several miles each
Two resigners revealed that their involvement in day on desert mountain trails, completing obstacle
police work caused their children stress. One Hispanic courses, and maintaining an advanced weight train-
male explained, ing program. Recruits who missed more than 5
conditioning days were given a medical withdrawal
I was very interested in law enforcement. The due to injury.
training academy was challenging, physically
and mentally demanding. I thought police work I hit my heel while jumping the wall on the
would be good [for me], but I left because it was obstacle course. I tried to recuperate; however,
too stressful and risky. It was just too much. I am still suffering from the injury. I was on
I needed to do what was best for my family. crutches for a couple of days and then I was
dismissed because I couldn’t keep up with the
Similarly, a Hispanic female who resigned during program. It was injustice because I wasn’t
field training explained, given the chance to go back. At the time, I was
48 years old; now I am 50. I don’t feel like
Policing was something I always wanted to do. going back and starting over. They broke my
I liked that I was able to get out and help dream. (Hispanic male)
Not all recruits were terminated due to physical look as though I fell asleep, [but] I didn’t fall
injury. One Native American male was terminated by asleep. Then there was a report of another
academy administrators after he was placed on aca- accident that disappeared or got lost; after 14
demic probation for failing three academy tests. The days, it reappeared. They said there was no
other two academy-initiated dropouts, 1 African- way it could have just vanished and resur-
American male and 1 Caucasian male, were termi- faced and they believed I just turned it in.
nated after they were caught breaking academy rules …I was disillusioned when I came here with
and regulations (i.e., holding a second job and sexual the notion of equality. …The superiors there
harassment). have been around for 20 years or more, and
Police recruits who were terminated from basic they felt women were supposed to be moms
training by academy administrators did not experi- or housewives. I am confident in myself and
ence preresignation conflicts related to police work, my ability to do this job. I know I can be
the work environment, or academy classmates. Rather, good backup, I will get in there and fight, but
they expressed a high level of postresignation conflict that bothered my supervisors who expected
surrounding their injury, the inability to complete the me to duck, hide and run.… I am filing a
training academy, and being forced to leave police suit for wrongful discharge, I want my job
work unexpectedly and against their desires. Some back, I believe it was discrimination.
recruits felt that their dream of being a police officer
was broken and they were forced to move onto another Police recruits terminated by their employing
job (55.6%, n = 5). agency were similar to those terminated by academy
administrators in the sense that they expressed post-
Department-Initiated Termination termination conflict. Six of the eight recruits termi-
nated by their employing agency were trying to enter
Eight dropouts were terminated from police work by back into police work.
their employing police agency; 3 recruits were termi-
nated during field training and 5 after completing field
training yet prior to the end of a 1-year probationary yy Discussion and Conclusion
period. These dropouts reported that they were termi-
nated for inadequate performance (e.g., making mis- The findings presented here demonstrate the useful-
takes on the job) and/or breaking departmental ness of cognitive dissonance theory as an explana-
policies. One Caucasian female alleged her termination for the voluntary resignation of police recruits
tion was due to a combination of inadequate perfor- from police work within the first 16 months of their
mance and gender discrimination on the part of her careers. In keeping with the theory, police recruits
immediate supervisor. who self-initiated resignation within the first 16
months of their police careers experienced conflict
My supervisor said I had an unsatisfactory and a state of dissonance when their experiences in
probation. I was given the option to quit or the training academy, field training, and police work
be terminated and I chose to be terminated. were inconsistent with or contradictory to their sense
I had a problem with report writing. My ser- of self and their cognitions about what police work
geant would give my reports harsh critiques. should be. This conflict forced them to reconsider
I submitted several memos requesting addi- their decision to enter any further into or remain in
tional report writing training. The memos police work.
were completely unacknowledged. Then I had At each stage of career development, recruits’ deci-
an on-duty accident. They tried to make it sion to resign was based on a multitude of factors and
experiences. During basic training, voluntarily resignation experience pretermination conflict and dissonance;
was based on the realization that one’s attitudes and rather, they experienced posttermination conflict and a
beliefs about police-public relations and interactions state of dissonance surrounding their unplanned and
and appropriate and inappropriate work behaviors dif- unexpected termination.
fered considerably from one’s academy classmates. For There were some similarities in the reasons for
some recruits, this realization was coupled with an resignation of men and women and Caucasians and
aversion for the paramilitary nature of the training racial/ethnic minorities from police work, but gender
academy. At the field training phase, resigners found and racial/ethnic minority status did exert a unique
the cumulative and interactive effects of field training, influence. Workplace problems that are salient to
their incompatible relationship with their FTO(s), fac- women, particularly gender discrimination, were
tors of the organizational environment, and beliefs woven into female recruits’ mental reflections and
and practices of the rank-and-file caused them a sub- decisions to resign. This finding provides support for
stantial level of stress and conflict. Recruits who vol- prior research (Morash & Haarr, 1995), which has
untarily resigned after completing field training, yet established that women are affected not only by
prior to the end of their 1-year probationary period workplace problems and stressors that influence men
experienced dissonance when watching their cowork- but also by some that are unique to their status as
ers use “heavy-handed policing” tactics, realized that women and minorities. In comparison, Native
their attitudes about police-public relations differed American and Hispanic recruits had the highest rate
from that of their coworkers. Rather than allowing the of dropout within the first 16 months of their police
powerful forces of the organizational environment to careers and maintained that personal and family
reshape their attitudes and behaviors to be more con- stresses related to the demands and pressures of
gruent with those of the rank-and-file, or adjusting basic training and police work weighted heavily on
their expectations to be more compatible with the their decision to resign. These findings are the basis
realities of police work, recruits chose to resign from for the conclusion that there needs to be a more sys-
police work. The decision to resign, however, was not tematic examination of the resignation of women
typically sudden or dramatic or brought about by a and racial/ethnic minority officers from police work.
single event; rather, the decision to resign is the result If the issue of resignation of female and minority
of a mental reflection that takes into account a variety officers is to be wholeheartedly undertaken, it must
of circumstances over a period of time (Holdaway & not be separated from the gendered and racialized
Barron, 1997). dimensions of the organization and occupation
These findings confirm Van Maanen’s (1975) (Holdaway & Barron, 1997).
hypotheses that police recruits face stages of career In conclusion, these findings have raised impor-
contingency and development within the early stages tant policy issues about the field training phase,
of their police careers. The stages represent crucial including the selection, training, and supervision of
points at which recruits may experience temporary FTOs. Careful selection of FTOs is essential because
states of conflict and dissonance, which forces some FTOs have a significant impact on the training and
recruits to reconsider their place in the organization socialization of recruits to the understandings and
and their decision to remain a member of the organiza- practices of policing held by rank-and-file officers.
tion and occupation. Recruits who resign from police Selection standards for FTOs should include, but not
work chose to withdraw from further continuation in be limited to, work performance and aptitude, inter-
the socialization process and conformity to the norms, est in training officers, and a genuine commitment to
beliefs, and practices of the rank-and-file. In contrast, the integration of women and racial/ethnic minori-
police recruits who were terminated by academy ties into the organization. FTOs should be system
administrators or their employing agency did not atically trained, informed of equal opportunity policies
and sexual and racial harassment policies, and Fielding, N. G., & Fielding, J. L. (1987). A study of resignation during
supervised by supervisors who have been carefully British police training. Journal of Police Science and Administration,
15, 1, 24–36.
selected and trained. Fry, F. L. (1983). A preliminary examination of the factors related to
These findings are important, but one should turnover of women in law enforcement. Journal of Police Science
consider that they are based on a small sample of and Administration, 11, 149–155.
police dropouts. These findings may also be placed in Gettinger, S. (1984). Assessing criminal justice needs. Washington, DC:
jeopardy by methodological problems, such as drop- National Institute of Justice, U.S. Department of Justice.
Haarr, R. N. (1997). Patterns of interaction in a police patrol bureau:
outs do not always have “good” memories and are not
Race and gender barriers to integration. Justice Quarterly, 14,
able to clearly articulate the timing and sequence of 53–85.
events that led up to their resignation, particularly Haarr, R. N. (2001). The making of a community policing officer: The
when they feel distressed about their experiences and impact of basic training and occupational socialization on police
are relying on a retrospective account of what hap- recruits. Police Quarterly, 4(4), 402–433.
pened and particularly when they are recalling sensi- Harris, L. M., & Baldwin, J. N. (1999). Voluntary turnover of field opera-
tions officers: A test of confluency theory. Journal of Criminal
tive and hurtful experiences (Holdaway & Barron, Justice, 27, 6, 483–493.
1997). Similar to Holdaway and Barron’s (1997) find- Hochschild, A. R. (1989). The second shift, working parents and the revo-
ings, many dropouts offered lengthy and somewhat lution at home. New York: Viking.
rambling accounts that move backwards and forwards Hoffman, J. (1993). The plague of small agencies: Turnover. Law and
from incident to incident and from specific matters to Order, 41(6), 25–28.
Holdaway, S., & Barron, A. M. (1997). Resigners? The experience of Black
general situations. Also, some dropouts may have had
and Asian police officers. London: Macmillan.
poor performance records but were not willing to Hunt, J. (1990). The logic of sexism among police. Women and Criminal
admit this during an interview and may have rational- Justice, 1, 3–30.
ized their resignation by focusing on other, more com- James, S., & Hendry, B. (1991). The money or the job: The decision to
fortable and acceptable subjects. Future research needs leave policing. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology,
greater methodological rigor to help alleviate these 24, 169–189.
Lafontaine, E., & Tredeau, L. (1986). The frequency sources, and corre-
problems. Replicating this study in another setting is lates of sexual harassment among women in traditional male
important, as it would help to determine whether the occupations. Sex Roles, 15, 433–442.
findings are generalizable across training academies Manili, B., & Connors, E. (1988). Police chiefs and sheriffs rank their
and police organizations. criminal justice needs. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice,
U.S. Department of Justice.
Martin, S. E. (1980). Breaking and entering: Policewomen on patrol.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
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1. Describe how this study was conducted. Identify how data were collected and the location of this study.
2. What were the main reasons that women left the policing profession?
3. What can police administrators learn from the findings of this study?
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SECTION

yy Choosing a Career in Policing

Standard Employment Requirements

Minimum age 21 years Education—at least high school diploma

Height proportionate to weight Vision—varies across agencies

Criminal record—no felonies

yy What Are Some of the Common Requirements

U.S. Citizenship/Driver’s License

then rank ordered from the highest

Physical Agility Exam

Medical and Psychological Exams

Record Checks/Background Investigation

Police Academy Training

•• Criminal law (average of 36 hours)

•• Firearm skills (average of

increase their commitment to the job.71 The availabil-

2. Discuss the history of the use of height/weight requirements by police agencies.

Higher Education and Policing:

yy Introduction local departments require a minimum two-year degree,

Source: Bowman (2002)

transition to community policing should more effec- yy Higher Education, Community

Factors Affecting the Decision of Police

R esignation of police officers is a significant

Table 1 Characteristics of the Panel Sample by Time (%)

Male 89.7 88.4 88.5 90.1

Caucasian 76.8 79.4 79.5 81.4

20–25 years 47.7 45.2 42.9 31.3

Technical school 4.1 2.3 1.1 1.7

Phoenix PD 54.5 56.9 57.2 58.5

yy Sample and Survey Caucasian females, 5 (14.7%) Hispanic males, 1 (2.9%)

Table 2 Comparison of Dropouts to Non-Dropouts on Individual Characteristics

Characteristics Dropouts (n = 113) Non-Dropouts (n = 333) Total (N = 446) χ2

yy Reasons for Dropping Out categories: self-initiated resignations, academy-

Self-initiated resignation 17.6 17.6 14.7 50.0

Academy-initiated termination 26.5 — — 26.5

Department-initiated — 8.8 14.7 23.5

Total 44.1 26.5 29.4 100.0

Self-Initiated Resignation maniacs. It was like if you’re a moron in here,

heavy-handed.…I guess the agency’s ideas Gender Discrimination and

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