Koanga (Spring), 1995 ISSN 1173-5767

Volume 1, Number 1

HE PUKENGA KORERO
A Journal of Maori Studies

He pukenga wai he noho nga tangata,

He noho nga tangata he pukenga korero

He Poroporoaki
Taiarahia Black
He Kupu Whakataki
Taiarahia Black
Professor Timoti Karetu
Guest editorial
Arohia Durie
KiaHiwaRa:
Challenges for Maori Academics in Changing Times - page 1
Julia Taiapa
TaTe Whanau Ohanga: The Economics of the Whanau
Cultural Survival at Fiscal Expense -page 10
Graham Smith
Whakaoho Whanau: New Formations of\Vhanau as an
Innovative Intervention into Maori cultural and Educational Crises- page 18
Russell Bishop and Ted Glynn
Cultural Issues in Educational Research:
A New Zealand Perspective -page 37
Dr. Mason Durie
Tino Rangatiratanga: Maori Self Determination - page 44
Dr. Danny Keenan
Incontrovertible Fact, Notwithstanding Estimates.
Passing Impressions to Resounding Expectations:
Maori People observed in the Early Contact Period - page 54
Whaiora: Maori Health Development,
reviewed by Dr. Chris Cunningham - page 65

Editor:
Professor Mason Durie
Department of Maori Studies
Massey University

Editorial Board:
Sir Hugh Kawharu. Auckland University
Professor Ranginui Walker, Department of Maori Studies Auckland University
Professor Wharehuia Milroy, Department of Maori Studies. Waikaro University
Robert Mahuta. Director, Centre for Maori Studies and Research. Waikato University
Peter Adds. Department of Maori Studies. Victoria University
Roger Maaka, Department of Maori Studies, Canterbury University
Maurice Gray, Department of Maori Studies, Lincoln University
Godfrey Pohatu. Department of Maori Studies, Otago University
 Journal Production
Chris Cormack. Sh~n~ Couon. Eljon Fitzgerald. Annemarie Gillies. Huia Jahnke. Nadell Karatca. T <: Kani Kingi. Peter Morrison. Pare
Richardson, Esther Tinirau, John Waldon. Kimberly Allen

Cover Design
Robert Jahnke

Design and Layout

Chris Cormack and Robert Jahnke

Printing
Massey University Printery,
Private Bag I 1222.
Massey University,
Palmerswn North

Editorial Office
Department of Maori Studies.
Private Bag 11222
Palmerston North
Telephone 0-6-3SA9099
Facsimile 0-6-3505634

Change of Address
Subscribers should notify the Editorial Office.

Subscriptions:
The 1995/96 subscnption rare for one year is SNZSO.OO within New Zealand payable in advance. Subscription covers two issues Koanga
(Spring) and Ngahuru (Autumn). Please send your name, name of organisation, address and cheque to the Editorial Office.

Acknowledgement
This journal was assisted with funding from Massey University Publication Committee and the Maori Purposes Fund.

Contributors to this Issue

Taiarahia Black is Tuhoe. He is a senior lecturer in the Department of Maori Studies. Massey University.
Professor Timoti Karetu is Tuhoe and Ngati Kahungunu. He is the Ahorangi o te Taurawhiri i te reo Maori, Maori Language Commission,
Wellington.
Arohia Durie is Ngati Porou, Rongowhakaata, Te Aitanga a Miihaki and Ngai Tahu. She is a senior lecturer in the Department of Policy Studies
in Education, Massey University.
Julia Taiapa is Ngati Porou. Te Whanau a Apanui and Ngati Kauwhata. She is a lecturer in the Department of Maori Studies, Massey University.
Graham Smith is Te Aitanga a Hauiti, Ngati Apa. He is a senior lecturer in the Department of Education, Auckland University.

Dr. Russell Bishop is Tainui. He is a lecturer in education with Professor Ted Glynn in the Department of Education, Otago University.

Dr.·Mason Durie is Rangitane, Ngati Kauwhata and Ngiiti Raukawa. He is head of the Department of Maori Studies, Massey University.
Dr. Danny Keenan is Ngiiti Te Whiti o Te Atiawa. He is Fellow in Maori History in the Department of History, Massey University.
Dr Chris Cunningham is Ngiiti Raukawa and Ngiiti Toa Rangatira. He is currently Maori Health Advisor. in the Population Health Service of the
Ministry of Health.

He Pukenga Korero is published by the Department of Maori Studies, Massey University

 HE POROPOROAKI
Na Taiarahia Black

I te pae mai o tenei tau ki tonu to tatau whare.

Noho tuturi nei ta.tau ka rangona te iwi i te makariri i te huakinatana o te tatau.

Te tatau o te po.
Te tatau o te whenua
Aku whakatiketike kua riro
Unuhia noa te rito mai i te takapau wharanui
E kore e aromia i muri ito tua
Kei nga manu whakahL
Ko wai ka mohio ka mau koe ki te kakau o te hoc
I te hingatanga o te ra ka tukuna iho tc rangi
Ka pa mai te mamae
Ka pa mai te aroha!
Mau mai noa matau te iwi i te ata o te po
He kekete ano te kekete
Taku whanowhano noa
Te waka kua whakareia nei ki uta
Pakaru noa te tahaa
Nate iwi tonu te tohe ki a koutou
Kia whakarauika mai te wehi
Whakatairangatia te iwi mo apopo mai
Kia whawhati noa te iho, anei koa ngaro noa atu
He tapu to tira haere i ngengere ai koutou
Kia \\'hakarongo noa te taringa ki o koutou reo ki te haumai o te korcro
Ki te matapaki o te korcro hei mauranga mai i te waihirere o tc rongoa
I te wa i a koutou
Ka tiritiria te takapau whakapokenakena
Ka tangi nei te manu i tana tangi kui!kui!
Eko!
Ma wai hei whakaki
Waiho nei matau ki konei timokomoko noa ana e nga manu whakahi
E koro Tukawekai, e kui Rangimarie korua ra nga manu whakahi a te iwi tohunga o te Wharepora,
Whare Maire ka tau
Po rua mai ko nga rangatira o te ao o naianei
Eru, Maui koutou katoa
E moe hurihuri nei mate ki te po
Aue!.
Kua ea te mate!
 HE KUPU WHAKATAKI
Na Taiarahia Black

Koi poko no a koe ki te mau mai i te ron go o te kopae wheako whaiaro o tc hinengaro Maori puta noa.
Tera te kotuhi auahi ana mai i Aorangi
Koi hoki te pohe e hua te tamaki Ahakoa e muri ahiahi ai to tatau Reo Rangatira ka
E waia te kanohi i te tirohanga atu noho paki enei korero hei aria matua ki rota i te reo
Nga taumata whakapau mahara Pakeha e mau tonu ai nga uara Maori. Ko tatau ano
enei e hoe nei i tenei waka nga kai kounu o te tuhi kia
Aue!. .. e noho ana no tera Kopu hikitia i te pae whai wahi ai te whakatakoto o ta te Maori titiro ki
Rukuruku ana mai te rae ki Te Ahu o Tiiranga tenei ao e pae mai nei kei mua i a tatau katoa.
I te urunga o te moenga
Na te waitohu i whiua He tika te korero nei " he rongoa kci rota i te kupu a
Kaore he papa i tiltakina mai korero, a tuhi hoki".
Kia ea ake ana ko Whangaimokopuna Me i matau ana te whakatau atu ki a koutou katoa i
Nana rawa hoki i kaikohi aku mata, tuku mai nei i o koutou hinengaro hihiri hei
Aue! taukuri e whakatenatena i tenei kaupapa.
Ki te ika o ko, ki te ika a rangi ...
''He pukenga korero he nohonga tangata"
Ki nga tai whakahuka i waho
Kei te whakamau matau ki nga auahi, e ka mai nei
E nga manu whakahi e whakatata mai nei
Me aha e te iwi ka riro ratau e ...
W aiho nei ki a tatau ko nga rurenga
Kaore te takiri noa o tenei whare i nga mahi a The growth in Maori Studies Departments in all New
Meihana Zealand Universities, Whare Wananga and other
Koia ano e piri ana ki te kopa whare ki Aorangi tertiary institutions is reflected in the broad range of
Whakanakana mai ana Maori academic programmes, research and qualifi-
I whakairi ai te hei o te pounamu cations offered across several disciplinary areas. The
Ko te hau o uta .. ae ko te hau o waho ... net effect of this development has been a rapid
increase in the number of Maori academics within
E v.·hakatangi ana te riroriro ki Rangiotu Maori Studies Departments. United by a common
Kai te whakahou hoki i nga mahi academic interest in aspects of Maori social, cultural
Taku titiro he kapua kai te uru
and economic advancement, these departments have
E tangi wiwini nei te taiororua e
E hikihiki nei nga mata a central Maori focus and a particular strength in
Te tawaritanga o te hope Maori language.
He piitake mahoe kei te taha o te ara The range and nature of programmes taught within
Te Hokowhiti te ngarungaru noa Maori Studies Departments extends well beyond the
E marangai ana o runga, e marangai o raro e anthropologically-oriented courses which character-
E marangai ana rate ngutu awa ki Turitea ised earlier decades so that Maori Studies now in-
E koko ia e ara cludes the disciplines of linguistics, sociology, his-
tory, visual arts, philosophy, political science, health
Tera ratau kua hikitia atu nei i nga pae maunga. E sciences, and the environmental sciences.
mau ai o ratau ringa ki nga tata ka ipuipu noa nga It has become increasingly apparent, however, for
roimata. E whati atu nei ratau i te koraha ka ngaro atu
the need for appropriate publication outlets with the
i te rangianiwaniwa takoto e moe!.
capacity to provide a suitable contextual focus for
Maika ii mai a tauiwi ki tenei whenua o tatau ka ranea Maori academic authors. He Pukenga Korero is in-
atu e te i\vi Maori ko te ta i te pii ki runga wharangi hei tended as one such periodical primarily for Maori
kakau mo te whakaaro Maori. E kite nei tatau mai i Studies Departments, although not exclusively as the
te wa o tatau tip una whakaeke no ate tau rua mana kua disciplines represented in this inaugral issue illus-
tina pakaru te rongo, te mauritau hei waitohu ki nga trates.
 TE TAU 0 TE REO MAORI
HEWHAKAARO

Timoti Karetu
Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Maori

E rima tau noa iho kei mua i o Uitou aroaro kua eke atu te kokiri atu ki te kawanatanga i runga ano i te tino
tatou ki te rau tau hou me ona ahuatanga papai, mohio, kaua i te whakapae noa iho. Me marama tatou
ahuatanga kikino, aha ke ranei wai hoki ka hua, ka ko te reo i o tatou kaumatua kua ngaro atu nei i te
tohu? tiro hang a kanohi me uaua te whatoro atu i te mea kua
Na runga i tera mohio ka whakaritea kia karangatia kore ratou i konei hei whakarongotanga rna taringa.
tenei tau, te tau 1995, ko Te Tau o Te Reo Maorika I te wa i whakahaeretia ai nga rangahautanga, nga
mutu ehara ke i te mea rna tenei tau no a iho nei eneo-ari ketuketutanga a Richard Benton rna i puta i a ratou te
haere ake nei, haere ake nei ko ia tau te tau o te reo whakatau ko t6na e whitu tekau mana tangata e tino
Maori kia waiho noa iho ko tenei tau hei tau whakato matatau ana ki te reo, a, i whanau mai ki te reo.
i tera whakaaro kite whatumanawa o tena, o tena 6 Na mena ta.tou kite ata whakaaro ki tera tatauranga,
tatou e tina whakapono ana me ora tonu to tatou reo ka mohio tatou tokohia ke nei o taua hunga kua riro
tilauriuri hei kahurangi kamehameha atu rna enei ki te po, tae atu hoki ki tera matatau ki te reo. Hei
whakapaparanga ki a tatou mangainga, mokopuna a whakatauira noa ake mena tatou ka ki ko tona e toru
nga tau e til mai nei. tekau mana o taua hunga kua kore i konei kua kite
Ko te whakatinanatanga o te whakaaro nei ko te tatou kua heke iho te tokomaha o te hunga e pera ana
tau nei me nga urupounamu katoa e hikaka katoa nei te mohio ki t6na ahua e wha tekau mano nei, iti ke noa
te wairua kia mohio he aha nga urupare. Whakatuatea ake ranei.
ana tera te ngakau me te hinengaro i te ahua o te reo I tenei tonu ka rere te patai ka pehea hoki nga
kei te puta mai i nga tamariki e whakaakona nei i rota tamariki o rota i nga kohanga reo me nga kura
i nga kura kaupapa i te mea hoki ko te nuinga o o ratou kaupapa Maori e korero Maori nei? He whakapae noa
kaiwhakaako ehara i te tangata e pera rawa ana te iho tenei naku engari ko tona tikanga ko tona kotahi
matatau ki te reo, ka mutu, ka eke ana ki tona taumata rau mana tamariki kua puta mai i nga kohanga reo
i matatau ai kua noho mai i reira kaore e neke me te mai i te orokotimatanga mai. Heoi ano te patai, he
aha ano noho ke ana ko te tamaiti hei papa. W aiho ake pehea nei to ratou matatau, korero Maori ai ratou ki
tenei whakaaro oku ki konei takoto ai rna tenei wa, a, a wai, he aha nga kaupapa e korerotia ana e rl:itou ki
hei ko ake nei tikina mai ano ai e au ka whakawhanui te reo Maori, pehea nei te tika o ta ratou whakatakoto
atu ai. i te kupu? Ara atu, ara atu nga patai, a, e hiahiatia ana
Ko tetahi o nga ahuatanga nui o te tau nei ko te nga whakautu.
kimi tokohia tatou e tino matatau ana kite reo, e ahua Na tenei hiahia kei te whakahaeretia ana he
matatau ana kite reo, e autaia ana te matatau kite reo, patapatai i waenga i te iwi kia kitea ai e pehea ke ana
kore nei ranei i paku matatau kite reo. I tua atu i tenei, to tatou reo. I tenei wa ko t6na e rua mana kainga kei
korerotia ai te reo Maori i hea e wai, a, he aha nga te patapataitia puta noa i te motu. Kia oti tera, ka
kaupapa korero e kawea ana ki te reo Maori. mohio ai tatou e tina pehea ana te ora o to ta.tou reo ki
Kua roa tonu tenei te wa e whakahuahua ana tatou te kore hoki e ora mai i waenga i te hunga tamariki e
i nga tatauranga i oti mai i a Richard Benton me ana kore raw a atu e ora nate mea ka mate atu ana te hunga
kaimahi i nga tau 1975-77. Kua kore au a tatauran 0o-a matatau kua riro atu te reo i o ratou taha.
i hangai ki enei ra i te mea he tokomaha tonu tatou kua Koia nei tetahi o nga take i whakaarotia ake ai me
riro atu ki tua o pae, a, kua kore noa iho tatou i mohio karanga tenei tau ko te tau o te reo Maori hei whakaoho
e pehea ana to tatou tokomaha kia taea ai nga kaupapa i te wairua, hei whakahau i te tangata kia tahuri mai
kite reo, a, kia whakatumatohi te iwi, kite kore hoki i te hunga whakaako, ka tika mai hoki i a ratou kua
kua kore he reo Maori a ko tonu ake nei. Na tenei auhi, tika atu i a ratou akonga. E taea ai tenei whakaaro te
maniore hoki ka puta ko enei kupu hei whakatauki whakatutuki me whakaaro ake tetahi wahi kotahi kia
mo te tau kia noho ko te reo hei whakamaunga atu mo riro rna reira e whakangungu te hunga kaiwhakaako
te ngakau me te hinengaro, e Maori ana te reo whakaako.
Me tiki ko nga tino tohunga kite reo Maori me ona
He tau whakatilmatohi te tau tino tohunga ki te taha whakaako i te tangata, ka
He tau whakatitina te tau whakarauika mai ki taua wahi kotahi. Kaore he
He tau whakatau te tau tirotiro ki te iwi o te kaiwhakaako engari ko tona
matatau kite reo, kite whakaako. Me waiho ko te reo
Ko te tikanga o enei kupu ko tenei, ara, kia noho hei paihere i a tatou i runga i te whakaaro kotahi kia
mataara tatou kite ora o t6 tatou reo, kia kaha tatou ki ora tonu to tatou reo, a, kia ora hoki i runga i te tika
te whakatenatena i a tatou ano kia tahuri mai, he tau mete pono.
hoki e tino whakatau ai tatou, ahakoa pehea, ka ora Kaore e kore ka rere ano te patai ko hea te wahi tika
tonu to tatou reo. mote whakahaere kua whakahuatia ake nei? Ki a au
E kore pea tetahi o tatou e whakahe i te whakaaro nei, whakatiiria kite wahi e kaha ana te kawea o te reo
ko te huarahi tika hei takahi rna tatou kia ora tonu ai Maori. Nate mea ko te reo Maori tenei e whaia nei me
to tatou reo ko tera o te kohanga reo, whai maiko te reo Maori katoa nga whakaakoranga o roto i te wahi
kura kaupapa Maori, ka haere atu ai i reira ki te kura nei, ka mutu me reo Maori anake te reo ka whakaaetia
tuarua e Maori tonu aria te reo whakaako, a, atu i reira kia korerohia i roto i taua wahi ra.
kite whare wananga e reo Maori ana te reo whakaako Ki kona etahi whakahe mai ai engari kua tae tenei
o roto. ki te wa me t!mata te ata whakarite wahi e korerotia
Ahakoa whakaae tatou ae koira te ara tika kia ai ko te reo Maori anake. Kei te nui noa atu nga wahi
takahia e mohiotia ana ki te kore e pai, e tika te reo o e ahei ai te tangata kite korero Pakeha engari kua kore
te hunga whakatauira, o te hunga whakaako e kore haere nga wahi e mohio ai te tangata ae ko tenei wahi
hoki e pai, e tika te reo o te hunga kei raro i o ratou e Maori ana te reo korero o konei. Ki a au nei, kua tae
maru. He huakore te waiho rna te kore mohio, rna te ki te wa me ata ki kaore he korero Pakeha o konei kia
kuware ki te reo a tatou tamariki e whakaako e kore mohio ai te hunga whai i te reo ka taea te reo Maori
hoki te reo e eke ki ona kotihitihi e tominatia ana. te korero, te rongo i taua wahi nei. Me penei i nga
Kua eke tenei ki te wa me ki atu te hunga e he mai wahi kaore nei e whakaaetia te kai paipame whakarite
ana te reo. Kati te mirimiri noa atu kia pohehe mai ai he wahi kaore e whakaaetia te korero Pakeha!
ratou ina no a atu t6 riHou pai. Kei te whakataurekareka Kei te kaha ke ake te rangona o te reo Pakeha i te
tatou i to tatou reo ki te waiho tatou i tenei ahua kia reo Maori i o tatou marae na reira kua kore i taea te ki
haere tonu, ka mutu ka noho ko a tatou tamariki te me hoki ki nga marae ako ai, whakarongo ai engari ia
papa. me whakarite ko etahi wahi ke atu e reo Maori noa
E ki ana nga tohunga o tenei mea o te reo ko te reo ana. Ki te kore hoki he taiao reo Maori anake me
ka rere ke haere i roto i te wa, ara, ko nga pehea ke e rangona ai ona hohonutanga, ona
whakatakotoranga kupu kaore i whakaaetia eo tatou tiketiketanga, ona whanuitanga, ona tohunga e
tip una, kua whakaaetia e te reo o enei wa. Ki a au nei, rawekeweke ana i te reo kia rere noa ai te wairua ki te
a te wa e whakaae ai tatou ko te reo he, ko te reo takiwa topaki mai ai ka tau ano ai kite whenua engari
pohehe no ate reo tika he tino mate to tatou, e hika rna hei te titingaki te manawa oioi ana penei mete maripi
e! ka titia nei ki te rakau.
E rnatau ana tatou he tokomaha tonu te hung a kei Tena koa kia hoki noa ake ki te whakaaro o te
te whai mai i te reo kaore i whangaia kite reo engari whakatii wahi kotahi kite motu ki reira whakangungua
e tino popore ana kia ekea e ratou ona taumata engari ai te hunga e hiahia ana ko te reo Maori te reo
me pehea tera e taea ai ki te he mai nga kaiwhakaako? whakaako i te tangata. Ko te hunga aweke take kore
Ki a au nei, me Hmata mai nga mahi whakatikatika ka patai no wai te reo o roto i te wahi nei? Ko te

11
 whakahoki ki tera ui, ko tenei, ko te reo o te hunga noa ki nga whare wananga me whakatika, me
whakaako. Mena no Tainui, koira te reo, mena no whakawhanui me whakahohonu i toratou namatatau
Taranaki koira te reo ahakoano hea nga kaiwhakaako kite reo.
koira te reo whakaako. Kaua e noho noa iho ki nga pinakitanga o te
Ko nga reo a-iwi enei e aweke nei te hunga maunga engari ekea tona tapuhipuhi kia taea ai te ki
whakatonga engari he poto noa iho te korero, rna ae kua eke Tangaroa, kua eke panuku, haumi e, hui e,
tenei iwi ano t5na ano reo e pupuri, e penapena ina taiki e!
kore ka riro, a, na te wa i whakarite kia pera. Ko te E kore te reo e mate noa i a ia ano engari ka mate
tahiihii o te reo rna te wahi nei e whakatakoto engari na te korenga o te iwi nona taua reo i aro atu ki te
ko nga whakanikoniko, ko nga whakarawai kei tena pupuri, ki te ata tiaki, ki te korero. Na reira i puta ai
iwi, kei tena iwi. te whakahau a Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Maori,
Kei noho ko o tatou iwitanga hei whakah5taetae i "Korero Maori i nga wa katoa, i nga wahi katoa." Me
te neke whakamua o ta tatou kaupapa engari kei tua penei noa ake taku na whakatau, e kore te reo e mate
ke no a atu to tatou reo i era ahuatanga. Ki te noho ko ki te kaha te korerotia no reira, e te ao Maori, kati te
o tatou iwitanga hei whakaporearea mai i te kaupapa iipoko maro, te maikoiko, te toupiore ki te kore hoki
ko au e ki ana e kore te reo e ora he warea ke no tatou koe te Maori e hapai ake rna wai ke? Ma Pakeha? Ko
ki nga take mama noa iho te rongoa te whakapau ke au e kiana engari mo tena! Kei te kaha te whai mai a
ai ki te reo kia kore ai tatou e whakapataritaritia mai ngai kiritea rna, no reira me tino matapopore.
e nga reanga kaore ano kia puta ki te whaiao, ki te ao Kati, kua roa, kua whanui te kupu e rere ana penei
marama ki te patai, "I ahatia e koe taku taonga e ?" Ka i te manu ka koko, ka topaki, ka tauihi a nawai ra kua
noho ko te ngaringaria, ko te mateatea te whakahoki tau ano ki tona pae.
engari he aha te hua o tera? E tarake ana te kitea o te huarahi hei whainga, ara,
Kua tae tenei kite wa kia ata pataitia te patai he aha me tahuri mai te iwi Maori ki tona reo, me korero
ke ia te tino wahi ki nga whakahaere whakaako i a Maori i nga wa katoa, i nga wahi katoa, me whakatika
tatou tamariki? Kotahi te tino whakahoki, kia puta te reo pohehe, te reo rereke e puta nei i te wa e tokoiti
mai a tatou tamariki mete tino matatau kite reo. Kia ana te hunga korero pera ina kore hoki ka he ke atu,
taea e ratou to ratoO na ao te whakaahua ki te reo ka he ke atu, a, he aha te hua o tera.
Maori ka tau iho toku mauri i te mea ka mohio ka ora Hei whakatepe noa ake i enei whakaaro ruarua
te reo i tera ahua. Kore ana e taea e te reo Maori te noa iho oku ko nga kupu mai i tetahi o nga haka i
whakaahua kua pare a tera o nga reo ki rahaki kua tiki hakaina i nga whakataetae matua o te motu i tii ki
atu i te reo e mohio ana ratou ka taea to ratou na ao te Hawera i te 24--27 o nga ra o te marama o Hui-
whakaahua. tanguru 1994, waiho rna reira e whakahiato mai nga
E ora ai tenei mea te reo me whai kaikorero, ka whakaaro kua korerotia ake nei, a, ki a au nei kaore he
kore ana hoki he kaikorero kua kore he reo. E marama korero i tua atu i enei mo te ahua ki te ora tonu o to
ana tenei korero engari ahakoa te mohio mai o te ao tatou reo.
Maori ka kaki maro tonu mai, ka tohe tonu ki te
korero Pakeha ano nei rna te kaha o te korero Pakeha TOKU REO! TOKU REO!
ka ora ko te reo Maori! Kei hea ke te pohehe i tua atu
i tenei? E te ao Maori, kati te moe, e ara, matika, Kaitataki: E tatou e te ao Maori, taringa
maranga ki runga, tahuri mai ki te reo, te ahuatanga whakarongo!.
kotahi e mohiotia ai koe he Maori ina whakaritea atu Ko tatou tetahi iwi koretake,
Hakuhakutai, tangi meme,
ki etahi atu iwi. Whakakuene penei i te tamariki
I a au i wahi ai i enei korero, i whakatakoto ai i enei Kua whakapuhia e
whakaaro oku hei tihaehae, hei whakaae, hei whakahe Katoa: A! hat ha!
ranei mai mau i ki au kite kore e pai nga whakatauira Whakapae ana na iwi, na tangata ke
To tatou reo i ngaro ai
mai e kore hoki e pai te reo ka mau i a tatou tamariki. Te ata tirotiro ke ai
Ko te hunga kaiwhakaako mai i nga kohanga reo tae Ki a tatou ana!

Ill
Kaitiitaki.: Kei patai mai koutou tamariki. Kua kore no a ra i reo kua aha ke ra? E koro,
Na te aha i whenei ai te whakapae? e kui rna te hunga mangari no koutou nei tenei reo
Katoa: Nei noa ra tiiku! whangaia mai ra! Whangaia mai ra!
Tiro atu ki nga whakahaere Maori katoa E tatou e te ao Maori, taringa whakarongo!
He aha te reo o rot6?
Ko te reo o tauiwi! Ko te reo te moko o te hinengaro! Kite mate to
Kaitiitaki.: Te Ropii Wahine Maori Taka i te Ora tiitou reo ehara ke i te mea me mate he kore ke ia no
tena! tatou i aro atu, i hautoa kia ora tonu ai nei rate manuka
Katoa: Ko te reo o tauiwi! kua takoto kawea ake! Kawea ake! Hei!
Kaitiitaki.: Te Kaunihera Maori tena!
Katoa: Ko te reo o tauiwi!
Kaitiitaki.: Te Whakakotahitanga o Nga Iwi tena!
Katoa: Ko te reo o tauiwi!
Kaitiitaki.: Nga huihuinga marae ena!
Katoa: Tata tonu te riro i te reo o tauiwi
Mutu kau ana nga whakatau
Ko te reo o nga kaumatua ki a ratou ana
ko tehea?
Ko te reo o tauiwi!
Kaitiitaki.: Na konei ka tiimatatenga, ka
matangareka,
Pere tonu atu te arotahi
Katoa: Ki nga ki5hanga reo, ki nga kura kaupapa
Maori
Engari era e ii ana!
Me kore ra e tiipono
Ko tera ke te huarahi
Hei takahanga ma tatou.
Kaitiitaki.: Ae, pea!
Engari ka pehea ra te reo
0 te hunga whakaako?
Katoa: Ka kore ana e mohio
Haere kite hunga mohio patai ai
Kaua e noho ki te ao kiiare
Ki reira kimikimi noa ai,
Titotito noa ai, riikahu noa ai
Ko te matau ki te reo
Me hiki ake kia eke ai ki nga kotihi
0 re tika, o re pono
Ki te kore, ka mate a tatou tamariki

Heoi ano, te ron go ake nei o taringa i nga hahani, i nga

tikai kei te rere mo nga kupu hou e puta ake nei
Kite kore e taea e te reo te ao o a tatou tamariki te
whakaahua ka hoki tonu atu ratou i te reo o tauiwi i
reira nanao atu ai i nga kupu E hapa nei pai ke noa ake
te hanga kupu hou, kupu tau i whakakore i tera ahua.
E koutou o roto i nga whare takiura, whare
wananga, kuratini nga whakahaere katoa whaiwahi
mai kite reo, whakatika mai, whakakotahi mai i a
koutou he mai i kona, he mai i nga kura, he mai i nga

IV
 KIAHIWARA
CHALLENGES FOR MAORI ACADEMICS IN CHANGING TIMES

Arohia Durie
Department of Education, Massey University

Whakarapopoto Korero Aotearoa-New Zealand. The climate is undoubtedly

Ko te piltake o nga riirangi korero e whai ake nei, nii!'u i kauhau favourable for the implementation of the long awaited
ki te Huinga Matawhanui i tenei tau. Ki oku ne1 whakaaro,
mehemea kite ahu whakamua tatou, me il tonu ki nga matauranga guarantee of tino rangatiratanga and its promise of
e rua - nga matauranga Maori me nga matauranga Pakeha hoki. self determination for Maori.
Ahakoa he Pakeha hoki te lihuatanga o nga whare wananga, ko te
tumanako o no-a tauira Maori, me o ratou whanau, e kore te roopu
Matawhanui, as the collective voice of Maori
kaiako Maori e waiho i nga kaupapa Maori e pa ana ki nga university staff, has a choice to make, either to be part
akoranga me nga mahi rangahau. Ko tenei te wa o te ao hurihuri, of the action or part of the audience. Challenges for
ce wa o te ao whanui, te wa o te ao Maori. Ma tatou tonu eraranga
nga kawai maha, ki te whakakotahi i te korowai matauranga. Maori within and beyond the halls of academia is the
"Rukuhia te matauranga ki rona hohonutanga me rona
basis of this paper.
whanuitanga."

Abstract Consequences of
This paper is drawn from a keynote address given at a th_e.I995 Recent Reform in Tertiary Education
Matawhanui Conference. The paper discusses the positiOn of Just as the election of the first Labour Government in
Maori academics concerned with the advancement ofknowledge 1935 altered the course of national life in Aotearoa-
and understanding for a dual purpose, for Maori development
and for o-eneral educational progress. The tertiary post reform New Zealand, so too did the 1984 Labour Govern-
environ~ent as a funher influence on Maori educational devel- ment introduce major change. State discourses were
opment provides the current context for teaching, learning and
research within the university. once again to change dramatically. Welfare state
For those whose work is situated upon the landscape of touchstones such as equality of opportunity, full
mainstream academic organisations, the task of finding the space employment, state provision of services, and social
on that terrain to be Maori, to stay Maori but yet to use the 'tools
of the pakehli' to the best advantage for Maori is a major security were replaced. Among the new terms effi-
challenge. The role of Maori within and beyond the halls of ciency, effectiveness, accountability, con testability,
academia forms the basis of this paper.
and devolution stand out. The language of social
goals changed to the language of economic goals.
Introduction
Universities were not among the immediate recipi-
1995 is a special year in many respects. The designa-
ents of the changes to education which followed, but
tion byTe Taura Whiri i te Reo Maori as Te Tau o te
by 1988 the directions were becoming clear. In
Reo Maori, and by the United Nations as the Year of
contrast to accepted thinking regarding the impor-
Tolerance, augers well for the beginning of what is
tance of social justice, equality of opportunity and
also the International Decade of the World's Indig-
access, charges of provider capture, and of individual
enous Peoples. It is no accident that Maori develop-
benefit rather than public good were made about
ment 1::>croals should coincide with the articles of the
existing arrangements. Educational disparities evi-
Draft Declaration of Indigenous Rights compiled by
dent from the Maori case were used to support the
the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous
charges (Treasury, 1987).
Peoples (1994). Numerous papers have been pre-
In the new climate, Post- compulsory education
sented by representatives over the period of the
and training displaced tertiary education as a descrip-
Working Groups existence stating the Maori posi-
tion for the continuation of learning after Secondary
tion. A goal of the International Decade to implement
school. 'The Hawke Report', the findings of a work-
a 10 year programme of action for indigenous people ing party set up to examine the post school aspect of
based on a theme 'partnership in action'(Assembly educational provision, raised the contentious issue of
President, December 1994) is very familiar to making students pay more for participation in post-

1
compulsory education. Such participation long seen Maori school leavers. In 1991, over half of the
as a right since..the post 1935 welfare state inception, unemployed Maori teenagers did not hold a school
was soon represented as a privilege. Even though qualification, and 43% of all Maori teenagers be-
there was a change of Government in 1990, in the tween the ages of fifteen to nineteen years were
tertiary sector, little of the master plan altered. In unemployed. The high numbers of Maori unem-
1995 the details of the working party's proposals ployed brought about by changes in the nature of the
have become a reality. The Hawke Report recom- work place are boosted by school leaver patterns
mended that students pay 20 per cent of the cost of cemented to them. Since 1991 the school leaving age
their courses, and that a system of student loans be has been raised from 15 to 16 years, and the likeli-
made available through a joint arrangement with the hood of students being required to stay at school until
banks (Boston, 1990:171). Today all tertiary stu- they turn 17 has been mooted. This issue is taken up
dents struggle with the extraordinary increases in the elsewhere, but retention at school is not of itself a
cost of post compulsory education introduced as a guarantor of any increase in numbers of Maori stu-
resultoftheHawkeReport. For Maori, the combina- dents with formal qualifications. Maori participation
tion of a sudden downturn in job opportunities, in the workforce has typically been predominantly in
coupled with the new high costs of tertiary education, areas requiring an emphasis on physical effort. A
has given little time to plan for current survival or combination of enjoyment of the collaborative nature
future educational needs. of such work together with relative ease of access
The issue of cost was taken further by the 1994 resulted in this predominance. In 1994, the Minister
Todd Report which provided options for the Govern- of Education observed :
ment to examine before a defmitive implementation Traditional education systems around the world had the effect of
of the fees scheme would take place. The option sorting people into those who would use brain power to partici-
adopted by Government in the wake of the Todd pate in the economy and those who would use muscle power
Report means that costs to students will increase (Lockwood Smith, 1994)
steadily until 1999 when 25 per cent of the course The formal education system established in
costs must then be met by each student. At the same Aotearoa-New Zealand was no exception. The move
time Government will reduce per student funding from state to private provision of services such as
until only 75 per cent of the cost is met by the state reading and railways, areas where numbers of Maori
(Bolger, 1995). While the rationale for these major were once employed, has seen fewer Maori em-
changes is enveloped within the economic restructur- ployed in these sectors even though the essential
ing exercises begun in 1984, political commentators service continues.
align the changes in political and economic discourse Maori job losses could largely be accounted for by
to the ascendancy of market liberalism and the New over representation in the unskilled labour force, and
Right (Bates, R. Boston, J. Lauder, H. 1990, Codd, J. that over representation in turn, accounted for by the
Gordon, E. 1991, Apple, M.1991) . lack of formal school qualifications, but not entirely.
The impact of the changes has major repercus- Too often those without school qualifications are
sions for Maori students with limited access to dis- held personally responsible for the situation, but to
posable income. Maori communities suffered more ignore school, economic and societal factors would
than most from major job losses after economic be remiss. Debate over the degree of influence each
restructuring took effect. The unemployment rate for factor contributes is ongoing but will not be ad-
Maori remains three times greater than that for Pakeha dressed in this paper. A major longitudinal study
(Employment Taskforce Report, 1994: 1). The un- being conducted at Massey Univer~ity does however
employment rate can also be linked to a disparity in include examination of the influence of such factors.
school achievement. At the school level, Davies and (Durie et al, 1993)
Nicholl ( 1993: 4 7) claim that Maori students are three While patterns of Maori participation in school-
times as likely as their non-Maori peers to leave ing still show large numbers leaving school before
school with no formal qualifications. In support of receiving any qualification, those who do stay on at
this claim, it is stated that in 1991 for example, 37% school and gain a qualification appear to demonstrate
of Maori schoolleavers left school without a recog- a higher commitment to seeking a university educa-
nised qualification, compared with 12% of non- tion than do their Pakeha peers.

2
 A study by Nash (1986) examined pre-reform ture operated through the New Zealand Vice Chan-
data on education and occupational destination by cellor's Committee on University Academic Pro-
ethnicity. Nash concluded that Maori students with grammes (NZVCC, 1994). While universities have
University Entrance were more likely at that time to so far resisted any moves to locate their degree
go to University than were non-Maori with Univer- programmes within NZQA jurisdiction, the pace of
sity Entrance. Since the reforms began to impact on change may mean some compromise on that stance in
society by reducing the number of jobs available, the future.
tertiary student numbers overall have increased as Already one report from an advisory group (The
people attempt to gain qualifications necessary to Tertiary Lead Group) set up by the Minister of
become employable. A Government prediction states Education to resolve issues surrounding the inclusion
that by 1999, the year when students pay 25% of the of degrees in the National Qualifications Framework
costs of their tertiary education, at least 17,000 more has proposed a single Qualifications Framework
New Zealanders will be involved in tertiary educa- (November, 1994). While in one respect, it is timely
tion and training (95:8). Whether Maori continue to that expertise acquired in a wide variety of learning
maintain the greater likelihood of attending univer- environments can be acknowledged as a legitimate
sity than non-Maori remains to be seen. The phenom- qualification, in relation to universities, the idea of a
enon may well have been a result of Maori students single qualifications framework oversimplifies the
with the same qualifications as non-Maori having educational role that universities have traditionally
fewer employment options open to them at the com- held in fostering the growth of knowledge.
pletion of secondary school. Now that non-Maori At the chalkface, restrictions on resourcing uni-
students face similar difficulties, the growth in stu- versity staffing arrangements have meant that the
dent numbers at the tertiary level is only to be ex- same number of staff are expected to do more with
pected. much less. A quandary for Maori is the tension
One positive measure established for Maori by between the increase in demand for university exper-
Government is the Manaaki Tauira Access Grants tise from iwi as their responsibilities grow, and the
available to students to help meet the high costs of limitations put upon university human and physical
tertiary education. Although beset by administration resources by new Government regulations. These
problems, the support continues to make a difference restrictions could be seen as a reason to limit a
to successful student study and retention at universi- personal contribution to Maori development. To do
ties. From the university view, the most effective so would be to abdicate from a role incumbent upon
administration of the Manaaki Tauira funding was all Maori with expertise to contribute to the improve-
that undertaken by each institution for its own student ment of Maori wellbeing. To abdicate this role would
body. Once outside organisations attempted the task, bring in to question the need for Matawhanui at all.
students were well into debt and associated miseries Yet new restrictions on time and financial resources
before financial support was forthcoming. make it increasingly difficult to contribute outside of
For universities and their staff, the reforms have the university context, and for Maori staff to maintain
also required major change. In contrast to the important links with iwi, hapu and whanau progress.
reorganisations experienced in the state services sec- In 1960, in regard to Maori well being, J.K.Hunn
tor where devolution of responsibility to communi- outlined what he described as a 'circle in chain
ties and individuals was a key component, universi- reaction'.
ties, who traditionally enjoyed just such autonomy in Better education promotes better employment, which promotes
the name of academic freedom, have had their power better housing, which promotes better health and social standing,
reigned in. Among measures designed to accomplish which promotes better education and thus closes the circle
this constriction was the introduction of new funding (p.28).
formulae (EFTS based) and the granting to a non Thirty five years later these words still have
University organisation (the New Zealand Qualifi- currency. Maori academics have an important role to
cations Authority) the right to validate degree courses play in promoting and contributing to outcomes which
and degree granting institutions through a nation- will enhance the chain reaction. At national and iwi
wide system for registering educational achieve- levels much work is being undertaken to ensure a
ment. Universities already have an approval struc- restoration and retention of the Maori social and

3
economic base. Maori effort in this regard stands in Hui sought first a clarification of the exercise of tino
stark contrast to the sudden shedding of responsibil- rangatiratanga at iwi and national levels, and second,
ity by the state. A distinction between accreditation a collective Maori position in regard to the encroach-
of practices and programmes delivered by iwi or ment by government upon the exercise of Maori
other Maori organisations and degree courses of Treaty claim rights.
study provided by universities is likely to be the Just such an encroachment acted as a major cata-
difference between vocational and academic learn- lyst for the Hui, wl1en on December 9, 1994, the
ing. The exception are those wananga which encom- Prime Minister launched the 'Proposal for the Settle-
pass both academic and vocational pursuits. Univer- ment of Treaty Claims' (1994) popularly known as
sity staff can provide valuable input into the estab- 'the Fiscal Envelope'. While the document was
lishment of wananga courses and provide clarifica- called 'a proposal', it became clear that there was
tion on the distinction between the two spheres of little to be gained for Maori through the consultation
learning. process to follow because the Government had al-
ready arrived at a position from which there would be
Maori Development no change.
Maori Development is at the crossroads and expan- The dictated 'proposals' engendered a flurry of
sion of the human resource base is essential as oppor- confrontational expressions of dissatisfaction from
tunities to take up administration of resources re- many Maori as patience came to an end. Maori
tUrned by the Crown expand. In larger urban centres, leadership became an issue of substance as fears of
Maori have formed successful alliances to further collaboration with government in the interests of a
local as distinct from tangata whenua interests. In few surfaced. While those fears may be unfounded,
education, Maori voices are increasingly heard as they raise important issues for academics. The need
school and tertiary education options appropriate to for accurate information and informed comment has
Maori make an impact on the general educational a crucial role in ensuring decisions and actions can be
scene. Qualified people can make the difference arrived at from a well informed position. Academics
between effective innovation and something less. can facilitate the flow of accurate information in-
Since the business of universities is 'the advance- cluding provision of analysis and options for action to
ment, dissemination and maintenance of knowledge lessen the chance for misinterpretation and miscalcu-
by teaching and research', an automatic consequence lation. There are few avenues for Maori to participate
of university activity ought to be a ready application speedily with other Maori in constructive discussion
of the accomplishments to societal need. Maori on critical issues. For now, Maori media still form a
university staff can make a valuable contribution minor percentage of the total, meaning audiences
towards producing well qualified graduates willing must glean further information through interpreta-
and able to further development through offering tions and reporting by largely uncredentialled non-
specialised qualifications and by adding pertinent Maori media journalists. Hui meet the necessary
knowledge to a range of other qualifications. criteria but too often people are restricted from full
Maori development has taken on a fresh appear- participation by not having had access to sufficient
ance since the emergence of the Maori Congress of background information beforehand. Kaumatua privi-
tribes in 1990. Congress is committed to the exercise lege to speak on behalf of wider hapii and iwi commu-
of tino rangatiratanga at tribal levels and in respect of nities is not in question, since it arises from a different
Maori people generally (Durie, M.H. 1995). The set of expectations, requiring a presence and more
groundwork carried out by Congress in unifying infinite understanding of community wellbeing than
diverse iwi proved a strength early in 1995. the role for academics discussed here.
On January 29 at Hirangi marae in Turangi, a The opportunity to reflect on the role and contri-
national hui was called by Sir Hepi Te Heu Heu to bution of Maori academics from universities in con-
address issues of major importance to Maori. Be- junction with ongoing support for the progress of the
cause representatives from the diversity of Maori social, economic and political aspirations of Maori
groups across the country contributed to the debates . people is timely.
to arrive at a unanimous position, the occasion is
regarded as historic and that is no small claim. The

4
Maori in Academia demic Audit Unit, a body with responsibility for
In the light of the outcomes of the reforms in educa- monitoring university standards and quality assur-
tion, and greater autonomy for iwi Maori, and com- ance processes, has been established. The differen-
munity groups, challenges arise for academics. What tiation between vocational standards and academic
role should Maori academics adopt as a contribution standards is a further issue in relation to quality. Core
to a positive Maori future and how should it fit with competencies are far more applicable to vocational
the role of Maori in academia. While Maori staff standards than they are for academic ones.
might be identifiable as a generic group, interests iv) Research; new research funding institutions, for
differ as do obligations and professional develop- example, Crown Research Institutes, which fund
ment plans. However, everyone who is a member of according to outputs specified by Government rather
Matawhanui has expressed a willingness by that than by the researcher, are a new feature. Research
membership to engage in more than a token commit- funding outside of these institutions is scarce.
ment to Maori matters. What planning then is neces- v) Competition; The deregulation of degree accredi-
sary to ensure that Matawhanui members who by tation to an institution beyond the university has
their membership signal an allegiance to Maori increased the number of institutions now able to offer
progress, use their professional skills to contribute degree courses in competition with universities.
within and beyond the university context.
Universities generally see their role as little vi) Ideological change; allegations of elitism levelled
at the university culture and at course content.
changed over the centuries. The triple emphases of
All of these are indicators of change which will
teaching, research and scholarship remain the basis
of academic obligation. At the core of these is the affect the operations of modern universities and which
continuing notion of a quality classically referred to for the most part, have come about as a result of the
as scholarship. Today the quantification of scholar- major reforms of the post 1984 decade.
ship is reduced to numbers of published papers in The goals and language of economic efficiency
refereed· journals, notably international ones, and inherent in a shift towards a minimal state have
numbers of book chapters, or books published. It is overtaken social goals. The blueprint for the changes
evident that for universities, the preferred profes- was the policy document 'Learning for Life'(l988)
sional role is that of scholar, since the highest promo- in which, among other things, changes in funding
tions are bestowed on those with claims to have procedures for tertiary education were proposed. In
fulfilled.this requirement through publication. (see such a climate, universities will be pressured to
criteria for appointment to Professor or Associate rethink their position as independent generators and
Professor, 1995) arbiters of knowledge because new fiscal account-
While the internal perception of universities may ability processes intrude on that independence. Fund-
remain largely unaltered, the traditional image is ing for the university operation is dependent on a
under siege from a number of outside influences, for realistic bid for resources made to the Ministry of
example; Education prior to the year in which the funding is
sought. An underestimation would see the university
i) Curriculum; relevance of university curricu- return over calculated funds to the Ministry. Over
lum and discipline orientation to student and commu- estimation sees the university having to make up the
nity need. difference itself. In either situation, Government
ii) Economic Reforms; the influence of economic funding covers only a proportion of the cost rather
reforms on university funding arrangements. than the total per student. As a result, universities
iii) Quality; the possibility of university course must raise student fees to make up some of the
approval, and teaching and learning standards being financial shortfall, or meet the deficit out of their own
set by an outside institution. Financial support is resources.
provided by Government to allow tertiary institu- In a time of dwindling resources the crucial prob-
tions to register their standards on the National Quali- lem for Maori staff will be the ability to retain the dual
fications Framework. This framework is not ad- obligation of service to Maori communities while
ministered by universities but by the New Zealand continuing to meet university standards of teaching,
Qualifications Authority. For the first time, an Aca- research and scholarship.

5
 Within the university, a significant outcome of the non-indigenous intellectuals. Non-indigenous intel-
changes in state direction is the requirement that in lectuals are portrayed as having moved on from these
financial terms, more must be accomplished with earlier myths. Unfortunately, Keesing is in the busi-
less. In the community, families and individuals ness of creating new ones.
must deal with the prospect of finding the increasing Obviously 'indigenous intellectuals' are a threat
amounts of money needed to pay fees, as the state now that they are claiming back their area of exper-
contribution to the cost of tertiary education falls. tise and disputing the myths so prevalent in non-
Under such circumstances it is only fitting that uni- indigenous perceptions of the terrain.
versity teachers be even more accountable for the Such claims are only of consequence to the extent
quality of courses and course delivery. The newly that they seek to undermine indigenous expertise in
established' Academic Audit Unit' will provide qual- an attempt to privilege the authority of non-indig-
ity assurance needed by universities as part of the enous intellectuals over those of indigenous col-
accountability process. That is not to assume that leagues, and therefore it is important to discount
there is any agreement over the concept of quality, for them.
quality is as much a contested concept as any other in In general, universities are not great Maori places,
education, so the criteria adopted by the unit will have for European history still dictates current university
flow on implications for any staff who see a differen- culture in Aotearoa-New Zealand. However oppor-
tiated role for themselves. The implications of the tunities do exist such that through teaching and re-
changes in direction for those who wish to contribute search, cultural, social and economic growth for the
beyond traditional university obligations are not small. next generation of Maori might be fostered. At the
Some care must be taken with the traditional same time, non-Maori might develop an appropriate
university role of expanding the knowledge base information base from which to develop a degree of
through the application of certain techniques, espe- understanding of the multifaceted nature of what it is
cially those which involve critiquing existing knowl- to be Maori, and of Maori activity now and in the
edge. Political goals favoured by Maori have to be future. Through such efforts, future 'fiscal envelope'
open to scrutiny and informed debate if charges of situations which heighten tension between people
being politically correct but intellectually blind are to and undermine any possibilities for patience and trust
be avoided. to prevail can potentially be avoided. Similarly,
The skills of professional academics in the scru- myths of whatever origin can be refuted. Such
tiny of the political aims of our people for strengths contributions, however large or small, can only add to
and the weaknesses can be of great use. Most often the opportunity to promote informed debate on the
the academic skills are used to interrogate the writ- political, social, economic and cultural position of
ings and actions of non-Maori rather than Maori Maori. For now an all important consideration is that
because university protocols tend towards of tino-rangatiratanga or self-determination. At last
adversarialism rather than tikanga Maori. But tikanga it is on the nations political agenda after a concen-
Maori, with its emphasis on ensuring that people are trated effort by Maori. If past experience is a guide,
able to retain their dignity, has much to offer in style it is likely that Government will see tino rangatiratanga
and manner of critique. A reluctance to examine all as something less than self determination and full
activities carefully would leave the processes flawed. autonomy. Already an early Government interpreta-
Myths such as those promulgated by Keesing (1990) tion appears to promote self-management as one
in regard to 'indigenous intellectuals', can be as acceptable expression of tino rangatiratanga (1995,
evident in academic journals as they are in the media. Dominion). What Maori see as tino rangatiratanga
Keesing has a problem with those he refers to as has yet to be agreed upon. The full implications of
'indigenous intellectuals', those who in his view what this might mean needs close consideration and
have, in most cases; absorbed the scholarly tradi- access to reasoned argument.
tions, languages, cultures, religions and, in varying There is a real sense of expectation that Maori
ways and degrees, the perspective's and prejudices of academics will make a positive difference to Maori
the European colonists (90:8). society. Tlie popular exhortation that 'the way to a
Indigenous intellectuals are portrayed as being better future for Maori is through education' remains
where non-indigenous intellectuals once were, be- unchanged. These aspirations apply no less to higher
lieving in the myths of their own past invented by educational environments than they do to the primary

6
and secondary sectors. However, that is not to what might be best for Maori.
assume that even Maori academics can provide the Instead, an acceptance of adaptation and change as
answers, but rather to ensure that all available exper- symptomatic of growth can only be supportive for
tise can be drawn upon. Maori.

Dual Accountability Maori knowledge and tikanga Maori

The notion of dual accountability is a useful one with The university context can be problematic when it
which to explore the obligations and responsibilities comes to Maori knowledge and tikanga Maori. As
Maori academics have beyond the terms of their stated earlier, universities are founded on a decidedly
workplace contracts. Dual accountability consists of European culture. University tradition in Aotearoa-
accountability to ones workplace and accountability New Zealand is used to looking offshore for innova-
to one's people. The balance between the two, and tion, and has yet to fully accept indigenous innova-
the ways in which those dual accountabilities are tion. Further to the problem of implementation is
discharged remain central to the reality of being an whether or not the time constraints or the underlying
academic and being Maori. The two can be a constant theoretical framework adopted will allow Maori meth-
source of tension for the individual with an obligation odologies to emerge in an appropriate context. The
to both. The usual distinction between public and basis of the problem is the question of the proper
private spheres is not the distinction to be made here. place for Maori knowledge, how it should be passed
Both accountabilities fall into the category of public on, who should be passing it on, to whom and in what
as distinct from the private life each individual may context (Durie,A.E.,1993). All Maori staff face this
lead. Because the dual accountabilities experienced dilemma when it comes to the construction of courses
by Maori add a dimension to their professional aca- and dealings with colleagues. The Social Science
demic role not carried by other university colleagues, areas are those most affected since it is here that
the dilemmas faced when there is conflict between Maori course content is most likely. Nor is the debate
the two accountabilities are not widely understood or simply between Maori and Pakeha within a univer-
discussed. Indeed the dual nature of the obligations sity. The wider question is related to the relative roles
can too often be overlooked. Few university depart- of a university, an iwi, a Wananga and a Whare
ments give credit for the extra responsibilities carried Wananga. They are not the same. A university can
by Maori. As with the experiences of secondary never be a Wananga nor should it attempt to emulate
school teachers, .tertiary teachers too are automati- one. There are some areas of knowledge which
cally expected to be expert on matters concerning any simply do not belong in a department or faculty.
and every aspect of Maori life while not necessarily Maori Studies departments must surely face this
being allowed time to keep that expertise current. dilemma daily. How far should they go to pass on the
Although a distinction can be made between Maori tikanga of iwi or to help students become more
who work in Maori content areas such as Maori Maori. Or should they simply acceptthattheircentral
Studies or Maori Education, and colleagues who task is to help students understand the Maori situation
happen to be Maori but whose work is not essentially and leave the tribal teaching to those who have the
different from their Pakeha colleagues, in fact the right to transmit their own knowledge and under-
pressures may not be too different. standing in the correct environment. Questions of
Charter statements require universities to give effect intellectual property have yet to be satisfactorily
to certain obligations predicated upon the partnership resolved in the tertiary education sector, particularly
between Maori and the Crown inherent in the Treaty as newer institutions rush to have their qualifications
ofW aitangi. Inevitably, as universities work to give accredited by the New Zealand Qualifications Au-
effect to relevant aspects of charter statements, com- thority rather than by authentic Maori authority.
mittees and colleagues will enlist the help and sup-
port of Maori colleagues to enable them to carry out Maori obligation of Maori academic staff
these obligations. This is not to have non-Maori
assume that their work should be at the centre of
to Maori students
Maori development, far from it. An expansion of While wishing to see every Maori student safely
understanding of the effects of colonisation should underway in their respective courses, what responsi-
prevent a continuation of attempts to dictate to Maori bility do Maori academic staff retain for the wellbe-

7
ing of the Maori student body. Further, what strate- These are variously titled 'revisionist histories', 'post-
gies can be employed to see that those who enrol will colonialism,' and sometimes the discounting theo-
successfully complete their courses. Or is it a delu- ries of 'post modernism' where 'western' theorists
sion to imagine that there is a pastoral role at all? look tentatively around and ponder what happened to
I think not. Even if there were those who disa- certainty. All that has happened is that age old
greed in the past, times have indeed changed. Uni- Eurocentric assumptions of the universality of purely
versities are finally concerning themselves more di- western ideas and practices have been shown to be
rectly with the quality of their teaching and learning nothing more than that, giving rise to a credibility
enterprises. Rather than leaving the students to take crisis among 'western' academic ranks.
total responsibility for the outcome of their efforts, A flourishing Maori knowledge base though con-
student failure will reflect more on the course lecturer tinually evolving and heavily contested, is evidence
than ever before and this is timely. For too long of an upsurge of interest in that content by Maori and
students were seen by some as secondary to the 'real' non-Maori alike. For Maori, it signals a resurgence
work of universities. Major effort instead was spent of a vital Maori identity. For most non-Maori, a
extending personal research and scholarship oppor- refuge as the Kiwi identity, threatened before it is
tunities. fully mature by creeping globalisation, multinational
Some students hopefully will move from the business incursions, and new immigration growth,
institutions to the frontline of Maori development. fortifies itself from thisrichSouth Pacific wellspring.
Others will go in different directions. They need For non-Maori academics the growth of the Maori
access to every knowledge base that has the potential knowledge base raises problems of legitimacy for
to empower them as individuals and their whanau, their own works. As with other indigenous peoples,
hapu and iwi collectively. Whatever course they greater numbers of Maori than ever before have taken
choose, one role readily taken is simply to support to writing and speaking with their own voices, and
that choice. Another is to ease the boundaries set up not through second hand interpretations.
around some of the older disciplines to ensure stu- In considering each of the points raised, a reten-
dents are not put off by seeming barriers. After all, tion of some balance appropriate to each is important.
disciplines simply reflect academic territorialism. It would be all to easy to fall into what Said has
The issue is not one of substitution of certain forms of referred to as 'the rhetoric and politics of
knowledge by another, but of inclusion of forms of blame '(1993:19). This, while it requires an informed
knowledge which have been for too long relegated to position, would be to expend valuable time and
the periphery of academic learning. energy on a distraction.
It is important that the intellectual capacity of
Conclusion Maori professional academics is available to be drawn
Of greater importance is how best to continue to grow on in these times of change. How that expertise is
a knowledge base without employing the adversarial transmitted to where it will serve the most useful end
tactics of western academic debate, yet still contrib- is a matter which should be debated. At the same time
ute to the wealth of knowledge and methodologies the increased demands on the university are acknowl-
available from the common pool. An effective meth- edged. Are there suitable vehicles for Maori academ-
odology to allow this to happen can be derived from ics to voice their views, or do Maori academics defer
tikanga Maori. to others because they choose tikanga Maori proc-
In similar vein is the need to deal with the ongoing esses in preference to academic arrogance. A major
contestation of representations of Maori knowledge concern is to concentrate on matters of Maori interest
and of Maori communities by non-Maori scholars. to further current goals for Maori wellbeing. To do
Questions of intellectual property, of misinterpreta- so, participants in the application of knowledge to the
tion and misrepresentation abound in this area. benefit of the people is as important as remaining in
In the wake of Maori assertiveness, has come the business of knowledge growth. If the challenge
problems for other academics. There are major is not taken up, Maori academics could well be the
attempts to reposition and recapture the high ground last occupants of the original ivory tower.
using new labels to engulf the intellectual space
indigenous peoples have marked out for themselves.
8
References
Bolger, J ..(I 995). Investing in Our Future, Wellington: Govern-
ment publication.

Codd, J. ( 1994 ). The Tertiary Lead Group Report, A US Bulletin

No. 22, Nov/Dec.
Davies, L. Nicholl, K. (1993). Te Maori i roro i nga Mahi
Whakaoranga, Wellington: Learning Media.

Durie, A. E. (in print) Technology and Maori. In Bums, J;

Technology in the Curriculum. Palmerston North: Dunmore
Press

Durie. A. E. (1994). The Treaty ofWaitangi in the Life of the

Nation. In Green, P: Modem Social Problems. Palmerston
North: Dunmore Press.

Durie, M. H. (1994). Whaiora, Auckland: Oxford University

Press.

Durie. M. H. (1993). Maori and the State: Professional and

Ethical Implications for a Bicultural Public Service, paper pre-
sented at the Public Service Senior Management Conference,
Wellington.

Durie, M. H; Black, T; Christensen, I; Durie, A. E; Fitzgerald, E;

Taiapa, J. (1993). Te Hoe Nuku Roa: A Longitudinal Study of
Maori Households, Research Project, Massey University, Palm-
erston North.

Gordon, L: Codd, J. (1991). Delta:Studies in Education No.1,

Palmerston,North: Massey University.

Jenks, C. (1993). Culture, London: Routledge.

Keesing, R. ( 1990). Keynote address to theN .z. Anthropologi-

cal Society.

Massey University. ( 1995). Academic Promotions Information,

Palmerston North.

Mead, S ( 1977) Should Maoritanga be Shared, Listener. Vol 87.

No. 1981.24-26.

New Zealand Vice Chancellors' Committee. (1994 ). The

National QualificationsFramework and the Universities. Wel-
lington, N.Z.V.C.C.

Prime Ministerial Task Force on Employment (1994) Employ-

ment: Addressing New Zealand's biggest Challenge, Welling-
ton.

Said, Edward, E. (1994). Culture and Imperialism, Vintage:

London.

The Treasury. (1987). Government Management vol.II. Wel-

lington.

9
 TATE WHANAU OHANGA
TilE ECONOMICS OF TilE WHANAU : CULTURAL SURVIVAL AT FISCAL EXPENSE

Julia Taiapa
Department of Maori Studies, Massey University

Whakarapopoto Korero The research was carried out as three separate

He maha nga matapono, nga huarahi, nga kaupapa, nga uarii, nga studies, each of which was managed by a researcher
raruraru e pehi ana i tii te whiinau titiro, kite whai piitea moni hei
whakaiipoko i te tii a te whiinau i roto i tenei ao hurihuri. Kite from the ethnic group that was the focus of the study.
whai wiihi mai te piitea nei, kiire e roa e wehewehea ana ia Each study addressed the same basic question:
w.iihanga ki kona, ia w.iihanga ki kona kua pau. Heoi ana, ahakoa
nga kukume Ida riro tetahi w.iihanga kite whiinau ake, terii tonu "whether family income can be used as an accurate
te whakaaro ki te whitiki atu ki nga uri e noho manene ana i te measure ofindividual family members' access to the
mata o te whenua, hei awhina hold i a ratau. Ina nga hui maha
a te Maori. Kiire hold e mihi ka tuku ana he w.iihanga ki reira. Ko economic resources available in the family" (Taiapa
te huarahi ka whiiia, k.iihore ko te wehewehe i taua piitea hei 1994). In each study, "family" was defined as appro-
oranga mo te whiinau ake, engari ko te whakaaro whiinui ki nga
uri, e noho manene ana ki te mata o te whenua. priate to the ethnic group concerned.
Ka noho ngatahi tonu te whiinau me rona whiinau whiinui i All three studies started with the same research
runga tonu i te whakaaro Ida noho tata a wairua, a tinana, a
whakaaro hoki. I runga i tenei iihuatanga ka noho te whiinau hei method, which was adapted to be appropriate to each
pakihiwi awhina i nga uri, bei tuara awhina i te whiinau whiinui
mi5 etahi o ana kaupapa. ethnic group. The method involved the collection of
Koia tenei ko te titiro o te rangahau i kitea ai nga whakatau case studies of money management in family-based
nga whakanekeneke o'Ta te whiinau Ohanga".
I kitea ra he rereke ana tate Iwi Maori titiro kite piitea moni households. This was done by interviewing couples,
e kuhu mai ana ki rota i te whiinau. Ka haere tahi tenei piitea kia or men and women who were part of a couple, about
puta whakawaho J.d. te tautoko i nga .iihutanga epa ana ki te
whiinau Maori. Kaore i penei mi5 tauiwi the way money was managed in their family or
household. A total of Ill case studies were col-
Abstract lected, 59 in the European study, 20 in the Maori
The relationship between Maori families and their whiinau must
be taken into account when assumptions are made about access study and 32 in the Pacific Islands study. In the Maori
to household income. For Maori families involved in active and Pacific Islands studies, material from the case
whiinau, it can be expected that an unspecified and unpredictable
amount of the total income may go out of the household for studies was supplemented with focus group discus-
whiinau purposes, taking precedence over basic subsistence sions covering issues of particular importance. The
needs. In these cases, the household is not an independent
economic unit, but is part of the wider group, where resources interviews were "open ended", structured by sched-
flow between the two. The effects of this interrelationship on ules of questions which invited people to talk about
household economics is both positive and negative.
The financial costs ofwhiinau participation identified in "Ta different aspects of family economics. Participants
Te Whiinau Ohanga: the Economics ofthe Whiinau "are the costs were also asked to fill in a short questionnaire.
sustaining the foundations ofMaoridom. Fornon-Maori analysts
ofincome allocation, the challenge presented by Maoridam is to The method used was designed to be sufficiently
recognise and understand the fundamental differences between
Maori ideas and practices regarding the family, and those of the flexible for researchers in each study to focus on the
Piikehii and other European-based cultures. issues that were of most importance to their ethnic
group, and to do so in a way that was culturally
Introduction appropriate. Gender differences in access to money
This article is based on first hand research of the and the transition to adulthood of older children were
financial arrangements of New Zealand families a special focus of the European study. The Maori
which was undertaken in New Zealand between 1991 study examined financial relations between house-
and 1994. The research used anthropological meth- holds and whanau, and the Pacific Islands study
ods to explore practices and values associated with looked at flows of money among Pacific Islands
money and family life in the three main New Zealand households, their extended families and their ethnic
ethnic groups: Maori, New Zealanders of European communities. A separate report was published for
descent, and people from the Pacific Islands resident each study.
in New Zealand. The author was contracted to manage the Maori

10
component of the study, and to publish the findings in arose, while others formed committees which held
the report, "Ta Te Whanau Ohanga: Economics of more or less regular meetings. For some, the many
the Whanau" (Taiapa 1994 ). households which made up the whanau, cooperated
This paper highlights some of the differences out- together in an efficient, economic, business-like
lined in that report, between money management and manner, particularly in times of crisis.
control in Maori families compared with money (Metge Joan (forthcoming), New Growth From Old:
management and control in Pak.eha families. It also the Whanau in the Modern World)
reflects on the economic relations within the whanau, It is clear that before colonial contact and the
and the way money flows between the household and introduction of a cash economy, the nuclear family
the whanau. and the whanau were both involved in economic
production for the sustenance of their members. The
Background whanau provided a work group for certain productive
For Pakeha, the word "family" has several meanings. activities and owned economic resources in com-
Dictionary definitions include: mon, and within the whanau the husband and wife
··a set of parents and children or of relations, Jiving together or had mutual obligations involving the provision of
not: the members of a household especially parents and their food, child care, protection and participation in wider
children; all the descendants of a common ancestor." communities.
(Concise Oxford Dictionary 1990:423) Today, although Maori are living in a complex,
Currently, the meaning most commonly used is the industrial society with a cash economy, whanau,
narrow one of the "nuclear" or "elementary" family, hapii and Iwi remain ~eadily identifiable in Maori
and it is this meaning that is often assumed as the life. However, the functions of these institutions
basis for policies affecting families. have changed with the changing circumstances of the
Maori recognise not one but two kinds of family: people.
the nuclear family and the whariau. Their under- For those Maori who are still in touch with their
standing and experience of the nuclear family is not whanau, hapii or I wi, this means being isolated through
the same as that of Fak.eha, because it is affected by distance from other whanau members. They may be
an understanding and experience of the whanau. living in nuclear family households, and earning their
Whanau is often translated simply as the extended living in the paid work force, but whanau values,
family, but that does not procure the complexity of obligations and celebrations may remain strong.
whanau or of whanaungatanga. Consideration of whanau therefore remains basic to
It is generally agreed among early writers such as an understanding of Maori household economics.
Te Rangi Hiroa (Sir Peter Buck), and Sir Apirana Whanau are not exclusive groups. Many Maori
Ngata, that the basic units or social groupings were juggle loyalties and commitments to two or more
the whanau, hapii and iwi. It is also generally agreed whanau, sometime favouring one above the others,
that descent or whakapapa and kinship or and at other times trying to keep the balance. Because
whanaungatanga, play an important role in the struc- of the commitment to and pressure from whanau, this
ture and relationships of Maori society. often means that individual choices may result in
"Whanau", like 'family' is a word with a number either compromise or conflict .
of meanings. Metge noted that the meaning most In former times, when Maori attended tribal or
used by Maori is that of "extended family", and that family gatherings, custom required some tangible
spouses and children adopted into the whanau could contribution or gift, usually food, mats or baskets for
in some circumstances be seen to have less than full the hosts. One of the important values which has
whanau membership. However, she finds it neces- persisted despite the changes, is manaki or hospital-
sary to hold both these meanings in tension, recognis- ity of which food plays a very important part. The
ing that each assumes priority for different purposes. following whakatauaki (proverb) expresses this aptly:-
(Durie-Hall and Metge 1992:61) In carrying out their
functions, whanau organised themselves in a variety
of ways. Some acted on an ad hoc basis, as the need

11
 Nau te rourou the organisation that goes on away from direct obser-
Naku te rourou vation so that the ritual is properly and satisfactorily
Ka ora ai te iwi enacted, and the ways in which financial and human
Your contribution and my contribution, will suffice resources are accessed. The tangata whenua or host
to feed everyone
community provide the organisation and most of the
Nowadays but not on all occasions, koha are usually work force, with help from other kin coming "home"
monetary contributions. According to Durie for the event. They expect to cover the major part of
(1988:718), 'the system of koha has enabled ad- the costs in the first instance, but the overall costs are
equate collective arrangements to be made without shared. Contributions may be in kind rather than in
undue reliance on individuals or families. Koha cash. When there is a shortfall the 'whanau pani'
recognises several costs including caring, general (bereaved family) make up the difference.
marae maintenance, obligations arising out of his- Hui are events which are highly valued by some
torical associations, the position or standing of the Maori, as opportunities to return to their
host group and the developments or activities form- tfirangawaewae, to re-immerse themselves in their
ing part of the reality for that marae. It is not simply tribal traditions and values. Staging a hui is a major
a catering cost but an acknowledgment of the impor- enterprise for whanau, and strong, cohesive, and
tance of manaakitanga '. efficient organisation is required. It draws on the
resources of all involved in terms of money, time and
As more land and resources have been lost, Maori effort. Participation in hui cannot but have an impact
have become more and more dependent on a mon- on the individual financial situation of Maori fami-
etary economy. Consequently, it has become diffi- lies. The impact on a particular family's budget in the
cult for low-income earners to fulfil their obligations wider New Zealand situation, may therefore be a net
to whanau in terms of a capacity to respond with loss. However, those participating would not count
money. Instead they may be forced to rely on the the cost in dollar terms.
support of others - manaaki, aroha and koha, without The organisation ofhui brings into focus some of
being able to make significant contributions them- the qualities and values admired by some Maori,
selves. which are highlighted in the study:
Not all Maori however, belong to functioning
The obligation to attend funeral ceremonies of
whanau, let alone hapu or I wi. According to the 1991
kin, regardless of cost.
Census, 14.4% of the Maori population live in sole
parent households (36,000 families), isolated from Money to foster support group cohesion rather
their whanau. They are independent in their day to than individual accumulation of wealth.
day affairs, and by and large they function independ- Obligation towards other members of whanau are
ently in earning an income. However, there are particularly strong, where one's home should
pressures on family members to make sacrifices for be open to kin to visit and one's resources made
the good of the whanau as a whole, by contributing available to kin without their having to ask.
money and labour to group projects (Durie-Hall and These values suggest that Maori find their self worth
Metge 1992:62). in giving rather than in accumulating wealth. The
One of the functions of the whanau is to organise accumulation of material possessions which is so
hui, occasional gatherings to mark crises in lives of much a part of the Piikeha consumer society, does not
whanau members, or for the whanau as a whole. Hui seem to have been part of pre-colonial Maori experi-
are typically held on marae, and follow recognised ence. Mana or status was derived from several sources,
protocol. They are a symbol of mana and history, and including position of birth (mana atua) and leader-
a means of its maintenance and transmission ship skills (mana tangata). In order to maintain ones
(Kawharu 1968:181). status, a chief was expected to demonstrate knowl-
There are different kinds of hui but the most edge, leadership and skill.
important is the tangihanga or funeral, which takes Among contemporary Maori, these values are
precedence over all others. Relevant to this study is still held, at least in the context of the marae, where

12
status is accorded to those men and women who hold whanau contacts, and participate in whanau and hapii
the knowledge of marae kawa and tikanga, who activities is in the interest of the country as a whole,
speak 'te reo Maori' and are well versed in tribal and that the financial costs to individuals of this
history, oratory and waiata. The literature suggests participation should be recognised as legitimate ex-
that for those Maori who maintain their participation penses.
in an active whanau, there will be financial costs and
social and spiritual benefits (Metge Joan (forthcom- Findings of the Report
ing), New Growth From Old: the Whanau in the A total of twenty household case studies were col-
Modern World). lected. These covered a range of different character-
The costs of participation may affect their day to istics and experiences such as household composi-
day life in Pakeha society and the money economy. tion, age, access to education and employment. Field
Just how these costs and benefits are experienced by work for the couple case studies was based on inter-
Maori families is the subject of this study. However, views with one or other partner, or with both partners.
before moving on to consider the results of the Six men and eight women were interviewed and there
research, it is worth focussing on the importance to were a further six interviews with couples together.
the country as a whole of maintaining Maori social Of the twenty couples, fourteen were legally married
structures. and six were living as married.
The 1980's saw the development of a number of Interviews with participants included questions
social policy objectives for Maori. These objectives on how money was managed between the couple, to
were developed in response to the inequality experi- see whether there were gender differences in access
enced by Maori as compared with other New Zea- to money such as those that had been identified in the
landers in terms of labour market participation, edu- overseas research. The couple's choice of allocation
cation, housing and income. This inequality was system was confirmed during the interview through
associated with alienation and frustration (Durie- discussion of their banking arrangements, responsi-
Hall and Metge 1992:56). bility for different purchases or payments, and gen-
The social policy response to this situation was eral approach to managing the money. In twelve of
expressed in two landmark documents based on ex- the twenty case studies the woman manaaed 0 the
tensive consultation. The first, Puao-Te-Ata-Tu, was money, or took the main responsibility for money
the report of the Ministerial advisory committee on a management. In six cases, money was jointly man-
Maori Perspective for the Department of Social aged, with each partner taking responsibility for
Welfare. It's main recommendation had the objec- some expenses or with both sharing responsibility. In
tive of:" attacking all forms ofcultural racism in New two cases the man managed the money.
Zealand that results in the values and lifestyle of the The question schedule useq to collect the case
dominant groups being regarded as superior to those studies was designed to establish whether either of
of other groups, especially Maori (Durie-Hall and the couple had overall control of the money. Both
Metge 1992:55). direct and indirect questions were used to discover
The second document was the Report of the Royal who had most say in family decisions or setting
Commission on Social Policy which also saw the spending priorities, and who was most involved in
answer in attacking the "unbending application of saying how money should be used. Control was
majority rule" which led to Maori feeling increas- assessed from responses in all these areas. In nine-
ingly alienated within their own country, and which teen of the couples, control of money fell clearly to
defined the solution in terms of social policy based on one or other partner. Seven couples involved male
Maori values. Whanaungatanga, the bonds of kin- control, twelve couples female control, one couple in
ship, was defined as one of the basic Maori values which control was joint. This contrasts with the
which policy should recognise and promote (Dune- findings of research among non-Maori, where joint
Hall and Metge 1992:57). control is common.
These views, based as they are on extensive con- In this study, women earning half the couples
sultation, suggest that the ability of Maori to maintain income or more were more likely to control the

13
family money, and more women than men were in In the reciprocal pattern, the woman is responsi-
control. This predominance of woman control sug- ble for all the household tasks while the man earns the
gests that control of money may not be associated money. None of the couples in the study used this
with the male role as breadwinner and head of the arrangement.
household as it is in the Pakeha case studies, and in The shared pattern involves a real sharing of
the British research, but more with a cultural expec- responsibility for tasks both inside or outside. When
tation, namely marae management the woman is responsible but the man actually helps
Incomes of the couples in the study were spread with a large share of the work, it is classed as shared/
over a range of income levels: (less than 25,000- over traditional. Three couples were classed as shared, the
55 ,000). Income level is a major factor in determin- tasks being allocated evenly or done together. Eight
ing access to money within households. If the overall couples were classed as having a shared/traditional
income is very low, the focus must be on covering arrangement, with the man giving the woman consid-
basic needs and there is little chance for discretionary erable assistance, especially with house cleaning.
spending. The team approach involves allocating household
The availability of personal spending money, that tasks among all members of the family, usually on a
is, money to spend on oneself alone, is one indicator rostered basis.
of access to household money. The interviews in- Reversal is a (mainly hypothetical) arrangement in
cluded questions on whether couples had access to which the woman earns the money and the man
money for personal spending. Examples suggested a manages the home. There were two case studies in
tendency for men to have more access to personal which the housework was done on a complementary
spending money than women, and for women to put basis.
extra money into the general standard ofliving rather There was no clear correlation between the house-
than any individual pursuits. work arrangements and the employment status of
Women more than men were involved in the men and women in the couples. Comments sug-
management and control of money, the day to day gested that responsibility for housework is more a
provision of food, and the care of children. In the matter of inclination and preference. There were
wider hapii community, it is also the women who are children of a range of ages in the study. Six couples
responsible for the management of food and money had pre-school children, seven had school age chil-
at large hui held at marae. Money and sources of dren, two had older children of employment age
income were not seen as available only to the indi- living at home, two couples had a grandchild living
vidual or only to the couple, but were also a whanau with them, and two had a daughter and her children at
resource. However, it is misleading to look at the home, as well as children of their own. When asked
economics of Maori households without recognition when they expected their children to become self-
that they are embedded, economically as well as supporting, parents suggested a number of different
socially, spiritually and practically, in the wider thresholds; (at the end of secondary school, at the age
whanau group. of 18 or 21, when they got a job). Resource flows
The case studies included information on how between whanau and households involved gifts and
household tasks were allocated between couples and loans between individuals, hospitality, sharing of
to explore whether women's responsibility for the goods and services, and contributions to whanau
unpaid work changed as women became more in- events and activities. There was one couple in the
volved in paid work. Five possible patterns of unpaid study who did not report any involvement with hui.
work allocation were identified, and used to classify While many Maori are involved in these kinds of
the unpaid work arrangements. exchanges and events , it would not be correct to
The complementary pattern involves the women assume that all Maori behave in this way.
taking responsibility for indoor chores, and the man Giving and receiving money from others in the
taking responsibility for outdoor tasks. Among these family was a feature of nearly all the case studies.
case studies, there were seven classed as complemen- Money flowed both up and down the generations.
tary, with the woman responsible for the housework. Parents frequently gave to their children, but younger

14
people also gave to parents, grandparents or others in All speakers contributed their experiences of be-
their parent's generation as well as to brothers, sisters ing involved in tangi in their whanau and several key
or cousins. Money was given in response to need. themes emerged from their different experiences.
In some of the case studies, there was a conflict of Firstly, all the speakers told of key people in their
interest between the desire to give money to one's whanau who knew what to do and who initiated
own whanau, and the interests of the spouse or action. A second key theme was the priority given to
partner in the money. This goes some way to explain- the tangihanga. Coupled with the priority of going to
ing the power of whanau obligations, and the way tangihanga was the high value placed on being at
they flow down the generations. there. Financing such events was a major undertak-
Just as parents expressed giving to children as part ing for all in the study, and overall cost always ran
of the nature of being a parent, so giving to whanau into many thousands of dollars. Despite this, par-
is part of the nature of belonging to whanau. Being ticipation, working together, sharing, being part of
able to give was important and highly valued by the the whanau was very important, and had its own
families in this study. rewards:
Whanau is being used increasingly in a non-
traditional way to describe groups whose members "Tangihanga make us broke, (but they also) make us
are not linked by descent or kinship. A kohanga reo richer culturally".
is such a group. Several respondents had children
attending a k5hanga, and their responses showed that
Conclusion
The Intra Family Income Study was set up to explore
they treated the kohanga parents as whanau mem-
whether joint couple income is an accurate indicator
bers. Several mentioned putting a great deal of
of the access to money of those within the household.
voluntary work into the kohanga, fundraising and
The conclusion taken from the report, TaTe Whanau
doing maintenance, or contributing money directly.
Ohanga, is that access to money in the household, is
A major feature in the lives of these households is the
not always an equal division of the income available,
sharing of hospitality - manaaki, especially among
nor is it necessarily based on some rational assess-
whanau members. Having whanau to stay was re-
ment of each person's needs.
ported as a feature of the lives of nearly all families in
The couples in the study live in two dimensions.
the study, and while they are normally happy events,
They are part of nuclear family units in terms of day
it can sometimes have high costs. For all but those
to day living, (although often with additional mem-
who were in the highest income brach:ts, having
bers when whanau come to stay), and they are part of
people to stay tended to blow the budget, leaving bills
the whanau for occasional events. As part of the
unpaid.
nuclear family unit they manage their money indi-
The comments made by couples in the study
vidually or as a couple, but as whanau members they
reflected the very high priority given to participation
share a more collective attitude to money.
in whanau activities. People made considerable
The results of the couple interviews in the report
sacrifices to participate in hui, and were happy to give
suggests that there are some gender differences in
what they could. If there was any choice about
access to money. More women than men were in
participation, attending tangi was given the highest
overall control of the family money, which contrasts
priority.
with the Pakeha result in which men more than
As well as examining whanau obligations from
women controlled the money. The finding that
the point of view of individuals, the study collected
women controlled and managed all of the joint in-
information on how whanau function as groups or
come with a very low income is consistent with
organisations. A focus group discussion was held at
findings in overseas research that women tend to
the pilot study, where participants were asked to
have the difficult task of making a small income
describe how whanau organised and financed special
cover all basic needs.
events. Ten people, representing ten whanau, at-
· Another feature of these case studies was the
tended this discussion. A further ten whanau were
number of people, both men and women who had
questioned later.

15
opted out of money control. The case studies suggest References
that the values attached to money by Maori are Allen, Robert, Edward; (Ed). (1990). The Concise Oxford
Dictionary, Clarendon Press: Oxford.
different from those that operate for Pakeha. For
Buck, Peter. (1982). The Coming of the Maori, Wellington:
Pakeha couples, money was associated either implic- Government Printer.
itly or explicitly with power and status. Many men Davey, Judith. (1993). From Birth to Death III, The Institute of
associated controlling the family money with their Policy Studies, Wellington: The Printing Press.
status as thebreadwinner and head of the family. Durie, Mason. (1988). The Funding of Social Provision: Maori
Maori are able to gain self esteem through whanau Provision. In the Royal Commission on Social Policy. Welling-
participation. Ideally for Maori, it is what one does in ton.
relation to the whanau, not what one earns that is the Durie, Mason. (1993). Te Maungarongo .. .In Search of Consen-
sus, Ngahuru Lecture Series, Massey University, Palmerston
source of status and respect. However, for many
North.
Maori in similar situations as those described in the
Durie, M. H. (1994). Whaiora Maori Health Development,
study, belonging to a whanau can mean over commit- Auckland: Oxford University Press. .
ment of resources, an involvement in family politics, Durie-Hall, Donna and Metge, Joan. (1992). kua Tutii Te
and an increasing demand on diminished personal Puehu, Kia Mau, Maori Aspirations and Family Law.

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Households & Money. Report of the Pakeha Component of the
Those with high incomes were seen as a source of Intra Family Income Study. Intra Family Income Project, Wel-
money for the whanau, but it is often this group too, lington, in association with the Social Policy Research Centre,
who face the most conflict, especially from others in Massey University, Palmerston North.

their household. The highest respect albeit, is re- Firth, Raymond. (1959). Economics of the New Zealand Maori,
(second edition), Wellington: R E Owen Government Printer.
served for those who are able to contribute their time
Gilling, Marg. (1988). Family. In The April Report, Vol. IV,
and skills to the people, and who uphold the values
Social Perspectives, Royal Commission on Social Policy, Wel-
and mana of their tiipuna, through cooperation, reci- lington.
procity, mutual assistance, and generosity. Kawharu, Hugh. ( 1968). Urban Immigrants and Tangata Whenua.
It cannot be assumed that all Maori will partici- In Schwimmer, E; The Maori people in the nineteen-sixties: A
pate actively in their whanau, or that all whanau symposium. New Zealand:Blackwood & Janey Paul Ltd.
function for the benefit of their members. However, Maher, Vanessa. (1984). Work, consumption and authority
within the household: a Moroccan case. In Young, L; W olkowits,
the choice of whanau participation is important for C, and McCullagh, R; Of marriage and the Market. Women's
those Maori who want to keep in touch with their Subordination Internationally andits Lessons. London: Routledge
cultural roots. and Kegan Paul.
Maori involved with active whanau are living in Metge, Joan. (1964 ). A New Maori Migration: Rural and urban
two cultures. Contemporary Maori society is part of Relations in Northern New Zealand, London and Melbourne:
University of London the Athlone Press and Melbourne Univer-
an evolving and constantly ch~ging culture. Maori sity Press.
families and whanau live in diverse realities which - (1976). The Maoris of New Zealand. Rautahi, (Revised
edition), London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
includes a range of cultural, social, lifestyle and
- (1990). Te Ki5hao o Te Ngira, (the eye of the needle),
economic realities. The fmancial costs of whanau Wellington: Learning Media.
participation identified in this study are the costs - ( 1991). Ko Te Wero Maori- The Maori challenge: Proceedings
supporting the institutions of Maoridom, just as the of the Family Law Conference 1991 Ministerial Advisory Com-
taxes paid by these same couples support the institu- mittee on a Maori Perspective for the Department -ef Social
tions of the Pakeha culture. Welfare (1986).
Ngata, Apirana, Turupa. (1940). Tribal Organisation. In
"Me whakapakari te hua o te rengarenga, ki te hua Sutherland, I. L .G; The Maori People Today. Christchurch:
o te kawariki" Whitcombe & Tombs.
Be resolute in accepting the challenges ahead . Pahl, Jan. (1989). Money and Marriage, London: Macmillan
Education Ltd.
Puao-Te-Ata-Tu, Department of Social Welfare, Wellington.
Rangihau, John. ( 1992). Being Maori. In King,Michael; Te Ao
Hurihuri: Aspects ofMaoritanga. Auckland: Octopus Publish-
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Report of the Royal Commission on Social Policy. ( 1988). The
Royal Commission on Social Policy, Vols. II, IV.
Salmond, Anne. (1975). Hui, Wellington: A Hand A W Reed.
Taiapa, Julia, TeUrikore,Turupa. (1980). A Study ofthe Effects
of Changing Community Life on Child Rearing Patterns in a
small, rural, Maori Community. Unpublished masters thesis,
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Tauroa, Hiwi and Pat. (1986). TeMarae: A Guide to Customs &
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Vogler, Carolyn and Pahl, Jan. (1993). Social and economic
change and the organisation of money within marriage. Work,
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Walker, Ranginui. (1975). Marae: A Place to Stand. In King, M;
Te Ao Hurihuri: The World Moves on- Aspects ofMiioritanga.
Auckland: Longman Paul.
Walters, L; and M. (1986). Awhi Whiinau, Report to Te
Pihopatanga o Aoteroa.

17
 WHAKAOHO WHANAU
NEW FORMATIONS OF WHANAU AS AN INNOVATIVE INTERVENTION INTO MAORI CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL CRISES
• • • • • • • • • ^ ^ H B i ^ H I I I ^ H H B I I i ^ M ^ H B H I ^ H i
Graham Hingangaroa Smith
Department of Education, Auckland University

Whakarapopoto Korero critical theory of social change by examining the

'E kii ana te whakaoho whanau ko te whanau tonu te tumu
herenga tangata i roto i nga iwi. Ko ta te whakaoho whanau he
emancipatory elements which have evolved organi-
whakapakari i te whanau kia kaha ake ai ki te kaupaie i nga cally within successful Maori education and school-
putangaketanga me nga pahekeketanga o tenei ao hurihuri.
He maha nga ahuatanga taupatupatu, whakatangatanga i nga
ing resistance initiatives. The arguments advanced in
here. E anga hanged mai ana ki te iwi Maori i enei ra te maha noa this paper, necessarily, engage the societal context of
atuo nga ahuatanga a iwi hei whakatangatanga i te herenga kaha
0 te whanau. unequal power relations which exist between domi-
Ko tetahi mahi ma nga iwi, he whakahauhau i te whanau ki nant Pakeha (non Maori) and subordinate Maori
te whakapakari i a ratou. A, mehemea e whai tikanga ana, ki te
whakaara ake i nga aria epa ana ki te whanau, hei tumu kaupapainterests. As a consequence of this power relations
Maori, hei whakatdtika, hei hapai i te ara whakatinana. Ma tenei asymmetry, the arguments mounted here are con-
ka taea e nga mema o te whanau, o te hapu me te iwi, te aiai atu
1 nga raruraru whakahemanawa i a ratou.' cerned to counter and to ultimately overthrow the
('He Tahuhu mo te Tau Ruamano': 1990:8) debilitating social, economic, cultural and political
circumstances, which disproportionately impact on
Abstract Maori. It is acknowledged at the outset that Maori are
This paper examines the development of an innovative response
by the indigenous Maori of New Zealand to the dual crises of not a homogenous 'whole' in terms of their social,
educational underachievement on the one hand and to the loss of economic and cultural situation, nor are they of a
language, knowledge and culture on the other. In particular this
paper considers the critical intervention and change role played single mind in respect of their aspirations related to
by 'Kaupapa Maori' theory and practice, the significant compo- 'things Maori'. In acknowledging that there are 'dif-
nent of which is centred on the use of traditional and contempo-
rary notions of 'whanau' (extended family) values, practices and ferences' implicit within 'the' Maori perspective, it
structures.
therefore becomes necessary to develop some work-
Since 1982Maori people have developed several alternative
education innovations within a variety of educational sites from ing ' generalisations' in order to be able to speak to the
pre school (Te Kohanga Reo), primary schools (Kura Kaupapa
Maori), secondary schools (Whare Kura), through to the tertiary
emancipatory potential of the Kaupapa Maori initia-
institution level (Whare Wananga). All of these initiatives have tives.
been based on Kaupapa Maori' as the underlying philosophy
and practice of change and intervention. Given the statistical evidence available, it is pos-
These educational and schooling 'resistance initiatives' (c.f. sible to make an informed generalisation that most
Giroux: 1983:72) have developed not only as 'proactive' meas-
ures concerned for the revitalisation of Maori language, knowl- Maori in New Zealand are comparatively worse off
edge and culture, they are also 'reactive' responses to an increas- than non Maori citizens and that many continue to
ing disillusionment by Maori of state schooling, the result of a
growing critical appreciation ofPakeha dominant schooling. In endure a range of social, economic, and cultural
this latter sense there has been a political penetration of the
structural impediments entrenched within state schooling which
crises. Some appreciation of the dimensions of this
maintain the inequalities suffered by disproportionate numbers predicament can be understood through a statistical
of Maori pupils as an outcome of their state schooling experience.
For example the structural role of unequal power relations, the overview gleaned from official figures gathered and
structural role of ideology and hegemony, the structural role of published by the Department of Statistics (1992).
class positioning, are increasingly being recognised and con-
fronted by Maori. This emerging critical consciousness, associ- These provide some insight into the educational and
ated with the emotionally charged issues surrounding the con- schooling crisis pertaining to Maori.
tinuing assimilation of language and culture, and the deepening
educational crises related to the high and disproportionate levels In the 1991 census approximately 431,000 people
of underachievement have given significant momentum to the
Kaupapa Maori praxis as a strategy for change. declared themselves to be of Maori descent. This
constituted approximately 13% of the total New
Introduction Zealand population. In comparative terms the Maori
Maori Demographic Overview population is of a much younger average age than the
This paper works towards a more viable and effective non-Maori population. The census of 1991 revealed

18
that 37% of Maori were under fifteen years of age as Pakeha administrators. Furthermore, given the un-
against 23% of the total population. At the other end equal power relations between the dominant Pakeha
of the scale, only 4% of the Maori population was and subordinate Maori communities, and the differ-
over sixty years of age as compared to 15% of the ent political, cultural, social and economic interests
total population. which coalesce around these two groupings, it is little
Since the second world war, the average life wonder that such policies continually fail to make a
expectancy for Maori has improved markedly more difference (although often these policies are
than it has for non-Maori. Although Maori fertility hegemonically perceived by many Maori as being
has shown a decline in the same period, it is signifi- emancipatory and acting in their best interests).
cant that in 1990, 53% of Maori births were to women The underachievement of Maori within the state
under the age of 25. The long term projection for the schooling examination system is alarmingly high and
Maori population is that it will increase from 431,000 demonstrably far worse than that for non-Maori per-
(1991) to about 867,000 by the year 2031. These formance. Scrutiny of the annual figures overthe last
figures are based on the current growth rates of 1% ten years of these examination indicators show that
per year. The salient point here is that, despite this the educational gap between Maori and Pakeha is not
apparent slow rate of growth, the Maori population improving, in fact it is widening. Official explana-
will increase twice as fast as the non-Maori popula- tions of high and persistent levels of 'Maori undera-
tion. chievement' frequently associate this phenomenon
In 1990, Maori children made up 19% of the total with the poor retention rates of Maori into higher
schooling population despite the Maori population as levels of schooling. However, such a simplistic view,
a whole constituting only 13% of the total New often conceals the more critical questions which
Zealand population. For every 100 Maori who began ought to be asked of the total system and its struc-
third form study in this year, only 15 went on to 7th tures.
form. This compares with the non-Maori figures A more critical understanding of the impediments
where 40 students out of every 100 went on to 7th ought to be developed from key questions such as;
form. In the same year, 11% of Maori primary pupils 'Why aren't Maori opting to stay at school? Why is
attended a bilinguarclass or a Kura Kaupapa Maori, there a worse retention problem in relation to Maori
by 1991 this figure had increased to 13%. than to other groups? Why aren't Maori aspirations
In 1990, 68% of non-Maori students left school catered for within curriculum offerings?' In general,
with Sixth form certificate or higher school certifi- official explanations that Maori underachievement is
cate, while only 36% of Maori students, mostly at the 'inextricably linked' to retention is not only mislead-
'lower' Sixth form certificate level left with these ing, it also has the 'self preserving' function of
levels of qualification. The number of Maori students deflecting critical questions which challenge the le-
who undertake higher educational study in tertiary gitimacy of the state structures.
institutions is also comparatively low although it is Criticism of the state schooling system is dimin-
increasing slowly. In 1990, Maori made up 6% of all ished through the narrow focus on the issue of reten-
students attending University. Most were over the tion. Such a diversion relocates the problem of Maori
age of 25 years of age and 56% of the Maori students underachievement away from implicating the state
in this year were women. and its structures, and on to Maori culture and Maori
Statistical analyses (e.g. Ministry of Education people themselves. Subsequently, state policy which
Statistics Division Reports 1991, 1992, 1993; Davies reproduces the cultural, political, social and eco-
and Nicholl: 1993) also reveal that the bulk of Maori nomic interests of the dominant state interests, has
pupils are trapped within a persistent educational and tended to be founded upon 'victim blaming' re-
schooling crisis of underachievement. Policy attempts search, emphasising the 'fault' as being within the
designed to alleviate this situation have generally not Maori students themselves and within their associ-
worked. A common feature of these policy failures is ated social and cultural baggage. Questions related to
that they have almost always been developed by the mono cultural perspectives of what is taught (not

19
taught), how it is taught (not taught), whose interests being experienced by the state inNew Zealand via the
are being served (not served), what forms of evalua- crisis within state schooling, is similar in form to
tion are used (not used), and so on, are able to be other educational crises on a broader international
conveniently avoided. front particularly in Britain and the United States.
The underachievement of Maori in schooling This crisis of 'legitimacy', 'confidence' and 'cred-
therefore, ought not be simply dismissed as a 'Maori' ibility' can also be attributed to the impact of critical
problem of Maori pupils choosing to 'vote with their analyses of the education system by social policy
feet' and deciding to leave school early. It is a much analysts from both the Left and the Right who have
more complex issue and must also be understood in been concerned to explain the failure of liberal poli-
terms of the structural impediments associated with cies and the persistence of inequalities as an outcome
Pakeha (non Maori) power and control. Pakeha con- of liberal schooling conditions since the 1950s.
trol is able to be exerted through selective decision Prior to the 1960s, the non-educational achieve-
making, hegemonic influence, economic control, ment of Maori pupils was not a major poHtical con-
manipulation over resource allocation, exercising cern, and it was the Hunn Report of 1960 which
social and cultural preferences all conducted within a eventually centralised this issue. Since the advent of
societal context of unequal power relations. The the HunnReport, New Zealand education and school-
problem of the retention of Maori within state school- ing has been subjected to a series of official policy
ing is symptomatic of a plethora of underlying prob- initiatives in an attempt to intervene in the Maori
lems which militate against Maori as they attempt to 'underachievement' crisis (Smith, G. 1990). These
gain equality within the Pakeha dominant education early interventions, handed down by mostly Pakeha
system in particular, and within in New Zealand policy makers and therefore reflecting Pakeha 'solu-
society generally. tions', tended to emphasise the negative features of
the 'culture' of the Maori child, the Maori family, the
Kaupapa Maori as a Reaction to Educa- Maori home and the Maori community as the locus of
tional Policy Failure the 'problem'. This view also produced a 'victim-
Very few Maori are 'successful' in the state educa- blaming' orientation in both the research trends and
tion system if public examination results are used as subsequently within the policy interventions devel-
the measure of success. The ongoing underachieve- oped from such research. In general, these responses
ment crisis which accrues to Maori, and which is to Maori educational crises have been an abysmal
compounded by the failure of educational policy to failure and have not had any positive effect on the
intervene, not only provides enormous embarrass- dismal record of Maori educational underachieve-
ment for the state, it has also developed into a crisis ment, nor any subsequent impact on the wider con-
of credibility and legitimacy of the functioning of the cerns related to the marginal social and economic
state. A point which should not be lost here is the fact positioning of Maori within New Zealand society.
that the state is overwhelmingly influenced by a During the 1970s and 1980s the research and
complexity of non Maori interests. For example, the policy focus began to shift from the Maori child and
functioning of the state is mostly dependent on Pakeha their cultural baggage as problematic, to an increased
politicians, Pakeha public servants, and Pakeha de- emphasis being placed upon the questioning of the
rived policies and decision making. These circum- system and its previously 'taken for granted' struc-
stances ultimately form multiple sites for the poten- tures. For example critical enquiry was developed
tial subordination of Maori interests. In this sense the into the formerly unquestioned schooling icons of
submerged interests implicit within the functioning knowledge, curriculum, pedagogy, teachers and ad-
of the state in New Zealand ought to be exposed; that ministration. These structures were interrogated
is, its tendency towards the production and reproduc- against the unequal outcomes of schooling experi-
tion of dominant Pakeha interests should be made ence which disproportionately affected race, gender
overt. and class groups. These forms of research enquiry
The crisis of legitimacy and control currently built on the ground work in the emerging field of

20
critical study, generalised as the New Sociology of It is precisely this over-emphasis on culturalist
Education which was receiving renewed attention in oriented research which I would maintain has failed
Britain and the U.S. in the 1970s. The application of to alleviate the problems related to Maori experience
such critical enquiry into the 'system' is still rela- in schooling. Education and schooling reform has
tively new within the New Zealand context and it is failed to adequately account for wider structuralist
too soon perhaps to assess the limitations and capaci- concerns such as;
ties of these approaches in overcoming persistent i) Power-relations; there is a need to control for the
inequalities entrenched within schooling experience. societal context of unequal power relations which
However, it is the emerging emphasis upon a critical exist between Maori and Pakeha. Maori social,
enquiry of the system and its associated structures, political, economic and cultural subordination to
although in its infancy, which has contributed to the dominant Pakeha society is manifested in many ways
legitimation crises faced by the state education sys- including the control over knowledge and the cur-
tem in New Zealand since the late 1970s. It is also riculum. What counts as the curriculum is mostly
acknowledged that the legitimation crisis of eco- controlled by Pakeha interests to the exclusion of
nomic distribution was partially precipitated by lib- Maori interests.
ertarian adherents who were interested in centralis-
ii) Socio-economics; there is a need to consider the
ing free market and private enterprise within New
unequal social and economic positioning of Maori
Zealand society.
within New Zealand society. The consequences of
One of the obvious shortcomings of education
high levels of unemployment, social disintegration,
research which has been conducted in relation to
welfarism, poor health and so on have a correlation at
Maori is that it has often been extreme. Such studies
and research generally fell into two theoretical the level of schooling and within the classroom.
orientations; iii) Ideology; there is a need for state education to
a) structuralist explanations which held that 'people respond to Maori aspirations in relation to Maori
are determined by deeper and wider forces outside of language culture and knowledge revitalisation, par-
their control', ticularly at the ideological level. There is a need to
struggle to assert the equal validity of Maori knowl-
b) culturalist explanations which held that 'people
edge and frameworks and conversely to critically
assumed some autonomy and control over determin-
engage ideologies which reify Western knowledge
ing their own lives',
(science) as beings uperior, more scientific, and there-
In these terms explanations about Maori experi- fore more legitimate.
ence in schooling and education have tended to be
culturalist in form such as deficit or deprivation 'Kaupapa Maori' as a Theory of Change
theories, (that is, a 'victim blaming' orientation) and Kaupapa Maori theory attempts to respond to Maori
have largely ignored structural considerations until crises by developing a more culturally appropriate
relatively recently. It has only been in the 1980s that approach, one which is 'holistic' in the sense of
serious study of how structural elements such as attempting to engage with both cultural and structural
economics, class positioning, power relativity and concerns. Kaupapa Maori as a theory of change has
structured ideology (hegemony), have come to the emerged as the underpinning philosophy and motiva-
fore. Indeed, very little research or resultant policy tion within a range of alternative, Maori driven school-
formation in the education sector has been derived ing and education initiatives. The term Kaupapa
from holistic approaches which take into considera- Maori encapsulates 'the Maori way of doing things;
tion both ends of this continuum. More appropriate Maori control, Maori autonomy' (L. Smith: 1993). It
(and more effective) schooling policies for Maori, I also infers, by opposition, a critical perspective in
would argue, ought to encompass a more 'balanced' regard to the politics of Pakeha dominance in New
intervention strategy which works at several points Zealand society. In this sense, Kaupapa Maori is at
along the continuum between the structural- cultural the same time both a proactive, 'self determination
extremes. initiative' concerned for language and cultural sur-

21
vival, and simultaneously a reactive, 'resistance ini- values and knowledge -or provide opportunities where
tiative' concerned to respond to Pakeha social, cul- this can occur.
tural, economic and political domination. Many of these educational Kaupapa Maori initia-
While Kaupapa Maori as a coherent philosophy of tives were established in the first instance, outside of
change was given a particular political shape within the state system as alternative educational settings.
the context of alternative education and schooling However, in more recent times most of these Kura
structures, beginning with Te Kohanga Reo in 1982, Kaupapa Maori schools have entered or are attempt-
Kaupapa Maori should not be simply understood as ing to re enter the state schooling system out of
belonging exclusively to these particular educational fmancial necessity in order to access much needed
initiatives or for that matter, to particular interest monetary and resource support. This economic de-
groups. Kaupapa Maori has been articulated and used pendency engendered by the state on Maori commu-
by a variety of Maori groups to express Maori au- nities through its monopoly over schooling policy,
tonomy (tino rangatiratanga), Maori language and inevitably allows the state to re-exert its structural
cultural aspirations and validity, Maori identity and power and to maintain its control, authority and
Maori pedagogy. It also, by its very presence, chal- dominance. In this way the state (and those who work
lenges and critiques Pakeha political, social, cultural for the state) is able to dissipate and attempt to
and economic dominance. regulate the crisis of the legitimacy of the state
However, Kaupapa Maori as a philosophy of structures caused by communities opting out of the
social practice and change is not a recent phenom- system.
enon. It has appeared at various points in history long Kaupapa Maori as a theory of social transforma-
before its co option into the Kohanga Reo and Kura tion takes for granted the validity and legitimacy of
Kaupapa Maori resistance frameworks. Some his- Maori language, knowledge and culture. It incorpo-
torical instances of the use of Kaupapa Maori phi- rates Maori aspirations and needs in relation to lan-
losophy and practice are visible within the teachings guage and cultural revitalisation; it also critically
and deeds of people such as Te Kooti Rikirangi engages structural impediments faced by Maori in
(circa. 1860s) and later in the works of Sir Apirana New Zealand society and is concerned to protect
Ngata (circa. 1920s). In this generalised sense Maori interests. So far, Kaupapa Maori as an organic
Kaupapa Maori can be glossed as 'the Maori pre- (grass roots) theory of social change and resistance
ferred way of doing things'. has achieved enough positive and successful results
These alternative educational sites of resistance to be popularly supported by large numbers of Maori
began with Te Kohanga Reo (pre school, immersion people (see McNair Statistical Survey 1990). Kaupapa
Maori learning settings) in 1982. Since then, the Maori as a rallying 'cry' is now being successfully
development of this pre school movement has been transposed and applied within a range of domains
both rapid and widespread. Currently there are in outside of education and schooling to develop other
excess of seven hundred language nests with an interventions, for example within media, health, jus-
average of approximately twenty children in each. tice and tribal self development initiatives.
Subsequently, there has also been a rapid growth in Of particular concern in this paper is the crucial
the total immersion primary schooling initiative called and central role played by the notion of 'whanau'
Kura Kaupapa Maori (Maori philosophy and prac- (extended family) in providing both a structural and
tice; Maori medium schools). More recently we have pedagogical framework for Kaupapa Maori as a
seen the establishment of the first Maori medium theory of change. Within the Kaupapa Maori frame-
secondary school (Whare Kura) and the emergence work, the concept of whanau has multiple interpreta-
of three Whare Wananga (Maori tertiary institu- tions and applications which draw on a range of
tions). All of these initiatives are based on 'kaupapa traditional and contemporary meanings. Whanau as a
Maori' philosophy and practice. Each of these schools key intervention element within Kaupapa Maori is
and learning sites attempt to operate totally through able to make sense of and mediate the intricate and
the medium of Maori language and to emphasise complex, (at times contradictory), discourses which
Maori preferred learning and teaching strategies,

22
envelop Maori people attempting to maintain the 75% of the Maori population were urban living. The
viability and the legitimacy of their traditional cul- outcome of this hasty shift to the cities and subse-
tural foundations in the confusing societal context quent increased contact with Pakeha people, lan-
created by the unequal power relations between guage, knowledge and customs was that enormous
Pakeha and Maori. It is a societal context which is acculturative pressure was put on Maori. The concept
often inhospitable to Maori as a result of Pakeha of 'whanau' has altered because of these circum-
social, cultural, political and economic dominance. stances. Over time it has become modified by the
demands of the new social, economic, political and
Whanau cultural context in which Maori live today, so that a
Multiple Meanings and Discourse range of new definitions are also now apparent. Pita
One of the most important intervention factors within Sharples has commented;
the Kaupapa Maori strategy is the co-option and use 'Thus it is somewhat natural for Maori people to
of the traditional concept of whanau (extended fam- operate communally in the manner of a 'kin whanau'
ily practice and principles). The term whanau has when they settle in a singie suburb within a city- even
often been translated into english using the simple if they originally come from different tribal areas.
gloss of family, but this narrow definition is some- Urban Maori also form new whanau in the pursuit of
what misleading. Joan Metge the social anthropolo- certain Maori activities such as the building and
gist has written comprehensively and researched in administration of an urban marae, or in the establish-
depth on the traditional notion of whanau both in ment of a performing arts cultural group. It is com-
terms of its patterning and practices and also in regard pletely natural for Maori people to function in whanau
to its shifting, diverse and multi layered formations groups and to share their responsibilities and privi-
and practices within more contemporary New Zea- leges with each other.' (ACCESS, 1989:30)
land society. Ifis not my intention to traverse the In contrast to this 'extended family' notion of
ground already 'well tilled' by Metge (1964, 1967 whanau, the Pakeha (non Maori New Zealander)
and 1990) and to a lesser extent by other authors who concept of family is more likely to refer to 'mum, dad
have looked at the interrelation of education and and the kids', that is, the 'nuclear' family (although it
aspects of the Maori 'family' for example, Beaglehole, is acknowledged that other non Maori groups too
E. and Ritchie, J. (1958); Ausubel, D. (1960, 1961) have a notion of extended family). The Maori notion
McDonald, G. (1973), and J. and J. Ritchie (1978). of whanau is likely to include at least two sets of
In this paper, I have taken a generalised, working grandparents, uncles and aunties, cousins and other
definition ofwhanau to refer to an 'extended family' relatives as well as the core 'nuclear family' group.
situation. This meaning refers to whanau as a collec- Pat Hohepa's 'modem' notion of the 'whamere' as
tive concept which embraces all the descendants of a described in his ethnographic study of 'Waima'
significant marriage, usually over three or more gen- (1964:93) is also a pertinent to this discussion.
erations. However, it also refers to the more recent It is not just the kinship structure ofwhanau which
notion derived from its usage in describing 'a group forms the intervention basis of kaupapa Maori, also
of Maori who may share an association based on important are the values, practices and customs in-
some common interests such as locality, an urban volved at the social relations level of whanau practice
marae, a workplace and so on'. The traditional term which are fundamental to Kaupapa Maori pedagogy.
has acquired more flexible defmition over time in These traditional notions of whanau have been sub-
order to take account of changing socio-economic jected to various influences which have changed their
circumstances of contemporary Maori society result- form over time. In order to understand these modify-
ing from the rapid relocation into the cities. Thus ing forces it is useful to reflect on some selected
Maori quickly moved from being a largely isolated examples of the key historical influences which have
and rural dwelling people prior to 1950, to being influenced this Maori notion of whanau.
significantly urban dwelling by 1990. In statistical
terms, before the second world war, nearly 80% of
the Maori population were rural dwelling, by 1964

23
a). The 'more' Traditional Concept of The social organisation of traditional Maori life
whanau has many similarities with other cultural forms iden-
Before the arrival of the Pakeha to Aotearoa, the tifiable within the wider 'polynesian' languages of
kinship structures of Maori society were well de- the Pacific. In comparison with other Pacific islands,
fined. Whakapapa (genealogy) was considered ex- Aotearoa was well endowed with space, varieties of
tremely important to one's identity within the whanau food and a diverse range of potential resource mate-
(extended family), the hapii (sub tribe) and within iwi rials such as hard rocks, abundant flax plants, and
(major tribes). The evidence for this claim is substan- large forests, all of which allowed for more sophisti-
tiated within the complex terminology related to cated technological development to occur. This in
genealogy, descent and kinship concepts which have tum liad a subsequent impact on the social organisa-
survived within Maori language to the present day. tion of the tangata whenua (the people of the land).
Evidence is also seen within the complex genealogi- Archaeological evidence (Green, R. 1977; Simmons,
cal tables and associated traditions which have been D. 1969), as well as Maori oral histories themselves,
handed down through many generations. (c.f. suggest that the first Maori settlers were nomadic ally
Roberton, J.W.B. 1958; Biggs, B.G. 1969) Strong inclined and eked out a subsistence living as hunters
sanctions, which were intended to protect both the and gatherers who followed the seasonal food fluc-
accuracy and the validity of these important records, tuations of the forest and the sea. It has been sug-
were attached to the memorisation and oral recitation gested that a population explosion as a result of new
of these tapu (sacred) records (c.f. Vansina, J. 1971; migrations eventually led to increased competition
Finnegan, R. 1988; Hopa, P. 1988). for food, territory and political control. Groups be-
The rudiments of traditional Maori social struc- came territorial about their 'customary' food source
ture were brought with them from their original localities and as a consequence a period of inter tribal
homelands (Hawaiiki) to Aotearoa. Cross cultural warring occurred in regard to territorial rights aimed
studies within the generic field of Social Anthropol- at controlling food resources and sites. A good exam-
ogy have seen a diverse array of research on 'the ple of the intersection of Maori and Pakeha sources of
whence of the Maori' from perspectives such as information is developed in Anp.e Salmond's book
archaeology, ( Green, R. 1984; Groube, L. 1968) two worlds on the one hand and the traditional waiata
agriculture (e.g. Yen, D. 1971) linguistics (e.g. Emory, 'Rangiuia's Lament' on the other, both of these
K.P. 1959; Pawley, A. 1971); oceanography and sources give a comprehensive insight into the history
voyaging (e.g. Hayerdahl, T. 1950; Sharp, C. 1963) ofUawa (Tolaga Bay) and the various struggles over
, and as well, the oral histories of Maori themselves territory and resources.
(e.g. Salmond, A. 1991). All have endeavoured to At this time as well the Kiimara (sweet potato)
establish linkages with the wider Pacific cultural plant had become well established in Aotearoa. The
region. In particular the very close similarities of significant technological advancements made by early
Maori language with those of the Cook Islands, Maori gardeners allowed for the widespread growth
Marquesas and Rapanui (Easter Island) have been of the plant throughout Aotearoa, despite its incom-
established through comparative linguistic analysis patibility with the climatic conditions of the more
(Pawley, A. 1971). The most powerful evidence of southerly regions of New Zealand, beyond Taupo in
course is provided by tile points of intersection be- the middle of the North Island. The technical skills
tween the Maori and Pakeha derived evidences. An for cropping kiimaranecessitated a significant change
important point of correlation between Pakeha and in the life style and social organisation of Maori. In
Maori sources is found in the comparative linguistic order to cultivate crops there was a need to settle into
evidence in relation to the concept and the te:rm a more domestic life style and to develop permanent
'whanau'. Furthermore strong linguistic correlations sites of residence. It is as a result of these agricultural
in the terminology, indicate that the meanings and the demands that Simmons (1969) and Green (1977) in
functions of the concept of 'whanau' are shared particular, have argued that Maori became more
across several Pacific Island groups. settled and therefore territorially attached to specific

24
geographical areas. This agricultural subsistence also language was often subjected to direct attack by
meant that territory and gardens had to be protected. Pakeha people as being inferior and 'barbaric'. The
Associated with the development of this agricultural other way in which Maori language and culture has
base is the development of a sophisticated fortified Pa been systematically attacked over the years has been
(village) structure and other social structures. through the reification of Pakeha language, knowl-
Throughout these major societal changes a strong edge and culture as the 'norm', as being the language
value system related to the new demands of the social of the sciences and high culture, as being a 'more
organisation of Maori people was being ..maintained worldly' universal language, and as being more 'su-
and adapted accordingly. Many of these values which perior'.
have survived through these enormous lifestyle When Captain Cook came to New Zealand on his
changes are still very much alive in the wider Pacific voyage of' discovery' he brought with him a number
cultural base and are discernible .within old oral of specialist science oriented people such as Parkinson
traditions such as whakapapa (genealogical recita- and Solander. Another of these 'scientists' was Joseph
tion), waiata (traditional songs) and whakatauki (pro- Banks an amateur botanist. Banks spent considerable
verbial and metaphorical statements). time and effort in sketching, collecting and recording
the fauna and flora ofNew Zealand. In doing so he set
b). Moderation of the concept of whanau about giving technical scientific labels to the native
following Contact with Pakeha plants of Aotearoa, completely oblivious (or chose
When Pakeha people first arrived in New Zealand not care) to the fact that many of these plants already
they brought with them a completely different notion had Maori names. For example, the native flax plant
of family, and indeed a whole new way of life. Their 'harakeke' was to reclassified as 'Phormium tenax',
attitude was mostly, with few exceptions in the liter- and the native 'kouka' tree was to be reclassified as
ary accounts at least, one of denigration towards 'Cordy line banksii'. Cook himself chartered the New
Maori customs and social practice. The most 'under- Zealand coast and renamed various landmarks him-
standing' and 'tolerant' accounts are often patronis- self, ignoring the fact that many of these places
ing, reflecting the ethnocentric bias of the commen- already had Maori names which were of significance
tators. The first wave of Pakeha people to come to within the Maori geography of New Zealand. Cook's
New Zealand were whalers, sealers and foresters renaming of the geography of New Zealand began
who were looking to exploit the material resources of with his renaming of the Mahia peninsula as Young
the new country. They were followed closely by the Nicks Head, named after the young sailor who first
missionaries who came on a variety of missions from sighted the New Zealand land form. These acts exem-
'rescuing the savages from their barbaric customs plify the taken for granted superiority of Western
and practices', to 'spreading the christian gospel forms of knowledge held by these voyagers and
amongst the heathen Maori race', to protecting the conversely their view of the inferiority of the Maori
Maori people from the evil influences of the early their culture, knowledge and language.
Pakeha settlers, to schooling the Maori in the This ethnocentric dominance was not only shared
whiteman's ways as quickly as possible. In the 1840s by the early Pakeha explorers, but also by the major-
the formal colonising of New Zealand from England ity of the Missionaries and later settlers alike. In fact
began in earnest with the 'New Zealand Company' the assimilationist and colonising intent of these
established by Edward Gibbon Wakefield. early Pakeha has remained intact since that time and
The subsequent influx of large numbers of is still very much implicit within many parts of New
europeans and their associated cultural, economic, Zealand society today. This is the consequence hav-
political and social interests created different pres- ing a numerically dominant Pakeha society who are
sures not only on Maori physical resources but also able to co opt (both intentionally and unintentionally)
on Maori language, knowledge and culture. Tradi- the democratic structures of 'one person, one vote'
tional Maori whanau structure, values and practices and 'majority rule' to serve their own cultural inter-
were placed under increasing threat by the inroads ests. A good example of this co option of democracy
being made by Pakeha culture. Maori culture and

25
occurred recently where a prominent Sunday news Inroads into the structures and functions of whanau
paper ran a referendum amongst the whole of the were also developed through civic authorities who
New Zealand population on the necessity to maintain acted under the protection of new and especially
support for the Maori language. In this survey the developed legislation, particularly law associated
numerically dominant Pakeha population, through with land title and succession. The 'Native Land Act
the co option of the democratic process, not only 1862' for example established the framework for the
determined what the questions would be and how individualising of Maori land tenure. The 'Tohunga
they would be framed they were also able to influence Suppression Act 1907' which outlawed the practice
the outcome. In effect we had a Pakeha organised of tohunga (Maori experts and ritual mediums), sup-
referendum on the validity of Maori language and posedly to stop Maori from seeking health advice
culture held amongst the Pakeha dominant popula- from them, also had the colonising impact of outlaw-
tion! This is not only a good example of the co option ing the Maori 'intelligentsia', that is, the repositories
of 'democratic principles', it also illustrates one way and guardians of traditional Maori knowledge. Nu-
in which dominant cultural perspectives are able to be merous other Maori customs and practices were also
reproduced within society. While the system appears outlawed by Pakeha administrators and these actions
equal, and it is often hegemonically received by were always justified as being in the best interests of
Maori themselves as being 'fair' and 'neutral', the Maori people themselves.
reality is that dominant Pakeha interests, which for In the 1900s, the Maori population had declined as
the most part are different from competing Maori a result of major epidemics (in 1896 the Maori
interests, are able to be endorsed and validated by the population was at its lowest ebb - 42,113; by 1901 the
'commonsense' processes of democracy. Thus slow pathway to recovery was evident as the popula-
through a myriad of subtle and not so subtle proc- tion rose to 45,549 in 1903 [Department of Statistics:
esses, including the manipulation of democracy, os- 1992]). The agreed prognosis was that the Maori was
tensibly the very base of Western democracies, the a 'dying race' and that government policy at the time,
colonising impetus initiated atfirstcontact by Pakeha it was argued by one prominent politician, ought to be
has remained embedded within many of the societal aimed at 'smoothing the pillow of the dying race'.
institutions including the schooling system. This However, such pessimistic forecasts were premature
hierarchy of social order derived from Darwinian and proved to be completely wrong as the Maori
social and cultural classifications put Europeans and population began to increase in the 1920s and 1930s.
their cultural forms at the top of these scales. Maori Maori families at this time were located mainly in
people, their language, knowledge and culture were rural areas and very few had ventured to live in the
taken for granted as being inferior. These views emerging town and city centres. During the first
extended to Maori values and social customs, includ- world war, a Pioneer Maori Battalion was established
ing the social structures and practices associated with and served overseas with distinction. Later in the
the Maori concept of 'whanau'. 1940s and the outbreak of the second world war, the
The early, more 'traditional' forms of whanau 28th Maori Battalion was established and it too
structure quickly became acculturated to reflect many served with distinction in several theatres of the war
of the Pakeha values and mores originally asserted by in Europe. Many of the Maori soldiers who served
the Missionaries in the name of 'Christianity'. For overseas did so in order not to let the mana (prestige)
example, Maori parents were exhorted by the mis- of the whanau, hapu, and iwi down, conversely the
sionaries not to live in 'sin' and to get married in the opportunity to go and fight also afforded an opportu-
christian way. Old customs, such as muru (plunder) nity for the mana of whanau to be enhanced through
were outlawed by legislation and condemned by the the deeds of the warrior on the battlefield.
missionaries. Yet in the Maori understanding, muru,
the plundering of the property for hurt caused through c). 'More' Contemporary Definitions and
negligence was an important safety and protection Practice.
sanction for Maori. Following the conclusion of the second world war a
major shift of Maori into the cities took place. The

26
 reasons advanced for this are many, some writers Maori families attempting to come to terms with the
have ascribed this phenomenon as being variously cultural and social conflicts of urbanisation have
caused by the attraction of the 'bright lights' of the been the subject of intense study by Maori writers of
cities, the influence of a new worldliness within fiction, including renown Maori authors such as Witi
Maoridom as a result of Maori soldiers 'international Ihimaera, Patricia Grace, Apirana Taylor, Rowley
experience' through serving overseas and also Maori Habib and Riwia Brown.
people at home having to work in the cities to support Pita Sharples has also noted that despite the pres-
the war effort. However, while such explanations sures ofPakeha cultural norms Maori still maintained
may be relevant, it was probably the after effects of many of their cultural preferences;
the depression in the 1930s, coupled with the eco- 'The Maori people are a tribal people and as such
nomic boom associated with the post war industriali- 'whanau units' have always existed and operate at the
sation and the subsequent need for a ready workforce local level to communally administer the affairs of
which attracted/compelled Maori to shift to the cities the people. With the migration of many Maori out of
in order to participate in the new economy. the traditional tribal territories, particularly to the
The rapid relocation of Maori into an urban envi- cities, the whanau concept has still persisted. The
ronment dominated by Pakeha culture, language and recruitment factor for traditional whanau groupings
customs placed many Maori people at an immediate is kinships, and such kinship - whanau still exist
disadvantage. Many of them had previously, very within urban areas. Far more common however, are
little to do with Pakeha in their isolated rural commu- the 'new' whanau groupings where the criteria for
nities and the 'new' Pakeha cultural expectations of recruitment has transferred from a kinship base to
the city context often created problems of adjustment some other such as common local residence, or a
and in many instances became compounded into common goal or programme.' (ACCESS, 1989:30)
major social problems and dysfunction. This cultural The cultural shock experienced by many Maori
shock was felt very much within the Maori whanau families moving to the cities in the 1950s and 1960s
structure. The city norm of 'suburban existence' was also replicated in schools and the education
contrasted markedl~ with Maori lifestyle in the coun- system. The high and disproportionate levels of un-
try. Maori were exposed to new cultural norms based derachievement being experienced by Maori reflected
on the Pakeha nuclear family model, such as living on the wider social dysfunction in the urban environ-
a quarter acre section, small families, small houses ment; in poorer health, higher criminal offending,
with few rooms, not having grandparents living with disproportionate welfare dependency, high unem-
you, having Pakeha neighbours with cultural values ployment levels and lower incomes. These factors in
and expectations related to 'manicured lawns and tum put pressure on the Maori social structures for
flower gardens', fences denoting 'private property', example, in the Maori home there were more likely to
quieter noise levels and so on. All of these 'Pakeha' be more dependents on a sole income earner, more
cultural idiosyncracities created pressure on Maori likely to be large numbers of people residing under a
whanau who were used to living a completely differ- single dwelling roof, fewer amenities such as wash-
ent lifestyle. Access to new forms of technology also ing machines, refrigerators etc., younger families and
served to undermine cultural values, for example the so forth. At school Maori educational underachieve-
advent of the refrigerator and 'freezer' allowed indi- ment was likely to be interpreted as the fault of the
viduals to store food and not have to share it with Maori child and the debilitating effect of their cul-
others - this cut across the cultural values associated tural baggage which translated into a number of key
with 'utu' (reciprocity) and 'manaaki' (the obligation deficits when they were inevitably compared to the
to share); access to telephones meant that communi- relatively more successful Pakeha children.
cations could be conducted with out face to face In 1959 the Hunn Report, which was a govern-
meetings - this too cut across the Maori value associ- ment investigation designed to formulate an analysis
ated with 'kanohi kitea' (the value of personal con- and a policy response to the disproportionate levels of
tact). The hardships and trauma experienced by many dysfunction suffered by Maori was released. One of

27
the main policy recommendations was for the adop- values of whanau. On the other hand, other Maori still
tion of a social and cultural reformation policy for hold steadfastly to the more traditional concept of
Pakeha and Maori; that Maori and Pakeha cultures whanau and still attempt to maintain traditional val-
should be 'integrated'. The objective of this exercise ues although it is often in adapted form. For example,
was to take the best of Maori culture and the best of many homes have other relatives, over and above
Pakeha culture and to fuse them together; to integrate their immediate 'nuclear' family members living
them to form a new hybrid culture. Hunn (the original with them; knowing ones tribal roots and whakapapa
writer of the 'Hunn Report' in 1959) and Booth were remain very important values, the obligation to sup-
to defme integration in the following terms; port whanau hui, tangi and so on are still strong.
'Wespeakofthe 'integration'ofMaoriandPakeha Cultural values such as those of sharing food and
as a desirable aim, but this term has been used with hospitality (manaaki tangata), the responsibility to
such a variety of meanings by different writers that it help out those in need if you are able (tiaki tangata),
needs clear defmition if it is to be of use. As used here, the nurturing of the younger members (tiaki teina),
integration denotes a dynamic process by which the passing on of whanau knowledge (tiaki
Maori and Pakeha are drawn closer together, in the whakapapa), the guardianship of traditional lands
physical sense of the mingling of the two populations (tiaki whenua) and properties (tiaki taonga) and so
as well as in the mental and cultural senses, where forth, for some whanau, are still important today.
differences are gradually diminishing. Remember-
ing that the dictionary meaning of the verb "to inte-
grate" is "to make whole" we regard the integration d). Current Interpretations and Practices
of Maori and Pakeha as the making of a whole new ofWhanau
culture by the combination and adaptation of the two The supportive and nurturing context of the whanau
pre-existing cultures. (Hunn, J. and Booth, J: 1962:4) has managed to survive as a functional entity to the
This model was dismissed by many Maori at that present day, albeit in modified forms despite the
time who charged that the policy of integration was historical pressures of assimilation and the strong
essentially maintaining the status quo circumstances presence of the dominantPakeha family model within
of ongoing assimilation of Maori language and cul- society. The whanau is still regarded as an integral
ture. In the words of one commentator, integration in part of formal Maori social organisation today. For
theN ew Zealand context 'is like the shark asking the example, the 'Discussion Paper for the Year 2000'
white bait to integrate'. (Ministry of Maori; 1990), a paper prepared for the
The period following the second world war until I wi Transition Agency, outlined a social intervention
the 1980s has marked a most prolific period of strategy which would proactively co opt the notion of
assimilation of Maori language, knowledge and cul- 'whanau' as an instrument for social intervention.
ture. A fundamental prerequisite to language and This programme was entitled 'Whakaoho Whanau'
culture assimilation was a systematic destabilising of (rekindling of Maori whanau frameworks) ;
Maori social cohesiveness, in particular the under- "Whakaoho whanau focuses upon the whanau as
mining of whanau values, practices and structure. the essential and basic social unit within the iwi. The
Much of this attack on the whanau was carried out aim of whakaoho whanau is to strengthen the whanau
through paternalistic policies ostensibly aimed at so that it is better able to cope with the stresses and
elevating Maori social conditions to the 'taken for demands of modern life" (p.8)
granted' benchmarks set by the dominant Pakeha This Report, compiled by a group of distinguished
culture. Maori Kaumatua (elders) and academics also noted
As a result of acculturation major changes have the multiple pressures on Maori attempting to main-
occurred in many Maori families with respect to what tain functional whanau structures;
counts as 'whanau'. Many Maori have been success- "Maori people today are faced with a range of
fully converted to the Pakeha notion of family and social conditions which are not conducive to main-
have moved away from the traditional structures and taining strong whanau. These conditions include;

28
 *the alienation of individual Maori from whanau, primary school level. They build on the successful
hapil structures educational and language achievements established
* high levels of welfare dependency in Te Kohanga Reo and continue the philosophies
*the influence of the modem Pakeha family, i.e. and practices of these pre school sites. KuraKaupapa
nuclear Maori are one of many educational sites in which
*new types of family, e.g. single parent 'Kaupapa Maori' as a theory and practice for social
* high levels of unemployment change has been applied by Maori groups. These
* failure of the system schools are not to be confused with 'total immersion'
Statistics indicate that Maori, male and female in schools such as the Welsh Medium school model or
all age groups, are more likely to be separated di- the French Canadian Bilingual or Immersion models.
vorced and widowed than non-Maori. In 1981 for Kura Kaupapa Maori Schools involve much more
example, 25% of Maori women and 17% of Maori than total immersion schooling within mother tongue
men aged 45-49 years were separated, divorced or language, they also operate within a specific cultural
widowed, compared to 11.3% of non- Maori women framework and mediate the unequal social, economic
and 9.6% of non-Maori men in that age group. Per- and cultural context of New Zealand society. Kura
centages of separated or divorced people, both Maori Kaupapa Maori Schools are uniquely Maori and
and non-Maori have increased more than four fold develop new, and in some areas, more sophisticated
over the last 20 years" (p.8) structures and pedagogy than has been observable (in
Several strategies have been suggested as a means the writers experience at least) in other immersion
to intervene in this situation of social disintegration. type education models on the international scene. In
A consistent tactic is that of encouraging Maori to this sense the 'Kaupapa Maori' development has
resurrect traditional concepts of 'whanau' as support much to offer on an international level to the general
structures which can assist in alleviating and counter- fields of alternative schooling, language revitalisa-
ing disproportionate levels of social, economic and tion programmes and cultural and language school-
political crises which envelop Maori. The call to ing.
revive and rekindle more traditional types of whanau It is however, important to acknowledge that
structure, as suggested by the Kaumatua group, is Kura Kaupapa Maori were originally established and
made in an effort to alleviate the severe impact of developed for some years outside of the state school-
social dysfunction inhibiting the life chances ofMaori. ing structures by Maori communities attempting to
It is an attempt to revitalise the positive and proactive capitalise on and continue the successful language
social environment in which Maori values are able to gains made by their children in Te Kohanga Reo as
operate and to therefore positively influence Maori. well as in a conscious effort to resist the inhibiting
These strategies co opt elements of 'whanau' which elements embedded within state schools; these im-
have been successfully employed within the Kaupapa pediments being perceived by these parents as con-
Maori intervention strategy. tributing to the poor performance of many Maori
All of the kaupapa Maori models as applied within pupils in state schooling and to also being antagonis-
education and schooling emphasise and reinforce the tic to their cultural aspirations. In seeking to establish
intervention potential contained in the traditional an alternative option outside of the State education
notion of 'whanau'. Perhaps the most sophisticated system, Maori parents assumed increased control and
articulation of Kaupapa Maori as a theory of change autonomy over the important educational decision
and how notions of 'whanau' are co opted to develop making related to the schooling of their children.
and support social change, is to be seen within the Parents often couched their reasoning for such action
primary schooling example ofKura Kaupapa Maori. in statements such as;
'we can't do any worse than what the state school
Kura Kaupapa Maori: A Whanau Inter- system has done for our children'
vention Model (Awhireinga Parent).
Kura Kaupapa Maori are total immersion Maori
Greater influence over the curriculum, administra-
language and culture schooling options offered at the

29
tion, pedagogy and learning outcomes were able to be Maori schooling is not a choice of either Maori or
achieved through Kura Kaupapa Maori existing out- Pakeha language and culture; parents want their
side the state structures as an independent alternative. children to eventually develop expertise in both do-
These schools provide not only a total Maori lan- mains.
guage experience but also a wholly Maori cultural While the primary focus within Kura Kaupapa
experience all day, every day. TahaMaori programmes Maori is the teaching and learning of Maori language
(additive Maori content to mainstream Pakeha les- and culture within an immersion setting, the ultimate
sons) and bilingual (dual language medium) school- goal as expressed by parents is for outcomes of
ing have been criticised by many Maori parents as bilingualism and biculturalism although formal moves
failing to adequately develop high levels of Maori to teach english language skills are not made until the
language and cultural expertise. Nor are these needs children are ten to eleven years old and when their
met through pursuing a curriculum grounded only in Maori language oracy is deemed to be secure. The
the traditional past, as is often the case within the crucial point here is that overseas studies have shown
'museum' oriented Maori studies programmes that that if children maintain a first language up until the
are still rife within state schooling in spite of major age of nine or ten, it is highly likely that they will be
criticisms from various Maori sectors. Much of this able to sustain that language even when it ceases to be
material is factually wrong and yet is still being taught in a schooling situation (for a discussion of
taught, for example myths related to the origin of the research on these matters, see Amberg, L. 1987). For
Maori (that they came to Aotearoa and killed off the the most part, the experience ofKura Kaupapa Maori
Moriori people), the popular chronology of the Maori children to date has shown that Kura Kaupapa Maori
settlement of New Zealand (925 A.D. Kupe discov- pupils easily pick up english language through their
eredAotearoa; 1150A.D. ToiandWhatongacameto everyday activities and experiences outside of the
Aotearoa; 1350 A.D. The Great Fleet of seven canoes school; through their parents at home, through televi-
came in a planned migration to Aotearoa) has been sion and radio, through trips to the supermarket,
shown to be demonstrably wrong by multiple sources through playing with other english speaking chil-
of research evidence yet they are still being 'perpe- dren, through road signs, through other Pakeha printed
trated' against Maori in many New Zealand class- media and so on. The majority of Kura Kaupapa
rooms. The real tragedy of this situation is that many Maori children speak very good Maori and very good
Maori have internalised these myths as the common english. However it is recognised that formal english
sense history of Maori people and continue to recycle language skills such as reading in english, spelling,
and perpetuate them. punctuation and writing in english need to be taught
Maori parents who opt for Te Kohanga Reo and formally at some stage.
Kura Kaupapa Maori schooling have consistently Significantly KuraKaupapaMaorihave also been
voiced that they want their children to be able to able to successfully intervene within Maori homes
speak their mother tongue language fluently. How- through the whanau administrative structures which
ever, these parents have also expressed repeatedly require (culturally contract) parents to fully partici-
that they want their children to develop excellence in pate and support all of 'their' children (that is all the
both Maori and Pakeha languages and cultures. Thus, pupils) at the school. All of the parents are parents to
given that Kura Kaupapa Maori schooling empha- all of the children in the Kura. All parents within the
sises Maori language through an immersion environ- whanau network are regarded as having a valued
ment, it is wrong to assume that Maori parents are contribution to make. There is a 'cultural expecta-
against the learning of english language. Te Kohanga tion' which is derived from whanau values which
Reo and Kura Kaupapa Maori children are totally obligates parents to contribute to work collectively
immersed in english language outside of the school in for the benefit of the larger group. Thus a co operative
their everyday interactions within their home com- and collective effort is able to be mounted and sus-
munities and through the predominantly english lan- tained with the whanau management and support
guage public media. In these terms, Kura Kaupapa structures and to assist the 'group' in the collective

30
 education and nurturing of all of the children. avid supporters of their childrens' education and
The cultural frameworks implicit within the con- advocates of the positive potential of schooling.
cept of whanau provide an intervention 'potential' Many of the Kura Kaupapa Maori also run adult
which is not only relevant to the school setting, it can education classes to support there education of Maori
be applied to mediate the wider social, economic and parents- for example Maori language classes for their
cultural impediments which have traditionally mili- parents in order that they can better support their
tated against Maori success within education and children's language, and schooling development in
schooling. A significant point here is that most previ- the home.Also some schools run hui (large gather-
ous educational policies for Maori have inevitably ings) for the teaching of reading in english, life skills
neglected to take adequate account of the debilitating programmes, and resource making meetings to sup-
impact of wider community impediments and have port the school curriculum development.
therefore tended to concentrate solely on reforming There are currently very few Kura Kaupapa Maori
the school context. to meet the demand of the large numbers of Maori
The whanau structures and frameworks, as ap- children now in the pre school option ofTe Kohanga
plied in Kaupapa Maori sites, have been very suc- Reo. Many Te Kohanga Reo communities are still
cessful in undoing much of the deep-seated mistrust engaged in the struggle to fully establish a local Kura
that many Maori parents themselves have had of the Kaupapa Maori option. At the same time there are
Pakeha education system given their own bad expe- other associated needs which are being struggled for
riences of state schools. They were often the ones in support of Kura Kaupapa Maori development, for
who were strapped for speaking Maori language in example the development of a teacher training course
the playground, who spent many of their schooling at the Auckland College of Education; the develop-
hours standing in hall ways outside of classrooms, ment of a Kura Kaupapa Maori Resource Centre in
who could not connect with the culture of the school West Auckland, the development of a formal rela-
or were marginalised within the curriculum. Many of tionship with the Ministry of Education, the estab-
these parents left school as soon as they were legally lishment of a unified national body (Te Runanga
able. Thus problems have occurred when they them- Matua o nga Kura Kaupapa Maori) to oversee the
selves have become parents and who as a result of Kura Kaupapa Maori development, and the estab-
these 'bad' personal experiences, pass on negative lishment of a Kura Tuarua (secondary school option)
views about schools, teachers and learning to their at Hoani Waititi marae. As well there are a multitude
own children. In fact some state schools have enor- of local struggles related to maintaining the day to
mous problems with Maori pupils and Maori parents day running of individual Kura Kaupapa Maori. For
who exhibit strong resistance behaviours to schools example, fund raising activities, resource produc-
and education and who perceive state schooling as tion, curriculum issues, Board of Trustee's issues,
having little relevance to their needs and aspirations. teaching issues, mediating political structures and
For example, Maori resistance to schooling may conscientising the community at large to the 'inter-
explain the high levels of Maori involvement in vention' potential of Kura Kaupapa, have all had to
dissident activities such as vandalising of school continue at the same time, largely from within and
property such as graffiti and damage to desks, through through the limited resources of the school whanau
non participation in school events, through high itself. All of these tasks still have to be handled by the
levels of truancy, through confrontation with author- Kura whanau's themselves despite the development
ity figures, through incidents of racial and cultural of enabling legislation and the flow of some funding
intolerance etc. Certainly it could not be claimed that support from government. However, throughout the
all such incidents are the result of Maori resistance to historical development ofKura Kaupapa Maori dat-
Pakeha dominant education and schooling struc- ing from 1985, the notion of 'struggle' has been an
tures, but much of it can be. important element in not only refining the Kaupapa
Kura Kaupapa Maori has completely turned many (guiding philosophy) but also in making parents
of these 'indifferent' parents around to now being more resolute and unified in respect of it.

31
 It is also important to note that all of the existing schooling choices being made available.( see McNair
Kura Kaupapa Maori have not got everything right as Survey, March, 1992). It is acknowledged that Maori
yet and that from time to time problems arise in educational and schooling needs are not singular or
respect of a range of issues, including the operation of homogenous but nor are Pakeha communities of the
the whanau structures. Nor should these schools be same mind in respect of education and schooling
expected to get everything 'right' immediately given choices. KuraKaupapaMaori schooling provides but
that they are only six years old and that the New one option for Maori pupils, and develops a range of
Zealand state schools which has been in existence schooling choices for Maori parents to choose from.
much longer (well over a hundred years) still has These schools are also concerned to provide an excel-
problems as well. For the most part these issues have lent education within the national curriculum guide-
resulted from the 'teething problem' syndrome, given lines. Maori parents as an outcome of such schooling
that these schools have had to establish new systems want for their children the ability to have access to a
of administration, management structures, curricu- full range of societal opportunities.
lum, pedagogy and so on with little preparation(there Kura Kaupapa Maori are proactive educational
are no existing models) and with limited additional responses which Maori parents have been forced to
funding to facilitate the setting up of these new take themselves given the inability (perhaps reluc-
schooling types. The point here is that these schools tance) of the dominant Pakeha educational structures
have been treated as any other 'new' school in terms to successfully intercede in Maori underachievement
of government funding. The anomaly here of course and in the ongoing assimilation of Maori culture and
is that neither the schools, nor the pupils, nor the language. A key understanding here is the years of
communities from which they have come, have started continual failure on the part of mainly Pakeha educa-
on a level playing field- they were already disadvan- tional administrators in developing policies which
taged before the state developed its horizontal equity serve the interests, needs and aspirations of Maori
principle in respect of the distribution of state serv- people.
ices and funding (i.e. that all groups should be treated The potential of Kura Kaupapa Maori schooling
the same; to give special treatment to one group is to to 'speak' in general terms to the Maori educational
'unfairly' disadvantage another.) crisis needs to be acknowledged: explored and capi-
Kura Kaupapa Maori are arguably the only real talised upon if there is genuine concern to alleviate
change within all of the present education reforms the current difficulties. Given the choice to make key
since the Picot review of 1988 which attempts to decisions in regard to curriculum, pedagogy and so
implement a culturalist and structuralist intervention on, whatchoicesweremade? Whatarethesuccessful
into the existing Maori schooling crises. KuraKaupapa elements ofKura Kaupapa Maori and how might they
Maori endeavour to develop c~ange, albeit limited, at be effectively employed to the benefit of Maori
the power relations and ideological levels. For exam- pupils generally? (given that approximately 85% of
ple through increased control over knowledge, through Maori children are still within conventional state
increased control over the curriculum, and therefore education settings).
through increased influence over the credentialling
processes. Kura Kaupapa Maori confronts the Whanau As Key Intervention Element
hegemonies which sustain the legitimacy of domi- Within Kaupapa Maori
nant Pakeha schooling practice, and in fact goes The notion of 'whanau' is a core feature of Kaupapa
further through developing counter hegemonies such Maori theory. Kaupapa Maori theory are the social
those which pertain to the validity and legitimacy of change or intervention elements which are common
Maori language, knowledge and culture. across many different sites of Maori cultural struggle
Despite the fact that many Maori parents do riot including within the educational sites ofTe Kohanga
have Kura Kaupapa Maori as an option which is Reo and Kura Kaupapa Maori. Kaupapa Maori theory
currently available to their children, there is never the refers to the collective set of key intervention ele-
less wide support and commitment in support of these ments embedded in the Maori driven cultural resist-

32
ance initiatives. Many of the traditional values, cus- on.
toms and practices related to the structure and proc- It is also noteworthy that within the Kura Kaupapa
esses of whanau are fundamental to the intervention Maori setting, a number of other pedagogies have
potential contained within Kaupapa Maori theory. been developed such as the use ofwhakapapa (gene-
An analysis of Kura Kaupapa Maori is able to alogy) recitation methodology for the teaching of
reveal some examples of how 'whanau' elements are reading in Maori. The adaption of Japanese methods
used within these new schooling structures as a for teaching music (suzuki method), the adaption of
means for social change and educationalinterven- the Japanese pre computer abacus programme
tion. For example; (soroban) have also been utilised within some Kura
because the Japanese values and pedagogy conform
i) The Whanau Concept and Knowledge closely to preferred Maori values, knowledge and
In Kura Kaupapa Maori, knowledge is regarded as practices. The point here is the openess and the
belonging to the whole group or whanau. In this prepardness of these schooling communities to share
sense, knowledge is not an individual or private and to adapt other cultural forms, puts the lie to the
property. Knowledge belongs to the whole whanau claim by some that these schools are a form of
and individuals are merely regarded as the repositor- 'separatism', 'apartheid' and a 'retrenchment' to the
ies of knowledge for the ultimate benefit of the total traditional past!
group. Individuals have a cultural obligation to share
their knowledge in ways which support the welfare iii) The Whanau Concept and Discipline.
and mana of the group. Within the current societal Kura Kaupapa Maori invoke Whanau concepts to
context, free market derived understandings which support the discipline context of the school. For
reify knowledge as a private good, as a commodity, example teachers are inevitably called 'Papa' (fa-
as personal property which can be exchanged for ther), Whaea (mother), Koka (aunt), Matua (uncle)
credentials which in tum can be turned into capital, and so on. The total school constitutes a single
contradict these previously mentioned ideals. whanau. All of the parents are 'parents' to all of the
children in the Kura whanau. Children are not indi-
ii) The Whanau Concept and Pedagogy. viduals who belong to distinct families; all of the
In the Kura Kaupapa Maori setting Maori values and children in the school are regarded, and regard them-
practices derived from whanau are used to facilitate selves as brothers and sisters. A child who has a
teaching and learning. For example, core values such learning difficulty in this type of setting is not bearing
as Manaakitanga (sharing and caring), aroha (re- the responsibility of this solely on their own; it is the
spect), whakaiti (humility) and so on are taken for responsibility to be shared by the total whanau, all the
granted within these schools. The notion of tuakana children and all the parents. The relationship between
(elder) and teina (younger) are incorporated as part of children and teachers in the school are similar to the
the pedagogical framework, that is the cultural obli- relationships found in the whanau between children
gation derived from within the whanau precept of the and parents. Peer group interaction is similar to that
elder children having a cultural responsibility to help between brothers and sisters. The impact on both the
the younger children is utilised. This principle is need for and types of discipline are significantly
reinterpreted in other ways for example the 'faster' different within this cultural configuration of the
learners having a cultural obligation to help the 'whanau' in the Kura Kaupapa Maori setting.
'slower' learners. The use of group activity not only
facilitates these culturally preferred learning styles it iv) The Whanau Concept and
also provides an appropriate framework in which co Curriculum.
operative and collective attitudes and values can be In Kura Kaupapa Maori schooling the ability by
practised. For example, the sharing of knowledge, of Maori communities to have some measure of influ-
being humble in respect of know ledge, of respecting ence over what was to count as the school curriculum
and tolerating knowledge and world views of others, has led to important changes in the range of subjects
of consensus discussion and decision making and so taught in these schools. The curriculum has been

33
reorganised to teach knowledge which connects inti- making
mately with the interests and backgrounds of Maori - endorses Maori preferred pedagogy
learners. The key intervention element here is that the - is able to mediate socio economic impediments
concept, values and practices of the whanau are The most significant feature of Kaupapa Maori as a
implicit within the schooling structures and as well is theory social change, is the integral importance of the
positively reinforced through the curriculum content. notion of whanau. While, in the past, there has been
These schools reinforce the tenet that to be Maori is acknowledgement that there exists a correspondence
to be taken for granted as 'normal'. This stance is between the degeneration of the structure, function
often in contrast to the experiences of most Maori and values of whanau with wider societal crises
students within conventional schooling. Maori knowl- which envelop Maori, few commentators have been
edge, oral histories, cultural forms and practices are able to develop policy frameworks and structures
validated and legitimated as part of the ordinary, which effectively intervene in this deterioration.
everyday curriculum and pedagogy within the Kura Kaupapa Maori not only intervenes, its adoption also
Kaupapa Maori context. In Bourdieu's terms requires the more traditional forms, functions, mean-
(Bourdieu, P. 1973) the home culture, manners, hab- ings and values of the whanau to be reformed and
its, knowledge and cultural preferences ('habitus') of revitalised. It also employs whanau values proactively
the Maori child are reflected and reproduced within as intervention instruments.
the school. This paper concludes by reinforcing the point that
there is an inextricable relationship between the so-
Conclusion cial, cultural and economic emancipation of Maori
Kaupapa Maori as a theory of social change is poten-
on the one hand, and the revitalisation and mainte-
tially the most effective instrument developed to date
nance of whanau structures on the other. In these
which has the capacity to make meaningful inroads
terms, the long term survival of Maori language,
into Maori social, economic and educational crises.
knowledge and culture are dialectically bound to the
An important factor embedded within Kaupapa Maori
survival of whanau social structure. The whanau
is the way in which a critical theory has been moulded
provides a culturally appropriate and nurturing con-
into a critical practice. In addressing the major con-
text for Maori language, knowledge and culture. It is
cerns of Maori language, knowledge and cultural
these aspects which couch the intervention potential
revitalisation, and also Maori educational and school-
in regard to Maori social disorientation.
ing underachievement, Kaupapa Maori praxis is most
The whanau provides both a structural and func-
relevant to all New Zealanders disillusioned by the
tional context for supporting Maori cultural forms
ineffectiveness of previous intervention policies and
and values. In this sense the future of Maori is very
mechanisms. That Kaupapa Maori as a theory of
much the future of the whanau and vice versa. These
social change has evolved out of the Maori commu-
too, are the sentiments expressed by an eight year old
nity itself ensures that Maori have a genuine commit-
Kura Kaupapa Maori child in her poem;
ment to ensuring that the interventions work. There
are some important lessons for policy developers in Pa Harakeke
general which ought to be learned from the Kaupapa
Tiakina te whanau pa harakeke
Maori experience. There are new and innovative (Look after the flax bush whanau)
emphases and blends which stand the Kaupapa Maori
Tiakina a Rangi raua ko Papa
approach apart, for example it; (Look after Rangi and Papa)
- is holistic in its approach Tiakina t6awa
- confronts structural and cultural elements (Look after your river)
- affirms the validity and legitimacy of Maori Tiakina t6 maunga
language, knowledge and culture (Look after your mountain)
- asserts self development as a positive initiative Tiakina to whanau
(Look after your whanau)
- increases Maori autonomy over key decision

34
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New Zealand. Wellington: Government Print.
Reports of the Maori Education Foundation. Annual Reports.
Wellington: Government Print.
Planning Perspectives 1978-1983 (1978) N.Z. Planning Coun-
cil. Wellington: Government Print.
Official New Zealand Yearbooks. Annual Reports. Wellington:
Government Print.
Educational Policies inN ew Zealand (1982) Report prepared for
O.E.C.D. Department of Education. Wellington: Government
Print.
Curriculum Review 1987. (1987) Department of Education.
Wellington: Government Print.
Government Management: Brief to the Incoming Government
1987. (1987) Vol. II Education Issues, The Treasury. Welling-
ton: Government Print.
Treaty ofWaitangi in the Court of Appeal (1987). Wellington:
Government Print.
Finding of theW aitangi Tribunal Relating toTe Reo Maori and
a Claim Lodged. (1986). Wellington: Government Print.
Sexton, S. (1990). The Sexton Report: New Zealand Schools: An
Evaluation of Recent Reforms and Future Directions. Welling-
ton: New Zealand Business Roundtable pub.
Submission of Te Komiti o Nga Kura Kaupapa Maori o
Tamakimakaurau-1988) to the Royal Commission on Social
Policy. Unpublished.
Te Tatai Hono (1981). N.Z.E.I. Maori Advisory Committee.
Wellington: N.Z.E.I. Printers.

36
 CULTURALISSUESIN
EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH A NEW ZEALAND PERSPECTIVE

Ted Glynn and RusselJ Bishop

Education Department, University of Otago

Whakarapopoto Korero within the mainstream education system. This lack

Na te kiiare na te kore ranei e tina lira atu o nga kairangahau of power stems not only from their minority status,
matauranga' o Aotearoa ki nga tikanga e tina raru n~i. ng~
iihuatanga epa ana ki te whai matauranga me te aka ho~I I !!ga_ but from the cumulative belittlement oflanguage and
kaupapa Maori . Mii te pepa nei e iita whak~matau etah~ o e?ei culture over generations of institutional suppression.
matapono, a, ki te whakaa_tu hoki ~e huarahi Ianf!.ahau J9a kitea
ai naa kairanaahau e mahi ngatahi ana me te whanau no te mea Not only do Maori children struggle to succeed in the
he /fno kaina'iik:au riitou ki nga kaupapa Maori mi5 te aka me te
whakaako h~ki. K ua ki tea tenei tiimomo fihua, ma tekairangahau mainstream system, but many of them do so without
tonu e aki haere naa mahi a nga kaiako Maori o te Ratonga the support of an adult community that is strong in its
Matauranaa Motuh~e me etahi atu kaiako Maori, nga whanau
me tetahitauiwi kairangahau i Tauranga Moana. Kua oti ke i own language and culture.
tenei roopu he huhua iikoranga rauemi hei awhina i nga tamariki What is true of Maori experience within educa-
Maori kite korero pukapuka mete tuhi hoki ki rota i te reo Maori.
tional practice at large, holds good also for Maori
Abstract experience with educational research and educa-
A lack ofcultural consciousness among educational researchers tional researchers. Bishop and Glynn (1992) de-
in New Zealand has contributed to the belittlement of Maori scribed the history of belittlement of Maori knowl-
perspectives on knowledge and on principles of l~a17_1ing and
teaching. This paper examines some of these PJ?nCipl~s and edge and culture by researchers from various disci-
practices, and presents an approach to research m whic~ re-
searchers work within a whanau whose members are committed plines. Researchers have repeatedly attempted to
to sharing a kaupapa Maori focus in addressil}g_ questio_ns about develop research questions about Maori perform-
leamina and teaching. This approach, partiCipant-dnven em-
poweri~g research, is ill ust~ated in the wo:k of J:1a~ri staff from ance and achievement from cultural perspectives
the Special Education Service, together With Maon teac~ers and outside that of the people whose behaviour is being
whanau and a tauiwi researcher at Tauranga Moana. This group
has worked on a series ofstudies to assist Maori children learning assessed or evaluated. This has resulted in gross
to read and write in Maori. distortions or oversimplifications of Maori history,
Maori culture and in particular Maori perspectives on
Mainstream educators, and the wider New Zealand learning and teaching.
community, have been slow to acknowledge the These oversimplifications and distortions have
importance of culture and cultural differences, as key been harmful to Maori. They have lent support to
components in successful learning, particularly with 'deficit models' of educational provision. In these
respect to Maori (Simon, 1983; Gerzon, 1992). As- models, low achievement by minority cultural groups
sertions that we are all New Zealanders, that Maori on achievement criteria established by majority cul-
and non-Maori are given equal educational opportu- tural groups are read as deficits, for example,
nities and that teachers should treat every individual Lovegrove ( 1966). Appropriate remedial action typi-
the same all fail to address two major concerns. The cally involves more frequent and more intensive
first is that under article two of the Treaty ofWaitangi, skills practice on tasks judged essential for successful
Maori are guaranteed control (tino rangatiratanga) performance in the majority culture. In proposing,
over the definition, protection and promotion of their undertaking and evaluating research into such "re-
cultural taonga. This includes their rights to maintain medial" programmes, researchers may run the risk of
their own language, history, value system and social undermining the capacity of minority cultural groups
organisation. Educational aspirations, and achieve- to maintain their own language and culture (Glynn,
ments in the mainstream education system should not Fairweather & Donald, 1992), which in turn may
be at the expense ofleaving behind these taonga. The have a negative impact on achievement. Much ap-
second concern is that as a minority, Maori continue plied research in education within the positivist para-
to have minimal power to effect cultural change

37
digm has been slow to engage the interest of Maori refers instead to a "unified cooperation oflearner and
educators and to contribute to the learning of Maori teacherinasingleenterprise" (Metge 1983, p2). This
children. However, the problem is unlikely to be is beautifully exemplified in the Ataarangi method of
overcome simply by changing the research paradigm language learning pioneered by Katarina Mataira and
from an "objective" positivistic one to a more "sub- Ngoi Pewhairangi. The concept ako offers a dis-
jective" qualitative one. Such a paradigm shift may tinctly different cultural perspective on peer tutoring,
still leave the control of the research process in the and on the interchangeability of tutor and tutee roles.
hands of the researcher, rather than the participants. It identifies a different cultural context for under-
While control of the research remains with the re- standing behavioural research studies which report
searcher, research questions and research processes learning gains for both tutors and tutees, for example.
preferred by Maori may continue to be ignored in learning to read (Wheldall & Mettem, 1985;
(Bishop, 1994). Medcalf & Glynn, 1987).
Hence the risk and the problem for Maori may be
inherent not only in the positivist paradigm, but also 2. Learning through Exposure
in the ignorance and culturally inappropriate behav- Metge describes this as a learning and teaching proc-
iour of many educational researchers. These re- ess which is infprmal, semf-continuous, and embed-
searchers may be ignorant of Maori perspectives on ded in the life of the community. The exposure
know ledge and learning, and may also be ignorant of strategy covers a wide range of applications, both
the cultural contexts in which learning takes place. It those that take place in the context of daily living
is difficult for educational researchers to contribute (language learning, housekeeping, childcare) and
to the achievement of Maori children or to the sur- those that occur on dramatic occasions such as hui on
vival of Maori language and culture if they do not marae. This, surely, identifies culturally appropriate
appreciate Maori educational aspirations, principles contexts for learning through modelling, that is, natu-
and practices and how these might impact on educa- ralistic antecedents for imitative behaviours. Model-
tional research. ling has been a powerful and long standing compo-
Metge (1983) challenges educational researchers nent of behavioural staff and parent training pro-
to recognise that much of their knowledge about grammes. Modelling of competent performance of a
Maori was derived from their own schooling. This target behaviour for imitating by less competent
knowledge was emphasised 'traditional' or 'pre- performers, in the context of regular classroom learn-
European' Maori as recorded and interpreted by non- ing has received far less research attention than it
Maori. This process was emphasised even though deserves (Wheldall & Glynn, 1989). Yet modelling
there was a living contemporary Maori culture going is a naturalistic strategy in early language teaching
on. Metge (1983) urges educational researchers and learning in both Maori and non-Maori learning
instead to come to terms with Maori educational contexts. However there is a cultural difference
practices which are recognised as characteristically between Maori and non-Maori in the extent to which
Maori by Maori who strongly identify and are iden- this strategy is valued and utilized by younger and
tified by others as culturally Maori. She then pro- older learners. In the Maori world, active listening,
vides an excellent synthesis of Maori educational looking and learning without the immediate opportu-
principles and practices which present a challenge nity to perform is expected of the majority in contexts
and inspiration to educational researchers. Examples such as powhiri or tangihanga. Performance may not
of these principles are now introduced and linked to be required for many years.
issues and strategies in educational research. Non-Maori educational researchers have neglected
to examine the dominant cultural context in which
l.Ako studies of modelling and imitative learning are con-
As introduced by Rose Pere (1982), the term ako does ducted. They have also neglected to examine their
not clearly distinguish between teaching and learn- own position as promoting and universalising their
ing, nor between the teacher and the learner. Ako particular cultural consciousness. As a result, they
have failed to appreciate the scope and power of the

38
concept of modelling and imitative learning within a Smith & McNaughton (1992) provide a useful guide
Maori cultural perspective. Learning by imitation of to culturally competent approaches to observing and
behaviour modelled by adults or tuakana, without recording language interactions.
accompanying explicit instruction, is applied widely
to the learning of mahinga kai, manaakitanga, and the 4. Memory and rote learning.
learning of waiata and karanga. There seems to be Maori people continue to place a high value on the
ample challenge here for the study of long-term memorisation of knowledge, with an insistence on
generalisation of repeated exposure to modelling of complete mastery. Royal ( 1993) describes how from
language structure and language use in culturally a Maori perspective knowledge is transmitted through
salient contexts. the planting of information in the puna mahara of
young children through exposure to a wide variety of
3. Learning in Groups oral literature. Children later continue to elaborate
It is almost trite to state that Maori prefer learning in their understanding of the information received
groups. Metge (1983) draws attention to the pre- through continued exposure and performance in cul-
ferred strategy of incorporating new learners into turally appropriate and tribally specific contexts.
pre-existing groups containing a wide range of exper- Arriving at a complete understanding of the meaning
tise. Kapa haka groups rarely start off anew, but place of moteatea, tauparapara and karakia may take a
new learners among experienced members. New lifetime. However, correct and safe transmission of
learners progress through mastery of more advanced the information was dependent on total mastery by
tasks, including the teaching of further new mem- selected tauira. Of interest to educational researchers
bers. Behavioural research has long-addressed issues here is the analysis of the contextual support, the
to do with group-contingent reinforcement strate- antecedent conditions and the learning strategies
gies, based on the performance of the lowest achiever, which made such feats of learning possible. This
and the effects this might have on learning and might invoke concepts of stimulus control, cueing,
teaching behaviours within the group. There is an forward chaining, backward chaining and as already
additional challenge in some Maori contexts where noted, careful modelling and imitative learning.
the learning outcome is a group performance. To Observing and listening to whaikorero on any marae
what extent does it make sense to assess a group's provides convincing evidence that such rote learning
performance of a long moteatea by examining the strategies are not associated with trivial or surface
performance of an individual out of context? learning, but rather with learning that is as complex
Different perspectives on the ownership ofknowl- as it is deep.
edge call for different assessment strategies. Con-
temporary Maori whanau groups provide all mem- 5. Story Telling
bers with rights and responsibilities. Contributing to Metge ( 1983) notes that story telling unfortunately is
the physical and social wellbeing of the group is as no longer one of the sheet anchors of Maori Educa-
important as achieving the goals set by the group. tion. However, story telling is both culturally appro-
Behavioral research on responsive social contexts for priate and capable of transmitting sophisticated and
learning (Glynn 1985; Glynn & Glynn, 1986) has complex information (Bishop, 1995). Storytellers,
emphasised the interdependence of intellectual skills typically convey tribal information on multiple top-
and social skills. However from a Maori perspective, ics; whakapapa, cosmology, geography and history.
assessment of group achievement will need to be For example, stories of famous journeys by major
assessed in terms of culturally appropriate criteria ancestors might include the origins of place names,
such as tautoko and manaaki, as well as in terms of prominent landscape features, description of tribal
task performance. Fortunately these concepts are boundaries, location of key resources and waiata and
usually embodied in observable behaviours and in- karakia as instructions for preserving the ecological
teractions in culturally appropriate contexts. Obser- balance. No doubt many of these stories are still told
vational studies of language use in kohanga reo today in formal as well as in less formal iwi or whanau
settings by Ka' ai (1990), Tangaere (1992) andHohepa, contexts. One interesting example is the story told by

39
Apirana Taylor (1992) of the cultural contexts in consciousness may remain low, due to lack of appro-
which a grandfather gradually instructs his mokopuna priate experience within Maori educational contexts.
in the use of the taiaha. The context of the story One way for researchers to increase their cultural
provides structural links between actions, events and consciousness and at the same time to gain experi-
locations which serve to facilitate the recall and ence in Maori cultural contexts is to adopt a model or
retrieval of language and cultural information by the style of research that is participant-driven, and there-
grandfather as it is needed. Story telling challenges fore empowering rather than belittling for Maori
educational researchers to measure the variety of (Bishop & Glynn 1993; Bishop, 1993). This ap-
information that can be learned and retained from a proach is characterised by a working partnership, and
single or multiple exposure to stories told in cultur- a blurring of the distinction between "researcher" and
ally appropriate contexts. "researched". The partnership is expressed in the
Story telling is also a powerful research strategy form of a "whanau of interest" in which the re-
(Bishop, 1995). It addresses the issue of power and searcher is a participant who has both rights and
control over the process of research. Story telling responsibilities within the whanau. The whanau has
minimises the potential for researcher hegemony control over the entire research process and outcome.
through the imposition of researchers' goals and The research 'take' is defined by the whanau. Re-
agendas on participants' experiences. This type of search methods are selected by the whanau. The
hegemony occurs when researchers believe that their conduct and evaluation of the research is controlled
understandings and assumptions make more "com- by the whanau. More importantly, the behaviour and
mon sense", are more "natural" and so are to be the position of the researcher is also subject to whanau
preferred over participants' understandings and as- control, and the researcher is answerable to the
sumptions. Bishop (1995) notes that Narrative In- whanau, as are all participants.
quiry addresses Maori concerns about research into For non-Maori researchers, participating within a
their lives in an holistic, culturally appropriate man- whanau of interest provides a means of developing
ner because story telling allows the research partici- cultural consciousness. Non-Maori researchers work-
pants to select, recollect and reflect on stories within ing within a whanau of interest, which can be seen as
their own cultural context and language rather than in a responsive, social context for learning (Glynn 1985,
the cultural context and language chosen by the 1987), can learn culturally appropriate ways to nego-
researcher. Further, stories allow power and control tiate kaupapa and research methods, to present infor-
to reside within the domain of the research partici- mation and to evaluate what has been achieved.
pant. Moana Jackson (1994), identifies this control Essential researcher behaviours to be learned include
as "the power to define" what knowledge is created those of listening, observing, imitating, respecting
and how it is created/defined. Stories increase the the tapu of knowledge and experience of kaumatua,
range of interpretation, knowledge and experiences and deferring to the group. Researcher' s competence
available to the researcher and reduce the tendency to in te reo will both contribute to and be enhanced by
use reifying metaphors current in research or discur- effective participation in a whanau of interest. The
sive practice. following section outlines an example of the whanau-
The five educational principles discussed above of-interest research model in practice.
represent but a few examples from what Metge (1983) Over a two year period the first author was invited
identifies as a coherent pattern, an underlying holistic to attend national hui for Maori staff of the New
understanding of education. They serve to empha- Zealand Special Education Service (S.E.S.). One
sise the need for educational researchers in Aotearoa important kaupapa raised was the need to develop
to become better informed about Maori cultural per- focused training programmes in Maori language and
spectives on learning and teaching, and on knowl- reading skills for delivery by Maori staff to Maori
edge and the control of knowledge. However, while parents and whanau. In response to this kaupapa the
being better informed may enhance researchers' cul- first author was invited to adapt, for use in Maori
tural awareness and sensitivity, their level of cultural educational contexts, a behavioural reading tutoring

40
 programme for parents or peers known as Pause funding, the University of Otago audio-visual team
Prompt Praise (Glynn, 1994). This programme was visited Tauranga Moana to record the on-site mate-
developed with former colleagues at the University rial for the video. We were welcomed onto Hairini
of Auckland (Glynn, McNaughton, Robinson & marae. We-acknowledged the mana whenua, and
Quinn, 1979), and subjected to continuing research stated our commitment to the kaupapa of helping
over 17 years, for example, McNaughton, Glynn and children learn to read in Maori. We cannot overstate
Robinson, (1987); Glynn & McNaughton, (1985); the importance of supporting this kaupapa through
Wheldall & Mettem (1985); Wheldall .& Glynn the medium of working within a Maori cultural
(1989); Wheldall, Colmar, Wenban-Smith, Morgan context. Receiving the blessings and guidance of the
& Quance (1992); Houghton & Bain (1992); koroua and kuia at Hairini, and establishing the
Houghton & Glynn (1993). whanau of interest, with the first author as a member,
It seemed that Pause Prompt Praise might have was a direct outcome of this research process.
something to offer in the context of children's learn- Several weeks later, the whanau of interest in-
ing to read in Maori, particularly through deploying cluding koroua and kuia, together with Maori staff
specific strategies for parents and whanau members came to Dunedin to edit the material we had recorded
to use, within the supportive context of oral reading and to offer their comments. They assisted in com-
on a one-to-one basis. However, deciding whether pleting the video (Atvars & Glynn, 1992) and draft
this programme did have something to offer de- material for the accompanying training booklet
pended first on whether Maori educators recognised (Harawira, Glynn & Durning, 1993). Together, this
it as worthwhile and sound educationally, and sec- whanau of interest saw that the mana whenua of
ond, on any trial or evaluation being carried out in a Tauranga Moana and Dunedin and the mana of the
Maori-controlled research context by an appropriate two Kairaranga (senior Maori women staff of the
"whanau of interest" (Bishop, 1994). The first author S.E.S. national office) was respected throughout.
shared these concerns with Maori colleagues within One of these Kairaranga, Te Waiarani Harawira, as
the S.E.S. and was invited to present the information the presenter of the video and the first author of the
at a hui at Poho o Rawiri, Gisborne. booklet, made additional visits to Dunedin to work on
Preparing for this hui was a major challenge. Both transforming Pause Prompt Praise into Tatari Tautoko
the procedures themselves as well as the case for Tauawhi. Her expertise in te reo was absolutely vital
trialing them in a Maori context needed to be pre- to this process.
sented in te reo. A brief explanation of the kaupapa The completed video was taken, under the guid-
ofTatari, Tautoko, Tauawhi, (Pause Prompt Praise) ance of The University of Otago Education Depart-
was prepared, together with a statement of how it ·ment' s Pou Here Tangata (a person with responsibil-
might help children learning to read in Maori. This ity for binding together all the people) for presenta-
'take' was laid down as a koha. But it was left to the tion back to the people at Hairini for their evaluation.
hui to respond, or not. Many of those present exer- This presentation was a very special educational and
cised their rangatiratanga and did not pick up this bicultural event involving kaumatua, children, teach-
offering. However, there was a strong positive re- ers and whanau from Maungatapu school, where the
sponse from Tauranga Moana S.E.S staff, who un- video was made. When the work was accepted by the
dertook to discuss it with their own kaumatua, and kaumatua, the research process continued with the
seek iwi approval. handing over ofTatari Tautoko Tauawhi to the teach-
Within a few weeks, the first author was invited to ers at Maungatapu school for them and their students
join with S.E.S. staff and iwi from Tauranga Moana to try out. They opted to conduct this trial in a
(Ngai Te Rangi, Ngati Ranginui, Ngati Pukenga) at tuakana-teina (peer-tutoring) context.
Hairini marae, one of the important meeting houses A paper presenting preliminary data on the out-
for these groups. Jointly we worked on submitting come of this trial was presented at the New Zealand
plans and requests for funding to the S.E.S. national Psychological Society's Annual Conference, Cul-
office and the Ministry of Education. On receipt of tural Justice and Ethics Symposium (Glynn, Atvars,

41
Furlong, & Teddy, 1993). A workshop on the Tatari, and learning difficulties. This is in line with the S.E.S
Tautoko, Tauawhi programme was presented at the Tangata Whenua Policy. The whanau are closely
1993 World Indigenous Peoples Conference, in involved with the development ofTe Tatau Pounamu.
Wollongong, New South Wales. This presentation Two whanau members are employed full time to
included contributions from kaumatua, and teachers work at the Centre. One is funded by S.E.S. and one
from Maungatapu School and demonstrations by is funded from a Ministry of Education Research
teachers and a student from a bilingual class at Contract, to develop a whanau based home and
Maungatapu school. The presentation followed a school programme, together with the first author.
bicultural format which served to demonstrate whanau Participant-driven research continues to empower
control of the research process and of the presentation and enskill this Whanau of Interest.
and delivery and ownership of the findings. The
whanau ownership of this research and the demon- References
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Medcalf, J. & Glynn, T. (1987). Assisting teachers to implement
peer-tutored remedial reading using Pause, Prompt and Praise
procedures, Queensland Journal of Guidance and Counselling,
I,(!), 11-23.
Metge, J. (1983). Learning and Teaching: He Tikanga Maori,
Wellington: Department of Education.
Metge, J. (1990) Te rito o te harakeke: Conceptions of the
whanau, Journal of the Polynesian Society, 99, (1), 55-91.
Pere, Rangimarie Rose. ( 1982). Ako: Concepts and Learning in
the Maori Tradition. Working Paper No. 17. Department of
Sociology, University of Waikato.
Royal, Charles. (1993). Te Haurapa: An Introduction tore-
searching Tribal Histories and Traditions, Wellington: Bridget
Williams Books Ltd.
Simon, Judith. (1983). Cultural Identity- Whakamana Tangata.
A Resource for Educators, National Education, 66, (4), 37-44.
Tangaere, A. ( 1992). Te Puawaitanga o te Reo. Ka Hua te Ha o
te Potiki i roto i te Whanau. Ko tenei te Tfihiihii o te Kohanga Reo:
Language Transference from Te Kohanga Reo to Home: The
Roles of the Child and the Family. Masters thesis in Education,
University of Auckland.

43
 TINO RANGATIRATANGA
MAORI SELF DETERMINATION

MHDurie
Department of Maori Studies, Massey University

Whakarapopoto Korero kotahitanga is so closely linked with the search for

Mai i te tau 1835 i hiahia nga rangatira o te motu ki te whakatii tino rangatiratanga that each has become critical to
he runanga Maori. Otirii, i muri i te hainatanga o te Tiriti o understanding the other. Indeed the emergence of the
Waitangi i whakatauria e te Kawanatanga nga ture me nga
kaupapa mo te iwi Maori. Ahakoa te pahuretanga o nga tau, e nineteenth century kotahitanga movements were
piimau tonu ana te tumanako mote tina rangatiratanga o nga hapii largely kindled by the prospect of Maori autonomy
me nga iwi. I enei Iii e rua nga take e pa ana ki te tino
rangatiratanga. Tuatahi, ko te mana motuhake o ia iwi, o ia iwi. and self government (Cox 1993). Paremata Maori
Tuarua, ko te mana o nga tiingata Maori, ahakoa te iwi, ahakoakei (the Maori Parliament) for example, a product of
whea e noho ana. kotahitanga, applied pressure on the Government to
E whakaae ana te nuinga o nga rangatira me nga tohunga
Maori, ma te Maori tonu e hanga he kaupapa mo te Maori; ko secure the establishment of Districts where Maori
tenei hoki tetahi o nga piitake o te tino rangatiratanga. Engari,
kiihore he runanga Maori hei hanga ture, kaupapa riinei, a, i law could be applied to Maori people. It was at least
whakatakainangai tiitou i raro i te Kawanatanga. E ai ki etahi, kua consistent with section 71 of the New Zealand Con-
tae mai te wa me whakatii he huihuinga, he whakam.inenga hei stitution Act 1852. But Parliamentary reactions to
miingai mo nga iwi, me nga ropu Maori, hei whakahaere i nga
tikanga mo Aotearoa, a, ki tawiihi hoki. I te mea he maha atu nga the notion were hostile and even when the Act was
tauira mo nga runanga Maori, me tina wiinanga i te tuatahi kia replaced by the 1986 Constitution Act (a New Zea-
miirama ai te huarahi tika kia tae atu ki te tino rangatiratanga.
A muri ake nei, me whakaritea e te Jwi Maori te iihuatanga o land statute),the section had never been implemented.
te kaupapa ture mo Aotearoa ki te Kawanatanga. Though successive governments have refused to
entertain any suggestion of autonomy or even semi-
Abstract independence, Maori have never accepted that the
Although there is no single meaning of tino rangatiratanga, self
determination is the most frequently used English equivalent. Treaty ofWaitangi required an abandonment oftino
Even then a variety ofmeanings can be assumed. Two particular rangatiratanga. Nor has the prospect of a unified
aspects of tino rangatiratanga, however, are relevant to contem- national Maori approach, kotahitanga, been dis-
porary Maori society: mana whenua and mana tangata. The first
acknowledges the rights of hapii and iwi in respect of their own counted. Thus, when the National Maori Congress
tribal affairs while the second recognises the right of Maori emerged in 1990, not surprisingly the twin objectives
people generally to organise according to a range of social and
political groupings. in its constitution were kotahitanga and tino
Tino rangatiratanga is essentially about Maori policy being rangatiratanga. As it transpired, though for quite
developed by Maori and Maori assuming responsibility for different reasons, both were equally elusive. After
Maori affairs at tribal and national levels. But the absence of a
national Maori body politic which can bring together all elements two or three years a national Maori movement was
is a barrier to the realisation of tina rangatiratanga. There is in seen by some tribes as a distraction to tribal activities
fact a considerable enthusiasm for a representative policy-mak-
ing body and a number of models exist. Discussion about the and, given competing activities, a lesser priority.
relative advantages is needed so that a consensus about the most Kotahitanga itself was not unattractive but its realisa-
useful approach can emerge. Negotiation with the Govemmentto tion they argued could not be easily accommodated
reconsider New Zealand's constitutional arrangements will then
be able to occur on the basis ofa unified Maori approach. In that within the more urgent agendas of tribal restructuring
debate the appropriateness of the dogma of unitary Crown and economic development. At the same time tribes
sovereignty in a post-colonial environment will almost certainly
be challenged.
who showed a continuing commitment to Congress
maintained that because each tribe had become pro-
Introduction gressively more preoccupied with its own business, a
If any Maori aspirations can be described as unifying national approach was even more necessary to main-
goals, then the twin themes of tino rangatiratanga and tain a wider perspective relevant to all Maori.
kotahitanga must rank equally high. The history of In contrast to the difficulties in securing

44
 kotahitanga, the threat to tino rangatiratanga came exclusive and undisturbed possession is translated as
not from any lack of tribal synchrony, but from a tino rangatiratanga. The phrase, however else it is
reluctance on the part of the government to entertain interpreted, means considerably more than its Eng-
the possibility of a Maori constitutional dimension lish equivalent and comes close to the notion of
which might conceivably threaten the sovereignty of sovereignty.
Parliament. In other words the two versions of the Treaty
In 1995, calls for tino rangatiratanga escalated. At provide contradictory statements about power and
all thirteen hui to discuss the Government's Propos- authority so that in 1995 there remains a lack of
als for the Settlement of Treaty of W aitangi Claims agreement about the relative powers of government
(the "Fiscal Envelope"), tino rangatiratanga was ad- and the tribes.
vocated. Earlier it had been articulated at the Turangi In the Orakei Report the Waitangi Tribunal
Hui called by Sir Hepi Te Heuheu for all tribes to ( 1987) discussed the meaning of tino rangatiratanga,
discuss the Proposals (Durie 1995) and led to a concluding that it equated with full authority and that
recommendation to the Prime Minister that "Sir Hepi to Maori it conveyed a meaning similar to mana.
Te Heuheu with the support of iwi continues the Later, in the Electoral Option claim, the Waitangi
initiative he has started and work towards ensuring Tribunal (1994) heard that rangatiratanga embraced
that Government promote constitutional arrangements the right of self-determination which, in the context
which guarantee Maori tangata whenua status and all of the claim, meant the form and nature of political
the contingent rights of self determination articulated representation most consistent with the provisions of
in tino rangatiratanga." Neither the Minister of the Electoral Act 1993. The Maori seats it was
Justice nor the Prime Minister accepted any relation- submitted represent the closest form of political self-
ship between the Fiscal Envelope and constitutional determination currently available to Maori. But
rights for Maori, though did eventually agree to although in several reports the Tribunal has linked
discuss Maori aspirations for a greater measure of tino rangatiratanga with Maori authority, they have
control over Maori policy, and turned to Sir Hepi to not fully considered its precise application in modern
provide a suitable forum. New Zealand.
Within a month, however, occupations at Among Maori there is also some debate as to
l'akaitore, the Moutoa Gardens, and several other whether tino rangatiratanga is applicable only when
sites, made even stronger demands that the assertion referring to tribes in respect of their properties and
of tino rangatiratanga could not wait for legal argu- human resources or whether it is about Maori people
ments; assertion as of right was justified. generally, being able to assert control and manage-
ment over their resources, their future development
Defining Tino Rangatiratanga and their own policies. Some groups have used the
Although there is general understanding and accept- term to denote the rights of individual Maori to
ance that tino rangatiratanga is about greater Maori wellbeing. The report of the first national conference
control over things Maori, beyond that there are a for Maori mental health workers, for example, was
variety of meanings. As an initial constitutional titled Tino Rangatiratanga to reflect the themes aris-
document the Declaration of Independence spelled ing from participants. Similarly at the Hui Ara Ahu
out most clearly the concept of Maori control by Whakamua, tino rangatiratanga was a recurring theme
recognising a Maori nation state. A "Congress" in respect of the right of individuals to good health
made up of chiefs representing their respective tribes and choice. Tino rangatiratanga has been used in
was to meet annually to pass laws, make regulations connection with the organisation of Kohanga Reo
and generally act as a Parliament. The Treaty of and with a Maori educational movement simply
W aitangi, however, prescribed another path in which named Tino Rangatiratanga.
(at least) governance was passed to the Crown in There is also a view that tino rangatiratanga means
return for a guarantee of Crown protection over Maori control over all policies and all resources in the
existing property rights and full citizenship rights for country and that questions of ownership needed to be
all Maori as individuals. In article 2 of the Treaty, full

45
resolved as part of that debate. Jackson (1991) people collectively. The term self determination,
describes tino rangatiratanga as an equivalent of however, is not without its own problems, especially
sovereignty. Because it is a threat to the State, when it is applied in the international arena. The
sovereign claims of indigenous peoples he claims, expression is contained in article 3 of the Draft
are redefined to remain subordinate to the interests of Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
the extant nation-states. The inviolability of the 1993: "Indigenous peoples have the right of self-
imposed state's sovereignty is thus retained, and the determination. By virtue of that right they freely
claims of indigenous peoples within its borders are determine their political status and freely pursue their
marginalised or rejected. And although he concedes economic, social and cultural development." Its
that a limited form of self determination in social, inclusion prompted some concern on the part of
cultural, linguistic and developmental forms is some- several states, including New Zealand, especially if it
times now acknow !edged he concludes that it is not in were to be used to imply a secession from a colonial
terms of the UN Declaration but in terms of minority rule. However, other international experts did not
rights. share those concerns since secession does not neces-
During the Pakaitore occupation, tino sarily carry any right of territorial secession. Rather,
rangatiratanga was used specifically in the sense of it could allow for. the emergence of different political
Maori sovereignty, and other occupations have ech- structures. New Zealand appears to be more comfort-
oed similar sentiments. In that context tino able with "self management" rather than self deter-
rangatiratanga is not so much about the balance of mination (Te Puni Kokiri, 1994). By the same token
power between Maori and Crown as about absolute theN ew Zealand government also has difficulty with
Maori control. It is the equation of tino rangatiratanga the word peoples (as against people) because of its
with sovereignty which disturbs the government the meaning in international law and its association with
most, essentially (and despite the final constitutional certain rights including the right to secession.
separation from Britain in 1986) because New Zea- There is then no single definition of tino
land retains a British view that sovereignty is an rangatiratanga nor can comfort be derived from lin-
indivisible attribute of the sovereign vested in parlia- guistic origins or simplistic notions about an 1840
ment. The notion of sovereignty is, however, not as understanding of sovereignty. It is, however, possi-
clear as might be assumed and constitutional experts ble to identify at leasttwo facets of tino rangatiratanga:
in New Zealand have warned against the use of the the way in which control and authority is distributed
word, not because it is the prerogative of the Crown within Maori society and the way in which Maori and
but because its significance in a global society is the Crown share power. The common denominators
tending to diminish. According to Keith (1995), "In are power, control, sharing and authority. The essen-
the present world, made even smaller by technology tial tasks are for Maori to reach agreement about
and many other human and natural forces, no State is decision making within Maori society and for Maori
fully sovereign in its external relations ... no politi- and the Crown to agree on the most appropriate
cian or government has real internal sovereignty. constitutional arrangements which will enhance the
What we are seeing is the dispersal of power from so- standing of both.
called sovereign States in at least three directions - to
the international community, to the private sector, Principles for Tino Rangatiratanga
and to public bodies and communities within the During the Fiscal Envelope l;lebate and the occupa-
State." tion ofMoutoa Gardens and other sites in 1995, calls
On the other hand, self determination as an equiva- for tino rangatiratanga escalated. A constitutional
lent of tino rangatiratanga captures a sense of Maori debate was not, however, part of the Crown's agenda
ownership and active control over the future and is for the settlement ofTreaty claims and as the Minister
less dependent on the narrow constructs of colonial of Justice and the Prime Minister attempted to sepa-
assumptions. Moreover self determination can be rate the two issues, there was a sense of growing
applied at iwi and hapii levels as well as to all Maori impatience from the government. And when those
occupying Moutoa insisted that the fundamental is-

46
sue underlying their actions was one of tino situations and have different tribal and cultural affili-
rangatiratanga, not trespass, Government was simi- ations, there remains the potential for solidarity based
larly reluctant to enter into any discussion which on a shared sense of belonging and a common des-
could be construed as a challenge to the sovereignty tiny. To date the full implications of Maori solidarity
of parliament. The sharp and uncompromising re- have not been realised, partly because there has been
sponse was not only due to the notion of an indivisible no mechanism to bring disparate factions together.
and absolute sovereignty, the heritage of a British Not only are there divisions based on tribal affilia-
colonial past, but also to a lack of clarity about the tion, but probably of greater significance, divisions
precise meaning and parameters of tina rangatiratanga. are also based on distinctions between Maori who are
Frequent demands for tina rangatiratanga had not committed to tribal structures and authority and Maori
been accompanied by extensive debate about its whose commitments are elsewhere. Over the past
meaning, nor attempts to derive a common under- decade there has been tension between the factions.
standing of its contemporary implications. The principle ofwhakakotahi recognises the value of
To advance the matter and having raised the issue all Maori in their own terms and anticipates greater
on and off for some four years, the Maori Congress strength from a unified base.
launched a campaign on the Taranaki rnarae of Mana Motuhake Maori - the principle of au-
Mururaupatu on May 13 1995 to debate tina tonomy and control - is probably the most unifying
rangatiratanga at a national level. The intention was aspiration shared by a range of Maori groups and
to seek some consensus from Maori about the mean- organisations. The mood emerging from successive
ing and implementation of tino rangatiratanga before Fiscal Envelope hui was that Maori were no longer
seeking a clearer understanding about the constitu- content to let others decide policies for them or to
tional relationship between the Crown and the Maori have key decisions made on their behalf. The essence
nation. of mana rnotuhake is that Maori should be able to
At Mururaupatu, in a discussion paper prepared determine their own futures, control their own re-
for the Maori Congress Executive, and titled Tino sources and develop their own political structures.
Rangatiratanga, Durie ( 1995) suggested three princi- The parameters, however, have not been agreed to
ples to guide tina rangatiratanga in a modern society either within Maori society or between Maori and the
- nga matatini Maori (Maori diversity), whakakotahi Crown.
(Maori unity), and mana rnotuhake Maori (Maori
autonomy and control). The Extent of Tino Rangatiratanga
Nga Matatini Maori - the principle of Maori While much of the debate about tino rangatiratanga
diversity, was highlighted by Durie ( 1994) at the Hui has occurred at the interface between the Crown and
Ahu Ara Whakamua. It recognises that in 1995, Maori, the meaning of tino rangatiratanga within
Maori live in a diversity of everyday realities. Some Maori society has become an increasingly central
Maori people are closely linked to conservative Maori concern. Argument has not been confined to a
networks such as rnarae, iwi and hapu. Others are classical pre-1840 concept of tina rangatiratanga;
more closely aligned to other Maori institutions such instead Maori interest is corning to focus on the
as Kohanga, churches, cultural groups but have no manifestation of tina rangatiratanga in contemporary
significant links with iwi. Still others are quite times recognising that Maori society, like other soci-
alienated from Maori networks and Maori society. eties, is not static. To some extent the debate has been
Yet they are all Maori and will resist efforts to be fuelled by a growing urban voice, concerned that
disenfranchised. Any notion of tina rangatiratanga, exclusive attention to iwi and hapu will overlook
which does not encompass all Maori, regardless of other constitutional elements of the contemporary
Iwi affiliation, or lack of Iwi affiliation will fail to Maori nation, including the right of Maori as indi-
capture the reality of modern Maori. viduals to form new alliances and corporate identi-
Whakakotahi - the principle of Maori Unity - ties.
acknowledges that while Maori live in a variety of The concept of a Maori nation may seem at odds
with the popular conception of a single New Zealand

47
nation, though it need not be. In describing aborigi- First tino rangatiratanga can be said to be about
nal nations as the nations within, Fleras and Elliot mana whenua, the right of iwi and hapii to exercise
(1992) maintain that aboriginal people assume the authority in the development and control of resources
status of nationhood when they assert a special rela- which they own or are supposed to own and to
tionship with the state based on a unique set of interact with the Crown according to their own needs
entitlements. It is a step beyond simply identifying and inclinations. Mana whenua and mana rangatira
themselves as the original inhabitants of a land who prescribe tribal rights and responsibilities at hapii and
wish to preserve their cultural heritage, towards some iwi levels and continuing secure relationships with
form of self government based on a principle of self land and other resources. This constitutional element
determination. In so far as an ethnic core is a is strongest when issues relating to tribally owned
foundation for nationhood (Smith, 1989), the con- resources are under consideration. It also recognises
cept of a Maori nation is well founded. It conveys a that under the Treaty ofWaitangi each hapii and iwi
shared cultural heritage, a physical distinctiveness, a was guaranteed a special relationship with the Crown.
history which pre-dates colonisation, aspirations to- Typically iwi and hapii are primarily concerned about
wards self determination and a non-acceptance of the their own affairs and do not seek to promote a
state as the appropriate author of Maori policy. The national view.
fact that there is no established Maori nation state Second, and to an increasing extent, tino
does little to diminish the reality of a Maori nation, it rangatiratanga has relevance for mana tangata, the
simply highlights the absence of a Maori body poli- right of all Maori, individually and collectively, to
tic. Nor does the notion of a Maori nation mean that determine their own policies, to actively participate
tribal authority ceases to have meaning .. Many tribes in the development and interpretation of the law, to
describe themselves as Iwi nations though seldom are assume responsibility for their own affairs and to plan
tribes insulated from the commonalties which all for the needs of future generations. Mana tangata
M~ori share. A Maori nation incorporates tribes but reflects a Maori constitutional element which has
goes further to encompass other dimensions. assumed increasing importance over the past 155
There is, at least among Maori, a reasonable years and especially since post-1945 urbanisation. It
level of agreement that the four fundamental founda- recognises that not all Maori aie linked to tribal
tions of tino rangatiratanga include: mana wairua- a structures and networks and also takes into account
spiritual dimension relevant to all aspects of Maori the fact that there are many policies which impact on
life and organisation; mana whenua -the security of all Maori people but which are not appropriate or
relationships with land and other physical resources relevant to tribal authorities. Further, because hapii
and the authority of tribes to exercise control over and iwi are particularly concerned about their own
their own resources; mana tangata- individual well- areas of responsibility, they do not always give high
being, citizenship rights and freedom from fmancial priority to issues of broad regional or national impor-
dependence on governments; mana Ariki -the au- tance.
thority of Ariki to lead and guide their own and other There is disagreement between those who ad-
peoples. These foundations make up the four essen- vocate tribal authority as the sole source of Maori
tial constitutional elements of the Maori nation and constitutional might, and those who hold that all
provide some guidance as to the meaning of tino Maori have constitutional rights within a Maori world,
rangatiratanga. whether or not they exercise tribal membership. Iwi
Leaving aside mana wairua, which cannot be development, promoted during the Decade of Maori
institutionalised and which permeates all aspects of Development as the preferred vehicle for Maori de-
Maori society; and accepting that mana Ariki de- velopment, was given additional emphasis by Gov-
pends on a quality ofleadership which should not be ernment and by Maori leaders. But in some metro-
relegated to political and pedestrian activities, tino politan areas, there has been dissatisfaction with that
rangatiratanga has found meaning in two quite dis- · approach. In a claim to the W aitangi Tribunal,
tinct dimensions. Wihongi and others (1993) on behalf ofTe Whanau

48
 o W aipereira, an urban based group in Auckland, communities, interest groups and political parties.
maintain that at least in respect of social services, Over the past one hundred or so years, there has been
urban Maori authorities should be recognised as a a proliferation of organisations largely in response to
partner in the Treaty sense. In their view it is the changing nature of Maori society. Church based
unreasonable to expect most urban Maori dwellers to groups, councils, committees, educational trusts and
return to a tribal base in order to participate in Maori urban authorities have formed and although they
decision making or share resources set aside for all have often failed to gain total formal acceptance
Maori. Similarly the Manukau Urban Maori Author- either by the Crown or by Maori, their emergence has
ity ( 1995) has contended that the distribution of pre- been a reflection of the diversity of Maori society and
settlement fishing assets by the Treaty of Waitangi changes in affiliations and aspirations. District Maori
Fisheries Commission, will by-pass most Maori if it Councils represent a Maori community focus at re-
depends entirely on a tribal formula. gional levels today, as do local branches of the Maori
By the same token, many tribes regard Iwi W omens Welfare League and in some communities
development as the logical reality for Maori society Kohanga Reo and urban Maori authorities.
since physical resources, if they belong to anyone, Although there is a distinction between Iwi inter-
belong to hapii and iwi. But while the differences ests and rights, and the rights of a more generic Maori
between the two views are readily understood, in fact community to seek control and authority through
neither view need be dismissed if the notion of a dual other means, the two sets are not incompatible. Maori
focussed constitution were applied to the Maori na- society is complex and it is both simplistic and
tion. In this dual approach, tribes have a particular misleading to suggest that Maori interests can be
constitutional significance which exists in parallel to totally accommodated within one constitutional ele-
the rights and authority of other Maori groups. To- ment only. Importantly, however, the rights and
gether they give expression to the diversity of modern obligations of each must be respected and the rela-
Maori society. tionships between them agreed upon. Too frequently
debate centres on whether the case for tribes (as the
Implementation of Tino Rangatiratanga: fundamental constitutional element) outweighs the
A Maori Constitutional Framework case for other Maori communities of interest. A dual
Recognising that tino rangatiratanga can be manifest focussed approach, however, regards both elements
at tribal levels and in respect of Maori people gener- as legitimate and places greater emphasis on the
ally, more than one type of constitutional authority is relationship between them.
needed. For iwi and hapii, the guarantee of tina In order to consolidate both Maori constitutional
rangatiratanga in article 2 of the Treaty of Waitangi elements, and to provide a mechanism for a co-
creates provision for tribes to be able to exercise full ordinated and comprehensive overview, a national
authority over their own resources, physical and Maori body politic has long been an aspiration of
human and to have access to a process which can lead Maori. Itwas, for example one of the objectives in the
to land and resource recovery and to meeting future 1835 Declaration of Independence (a "Congress"),
developmental needs. Tina rangatiratanga at this was similarly advanced by the Kotahitanga move-
level recognises the right of every tribe to negotiate ment in 1890 (leading to the 1892 Paremata Maori),
directly with the Crown in respect of their own affairs and was again evident in 1990 when tribes estab-
and to expect that their grievances and aspirations lished theN ational Maori Congress. There have been
will be addressed in a fair and timely manner. many other national Maori organisations, including
Moreover, Iwi do not expect that others will speak on the New Zealand Maori Council and the Maori
their behalf; nor do they presume to speak for others. Womens Welfare League, which have displayed
An essential element of tina rangatiratanga therefore some features of a Maori body politic though without
is the right of iwi and hapii to exercise authority necessarily seeing themselves as a governing body.
within a Maori constitutional framework The establishment of a national body which al-
The other Maori constitutional element is related lowed for both Iwi/hapii and Maori community rep-
to the right of Maori people to organise as whanau,

49
resentation would go some way to providing a foun- have clearly defmed areas of responsibility which did
dation for a 'more co-ordinated approach to Maori not infringe on the rights oflwi or the rights of other
policy, appropriate to the 21st century. Maori organisations. On the other hand those organi-
sations and Iwi would be able to operate within a
A National Maori Body Politic framework determined by Maori rather than by the
There is considerable interest in establishing a na- Crown.
tional focus for Maori which is capable of providing Several models have been advanced for establish-
a structure for Maori representation at a national level ing a national Maori organisation which could under-
in order to advance Maori interests. However, enthu- take all or some of the functions suggested above.
siasm for establishing a national Maori organisation These models require to be discussed and compared
is not shared by all Maori. Many Iwi see it as an so that their relative advantages can be appreciated.
unnecessary and undesirable step. They are con- A Maori Policy Commission: A Policy Commis-
cerned that the formation of a national Maori voice sion similar to the model for Aboriginal representa-
could undermine the authority of tribes if it began tion in Australia has been suggested as an appropriate
speaking on behalf of tribes. model for Maori. The Aboriginal and Torres Strait
On the other hand, without a national body that is Islander Commission (ATSIC) is the principal Com-
broadly representative of Maori, it will be difficult to monwealth Agency operating in the field of Aborigi-
agree on national Maori policies or to formulate nal and Torres Strait Islander affairs. Established by
strategies for Maori development. Essentially Iwi the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Commis-
are concerned about their own interests rather than sion Act 1989 it combines representative policy mak-
national Maori interests. Moreover, in the pursuit of ing and administrative elements. Its functions in-
tino rangatiratanga Maori will remain vulnerable if clude the formulation and implementation of pro-
there is no body politic which can represent all Maori grammes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders,
interests at constitutional and political levels. First, monitoring programme effectiveness, and the devel-
energies will be dissipated in several directions with opment of policy proposals and ministerial advice.
a lack of co-ordination and a dilution of resources, Aguis (1995) considers that it has been an effective
including human resources. Second, by default as body for health improvement. However, Hughes and
much as anything else, various independent groups Pitty (1994) have raised concerns that because ATSIC
will assume the role of a national body even if they do does not operate outside the State framework it must
not have a mandate. And third, in the absence of a conform to the administrative practices of an alien
national body able to articulate a national Maori bureaucracy.
voice, the Crown will continue to fill the perceived One informal (unpublished) proposal for a Maori
gap by itself making policy for Maori. Policy Commission is that the five Maori electorates
The essential functions of a national Maori body should each provide two Commissioners. Voting
politic should be consistent with the principles of tino would occur at every general election. Maori en-
rangatiratanga; they might include: the formulation rolled on the Maori roll would then be able to vote for
of Maori policy; the management and implementa- an electorate representative (a local member of Par-
tion of Maori policies; active participation in the liament), a political party and two members for the
development and interpretation of law; planning for Maori Policy Commission. Maori electorate repre-
the needs of future generations, auditing national sentatives in Parliament would have associate status.
policies and legislation, making appointments to The Policy Commission would promote and propose
national Maori institutions and Maori appointments Maori policy to Government and promote Maori
to Crown agencies, control and management of pub- development generally. It would take over responsi-
lic spending for and on behalf of Maori, the develop- bilities for Maori policy, and the resources ofTe Puni
ment of foreign policy for Maori and the pursuit of Kokiri, the Ministry of Maori Development.
Maori interests abroad. The New Zealand Maori Council Model: Re-
The national Maori body politic would need to cently the New Zealand Maori Council proposed a

50
restructuring of the Council so that representation ests. The Maori electoral roll would be a starting
could be based on marae. Although full details of the point for determining eligibility to vote, and a fair
proposal are not available, it appears that the Council formula for representation, taking into account the
is seeking a wider base than it enjoys at present with size of the population, iwi, and existing Maori com-
a more direct focus on marae presumably as the most munity structures would be developed. It is pre-
appropriate units for contemporary times. The Coun- sumed that the Assembly would be supported by an
cil is currently based on twelve District Councils infrastructure and that all Maori policy units in the
made up of representatives from local Maori commit- State sector, including Te Puni Kokiri, would be
tees, often, but not always, marae based. The Coun- retained as Assembly staff, at least in the initial years.
cil's legal identity, established by virtue of the Maori
Welfare Act 1962, does not necessarily validate the Policy Development, Implementation and
Council in Maori eyes; according to Cox it has often Monitoring
been seen to compromise the Council's autonomy At present most policies for Maori are decided by the
and indeed the notion of tino rangatiratanga. At the Crown either by Cabinet or by State departments and
same time, the New Zealand Maori Council has Crown entities. Policies for Treaty settlements for
successfully challenged the Crown in court, demon- example are not formulated by Iwi but by the Treaty
strating a capacity independent action, despite its ofWaitangi Fisheries Commission, the Crown Forest
vulnerability to legislative repeal. Rental Trust, the Maori Land Court (especially in
Te Pihopatanga o Aotearoa Model: The Bishopric deciding on custom la.y), the Waitangi Tribunal, the
of Aotearoa, Te Pihopatanga o Aotearoa is currently Office of Treaty Settlements and Ministers of the
promoting a model for Maori representation at a Crown. Iwi have little opportunity for direct input
national level which has similarities with the consti- into settlement policies. They have no consistent say
tution of the Anglican Church in Aotearoa New over appointments to the Maori Land Court, the
Zealand. The model is a familiar one, originally Tribunal, Commissions, or Trusts and while they are
presented by Ngati Raukawa to the Royal Commis- able to make submissions on major issues, the deci-
sion on Electoral Reform and later to the Royal sions are taken elsewhere. Too often Iwi are asked to
Commission on SoC'ial Policy ( 1988). It involves a react to proposals and policies which others have
re-configuration of Parliament to include a tikanga formulated on their behalf.
Maori House and a tikanga Pli.keha House, as well as The same is true for national social and economic
a Treaty of W aitangi House which has senatorial policies. While most departments of State have
responsibilities. Legislative approval would require Maori advisers and Maori policy analysts, and de-
the support of all three houses. spite the presence of Te Puni Kokiri, policies for
A Maori Regional Model: For some years, the Maori are, in the end, shaped by the State and ap-
Hon. Matiu Rata has been advocating a system of proved by the Executive without needing to incorpo-
Maori regional authorities. Although details of his rate Maori priorities. Usually the emphasis is on
proposal are not available it appears to provide mainly developing sectoral policies (heath policies, educa-
for a system of service delivery at regional levels tion policies, welfare policies, employment policies
under the control of an elected Maori regional coun- etc.) then adding a Maori view - the so-called
cil. Although there is also provision for a national mainstreaming approach.
structure based on regional representation, the model Maori, however, are seeking a mechanism for an
is best compared to local government and regional integrated approach to policy development which
territorial authorities. has Maori development as the central focus, sectoral
A National Maori Assembly: This model was perspectives being added as necessary. Te Puni
supported in principle by the Maori Congress at the Kokiri has the potential to do that but it is not used to
Congress Executive meeting at Whangarei in 1994. provide policy leadership on a consistent basis. More
It anticipates an Assembly of 40 to 80 members often it is simply required to respond to sectoral
representing both iwi and Maori community inter- policies developed in other ministries and depart-

51
ments. Even then Te Puni Kokiri may only be asked Conclusion
to comment on selected areas of policy (as in the Tino rangatiratanga has both historical and contem-
Fiscal Envelope proposals). porary meaning. Its English equivalent is conten-
tious but there is a reasonable level of Maori agree-
Relationships with other Constitutional ment that self determination conveys the essential
Elements meaning of tino rangatiratanga, even though the issue
It is important that a national Maori body politic have of sovereignty is not directly addressed. Tino
defined relationships with other Maori organisations rangatiratanga has relevance for the relationship be-
and with the Crown. A clear division of responsibili- tween Maori and the Crown but also has implications
ties will be needed so that any national organisation for the constitutional arrangements which exist within
does not determine policies which should be decided the Maori nation. In that regard there needs to be
by Iwi and hapii within their own structures. Not only greater consideration of the respective rights of tribes
must there be an open relationship with Iwi, but the on the one hand and Maori people organised along
relative prerogatives must be agreed upon. In general different lines, on the other. Conflict between the two
terms the national body will presumably focus on modes can be avoided provided the relative rights and
national policies while I wi will continue to exercise responsibilities are recognised.
authority over their own particular areas. The right of At present the exercise of tino rangatiratanga at
I wi to interact directly with the Crown emanates from national and international levels is handicapped be-
the Treaty of W aitangi and should not be altered by cause there is no Maori body politic. In its absence,
the presence of a national Maori organisation. No policy making for and on behalf of Maori is assumed
national Maori organisation can presume to speak for by the Crown, with irregular Maori input and, inevi-
Iwi. Links between a national Maori body and tably increasing Maori discontent. Current Maori
regional Maori organisations (other than Iwi) will interest in a body politic is high despite the lack of
also require consideration. They will depend to a agreement about the structure of a national body or
large extent on the formula for representation, advice the reservation of some iwi that their own autonomy
from districts and regions providing assurance that could be undermined. In fact the promotion of
national Maori policies will remain relevant and several models for a national body politic has not
useful. masked their common features including the capac-
In addition to establishing defined relationships ity to make policy for and on behalf of Maori, and a
with Iwi, a national Maori body will need to develop clear relationship with the Crown. To progress mat-
formal mechanisms for interacting with the Crown. ters further, Maori will predictably wish to first
It is envisaged that one link will be with Parliament determine the relationship between their own consti-
and that Maori members of Parliament who represent tutional elements, and then to opt for a structure
Maori electorates, might have particular responsi- which best expresses the nature of the Maori nation
bilities to support policy decisions in the House of and a capacity to develop Maori policy. Once agree-
Representatives. If the Maori body is to play a serious ments have been reached between Maori, the rela-
role in developing Maori policy then agreed tionship between the Maori nation and the Crown
understandings between Parliament and the Maori might be more readily defined. Even then, however,
body politic will be required. Liaison between the it will be necessary to overcome the dogma of unitary
national Maori organisation and departments of State Crown sovereignty so that self determination can be
will also be necessary. Policy will need to have expressed in an manner which is consistent with the
recognition in national policies generally. Arrange- political and constitutional rights of indigenous peo-
ments must be made so that departments, ministries, ples.
and Crown entities take account of Maori policies The establishment of a national Maori body poli-
developed by the national Maori organisation when tic, will not by itself achieve tino rangatiratanga;
offering their own advice to cabinet ministers. Maori society is too complex to have its total author-
ity vested in a single institution. But a national body,

52
even if not the sum total of tino rangatiratanga will
serve to create an avenue for an active Maori role in
policy making and a central base upon which the
wide range of Maori interests can be advanced.

References
Aguis, Tim. ( 1995). Aboriginal Health: an ATIC perspective.
Maori Policy Conference. Wellington.
Cox. L. ( 1993). Kotahitanga the search for Maori political unity,
Auckland: Oxford University Press.
Durie, M. H. ( 1994). Kaupapa Hauora Maori Policies for Maori
Health, paper presented at Te Ara Ahu Wha.kamua Maori Health
Decade Hui, Te Puni Kokiri, Rotorua.
Durie, M. H. (1995). A Report Concerning the Go1'emments
Proposals for the Settlement of Treaty of Waitangi Claims and
Related Constitutional Matters, Based on the Proceedings of a
Hui held at Hirangi Marae, Turangi, presented at Treaty Claims:
The Unfinished Business Conference, New Zealand Institute of
Advanced Legal Studies.
Durie, M. H. ( 1995). Tino Rangatiratanga A discussion paper. in
the Repon for the Congress Executive, 13 May 1995, Maori
Congress. Wellington.
Fleras, A., Elliot J. L. (1992). The Nations Within Aboriginal-
state relations in Canada, the United Scates, and New Zealand,
Toronto: Oxford University Press.
Hughes, I., Pitty. R. ( 1994). Australian Colonialism after Mabo,
Current Affairs Bulletin, 71, 13-23.
Jackson, M. ( 1991 ). The Chap$ing Reali tv of Self-determina-
tion. Te Whakamarama The Maori Law Bulletin, Wellington:
Wellington Maori Legal Service.
Keith, K. J. ( 1995). The Roles of the Tribunal, the Couns and the
Legislature, presented at Treaty Claims: The Unfinished Busi-
ness Conference, New Zealand Institute of Advanced
Lega!Studies.
Manukau Urban Maori Authority & others representing urban
L1aori ( 1995), Urban Maori Fisheries Allocation Claim, A Claim
to the Waitangi Tribunal, Wai 485, Wellington: Waitangi Tribu-
nal.
Royal Commission on Social Policy (1988), The April Report,
Vol. II, Wellington: Royal Commission on Social Policy.
Smith, A. D. (1989). The Origins of Nations, Ethnic and Racial
Studies, 12(3), 340-367.
Te Puni Kokiri, (1994). Mana Tangata Draft Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples I 993, background and discussion
on key issues, Wellington: Ministry of Maori Development.
Waitangi Tribunal (1987), The Orakei Repon, Wellington:
Waitangi Tribunal.
Waitangi Tribunal (1994), Repon of the Waitangi Tribunal on
the Maori Electoral Option Claim (Wai 413), Wellington: De-
partment of Justice.
Wihongi H. & others ( 1993), Te Whanau o Waipareira Claim, A
Claim to the Waitangi Tribunal, Wai 414, Wellington: Waitangi
Tribunal.

53
 INCONTROVERTIBLE FACT,
NOTWITHSTANDING ESTIMATES
MAORI PEOPLE OBSERVED IN THE EARLY CONTACT PERIOD

Dr. Danny Keenan

Department of History, Massey University

Whakarapopoto Korero contexts. The later national consolidating of such

Mai i nga tau tfitakinga tuatahi i te iwi Maori, ka tina hihiri impressions, through devices like census returns,
nga kaituhi Pakeha ki te tuhi, ki te whakaatamai hoki i nga
kainga Maori o taua wa. Tokomaha ratou i haerere haere i te produced negative interpretations of Maori pros-
motu, ki te titiro ki nga kainga e noho marara noa ana, me te pects. These expectations however were not always
tuhi ano hoki i o ratou ake whakaaro. He penei ano hoki nga
mahi a ratou ma i tae tomuri mai. Kaore i ata whaiwhakaaro borne out by the supposed factual underpinnings of
mo te painga ake o te iwi Maori. such national reportings of Maori circumstances.
He pepa tenei e ata tiro ana i nga tuhinga mo te iwi Maori
e noho ana i Niu Pliremata i Taranaki. Ko te wa hoki tenei i This article briefly examines some examples of
hihiri te Pakeha ki te hao whenua hei hoko atu ki nga tauiwi e early, passing attempts at describing Maori that oc-
heke mai ana i tawahi.
Ka whai hoki te pepa nei i nga mahi a te roopu hauora i curred in New Plymouth. There, the context was one
whakatfingia i Niu Pliremata no te mea kua puta noa atu nga of establishing Pakeha settlement and securing the
tohu kei te heke haere te ora o te iwi Maori. No muri mai na
nga kautenui o nga tangata i tautoko enei whakaaro. land for ongoing colonisation. The paper uses the
No muri mai i tenei ka puta hold nga whakaaro o nga
tohunga hauora Maori e tautoko ana hoki i nga aria, ko te establishing of a medical presence in New Plymouth
hemo rnwa atu te iwi Maori. as background because observations of Maori living
Abstract conditions and health invariably sat at the hard edge
The years of first contact saw many European visitors writing of predictions of Maori decline. First-hand impres-
about Maori communities. Many travelled, visiting Maori settle-
ments, recording their impressions. Later settlers also wrote sions made there were comparable to those recorded
down what they saw, though with less direct interest in Maori by earlier travellers who were more interested in
situations.
The differences that appeared in such writings largely re- Maori for their own sake. Later census enumerations
flected the influence of local factors. However, such disparate
local impressions ve.ry easily became uniform national represen- substantially drew on such impressions to translate
tations. This was achieved through devices like census returns suspect population countings into affirming predic-
which consolidated local differences into national, and negative,
composite impressions ofall Maori, not always based on reliable tions of Maori decline.
evidence. A later generation of Maori health professionals
By way ofillustration, earliest impressions are recorded by
first settlers to New Plymouth, viewing Maori people after 1841. exemplified how plausibly such impressions of Maori
The setting up ofa medical presence there created a passing, and social degeneracy pointed to the deterioration of a
largely negative, interest in Ngati Te Whiti living conditions.
Later census enumerations drew on such impressions to convert people by substantially accepting, or at least wres-
dubious population countings into affirmingpredictions ofMaori tling with, these notions of inexorable Maori decline.
decline. Much later, Maori health professionals were themselves
still drawing on such impressions. After 1841, when migrant ships first weighed
anchor off Ngamotu, New Plymouth typified many
Since the years of first contact with Maori, European of the early settlements founded in New Zealand. The
writers in New Zealand sought to describe and char- interests and priorities of new settlers were largely
acterise certain features of functioning Maori com- shared, one settlement to another. So were the proc-
munities. Many early arrivals travelled extensively, esses by which new arrivals sought to secure the
visiting scattered Maori settlements, committing par- colonising of the new terrains.
ticular impressions to paper. Later colonisers added Many settlers recorded extensive, if ambivalent,
their observations, invariably made in passing, serv- impressions of these early years. Settlements were
ing purposes other than that of an ostensible interest often isolated. Weather conditions were trying. Work-
in Maori situations. ing the land was arduous and exhausting, especially
Overall, how such disparate impressions ofMaori once initial productivity had ceased.1
were formed was substantially a matter of local In this context, Maori communities were fre-

54
quently observed as a particular and natural feature of eases, and remedies. Names with a particular spir-
these new landscapes, an integral component of a itual significance were attached to new diseases.3
primordial and hostile terrain. As with the land itself, J.S.Pollack had made similar observations. His
Maori people appeared as an organic barrier to the interest was largely confined to the tribes of the far
colonising aspirations of new settlers. Little effort north. There, Pollack showed a special interest in the
was accordingly made to distinguish Maori preoccu- Maori communal living conditions. He wrote in 1840
pations and well-being from settler endeavours to that "the ingenuity of the New Zealanders is shown in
possess and secure the land. Nor were Maori ac- a variety of serviceable forms, but none to greater
knowledged as possessing a particular interest with advantage than in the construction of their houses".4
which settlers needed to negotiate, beyond their pos- Maori dwellings impressed Pollack as being char-
sessing land. To have done so required a recognition acterised by "cleanliness, neatness,taste and effects
of important social and political contrasts, one com- of unwearied patience." Such descriptions might
munity from another. Certain convictions shared by suggest Pollack saw some exceptional Muriwhenua
settler communities, however, militated against such settlements.s
acknowledgement of continuing Maori interests. This Ernst Dieffenbach also visited many parts of New
can be seen, perhaps in a small way, in the manner in Zealand after the late 1830's. He included Taranaki
which Maori communities were observed at the time in his series of scholarly forays into the New Zealand
when European medical professionals were first ar- flora and fauna, visiting Ngamotu in 1839. He called
riving. in briefly before Edward Wakefield claimed his 'pur-
Charles Hursthouse was one of the earliest ob- chase' of most of the North Island, south of the 38
servers of Maori communities residing near New parallel. This dubious purchase included all of the
Plymouth. In 1849, he described the Ngati Te Whiti Taranaki whanui tribal land area. It also provided a
hapi1 at Ngamotu as "natives which form a portion of significant impetus to the colonising process then
the broken and scattered Ngatiawa tribe ... they live getting underway in Plymouth, England. The pur-
in settled habitations called Pas ... here are houses, . chase was much challenged, and with others was
potato caves, stacks of firewoodand small sheds for frequently investigated thereafter.
the drying and preservation of various edible" .2 Dieffenbach later published some observations of
This view ofNgati Te Whiti living conditions was theN gati Te Whiti people and their living situations,
largely impressionistic. From his writings, it is clear though he is now probably best remembered for his
that Hursthouse had little direct contact with the local ascent of Mount Taranaki. Accompanying
hapu, Ngati Te Whiti. He also lacked the compelling Dieffenbach on his visit was Dr John Dorset, the first
interest in Maori health and living practices as shown colonial surgeon to visit Taranaki. Dorset called in
elsewhere by earlier observers like Shortland, Pollack later, in 1840, and stayed for twelve days before both
and Dieffenbach. men returned to Wellington. Neither physician was
Edward Shortland was typical of these earlier called upon to display his professional skill while in
observers, especially interested in Maori health. At Taranaki. However, Dieffenbach did take particular
one time Police Magistrate and Sub-Protector of notice ofNgati Te Whiti remedies and their treatment
Aborigines in Australia, Shortland ultimately prac- of diseases, and recorded these extensively in his
tised as a doctor in Auckland. His extensive experi- writings. He observed that diseases were generally
ence of Maori people was largely acquired in the ascribed to the action of an atua, often as a punish-
South Island where, between 1843 and 1844, he ment for a tapu action that was forbidden. In many
conducted a census ofMaori residing between Akaroa cases, he observed, such actions were thought to
and Bluff. In 1856, he wrote of his findings, describ- originate in witchcraft, makutu.
ing in particular Maori practices as he had observed Dieffenbach was especially interested in the sta-
in health and disease deterrence. In an extensive tus and power of the tohunga. He also observed of
piece linking Maori disease and spirituality, Shortland local Pakeha that"it is a curious thing that many of the
also noted Maori practices of dealing with new dis- very early European settlers - whalers and traders -

55
have become complete converts to the belief in these provide favourable descriptions of the new land-
supernatural powers."6 scape, with all its organic components, in such terms
The more impressionistic Hursthouse, then, much that further migration and settlement might be en-
later, did not discern the existence of such particular couraged, an approach not without its critics.13 How-
Ngati Te Whiti health perceptions and practices, as ever, to that end, new settlers were often circumspect
had Dieffenbach. But his purposes were different, when writing of nearby Maori communities.
engaged as he was in securing the organic terrain for Hursthouse acknowledged the dangers in this
colonisation. InNew Plymouth, such perceptions of approach. He professed a real concern for properly
Ngati Te Whiti practices were largely lost sight of, informing prospective New Plymouth migrants. It
and remained ill-defmed, for many decades. Maori was "·an egregious mistake, in aiming to attract capi-
perceptions on health and well-being did not feature tal and labour to any new colony or settlement, ever
as a corpus of knowledge informing adaptation to to exaggerate its merits. (Otherwise) on arrival, emi-
local conditions until a later generation of Maori grants are at once undeceived, and, in the bitterness of
medical practitioners would discover that such per- their disappointment, not infrequently represent the
ceptions remained intact and accounted for a stern country to their connections at home as one barely
Maori resistance to reform. habitable". Hursthouse was, at once, at some pains to
As a recent migrant from England, Hursthouse appear fair-minded yet anxious to "state the plain
estimated that there were in New Plymouthabout700 tnlth, the "bright side,"in language of moderation, so
"natives (having) between four and five hundred that the emigrant may realize what he reads.'' 14
acres ofland in cultivation." This suggested a Ngati Consequently, Hursthouse devoted most of his
Te Whiti population of some considerable size.? It writings to general Taranaki appearances and posi-
was certainly an increase from the thirty or so counted tive features, of agricultural and grazing capabilities
by Henry Weeks some eight years earlier.s with other statistical and general information in-
In the intervening period, large numbers of Te cluded. His observations of the Ngati Te Whiti peo-
Atiawa from northern Taranaki had returned from ple were brief, and were presented in a manner such
Wellington, and were settling between the new town- that Taranaki could be presented_ in the best possible
ship and Waitara on ancestral land, with some initial light.
conflicts emerging.9 Hursthouse described the peo- Such early writers, then, like Hursthouse, consid-
ple of Ngamotu as "darker than gypsies ... taller than ered the Maori to be largely incidental to, and a part
Europeans, and perhaps stronger, though it may be of, the colonising potential of the new landscape.
questioned whether they possess the same power of Local tribes subsequently did not feature in any
endurance."1o descriptive detail. Of more significance were the
Hursthouse wrote at a time of increasing colonisa- increasing local disagreements over land, and an
tion and settlement of New Plymouth, a time when
amorphous Maori intransigence. This is a particular
the settler population, which numbered 1116 in 1848
feature of early settler writings about New Plymouth,
was steadily approaching that of the local Maori
always one of the major sites of continuing large-
population.u "It may be said" he wrote, "that, inde-
scale migration from England. Whether told briefly,
pendently of emigration, the white population is fast
with a view to further migration, or related in some
increasing." 12
detail for ostensible scientific purposes, such ac-
There was certainly every expectation that settle-
counts invariably revealed a European reflective con-
ment from England would continue, with the estab-
ditioning. Inherent in the process of describing Maori
lishment of New Plymouth well underway.
communities was the need to contextualise them
Hursthouse's descriptive account of the Ngamotu
within the broadest frameworks and interests of colo-
people was, in this context, a brief one, with few
nisation. Either that, or to set them apart as opposing
details of real substance, beyond impressions, in-
those interests. Successful settlement always turned
cluded. But Hursthouse's interest, unlike that of
on continuing assertions of settler dominance, in
Dieffenbach, was not to produce substantive assess-
many and various guises. This was a dominance most
ments of Maori practices. Instead, he was at pains to

56
 achieved through manifest accomplishments, with a named Oao-iti aboard the H.M.S. Alligator was, he
certain moral prestige attaching to continuing dis- later claimed, the first European surgical treatment in
plays of power- a capacity to acquire, and an author- Taranaki. However, as Marshall later wrote, his claim
ity to represent. In the end, such force depended very was made advisedly-because he was aware of certain
largely on a continuing settler determination to assert Maori surgical techniques. He was able to witness a
and maintain that power. number of curative remedies being applied by the
Thus was Hursthouse able to ultimately provide a Taranaki tiituru people to their own wounded.
context in New Plymouth for his observations of the Marshall was impressed with the "wonderful powers
Ngati Te Whiti hapii, made in 1849, that "the natives of recuperation of the Maori in his uncivilised state".
of this settlement have already made such progress ... He was able to observe the workings of Maori medi-
settlers should not be deterred by slight difficulties in cine at close quarters during lulls in the fighting. He
endeavouring to bring him forward."1s later wrote of the "rapidity with which serious and
The need to secure the new terrain for colonisation even dangerous wounds progress to a cure in the
continued to preoccupy settlers in New Plymouth, person of a New Zealander (with) freedom from the
providing the context for ongoing contact with N gati multiplied cares and anxieties of man in more civi-
Te Whiti. As with other institutional founding initia- lised communities, with the total absence of all un-
tives, the development of a health profession with wholesome occupations and sedentary pursuits ...
attendant facilities was an early concern of those who they may be supposed to have bodies in greatest
organised the passage of new arrivals, principally perfection to assist the restorative process".11
from Cornwall and Devon. The Plymouth Company Almost a decade later, the William Bryan arrived,
subsidiary of the New Zealand Company appointed the first of six ships conveying settlers to New Ply-
at least two medical officers to sail with each migrant mouth between March, 1841, and January, 1843. On
vessel. These medical officers were encouraged, on board was Dr Henry Weeks, bearing the title 'Sur-
arrival, to remain in New Plymouth. They were asked geon Superintendent'. Essentially, he was the ship's
to represent a medical interest there, in the growing doctor. Weeks came ashore with other migrants and
new settlement. Consequently, the development of a took residence in New Plymouth, thereby becoming
medical profession in New Plymouth and Taranaki, the fi"rst resident doctor in the new settlement. His
as we know it today, came to reflect the changing official designation became that of 'colonial sur-
medical needs of new settlers, from the relative calm geon'. This title appeared to give Weeks some small
of early migration to the later turbulence of the Land increase in position and status amongst other medical
War years, and beyond. The capacity of settlers to practitioners later to arrive. Weeks noted after the
financially support such professionals became a fac- voyage that "no epidemic or sickness of any kind of
tor in sustaining a medical presence in the area. a contagious or serious nature befell any of the
Marginal funding meant the medical profession grew companies ships". He further noted that the settle-
slowly, with former ship surgeons maintaining a ment itself had not so suffered. In terms of the health
continuing interest in the health of new migrants.16 of its first occupants from the migrant ships, New
The first medical practitioner to visit Taranaki Plymouth had fared well. Company doctors were
was probably William Barrett Marshall, formerly advised that, should they become resident doctors in
Assistant-Surgeon, Royal Navy in the early 1830's. New Zealand, they were to furnish the company with
Marshall came to Taranaki in 1834 and was later medical and any other information. They were also
involved in the storming of the TeNamu Pa, Opunake, urged to use their know ledge "to the end that human-
where the family of a local whaler was being held ity might benefit as largely as possible by their
captive. This raid on Te Namu Pa was the first practical observations." The instructions issued to
punitive expedition of European against Maori that company doctors were thorough and enabled doctors
occurred in Taranaki. After the fighting had ceased, to assert a total control over the ships which was
Marshall assisted in the treating of wounded from largely translated into their burgeoning practices on
both sides. His earlier treatment of a Maori captive shore.1s

57
 In the early days of settlement after 1841, it was a Ngati Te Whiti man was amputated.
reported that New Plymouth was experiencing good Perhaps the best known of the Taranaki Colonial
health and general living conditions. Some unease Surgeons was Peter Wilson who came to New Ply-
was continuing however with increasing numbers of mouth in 1847. Wilson was appointed to the positions
Maori captives returning, recently released from of Colonial Surgeon and Medical Officer, attached to
Waikato. However, Dr Weeks found the call of his the newly erected Colonial hospital situated on
professional duties to be undemanding, turning his Mangorei Road. Wilson remained in Taranaki from
attention to other pursuits like meteorology, and land 1847 to 1863, and in that time acquired a formidable
speculation. For this, he was the target of some medical reputation, and beyond. An earlier visit to
criticism, given the considerable uncertainties of New Plymouth had impressed him. He subsequently
land purchase and retention then being experienced decided to return with his family. According to Wilson,
around New Plymouth. Given however the relative " I like it better than Wanganui, because society here
health of the new community, Weeks in his reports to is not so scattered and it is a social little place with no
the New Zealand Company reported that "as Medical lack of educated folk.":o
Officer to the company, I have merely to add that the Wilson commenced his duties in late 1847. It was
climate is very healthy and very little sickness has not long however before interests beyond the call of
occurred." Weeks later left New Plymouth in 1842, medicine took his attention. His earlier life in New-
his departure said to have occurred because of the Plymouth was characterised by his rapid enlistment
"vigour of the pioneers."i9 into a number of pressing community concerns. This
Following the departure of Weeks, a Dr Evans included his selection to a delegation to talk with
was appointed Colonial Surgeon with a stipend of 25 Governor Grey over a number of settler apprehen-
pounds a year. This was considered to be a meagre sions. Wilson ultimately purchased a small farm
amount. With such a remuneration, and with from all within the Omata Block, to the south of New Ply-
accounts such a seemingly healthy population, doc- mouth. Because of the fact that there were few if any
tors were not expected to remain in the new settle- serious health matters requiring his attention, Wilson
ment for very long. Most in fact were compelled to maintained a high level of community involvement.: i
turn their hands to other pursuits, mainly agriculture. From most accounts of early New Plymouth, little
During Evans' tenure, the awards of Commissioner critical demand was made by settlers upon its medical
William Spain, and then Governor FitzRoy, over practitioners. Where Maori were concerned, Wilson
land previously believed purchased by the New Zea- reported in his Second Annual Report of the Colonial
land Company, were enforced. This induced some Hospital of New Plymouth of 1850 that he did not
intense feelings amongst settlers. Evans left New have the means of "ascertaining with any degree of
Plymouth in late 1846, again forced to leave, accord- accuracy the vital statistics of the Aborigines but as
ing to Skinner, for the lack of professional calls. we do know that they have been free from epidemic
For a time, a Dr St George was the sole doctor, visitation during the past year,deaths among them, it
with another Dr Millar who appeared very briefly. St may be inferred, and I believe correctly, have been
George was one of the earliest and best known of the considerably less frequent within this period".
colonial surgeons, concentrating on obstetrics. He Wilson added that, while he had no way of know-
had originally arrived in New Plymouth in 1841, and ing for sure, he suspected that the "tide of their
supplemented his practise by maintaining a small population" was numerically flowing in the way of
farm. His rural land was situated on the banks of the retrocession than of advance. Earlier, he had ex-
Waitara River. He was later compelled to leave the pressed concerns about Maori sickness. In 1849, he
Waitara area after FitzRoy's decision to abandon the reported that the mortality among the people, within
Waitara lands. St George's practice lasted for some the last few years, and more particularly in the last,
fifty years. The first major operation that took place over all Taranaki, has been excessive from the preva-
in New Plymouth was performed by Dr Evans and lence chiefly of catarrhal disease.22
assisted by St George, in 1844, when the right leg of In 1854, eighteen settlers were admitted to the

58
Colonial Hospital. Earliest reports from that hospital pean Maori, as well as those introduced later.2s
reveal that attendance to Maori sickness was not It is well recorded that Maori people experienced
insignificant. In that same year, sixty-two Maori had a substantial population decline after the early years
been admitted. This was at the time when, elsewhere of contact, contributing to the rising expectation that
in New Zealand, great concern was being heard that Maori people might actually die out. The lowest point
the Maori people were in sharp decline. was supposedly reached in 1896. These were "dec-
The notion that the Maori would decline, and were ades of despair" for Maori, followed by "recupera-
doing so, had a very long genesis, and remained a tion in isolation"26 after 1901 when Maori population
major preoccupation of many writers and officials was seen to spring back to life. Maori decline was
throughout the nineteenth century. A major factor arrested and a revival in population was underway.
underpinning this preoccupation with inexorable This notion of Maori decline and revival was long
decline was Maori "progress in civilisation", or lack a dominating feature of New Zealand historiography.
of it, perceptions large! y attached to negative impres- According to one recent account, "by the 1896 census
sions of Maori health and living conditions. their numbers had fallen to 42,113. That was the
Throughout the country, the health and living lowest number recorded. By 1901 their numbers had
conditions of Maori people continued to be observed. begun to rise; there were then 45,500 Maoris, ninety-
One such writer was A.S.Thomson, a surgeon with five percent of them living in the country" .21
the 58th Regiment of the British Army. Thomson Another account suggested that "the Maori popu-
came to New Zealand in 1847, and travelled exten- lation was declining an_d had been declining for some
sively throughout northern part of the North Island. years even before the wars ... historians have long
His conclusions were the result of his travels through demolished the myth that psychological factors caused
that part of the country, though the Maori of the north the population decline ... if the cause of the decline
may well have been particularly badly hit by sickness had been psychological, it would have been at its
and disease.23 Thomson espoused the view that Maori greatest with the defeated tribes ... Sorrenson has
people were in a state of decline because of funda- pointed out that the greatest decline was with those
mental problems wi~h their health, which he ascribed tribes who were neutral".2s
to "causes which (were) now secretly and silently at The sentiment of Maori communities in inexora-
work in producing this decay." ble population decline after contact exerted a strong
Thomson attributed this situation to a number of influence on settlers and officials. What tended to
facets of the Maori social condition that had caught follow, by logical extension of the supposed fact of
his attention. An inattention of Maori people to their decline, were judgments on the social and psycho-
sick was presented as a major problem, as was infan- logical state of these Maori communities. However,
ticide and sterility. New habits and new diseases were connections between population fluctuation and the
also having a debilitating effect, as were "the evil social or psychological state of a society were always
effects arising among men from intermarrying with tenuous. Nonetheless, such notions of Maori decline
scrofulous blood-connections", a condition he de- -demographic, social, psychological- accounted for
scribed as "breeding in and in".24 a persisting myth of Maori social decay after contact,
Thomson's prognosis was consistent with much a belief reproduced in many guises. This notion was
of the thinking occurring at the time, generally based substantially based on figures obtained from census
on little more than impressions of local Maori com- returns. It was also predicated on continuing obser-
munities, perhaps those most severely affected by vations of Maori health and living conditions, im-
interaction with new settlers. The concept of Maori pressions of a certain Maori social degeneracy. One
decline, and the notion of poor Maori health and enumerator wrote that "no great improvement can be
living conditions, became strong factors in how the looked for until the race give up their ancient customs
future of Maori people was perceived. As Gluckman and habits, and the communism of the Maori pa
has shown, however, there were in fact any number of ceases to be one of such debasing, demoralising and
diseases identified as being those of the pre-Euro- soul degrading habits" .29

59
 Later published accounts of Maori census returns has largely decreased oflate years may be assumed as
seemed to confirm such impressions. an incontrovertible fact, notwithstanding that the
Maori census returns, reflecting local situations, numbers given are admittedly only estimates".32
can usefully be read against broad national interpre- The fact of observable degeneracy was supported
tations of those figures when presented in consoli- by these qualified figures. However, following their
dated form, alongside qualifying comments made by publication, a sleight of hand occurred. The imper-
enumerators and other officials responsible for pre- fect census figures, which had once rendered mani-
paring the returns. Their value can be assessed as fest the notion of decline, now became the estab-
proof or otherwise of the persisting myth of wide- lished basis upon which such projections of decline,
spread Maori decline. and degeneracy, were founded.
Prior to 1857, attempts at census counting of The place of census figures within this demo-
Maori had always taken the form of cursory estimates graphic equation was interesting. Observations of
of local population densities and especially rates perceived Maori social degeneracy were always fal-
transience. After 1874, official census returns cov- lacious. However, they were accorded weight by
ered the whole country. However, as indicated by census figures which, at once, suggested decline as a
enumerators, most returns were in fact estimates consequence of degeneracy while, at the same time,
although some local counting may have occurred confirmed decline for which degeneracy was said to
with varying degrees of accuracy. Not all Maori be the primary reason.
settlements were visited. In those that were, kaumatua Many more fundamental problems with census
were often simply asked for estimates of their local figures were also evident. The category of 'half-
populations. One Native Officer in Taranaki com- caste' was a case in point. Whether some or all half-
plained in 1886 that one could get no information castes were included in the 1857 census is difficult to
from the people in his area. He wrote that "I think the assess, with each enumerator making his own deci-
census can still only be looked upon as approximate, sions. However, from 1874 and thereafter, halfcastes
as the greatest difficulty was experienced in taking it, living as members of a tribe were included, whereas
theN atives as a rule refusing to give any information those living with or as Europeans were not included.
and referring all enquiries toTe Whiti".3o It was evidently left to the enumerator to determine
Earlier enumerators frequently considered that what might constitute 'living as a Maori' or 'living as
Maori resistance to the supplying of populations a European'. In 1874, halfcastes generally formed a
countings was best explained by the fact that Maori low proportion of the total Maori population, about
knowledge was entirely oral. Maori people were 7%, a percentage which over time showed a steady
seen to have always been accustomed to transmitting natural increase. Generally, most halfcastes were
traditions, history, and pedigrees orally from one enumerated separately within each census record,
generation to another. As a result, returns could only with halfcastes deemed to be living as Europeans not
be seen as more or less approximate, as in 1874 when counted within the Maori population record. This
it was reported that "the tribes who like those occupy- was possibly because their steady increase in number
ing the W aikato Territory have continued in a state might have influenced the expectation of decline.
of isolation from the European, and partly so from the However, a certain logic might suggest that, as those
friendly Native population, the numbers given can- living as European might be separated out, so too
not be received as very reliable".3I might those be living as Maori, within the tribe,
Little census material was collected from 1858 to although it is true this was unlikely. The difficulty
1873, with some local returns were completed. At the here of course was that those halfcastes living as
time that each census return was compiled, enumera- Maori would have been, on the face of it at least,
tors and officials attested to their reliability, if not virtually impossible to separate out from other Maori
their accuracy; and decline was seen as confirmed. people.
Accordingly, a census report of 1878 was able to state · In Taranaki, census statistics were the responsi-
with some confidence that, "that the number of Maoris bility of R. Parris, Civil Commissioner, New Ply-

60
mouth. Those collected after 1874 were of question- tured. Other larger settlements were striking. Parihaka
able accuracy. This was especially so where, as with is recorded as comprising 1322 people, including 174
the national figures, alternative versions with differ- from Pipiriki, 192 from Ngati Rahiri and 253 ofNga
ent categories, locations and ways of naming tribes Ruahine. By 1886, such particular kinship distinc-
and hapii were ultimately published. tions, and appropriate locations, had disappeared
But the figures were interesting for other details from the census records. Maori were now counted as
they revealed, if only implicitly. The most complete a part of the general population within Local Authori-
census returns were those collected in 1874, 1878, ties.
and 1881. One 1874 return categorised Maori in In New Plymouth, medical practitioners shared
north Taranaki by tribe, hapii, and location ofkainga. some of the concerns for the condition of Maori
Such kainga locations included estimates of occu- communities. In 1854, Maori from Wanganui to
pant numbers, at a time shortly following the migra- Waitotara were afflicted with a virulent strain of
tions home from Waikanae, Wellington and the measles that was manifest as far north as Waitara.
Chatham Islands. Examples wereMaruwehi, Pihanga Wilson later reported that "in all these places the
and Kaipikari, all sites of ancient occupation. These morbid explosion was sudden, and generally so uni-
figures revealed much about local Maori disburse- versal, particularly as I witnessed in the said town
ment and resettlement, within and beyond customary pah, that, ere a few days from first observed attack,
boundaries. Gender and age distinctions also sug- there was not therein a whare which did not contain
gested something of whanau patterns being estab- some of its inhabitants in one stage or other of the
lished- male and female by age, over and under 15 disease" .33
years. While some interest was directed towards Maori
Te Atiawa f'Ngatiawa"), Taranaki, and Ngati sickness after 1858, the most pressing problem faced
Ruanui were named as the principle tribes, as indeed by officials was that of the increasing "Native distur-
they were, with N ga Rauru appearing in theW anganui bances." Officials faced real difficulties in enforcing
record. Te Atiawa were shown to comprise seven their ostensible powers to maintain order against the
hapu, each with key locations and members of hapii "violation of the Territory within the defined bound-
counted. Most hapii named have long since been ary by Native War Parties." War parties were in
subsumed into others, and locations have invariably frequent movement, partly as a consequence of the
changed. Three of the hapii - Ngati Tama, Ngati Puketapu feud. In 1859, one report dealing with
Mutunga and Ngati Maru - have since acquired Papers written on the subject of the Taranaki Land
recognised tribal status. But an important record Question from 1839 to 1859ran into over 150 pages.34
does remain, if utilised differently. The total popula- This report emphasised how distracted by this issue
tion figure provided forTe Atiawa in 1874 was 1072. were Government officials at this time, both locally
By 1878, hapii and places of residence had changed and nationally. Within the many volumes of reports
significantly. This was especially for Ngati Ruanui generated, however, dealing with the establishing of
where earlier named individual hapii were now a national policy to treat with Maori people, constant
grouped around others. For Nga Rauru, hapii had reference continued to be made to their expected
disappeared altogether as a secondary category. Many decline, as reported in 1858 "though not blind to the
people of Taranaki tiituru were shown as residing in indications of physical decay which the Race exhibits
New Plymouth, whereas in reality they would have .. acourse to pursue is to take all possible measures
been spread down the coastline. Equally, Oakura, for bringing the Aborigines as speedily as may be
Puniho, Opunake, and especially Parihaka, were under the British Institutions" .3s
emerging as centres of significant populations. Colonial Surgeon Wilson left New Plymouth in
Eighteen eighty one was clearly a more ambitious 1863 and was succeeded by a succession of medical
attempt to enumerate Maori people throughout practitioners. These were for the most part attached
Taranaki, wherever they resided. As a consequence, to the British and colonial forces that waged warfare
some very small and scattered settlements were fea- throughout Taranaki after 1859. Many of the newly-

61
arrived surgeons took part in the major campaigns of asking only for the re-establishment of traditional
those wars. One such surgeon was Patrick O'Carroll, health practices, modified to suit the new conditions.
who held the positions of Medical Superintendent to Pomare was always concerned with the state of
the New Plymouth Hospital, surgeon to the local Maori health as he witnessed it in his travels, and he
gaol, and medical officer to the Native Department. wrote often of this observations. One particular
O'Carroll was involved in many of the actions against concern was tuberculosis which seemed to be wreck-
Maori during the war period. He was present during ing a particular havoc among communities he visited
the long march of General Chute in land of Mount in his capacity of Maori Health Officer.
Taranaki, in pursuit ofTitokowaru, and was later sent While meeting with some initial successes, both
to the White Cliffs to recover the bodies of Whitely men in the end failed once the Health Reform initia-
and other mission families. He was also, much later, tives, to which they had dedicated so much energy,
present at Parihaka in 1881 during the arrest of Te were abandoned. Equally, there had always been a
Whiti 0 Rongomai and Tohu Kakahi. major difficulty with the approach taken by Pomare
Many officials later remarked on the "baineful influ- and Buck, when dealing with Maori communities.
ence of the Parihaka Councils" as Maori were in- This concerned their linking of an improvement in
creasingly perceived as obdurate, and resistant to Maori health and living conditions to the contention
incorporation into the new settlements. Magistrates that hope for the Maori lay in the ultimate absorption
for example, recognised a need to educate Maori by the Pakeha. As Pomare wrote in 1906, "this is his
children, but noted instances of "dissaffection bor- only hope, if hope it be - to find his descendants
dering on rebellion". Maori people continued to be merged in the future sons of the Briton of the southern
absorbed, it was reported, by issues of land. Largely hemisphere" .37
as a consequence, Maori in Taranaki were described Such observations were heavily tinged with a cer-
in negative terms in the years after the war period. tain rhetoric that suggested any answer from Pomare
Much of the civilising rhetoric of earlier years still lay beyond the administering of new medicines or the
remained, vestiges of Shortland and Pollack. Such re-ordering of Maori living styles. A primary con-
did little to reflect the real physical and social condi- cern was deteriorating living conditions; "the ancient
tions under which Maori people throughout Taranaki Maori lived on mountains which in itself was a cure
were living. ... he was able to withstand the inroads of this disease
Much later, two sons of Te Ati Awa, Maui Pomare ... now he has left the high altitudes and lives in
and Peter Buck, sought to effect changes in these overcrowded squalid whares" .3s
customary living practices of their people. Both Pomare indicated that "fully 22percent of diseases
advocated basic changes to communal practices in the Maori suffers from are pulmonic", with practi-
the interests of much needed improvements to hy- cally one out of every five Maori persons suffering
giene standards. Such changes were presented as a from pulmonary infections alone. He was particu-
necessary first step in the uplifting of Maori from larly critical of the role played in these situations by
what was deemed to be a very critical state of health. the tohunga, who, many Maori believed, alone could
Appointed as Health Officer to Maori people in deal with mate Maori. For his part, Buck saw little
1900, Pomare was adamant that changes to the rudi- value in the Maori people maintaining old ways and
mentary village conditions were urgently needed. In allegiances. He was particularly trenchant where his
1906, he considered that "bad housing, feeding, cloth- own people of Taranaki were concerned. In his view,
ing, nursing, unventilated rooms (and) unwholesome established traditional leaders frequently obstructed
pas were all opposed to the perpetuation of the race". Maori advancement; "the majority of the people
Changes were needed for Maori to "share the burden (continue to ) maintain their isolation and reserve ...
of sanitary improvement" .36 Buck also noted a Maori any attempt at force will fan into active isolation, as
tendency to crowd together in houses and to neglect it has always done in the past.
the use of ventilation. After some initial opposition, But this was something Maori communties had
Buck and Pomare were able to show that they were resisted for two generations, or more. Pomare and

62
Buck may both have underestimated the extent to End Notes
which traditional Maori health perceptions were
1 eg. Wells, B. (1978). The History of Taranaki, New Plymouth,
rooted into customary communal living practices. Thos Avery; Hood, A. (1980). Dickey Barret With His Ancient
These had not fundamentally changed since the ear- Mariners And Much More Ancient Canon, New Plymouth:
Thos Avery; Brookes, Edwin Stanley. (1982). Frontier Life.
liest days when men like $hartland and Dieffenbach Taranaki, New Zealand, Auckland; Seffern, William H. ( 1986).
Chronicles of the Garden of New Zealand Known as Taranaki,
had observed and sought to understand them, and the New Plymouth: Thos Avery.
particular perceptions of birth, life and death that A later example of a first-hand account is Skinner, W.H. ( 1946).
Reminiscences of a Taranaki Surveyor, New Plymouth, Thos
informed those practices. Avery.
Much later, the historical view of Maori decline 2 Hursthouse, Charles. ( 1849) An Account of the Settlement of
acquired something of an apotheosis in 1940 when New Plymouth, London: Smith, Elder and Co (reprinted (1975)
Christchurch: Capper Press), pp.27-28.
H.B. Turbott wrote a chapter on the then health of 3 Shortland, Edward. ( 1856). Traditions and Superstitions of the
Maori people. His piece was prefaced with an ac- New Zealanders, London: Longman Brown.
count of Maori within which the negative view of 4 Polack, J. (1840). Manners and Customs of the New Zealand-
ers, London: James Madden and Co (reprinted (1976)
Maori last century was faithfully preserved. Turbott Christchurch: Capper Press), p.205.
wrote of "Maori health bearing the shock of Euro-
5 Polack, Manners and Customs, p.207.
pean diseases ... the use of alcohol increased the
6 Dieffenbach, Ernst. (1843). Travels in New Zealand, London:
stress, and later in the century the wars, and the loss John Murray (reprinted (1974) Christchurch: Capper Press),
of lands and of hope, added further physical and pp.l31-165.
7 Hursthouse, Settlement of New Plymouth, pp.38-57.
mental strain".39
8 Weeks, H. (1841). "Journal During Residence at New Ply-
The history of Pomare and Buck, and h~alth mouth" in Rutherford, J. and Skinner, W.H. (1940). The Estab-
reform, however is much too complex to reduce to a lishment ofthe New Plymouth Settlement in New Zealand 1841-
1843, New Plymouth: Thos Avery.
simple judgment of"degenerate-Maori" capture; our
9 see Sinclair, Keith (1961). The Origins of the Maori Wars,
revisting of historiography should not overlook such Auckland: Oxford.
complexities. In the popular mind, early impressions 10 Hursthouse. Settlement of New Plymouth, p.29.
of supposed Maori degeneracy, and suspect census 11 As quoted by Wood, R.G. (1959). From Plymouth to New
Plymouth, Wellington: AH & AW Reed, p. 116.
countings, had already diminished Maori societal
12 Hursthouse, Settlement of New Plymouth, p.35.
complexity to simple and suspect convictions of
13 Lambert, Gail and Ron. (1983). An li ustrated History of
inherently-propelled decline. The motives and inten- Taranaki, Palmerston North: Dunmore, p.23.
tions ofPomare and Buck were much too complex to 14 Hursthouse, Settlement of New Plymouth, pp. 1-2.
reduce to such judgments. Here were two young 15 Hursthouse, "Natives" in Settlement of New Plymouth.
pp. 27-37.
Maori medical professionals caught in a double bind,
16 Skinner, W.H. (1933). Pioneer Medical Men of Taranaki,
one of seemingly incontrovertible facts which, along- New Plymouth: Thos Avery; Tullett, J .S.( 1981 ). The Industrious
side first-hand impressions of their own, seemed to Heart. A History of New Plymouth, New Plymouth: New Ply-
mouth City Council.
support a profound projection about Maori circum- 17 Skinner, Pioneer Medical Men, p. 15.
stances and prospects. This was notwithstanding the 18 Weeks, "Journal", p.58.
suspect evidence for those views, nor their own 19 Skinner, Pioneer Medical Men, p.59.
feelings about the place and pertinence of inherent 20 Skinner, Pioneer Medical Men, p.77.
Maori customary practices as they applied to all areas 21 Lambert, Gail.( 1981 )PeterWilson,Colonial
Surgeon,Pa1merston North:Dunmore Press, p.87.
of Maori existence, practices and dimensions long 22 Peter Wilson, Annual Reports ofthe Colonial Hospital ofNew
overlooked by New Zealand historiography. It was in Plymouth, 1849,1850, 1854,NewP!ymouth:TaranakiMuseum.
the end an irony that men of their stature should have 23 This was the view expressed in Hohepa, P. (1964). A Maori
Community in Northland, Wellington: AH & AW Reed, p.43.
found themselves dealing with such dilemmas, lo-
cated as they were at a tenuous juncture between 24 Thomson, A.S. ( 1859). The Story of New Zealand, Past and
Present, Savage and Civilised, London: John Murray.
longstanding impressions of Maori degeneracy and 25 Gluckman, L.K. ( 1976). Medical History of New Zealand
certainties of decline, and the fact of their own Prior to 1860, Auckland: Whitcoulls, p. 135;
see also Pomare, E.W. and de Boer, G .M. ( 1988). Hauora. Maori
convictions of being Maori. Standards of Health, Wellington: Medical Research Council.
26 These are chapter titles appearing in Pool, Ian. (1991). Telwi
Maori. A New Zealand Population Past Present and Projected,

63
Auckland: Auckland University Press, pp.59- 129.
27 Bassett, Judith, Sinclair, Keith and Stenson, Marcia. (1985).
The Story of New Zealand, Auckland: Reed Methuen, p.137.
28 Olssen, Erik and Stenson, Marcia. (1989). A Century of
Change, Auckland: Longman Paul, p.337.
This text, and the previous one (Bassett et a!), were aimed
primarily at the Secondary School/early Tertiary market.
29 Richard W. Woon, Resident Magistrate, Wanganui (1878).
Report to the Under Secretary, Native Department, Wellington,
in the Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representa-
tives (AJHR), 1878, G.l., p.14.

30 W. Rennell, Native Officer. New Plymouth. (1886). Re..QQ_rt

to the under Secretary, Native Department, Wellmgton, AJHR,
1886, G.l2, p.13.
31 W.R. Brown, Registrar-General, Wellington. (1874) Census
Tables. Appendix A.- Maori Population, (1874), Wellington,
p.20.
32 W.R. Brown, Registrar-General, Wellington. (1878) Census
Tables. Appendix A. - Maori Population, (1878), Wellington,
p.22.
33 Peter Wilson, (1854) Annual Report ofthe Colonial Hospital
of New Plymouth, 1854, New Plymouth: Taranaki Museum
34 e_g Further Papers relative to Native Affairs, AJHR, 1858, E-
No.l~

35 CW. Richmond. (1858). Further Papers relative to Native

Affairs, AJHR, 1858, E-No.l, p.5.
36 Maui Pom!ll'~; (1906). "R~port of Dr. Pomare, Health Officer
To The Maons, AJHR, H.-31, p.67.
37 Pomare (1906), "Report of Dr Pomare", p.67.
38 Pomare (1906), "Report of Dr Pomare", p.67.
39 Turbett, H.B., "Health and Social Welfare" in Sutherland,
I.L.G., The Maori People Today, Wellington: New Zealand
Institute of International Affairs

64
 WHAIORA
MAORI HEALTH DEVELOPMENT A REVIEW

Dr Chris Cunningham
Maori Health Advisor, Ministry of Health

Kua tuhia e Meihana Durie tenei pukapuka, a, kua tiituki pai i a book is on health development during the post-Hui
ia te whakarapopoto i te hauora o te Maori mo te rau tau kua
paheke atu nei. Ka matau hoki iaki te whakaatu he ara whakamua Taumata "development decade" (1984-1994), cul-
mi5 te katoa o Aotearoa. E toru enei h uarahi e haere tahi ana, ko
te whakakore i nga rereketanga i roto i nga iwi, te ata mohio hoki minating with the effects of the major health sector
o nga i wi atu kite tiiranga o te Maori, mete tiaki hoki i te rikarika reforms of 1991.
o teMaori.
Each chapter has a Maori and an English title.
I have an autographed copy of 'Whaiora Maori These titles are not translations of each other; each
Health Development' in which the author, Mason conveys the essence of the text. The first chapter is
Durie, has simply inscribed 'Kia ora'. This inscrip- the introduction and is also referred to as Kimiora,
tion is characteristic of an author who chooses his literally a search for health. The following content
words carefully, sometimes matter-of-factly, although descriptions of each of the chapters of the book
always in such a way as to convey the greatest sense borrow heavily from the author's own introduction.
of history, accuracy and empathy with Hauora Maori. Chapter Two, Te Ao Tawhito (the old world) a
term used to mean pre-European Maori life, is equated
Mason Durie is Head of Department and Professor of with Maori Public Health Systems and Healing.
Maori Studies at Massey University, Palmerston Maori approaches to public health and healing are
North. OfNgati Kauwhata andRangitane descent, he discussed, " ... not only to illustrate indigenous meas-
is also a medical practitioner and consultant psychia- ures of health ... " but also to give meaning to some
trist. His association with Maori and health sector residual interests which Durie describes as " ... mani-
organisations is impressive. He is deputy convenor fest in current Maori health initiatives ... ". He analy-
of the National Maori Congress, a member of the ses tapu, noa and implications for health. Traditional
National Advisory Committee on Core Health and organisation and healing practices are also discussed
Disability Support Services, Chair of the former as are differences and similarities with western heal-
Ministerial Advisory Committee on Maori Health, ing systems. In this chapter, Durie concludes that
Head of Te Pumanawa Hauora Maori ki Manawata while Maori health standards were not exceptional
(Maori Health Research Unit) at Massey, the list goes during this time, these early Maori approaches to
on .... In between these considerable commitments he health and health care do provide a cultural and social
somehow regularly finds the time to write and present framework that has continuing relevance to modern
his views on Maori Health development at hui and times.
conferences. Chapter Three, Nga Tau Hekenga (the years of
Durie is a prolific writer on Maori health, combin- decline) Depopulation, Disease and Decline, refers
ing a long standing association with the health sector to the decline in the Maori population and mana
with the benefit of the arm's-length commentary of during the nineteenth century. "Alienation from
an academic. Whaiora seems to collate many of his land, new infections, different lifestyles and a state of
earlier papers and he combines these with a contem- political oppression almost led to the elimination of
porary picture of Maori health development. Maori as a distinctive people ... Maori were destined
Whaiora contains twelve chapters and relies either to extinction or to its social equivalent, assimi-
heavily on a Maori development framework. Al- lation".
though the first three chapters contain a discussion of The fourth chapter, Te Hokinga Maio Te Mauri (a
matters of historical significance, the focus of the return to the spirit and vigour of Maori), Twentieth

65
Century Recovery and Growth, looks at the recovery fail to confirm this suspicion!
process and traces Maori participation in the formal Chapter Seven, Tikanga Rua- Biculturalism and
health sector from 1900 to the present. It describes Maori Health, introduces a useful framework for
the work of early health leaders, theW omen's Health understanding biculturalism. The 'bicultural con-
League, the Maori Women's Welfare League, Maori tinuum' gives a graphic description of a concept
health professionals, and some of the Maori health many fail to grasp. Durie cites the example of Te
initiatives which emerged in the 1980s. Three Maori Whare Paia, at Carrington Hospital, as a case where
health initiatives- Waiora, Rapuora and Tipuora- are hospital administrators and Maori staff had vastly
described in some detail. Durie also identifies three differing conceptions of biculturalism. This con-
patterns of Maori participation in health since 1900; tinuum may also be applied to the many structural
Mana rangatira (1900-1930); Mana wahine (1931- arrangements which exist. Durie goes on to briefly
1974) and Mana Maori (1975 -1992). It is refreshing describe 'cultural safety' and finally identifies a
to note that he does so in deference to Maori goals number of concerns and ethical questions surround-
rather than the prevailing state attitudes and policies ing biculturalism. The latter make interesting read-
of the times. ing. Concerns for the state's appropriation of Maori
Chapter Five explores Maori health perspective's intellectual and cultural rights and for the addressing
and the links between health, the environment, cul- of fundamental Maori issues beyond cultural sensi-
ture, spirituality, family and the physical body. Durie tivity lead Durie into tactfully questioning the extent
compares some of the models which illustrate Maori to which the State has applied its supposed recogni-
perceptions of health both with each other and with tion of New Zealand's dual heritage. Concerns are
western concepts. His recollection of the genesis of also stated in respect of the health sector's
the Whare Tapa Wha model is of particular interest. conceptualisation of' Maori policy' -is it on the basis
This broadly based view of health which combines of Maori as a disadvantaged minority or as tangata
the four basic ingredients of good health will be whenua with particular constitutional guarantees?
familiar to many readers, although the important Finally the particular conflict facing Maori health
notion of 'balance' between them is one that is sector employees is raised and cited as a dilemma for
sometimes lost in other descriptions I have heard. which a mature recourse mechanism is (still) needed.
Chapter Six returns to a political theme by dis- Chapter Eight, Hauora Tangata - Maori Health
cussing Durie's views on the implications of the Status, examines what Durie describes as the "con-
Treaty ofWaitangi for health and health services. Te temporary Maori context". Major health problems
Kawenata 6 Waitangi (the covenant), also entitled and the current status of Maori health are discussed.
the Application of the Treaty of Waitangi gives an The difficulties in defining and measuring health and
account of the various attempts to relate the Treaty ethnicity are reviewed. Performance monitoring and
and its (variously identified) principles to Maori performance indicators are discussed at some length
health. Starting with the Standing Committee on with Durie's own CHI audit model described for
Maori Health's recommendation that the Treaty of Maori public health services. Durie concludes that
W aitangi be regarded as a foundation for good health " ... conventional indicators and measurements are
and finishing with a description of two ideological weighted towards illness and dysfunction ... " which
movements, biculturalism and the health reforms, can " ... easily be interpreted as representing personal
Durie coincidentally also traces much of his own failure rather than system failure".
influence. He was Chair of the Maori Standing Chapter Nine, Mana-a-Iwi, Maori Development
Committee and an adviser to the Minister of Health and the Health Reforms focuses on the decade of
responsible for the 1991 health reforms. He also Maori development, its relevance to health, and Maori
describes the principles of the Royal Commission on reactions to the health reforms of 1991. Generic
Social Policy, in which he was also involved. One Maori development is compared with iwi develop-
might be forgiven for thinking he was at the signing ment. Importantly, in view of the wide range of
of the Treaty itself, although his exemplary footnotes Maori experiences, both approaches are seen as hav-

66
ing merit. particular. As such, the work can not be dismissed
Chapter Ten, Whaia te Ora m6 te Iwi - Govern- lightly as being too selective, rather the high level
ment Objectives for Maori Health provides a shift of overview of Maori health development in the context
focus towards the government's objectives for Maori of the last century of Maori experience, provides a
health. The new health structures are discussed and relatively grounded and comprehensive perspective.
their interaction with Maori highlighted. "Health Mason Durie has provided us with a publication
services and the capacity of central government, which ambitiously, and successfully, summarises
including the Ministries of Health and Maori Devel- Maori health development over the last century. He
opment, to meet Maori health needs are measured also attempts to point the way fonvard by suggesting
against Maori aspirations for better health care, a three simultaneous approaches which will benefit
more central decision-making role, the opportunities Aotearoa/New Zealand as a whole. These are the
for Maori participation in policy formulation, service elimination of the disparities in society, a better
provision, purchasing and monitoring". understanding by society of the position ofMaori and
One of the few criticisms which could be levelled the nurturing of Maori vitality.
is that the contemporary descriptions of the state Seek out the distant horizons
sector responses to Maori health were out of date And cherish those you attain
before the ink was dry. But this reflects on the sector
as much as the author chancing to give a description Ko te pae tawhiti
in such a dynamic environment. Whaia kia tata
Chapter Eleven, Whainga Maori- Maori Priori- Ko'te pai tata
ties for Health Development provides a description Whakamaua kia tina
of Maori priorities and goals for health. Durie draws
Durie's next volume may concentrate on the consti-
on the extensive submissions made at health hui held
tutional place of Maori in New Zealand, a topic for
on various marae over recent years. Ten priority
which he is receiving increasing publicity of late.
areas are examined in some detail.
Equally it might catalogue the current attempts at
Finally, Chapter Twelve, Mauri Ora, which is
improving Maori health and rate them against the
mistakenly omitted from the Table of Contents, looks
attempts of the past. One would hope that his vision
more broadly at Maori health and development and
for Maori health development will begin to be real-
concludes with three main themes. These are a
ised. For those of us in the health sector Whaiora 2
constantly changing Maori world, an uncertain posi-
may be the report card.
tion for Maori in Aotearoa, and nurturing Maori
vitality are all seen as areas for future activity.
Whaiora is a compulsory text for anyone who
wishes to capture an informed author's view on
Maori Health development in readable, relatively
concise format. It is of interest to students, health
workers, social scientists, researchers and policy
analysts alike, and at $29.95 is relatively inexpensive
compared with similar works. A previous review by
Lorna Dyall has identified a number of apparent
omissions in Whaiora. She cites those Maori who are
developing Maori health initiatives and the role of the
few Maori health managers which exist as two areas
where Durie might have been more descriptive.
Perhaps the comments have some basis, yet Durie
does give a valuable overview from his own observa-
tions of the last two decades of Maori development in

67
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