Soporte para El Modelo de Cinco Factores - Personalidad
Soporte para El Modelo de Cinco Factores - Personalidad
Soporte para El Modelo de Cinco Factores - Personalidad
not cure all the ills of personality and health research, it provides at
least a partial solution to many troubling problems.
In what follows, we will briefiy review the central topics in cur-
rent personality and health research. As an organizational scheme, we
will review the specific traits comprising this area of research. Our pri-
mary focus is on the question of psychosomatics: Is personality causally
related to physical illness? After this review, we will discuss the advan-
tages and disadvantages of using the five-factor model in personality
and health research, as well as potential new directions for research
resulting from its application to the field of psychosomatics.
ports of illness and/or symptoms are often associated with actual physi-
cal illness. They are not synonymous with physical illness, however.
Actual illness is associated with illness behavior, such as visiting a
physician, taking medicine, staying home from work, and complain-
ing of pain or other symptoms. However, illness and illness behavior
are obviously not perfectly correlated. One's illness behavior may be
excessive, as in the case of a hypochondriacal individual, or unusually
restrained, as in the case of the stoic. Health complaints have been em-
pirically linked to objective, concurrent health status (e.g., B. S. Linn
& M. W. Linn, 1980) and subsequent objective health outcomes such as
mortality (e.g., Idler, Kasl, & Lemke, 1990), but these statistically sig-
nificant associations reflect modest amounts of common variance. As
a result, much of the variance in self-report measures of illness reflects
somatic complaints in the absence of disease.
One unambiguous index of health is mortality. Although there are
some exceptions in the literature (e.g., Eysenck, 1990; Somervell et al.,
1989), the bulk of the evidence indicates that measures of Neuroti-
cism or emotional distress do not predict subsequent mortality (Costa
& McCrae, 1987b; Watson & Pennebaker, 1989). Thus, Neuroticism
apparently does not pass this most stringent test as a health risk factor.
Costa and McCrae (1987b) do acknowledge that Neuroticism could
contribute to nonlethal illness, which in turn would be reflected in
illness reports. It is also likely, however, that Neuroticism is associated
with reporting biases or increased attention to and concern about nor-
mal physical sensations. Such processes would contribute to increased
symptom reports among dysphoric persons (Costa & McCrae, 1987b;
Watson & Pennebaker, 1989).
One interesting context where the Neuroticism-symptom-reporting
association operates is reports of angina-like chest pain in the ab-
sence of coronary disease. As many as 20% of patients undergoing
cardiac catheterization and coronary angiography (i.e., radiographic
studies of the coronary arteries) to evaluate suspected coronary artery
disease are found to have insignificant degrees of coronary occlusion
(Mayou, 1989). Patients who complain of chest pain but are found on
angiography to be free of disease have a life expectancy equal to the
general public and longer than patients who have similar chest pain
complaints accompanied by documented coronary artery occlusions
(Ockene, Shay, Alpert, Weiner, & Dalen, 1980; Pasternak, Thilbault,
Savoia, Desanetis, & Hutler, 1980). These disease-free patients, how-
ever, also score higher on measures of Neuroticism than do the patients
Personality and Health 403
with actual disease and normal controls (Bass & Wade, 1984; Beitman
et al., 1989; Costa, Fleg, McCrae, & Lakatta, 1982; Lantinga, Spafkin,
& McCroskery, 1988). Although it is possible that these pseudo-angina
patients actually suffer from noncardiac pain with a clear physical basis
(e.g., upper gastrointestinal disorders), their elevated levels of Neuroti-
cism may also account for the complaints. Highly dysphoric individuals
may be more sensitive to normally occurring symptoms such as chest
wall pain of muscular origin, and may be more likely to worry about and
overinterpret these sensations. Consistent with this hypothesis, among
patients with normal coronary arteries on coronary angiography, con-
tinued chest pain reports are associated with the patients' perceived
vulnerability to coronary disease (Wielgosz & Earp, 1986).
Convincing and persistent complaints may be sufficient to lead these
individuals to undergo an expensive, invasive diagnostic test in the
absence of actual disease. To avoid continued testing and health-care
seeking, these patients may require psychological intervention (e.g.,
Hegel, Abel, Etscheidt, Cohen-Cole, & Wilmer, 1989).
The association between Neuroticism and excessive physical com-
plaints has important implications for research on personality and
health. Many measures of personality used in health research are either
known to be or are plausibly correlated with Neuroticism. Further,
many studies assess physical health through self-reported symptoms.
As a result, studies purporting to find an association between a specific
personality trait and actual health may instead demonstrate the much
different association between Neuroticism and physical complaints in
the absence of illness. This methodological confound may explain the
fact that some measures of Type A behavior are more closely related
to angina (i.e., chest pain of presumed cardiac origin) than to more
objective indicators of cardiac disease such as myocardial infarction
or cardiac death (Smith et al., 1989). Similarly, Friedman and Booth-
Kewley (1987) recently argued that psychological distress contributes to
the development of disease (see also Booth-Kewley & Friedman, 1987).
However, their purported support for this "disease-prone personality"
includes many studies relying on self-report measures of health. As a
result, the Neuroticism-illness-report association may artifactually con-
tribute to the apparent health consequences of emotional distress (Stone
& Costa, in press). Finally, much of the research suggesting that stress-
ful life events contribute to the development of physical illness relies on
self-report health outcomes. As a result, the stress-illness association in
such studies may actually reflect the fact that Neuroticism is correlated
404 Smith and Williams
with reports of both more stressful life circumstances and more fre-
quent or severe physical symptoms (Depue & Monroe, 1986). Thus, it
is clear that Neuroticism is an important, but often unrecognized factor
in studies of personality and health.
Future research should examine the association of measures used in
studies of personality and health research with Neuroticism. The pos-
sible confounding elfects of Neuroticism should also prompt researchers
to forego the convenience of self-report health measures and employ
more objective assessments. In addition, the mechanisms underlying the
Neuroticism-symptom-reporting association should be explored (Costa
& McCrae, 1987b; Watson & Pennebaker, 1989).
hardiness have been mixed. Some studies have reported the predicted
Stress X Hardiness interaction (Kobasa et al., 1982; Kobasa &Puccetti,
1983; Rhodewalt & Zone, 1989), but others have not (Kobasa, Maddi,
Puccetti, & Zola, 1985; Roth, Wiebe, Fillingim, & Shay, 1989; Wiebe
& McCallum, 1986). Most of the latter studies have found a simple,
linear relation between high scores on measures of hardiness and low
concurrent or subsequent reports of illness.
Several studies have examined the hypothesized mechanisms link-
ing hardiness and health. Both controlled laboratory studies (Allred
& Smith, 1989) and correlational studies of life stressors (Rhodewalt
& Augusdottir, 1984; Rhodewalt & Zone, 1989; Williams, Wiebe, &
Smith, in press) have found that individuals high in hardiness appraise
potential stressors as less threatening and employ more adaptive coping
strategies than do persons low in hardiness. Tests of the psychophysio-
logical correlates of hardiness, however, have not produced consistent
results. Some studies suggest that individuals high in hardiness dis-
play less physiological arousal in response to laboratory stressors than
those who are low (Contrada, 1989; Wiebe, 1991), while other studies
suggest the opposite (Allred & Smith, 1989).
In addition to the inconsistent findings concerning the association
of hardiness with illness and physiological indices of stress, hardiness
research has been plagued by a number of criticisms. Many of the sup-
portive findings concerning health outcomes come from retrospective
studies, and all the relevant research relies on self-reports of health.
Further, the majority of studies have been conducted with exclusively
male samples.
The measurement of hardiness has been the subject of much recent
concern. The original Hardiness Scale (Kobasa, 1979, 1982) and its
shortened versions contain items primarily reflecting lack of commit-
ment, control, and challenge and are derived from measures of mal-
adaptive traits, such as alienation. As a result. Funk and Houston (1987)
have suggested that this scale may assess general maladjustment or
Neuroticism rather than anything resembling the conceptual definition
of hardiness. As noted above, the potential confounding of hardiness
with Neuroticism or negative afl'ectivity presents a plausible alternative
interpretation of studies of hardiness and health. Rather than reflect-
ing an association of commitment, challenge, and control with reduced
likelihood of physical illness, the results of such studies may simply
replicate the correlation between Neuroticism and somatic complaints.
A recent convergent-discriminant validation study using multiple
406 Smith and Williams
mesh well with the five-factor taxonomy. This is particularly true for
constructs derived from cognitive or social learning approaches, such
as optimism and health locus of control. The cognitive perspective and
specific individual difference dimensions of these approaches are not
well represented in the Big Five taxonomy.
A related potential limitation of the five-factor model is the breadth
of the dimensions within the taxonomy. Because the entire domain
of personality is reduced to five traits, the conceptual and operational
definitions of each of these dimensions are by necessity broad. One
potential drawback of this approach is a loss of specificity in the de-
scription and measurement of individual traits. For example, Scheier
et al. (1989) argued that the difficulty in detecting effects of optimism
independent of Neuroticism reflects the fact that optimism is a compo-
nent of the broader, complex trait. As noted above, they argue further
that when individual components of Neuroticism are assessed, unique
effects of optimism are detectable. Several authors have voiced this
concern about personality measurement (Briggs, 1989; Carver, 1989).
Fortunately, some measures of the five-factor model provide informa-
tion about facets or components within the broader dimensions (Costa
& McCrae, 1985), and development of additional measures at this level
of analysis is progressing (McCrae & Costa, in press).
The five-factor model could be interpreted as an example of tradi-
tional trait approaches to personality. In such approaches, traits are
construed as stable individual differences, exerting effects across long
periods of time and a wide range of situations. Much of the research
on personality and health follows the traditional statistical strategy of
testing main effects of personality on health or related outcomes. In
contrast, many of the underlying theories of this research view health
as influenced by the interaction of personality traits and relevant char-
acteristics of situations (Matthews, 1983; Smith, 1989). For example,
stress moderation models predict that associations between personality
and health will be most apparent under stressful environmental con-
ditions. Thus, by testing only the main effects of traits and failing to
consider situational variables, much of the research on personality and
health does not address the general Person x Situation interactional
assumptions (Endler & Magnusson, 1976) of the underlying theories.
Of course, there is nothing within the five-factor model to preclude the
consideration of situations and their statistical interaction with traits.
In fact, more precise conceptualization and measurement of person-
ality dimensions could lead to improved specification and assessment
414 Smith and WiUiams
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