Women of Color in STEM: Dynamics of Race and Gender in Higher Education

Angela Gutierrez Guzman

angelamg@usc.edu

EDUC 591: Diversity: Power, Equity and Inclusion

Spring 2023

Dr. Christine Mendoza

Rossier School of Education

University of Southern California

April 11, 2023

Women of Color in STEM: Dynamics of Race and Gender in Higher Education

The following paper exposes the hurdles that women of color—Black, Latina, and Native

American—face during their STEM college careers and the pressure many of them suffer to quit.

The National Science Foundation (2013) specified that only 19.2% of all undergraduates in

engineering were women of whom 18.8% were Black, Hispanic, and Native American. In other

words, only 3.6% of all undergraduates enrolled in engineering programs were women of color

whereas White women represented 11% of all engineering undergraduates (National Science

Foundation, 2013). While women underrepresentation in STEM is a concern regardless of race,

this data sheds light on the problem at hand: women of color face not only gender but also

ethnic, cultural, and racial disparities in school. As women in STEM confront many barriers

throughout their professional education, it is imperative to acknowledge the effort these women

exert to obtain a degree in the sciences and overcome the stigma of race and gender throughout

their schooling. Hence, this paper will present research based on women of color in STEM in

higher education, their experiences, and potential recommendations that may support future

female STEM students and instructors alike.

Review of Relevant Research

Racial Identity

Women’s invisibility in science majors contributes to the lack of representation of

women of color and emphasizes their struggle through an education system plagued by historical

marginalization (Rodriguez et al., 2022; Villa et al., 2020; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). In fact,

Morton et al. (2019) clearly specify the role of historical ideologies that revolve around women’s

role in society and the pervasive nature of outdated beliefs in our education system as well as in

other institutions. For instance, in extensive interviews, Charleston et al. (2014) discovered that
GENDER AND RACE DYNAMICS IN STEM 2

Black women in STEM deal with daily social inequities embedded in Critical Race Theory,

which describes the role that ingrained discrimination has in our political and education systems.

Hence, institutional discrimination elicits invisibility, isolation, and subordination that invite

scrutiny in engineering contexts, for example (Villa et al., 2020). Furthermore, sociocultural

traditions foment an erroneous belief that certain careers are meant for men and others meant for

women (Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). Following this logic, women are thought to be incapable of

certain tasks, reinforcing oppression (Morton et al., 2019; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019; Wilkins-Yel

et al., 2022). The struggle and lack of belonging creates internalized oppression—a negative

view of oneself as claimed by the dominant group—and makes women prone to quit their studies

or jobs (Sendze, 2022; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). As a result, women of color not only have to

adapt to a hostile environment in school but also constantly switch between identities.

As such, identity search among women in STEM majors who have to adapt to an

unwelcoming environment where the national narrative predominates plays an important role in

their view of the self (Allen et al., 2017; Morton et al., 2019; Rodriguez et al., 2022). Rodriguez

et al. (2022) explore the interplay of identities of Latina students in STEM, for example, and

corroborate the effect that the complexity of their many identities (culture, socioeconomic status,

gender, race) has on their engineering identity development. Women of color, therefore, have to

face the interrelationship of proving that they too deserve to be in a science major and of

combating external factors that reinforce the narrative that males, mainly Whites, belong in

STEM (Rodriguez et al., 2021). One of those factors is Familismo, as Rodriguez et al. (2021)

explain, which influences Latina students’ decisions and positionality as surmised by family

members. Similarly, Black women deal with preconceived notions of their race and the

consequences of being excluded if they do not adjust their field-specific identity to instructor
GENDER AND RACE DYNAMICS IN STEM 3

expectations (Charleston et al., 2014; Kachchaf et al., 2015; Morton et al., 2019). In addition, the

lack of role models in science fields drives minority students to rely on their own agency

(Charleston et al., 2014; Buzzanell et al., 2015), which is also the case for Native Americans who

are gravely underrepresented in STEM (Turner et al., 2022).

STEM departments, in fact, continue to exacerbate and perpetuate underrepresentation

and internalization of discrimination of women of color in science (Allen et al., 2017; Ong et al.,

2018; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2022). Ong et al. (2018) and Morton et al. (2019) reiterate the

internalization of discrimination and its dissemination through STEM fields. In their interviews,

both study teams describe the fear of rejection some of the participants felt when having to find a

partner in class, for example. Morton et al. (2019) specifically illuminate the idea of Afro-

Pessimism or historical racism ingrained in every part of society and its role in STEM

classrooms where Blackness falls outside the norm. Allen et al. (2018) mention the type of

discrimination women of color in the sciences suffer as a form of dual rejection that emphasizes

the complexity of their positionalities. Thus, positionality brings forth an array of experiences

from women in higher education who have to present themselves as competent individuals that

are capable of creating their own success (Buzzanell et al., 2015). Furthermore, Buzzanell et al.

(2015) explore women’s view of their own role in school as either faculty or students whose

mere presence challenges the oppressive rhetoric of discrimination.

Gender Disparities

Gender expectations emerge from cultural frameworks and societal pressures whose

influence becomes more apparent in STEM education (Ong et al, 2018; Rodriguez et al., 2022;

Sendze, 2022). In fact, Rodriguez et al. (2022) illustrate cultural expectations of women’s roles

in society delineated by Marianismo that intrinsically seeks to undermine women’s skills and
GENDER AND RACE DYNAMICS IN STEM 4

intellectual abilities in male dominated fields. Latinx cultural beliefs depict women as

housewives whose main responsibility focuses on child rearing. Hence, the cultural background

of many women of color truncates women’s aspirations, shapes their self-concept, and

strengthens internal pressure to perform despite the lack of support. For example, Morton et al.

(2019) describe Black X consciousness as a theoretical framework that captures what it means to

be Black in STEM: the challenges, the achievements, the struggles, and the metacognitive

approach. Many Black female students have to confront the historical stigma of their race and

gender alike and develop their own path for success. Yet, women of color in the sciences find

that forging their self-agency exacerbates their invisibility and contributes to the perception of

abnormality. For example, Native Americans, a population that has not been thoroughly studied,

remain invisible in STEM (Turner et al., 2022). Current efforts to motivate Native Americans to

join STEM majors rely on cultural theoretical support in the form of Funds of Knowledge (FK)

which capture experiences inside and outside the classroom to augment scientific interest

(Stevens et al., 2016). Thus, historical and cultural structures influence women’s self-concept

and self-esteem as they break the norm in male dominated fields.

Moreover, STEM culture itself promotes and preserves the idea of White male

dominance in science that causes isolation, exclusion, and subordination partially sustained by

women’s unconscious acceptance of the norm in place (Charleston et al., 2014; Villa et al., 2020;

Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). Villa et al. (2020), in particular, focus on Latinas and their demeanor

in male dominated environments, concluding the need for a shift in mindset to feel capable

before adversity. Self-perspective, hence, influenced by several ethnic ideologies like

Marianismo and Black Feminist Thought (BFT) affects self-confidence. As mentioned, Latinas

face Marianismo which focuses on women’s role determined by society and exacerbated by
GENDER AND RACE DYNAMICS IN STEM 5

Machismo or men having power (Rodriguez et al., 2019) whereas BFT, derived from critical

social theory, empowers Black women from an education, historic, racial, and gender standpoint

(Charleston et al., 2014). Black women have been subjugated primarily due to their race and

augmented by their gender. In STEM, their experiences relive accounts of rejection from white

male classmates who would not work with them or from the system itself designed to remove

students who cannot fulfill science requirements to pursue their majors (Morton et al., 2019;

Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). The feeling of isolation may be derived from institutional policies that

foment tokenism—the practice of recruiting small numbers of diverse students to project the

sense of diversity for mere appearance (Buzannell et al., 2015; Kachchaf et al., 2015; Sendze,

2022; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2022). Hence, structural inequalities create alienation and support a

White male culture in STEM.

The Complex Effect of Gender and Race

Intrinsically, women of color in STEM fields must contend with the emotional burden

and barriers of breaking the norm and succeeding as female scientists and engineers (Kachchaf et

al., 2015; Morton et al., 2019; Rainey et al., 2018). In fact, Wilkins-Yel and colleagues (2019)

state that racial and gender prejudice exacerbate criticism against these women’s intellectual

ability and competence as future scientists. In depth interviews with several women of color in

engineering have shown a recurring theme of being ostracized or isolated, working only with

other women or people of color in their same position (Wilkins-Yel et al., 2022). The reality is

that, while women have faced historical barriers in male dominated fields, the pervasive view of

gender as a negative trait added to the stigma of race creates a hostile environment for women

who are seen as an anomaly in science. Above all, internalized oppression and desire to

persevere despite gender and racial discrimination creates tension and anxiety (Ong et al., 2017;
GENDER AND RACE DYNAMICS IN STEM 6

Rodriguez et al., 2021; Villa et al., 2020). Emotional distress, hence, affects women’s wellbeing

as it is ingrained in science majors themselves. In other words, female students in the sciences

suffer from judgment and risk their emotional health as they face stereotype threat in the

classroom (Rodriguez et al., 2022).

Therefore, women experience marginalization and face microaggressions based on

gender and race stereotypes present in STEM environments (Morton et al., 2019; Rainey et al.,

2018; Rodriguez et al., 2022; Sendze, 2022; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). The lack of diversity in

the classroom creates hypervisibility for students of color, mainly women who feel

uncomfortable to participate for fear of discrimination (Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019).

Microaggressions come in the form of comments or attitudes that ostracize an individual and

suggest negligence due to gender or racial prejudice. Ong et al. (2018) and Wilkins-Yel et al.

(2022) reiterate the damaging effects of microaggressions and discrimination to mental and

emotional health which correlate to internalized oppression. As women find themselves

vulnerable to rejection and relegation in scientific settings, they believe that ignorance and lack

of multiethnicity contribute to judgment (Kachchaf et al., 2015). As such, Black women suffer

from racial misconceptions and beliefs that label Blacks as lazy and intellectually challenged

who do not belong in STEM (Charleston et al., 2014; Ong et al., 2018; Rainey et al., 2018).

Furthermore, just as Black women manage to navigate hostility, Latinas also face

microaggressions that threaten their performance and confidence in their abilities, creating

pressure and exhaustion (Rodriguez et al., 2021; Rodriguez et al., 2022). Overall, racially

marginalized women in the sciences defy social exclusion, oppose convention, and challenge

gender expectations.
GENDER AND RACE DYNAMICS IN STEM 7

Recommendations

To create awareness and infuse changes in STEM higher education settings, the literature

provides several routes to start implementing learning design strategies that will alleviate the

oppressive environment for women of color in the sciences. In fact, avoiding pitfalls that

educational institutions commit is essential to creating useful and potentially successful

strategies that will support women of color in STEM (Buzzanell et al., 2015). The following

recommendations are organized into purposeful categories that capture wellbeing and

representation. Under each of these, learning design techniques such as self-efficacy, cognitive

load, goal orientation, affect, and attributions will complement developmentally sound advice in

the lifespan of young adults (18-40 years of age).

Wellbeing and Mental Health

Emotional support is especially important for women of color in the sciences not only

because of the racial and gender disparities experienced in male dominated fields but also

because of the complexity of their diverse individual identities. The intersectionality of several

aspects in the life of minority women in higher education exhorts culturally focused efforts on

relevant mentoring opportunities for Latinas, Black females, and Native Americans. As such,

Wilkins-Yel et al. (2019) describes that proper faculty training in cultural diversity could prevent

microaggressions in class and create a safe environment. For this to occur, however, faculty must

be supported in scaffolding information and delivering lessons with clearly specified goals

through a better understanding of their students’ prior exposure to the sciences (Yates, n.d.). The

key is imparting community support in the classroom as young adults develop a more systematic

and sophisticated thinking (Seli, 2015).

Institutional Safe Havens

Ong et al. (2018) and Wilkins-Yel et al. (2022) discuss counterspaces as safe havens for

women of color in STEM. Thus, creating communities or organizations that celebrate racial,

ethnic, and gender diversity reinforces the idea of supporting psychosocial health through open

and free sharing of experiences. The ultimate goal is to protect women’s wellbeing, create

awareness, and start changing negative preconceptions about women of color in STEM. Hence,

faculty and designers must be exposed to sources of inequity and create a more inclusive

environment in class. Instructors can tap on students’ positive affect by establishing real

expectations and fulfilling the learner’s social relatedness while defining mistakes and providing

equal opportunities for success (Yates, n.d.). As the learner’s cognition becomes more pragmatic

and realistic, young adults’ thinking becomes more reflective, provisional, and emotional (Seli,

2015), so nurturing a sense of safety and acceptance enhances performance.

Networking

Buzzanell et al. (2015) and Rodriguez et al. (2021) reference networks as sources of

support that should be encouraged in student organizations and mentoring. Creating role models

and social networks enhances the mentoring process that should be meaningful and purposeful

for the mentee’s growth and resiliency. The objective, in fact, consists in training mentors whose

experiences have shaped their sense of community using transfer and attributions that enhance

problem solving and adaptive behavior. Transfer allows learners to make generalizations that can

be used in diverse contexts to improve role modeling (Yates, n.d). While the trainer will use

learning techniques for knowledge transfer following Kirkpatrick’s New World Model, the new

trainees will also be exposed to the concept of attributions to provide feedback and guide
GENDER AND RACE DYNAMICS IN STEM 9

mentees in recognizing the role of effort in success (Yates, n.d.). In addition, trainers need to

impart cultural awareness to add value to the training program.

Representation

Diversity strengthens and enriches learning environments, so continuing efforts to

increase women of color representation in the scientific community opens the path for more

women to pursue a STEM major (Wilkins-Yel, 2019). The solution is not fixing individual

students but creating institutional pathways and programs that truly address the cultural

integration of minority students into the classroom. Such programs must not only include

minority students in STEM but should also require every student to take an awareness course

online just like students take Alcohol Ed, for example. In fact, Ong et al. (2019) and Rodriguez

et al. (2021) introduce the idea of creating pre-college diversity and outreach programs that

welcome students before the start of classes. More importantly, Wilkins-Yel et al. (2022) exhort

program designers to purposefully focus on women of color and not expect the program to

eventually benefit them. Stevens et al. (2016) also emphasize the importance of creating

culturally relevant programs for Native American students. These endeavors can be delivered

through online instruction that increases interest through real-life shared experiences that access

prior knowledge. Learners, in fact, will identify discrepancies in their preconceived notions and

metacognitively judge their academic growth (Yates, n.d.). Lastly, because young adults have to

juggle many competing demands of intimacy, identity, and independence that increase cognitive

load, instructors must introduce goal orientation activities that emphasize self-efficacy to

reinforce confidence (Seli, 2015).

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