Women in Mesopotamia

Author(s): M. Stol
Source: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient , 1995, Vol. 38, No. 2,
Women's History (1995), pp. 123-144
Published by: Brill

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA

BY

M. STOL
(Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam)

Abstract

A succinct but comprehensive survey is given on what we know on women in ancient

Sumer, Babylonia, and Assyria (with an occasional remark on Syria), coverinng the time span
of roughly 3000-300 B.C. Thanks to the rich archival material we are well informed about
her social position, in particular the status of a married or widowed wife. Marriage is the
most important topic in this article. Attention is also paid to women at work and in religion.
Differences in region and time are pointed out.

'Mesopotamia' in this contribution is the world of Sumer (roughly from

3000 to 2000 B C.), and of Babylonia and Assyria (2000-331 B C.), after
which the Greek dominance by the Seleucid kings began. In terms of
modern geography, it covers Iraq and the eastern part of Syria. Sometimes,
we will make remarks on 'the West', i.e., ancient Syria, Phoenicia, and
Israel. Rich in archival material is 'Nuzi', a city in the kingdom of Arrapba
(ca. 1500-1350), in the region of modern Kerkuk. Its culture was influenced
by the Hurrians and for that reason may be somewhat marginal to us.
The documentary evidence on women In Mesopotamia is quite
impressive'). Our main sources are the family archives and letters, written
in cuneiform writing on the clay tablets that have withstood the hazards of
time. There are many thousands of them. Collections of laws often allow us
a deeper insight into the position of woman in society Those laws reflect
customary law with some modifications added by the lawgiver, the king It
has been shown that the laws of Hammurabi were observed, at least during
his own time; the same is true for the Neo-Babylonian laws. Tablet A of the
Middle Assyrian lawbook is entirely concerned with women2). Landsberger
thought that this composition was to some extent Professorenrecht which
means that some sections are not common law3).

1) The author is preparing a book on women in ancient Mesopotamia. There, fuller

discussions and all references to current literature will be found. In this essay, for those works
cited in the footnotes by author and date only, complete references may be seen in the
'Selected Bibliography' All other references will be cited in full in the footnotes.
2) Cardascia 1969; Saporetti 1979
3) Landsberger 1968, 63 n. 1.

? E. J Brill, Leiden, 1995 JESHO 38,2

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124 M. STOL

The voices of the wom

and a few literary tex

Physical appearance

As in many cultures
with the left side. Th
before birth a girl is
according to a Sumeri
the left' 4). This phras
between male and fe
garments were worn
in 1000 B C. succeeded
married women were
and suggested by a l
no veil and has no sh
emblems of womanho
in contrast, the spind
the Aramaic and Hitti
earrings (sometimes la
silver rings have a s
standard fractions of
represented the pric
typical of women co
found In graves. A
(etymologically relate
spoon. We understan
women was seen in he
the Sumerian language
'the language of wo
literary texts when w
and in lamentationsg

4) Stol 1983, 78 f., M. St

5) E. Strommenger, "Me
Larsa-Zeit", Acta Praehzsto
wand'), 13 ('Zweizipflich
6) MA Laws A ? 40; W.G
7) Tsevat 1975; Wilcke 1
8) A.W Sj6berg, ZA 65 (1
Philological and historical s
9) Schretter 1990. This w
women are based on taboo

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 125

Marrzage

Only recently it has been established for M

known for other parts of the Mediterranean w
ried at an early age (between the ages of 14
(between 26 and 32)10). In this patriarchal so
could already be assigned to a future husband.
'marriage' (emzutum, hatanzitum) indicate that
enters into a family relationship with a mal
(emum). The future wife is the passive object o
acquires the status 'wife' already at the mom
Assyriologists speak of the period of engagem
and it can be hard to distinguish between the
a divorce "). Much of our knowledge of marr
contracts and here a word of caution is in ord
in most cases the agreement was oral' 2). The w
are exceptions and may be viewed as reg
financial interests were involved 13"). Also, the
may dictate the conditions: the father of the
second wife when no children are born. So, a m
stipulations deviating from the rules. Follow
came to this reconstruction of a normal marri
tractual regulations as negative evidence: (a)
groom come to an agreement and the coup
home; (b) The husband can take another wif
A man has the right to take a concubine; (d) A
and promote his concubine; (e) The eldest s
the inheritance 4). Nuzi was a city on the m
world proper where customs (c)-(e) were larg
Normally, the father of the young man first
of the woman. Paying the brideprice in silve

is not the usual Semitic word. The word for the second wi
which can be explained as 'old woman'-exactly what
has children and is always willing to get more, is name
virginity-quite the contrary The word for prostitute (h
miscuity; cf. Arabic 'harem'
10) Roth 1987, 737
11) Veenhof 1976; Locher 1986, 244 ff., Wilcke 198
12) Greengus 1969
13) C. Wilcke, ZA 66 (1976) 197 n. 3, sees in all Old As
situations.

14) Paradise 1987

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 126 M. STOL

Old Babylonian period

of foodstuffs, clearly
'bridewealth' is a mo
one gift developed in
solemn moment of
wedding'6). The amou
10 shekels of silver in
30 shekels. It is my o
Installments; the text
another part of it wa
that goods were given
rule may also obtain f
In Nuzi, the bridepri
to a total value of 40 shekels of silver. There is some evidence that it was
equal to the price of a slave girl. We can observe a development in th
of the brideprice: already in the Old Babylonian period it could be p
on to the wife by her father but in all four cases the woman is a 'nun' 1
later on, this became the rule, so it seems, but the evidence for such
'indirect dowry' is not abundant.
From her father, the bride received a dowry which remained her prope
and was for that reason described in much detail in the marriage contra
Laws prescribe what has to happen to all these gifts if something w
wrong: simple restitution, or with a penalty Included, forfeiture, etc. T
underlying rule was, according to A. van Praag, that everything c
return to the original owner-with or without a penalty payment-as
as no child had been born20).
There has been a heroic discussion in Assyriology about the legal chara
ter of marriage. Until the end of his life, Paul Koschaker defended it to
basically a sale, Kaufehe, comparing the delivery of the woman with tha
immovables: payment first, at the betrothal, and traditzo later, at the w
ding. He stressed that it was a sale in its own right21). One has indeed t
impression that, starting in the Old Babylonian period, the bridewe
crystallized into a brideprice. To me, an acceptable alternative t

15) Greengus 1990.

16) Wilcke 1985, 252 ff., contrast Greengus 1990, 68 n. 187
17) Grosz 1981, 176 f.
18) Lafont 1987, 119; Greengus 1990, 67 f., 85.
19) Westbrook 1988, 99 f.
20) Van Praag 1945, 133; Westbrook 1994, 277b.
21) Koschaker 1950.

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 127

Koschaker's 'outdated' model has not yet bee

like Landsberger and Wilcke used words still
The expression 'price of a virgin' is indeed s
there are instances where the Babylonian wo
means no more than 'price for a woman' an
riages which actually are to a large extent p
poorer the girl's parents, the more marriage r
arrangements in a city like Nuzi indeed look
of the girl's parents, and giving a dowry
wealthy25). A Middle Assyrian contract tells
the house during ten years before being marri
paying for her by doing work, as Jacob did ac
There is plenty of evidence that poor peopl
unfavourable conditions to others who married
marries a girl from a fatherless family and pro
and hat'-the groom provides this simple do
Babylonian period and in Nuzi a girl could
price far lower than the brideprice; more expl
and as bride' in an adoption by paying the
adoption'); these women were often marrie
'sistership' contracts from Nuzi, the brother o
right to marry her off to a third party who a
in his house and eventually he will cash her
these texts29).

A woman's life
Let us now follow the young woman from th
to that of her giving birth to her first child.

22) The latest rejection was by Westbrook 1988, 53-60,

is analogous to marriage was rejected by W.F Leemans, Tjy
(1991) 140. Greengus 1990, 76 f., is also critical but d
Sumerian periods. See also Jack Goody, The Oriental, the A
marriage and the family in the pre-mndustrzal soczeties of E
not take into account the rich Mesopotamian material
in his bibliography
23) Landsberger 1968, 93 f., Wilcke 1985, 256.
24) Postgate 1979, 96.
25) Grosz 1983.
26) Postgate 1979, 93-5.
27) Westbrook 1991, 144.
28) Cardascia 1959; Grosz 1987
29) Greengus 1975; Eichler 1977

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128 M. STOL

his daughter to the fa

takes an oath to the
ceremony. In the foll
ment of the bridepric
West and North (Syri
indicating that she
Amarna on princesses
nium earlier Ebla text
indirect evidence from
or seven days. Before
which was taken off l
and she seems to keep
of the bride suggest
princesses married t
accompanied by a num
been to supervise th
virginity of the bride
proposed by M. Malu
sion has arisen on the
in Hebrew, betilad. T
meaning 'teenager' h
The pendulum is now
existence of a special w
state at the moment
from the Marn archiv
declares, "He kissed m
enter my vagina" Me
The wife moves into
their union will be fr
future mother can be
tion (a problem discu
female demon Lama't
and rituals can ward o

30) Greengus 1990, 74 f.

31) D Pardee, BiOr 34 (19
Greengus 1990, 63, relate
32) Malul 1989.
33) Landsberger 1968, 5
34) Locher 1986, 117-19
35) S. Lackenbacher in Ar
36) Stol and Wiggerman

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 129

band and his family a child, has become a respected

tion of the Laws of Esnunna shows that she cannot
child is breast-fed for two or three years. It was p
to feed it this way; the laws of Hammurabi forbid
at the same time"37). Neither was it allowed in the
from Egypt (parathelazo). At the royal court of Su
nurse Rabbatum later became the nanny of a princ
how attached the Queen was to this woman, usu

No children, second wzfe

Children take care of their parents when the

already for that reason alone it is important to hav
was born, the adoption of an adult person was o
second wife was another option39). We have seve
of marriage. As a rule, their main point is to est
newcomer* "To the husband, she is the wife; to th
girl". We see more than once that it is the first w
wife; she can be a maid; sometimes it is a woman a
sister A married 'nun' that was not allowed to
brought her sister with her as second wife (the
expected to give birth to the children. She was the
ing two sisters may have been an ancient tradit
Gilgamesh offered his two sisters to Huwawa for m
contracts from Assyria and the West permit a seco
(or more) years of childlessness; some from Nuzi f
children. Another motif for taking a second w
disability of the first wife; lawbooks insure that th
are protected.
From all this it is clear that marriage m Babylonia was basically
monogamous. Men from some higher classes could afford additional
matrimonial entertainment, however Best known are the harems of the
kings, of course. The Middle Assyrian laws speak of two wives as normal,
the one 'in the front' and the other 'behind' The Assyrian merchants living

37) CH ? 194 with Gruber 1989; Cardascia 1982.

38) Ur III. P Steinkeller 1981, 90; M. Sigrist, Drehem (Bethesda, 1992) 361 (only Akka-
dian names!). Man: J -M. Durand, MARI 6 (1990) 276; see also G. Bardet, ARMT 23
(1984) 72-74.
39) Westbrook 1988, 103 ff.
40) A. Shaffer, JAOS 103 (1983) 310 f.

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130 M. STOL

in their faraway col

the so-called 'slave gir
they were entitled to
from Nuzi indeed en
second wife' and 'a c
Old Assyrian text: a m
mises: not 'to let live
a second wife (qadilt

Divorce

Old Babylonian cont

and the sanctions fo
harsh44). If the man
20 or 30 shekels of s
they shall bind her an
shall push her from t
the woman was realit
something worse, adu
mula. But ? 141-143
however, close study
minimize this dire c
and the woman is onl
of grave misdemeano
contracts is equally d
another man, she wi
another wife in prefe
that this clausula spea
Westbrook distinguish
no grounds 'hates' h
divorce. Specific mo
refuses cohabitation

41) K.R. Veenhof, Iraq 3

mien und seine Nachbarn
42) Paradise 1987, 12.
43) AKTI 77.1-9 with Bil
qd-qd-sa pd-te a-wi-tdm 2-na
44) Westbrook 1988, 69
45) N6rr 1962.
46) Roth 1988; contrast

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 131

bad behaviour. For the woman. bad behavi

cohabitation (?), he is a long time abroad (for
taken prisoner by the enemy)47). Getting
woman living in Assyria and the West; we de
of equal conditions for man and woman whic
exceptional marriage agreement on equa
ranking lady at the Neo-Assyrian court,
daughter with stipulations only benefitting t
tractants are Aramaic48). It has been said tha
man and woman, first visible in the Aram
(Egypt), is a heritage of the West49). A few
and the Middle Assyrian periods show that t
by no means lower in that they give the s
husband and wife in case of divorce 50). That
marriage were independent widows is a po
into account.

There is one text that gives me the idea that the primary meaning of
divorce clause is to determine the degree of (in)dependance of both peop
we have a declaration on the virginity of a bride, and the clausulas on e
punishment in case of divorce follow51). They are immaterial to the de
tion and were copied from the marriage contract. They were added in o
to remind the reader of the equal status of the woman.
Our conclusion is that In principle leaving her husband was not all
to a married woman, but that powerful parents could dictate other c
tions for their daughters, in all periods.

Adultery

There was a strong tendency to put the blame for adultery on the woman
asfemmefatale52). Wisdom literature of the entire Ancient Near East warns
young men against seduction and we have a Sumerian school text describ-

47) Motives for the man: A. Falkenstein, DTe neusumerzschen Gernchtsurkunden I (Munich,
1965) 108 f; Locher 1986, 254 f., 290 ff., Westbrook 1988, 75-78. Motives for the woman:
Locher 1986, 255-257, CH ? 142; Westbrook 1988, 86-88.
48) Postgate 1979, 79 f.
49) Lipinksi 1981.
50) P Koschaker,JCS 5 (1951) 117-119; Landsberger 1968, 91 n. 1 (German: 'muntfreie
Ehe; paritatische Ehe'); TIM 4 45 with C. Saporetti, Oriens Antzquus 7 (1968) 181-184.
51) Locher 1986, 195-197
52) Sterner 1987

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132 M. STOL

ing such a case53). A

that the Mesopotam
here in a queen. "Did
Addu, her lord? Di
somebody else open
wrong against her lo
ment before the jud
undergo a test by th
talionzs of the false
woman for adultery
the married status-or
it had happened: could
the man have been mi
or consensual inter
(Deuteronomy 22) disc
with this Tatorts-Kasu
this is an example of
take this lawbook too

Widows

Due to the higher ag

lot of women who sur
fatherless children,
the symbols of social v
protectors; the oldes
widows that we know
They take over the p
texts) and manage the
From the Neo-Babylo
her first concern was
the place where to live
band had given to he

53) Greengus 1969-70.

54) J.-M. Durand, Archi
55) Locher 1986, 315-380
56) Saporetti 1988.
57) Landsberger 1968, 6
58) Roth 1991-93, 4 f.
59) Fensham 1962.

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 133

that this picture emerges: a young widow

mother with children remains in the house
with her grown son60).
Another option is remarriage. Testamentar
have a clause telling that she can go away
stool when leaving the house and marry 'a
quishment of any claim to her former ho
less formal for a widow than for a young gi
after a period of living together with a ma
laws say. We see that she can take her child
and in that case an arrangement is made on
Levirate was not an institution but som
similar to it62).

Property and znherztance

The dowry that her father had given

property63). Her husband had the right t
should not be diminished. The children of t
by her could inherit the dowry Within the
('the basket') are distinguished as special fun
at her discretion, so it seems64). Other sour
by her father or her husband. Her ow
ceremonially bound in the 'hem' of her g
period it was kept in her 'basket'. We ind
in business; they were even allowed to buy
and the laws of Hammurabi see in married
perty (sikiltum) a danger for the welfare
accountable for the debts contracted by h
in the Neo-Babylonian period65).

60) Roth 1991-93, 26.

61) Huehnergard 1985, 432 f.
62) Skaist 1983; Joannis in Durand 1987, Westbr
of levirate, see Westbrook 1991, 69-89, "The Law of Biblical Levirate" He shows that
levirate wished to prevent extinction of the deceased's title (Hebrew 'name') to his landed
inheritance.
63) Westbrook 1991, 1994.
64) Roth 1989-90; Westbrook 1994, 274 f., 281.
65) This is background of CH ? 151 f. Ur III. H. Neumann in: Maria de Jong Ellis, Nip
pur at the Centennial (Philadelphia, 1992) 172, with note 72 (Neo-Babylonian). In two Neo
Assyrian marriage contracts the wife's liability is excluded; CTN II no. 247 with comm. and
Saporetti 1984, 53.

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 134 M. STOL

As to the right to
exemplary- "The so
(Ketuboth IV, 6). Th
the women in the fam
themselves, an arra
somebody else, ofte
rations66). Daughters
are some instances, h
(in the Pre-Sargonic
women were not marr
their inheritance dev
testaments, the goods
to sons or brothers69
that will not be d
Babylonian period sug
heir, whatever 'com
unmarried daughter
and its value was set a
the dowry as an adv
no, because a dowry
right, according to
A man having only d
son and marrying him
Mesopotamian kings
find the same in the Bible. Westbrook has written that we should not see

in these rulings a vested right of those daughters to the Inheritance; they

special interventions 75). However, we have an Old Babylonian partiti
between two women and it is assumed that they were the only daught
inheriting from their father-without special intervention 76).

66) F.R. Kraus in: Essays on Oriental Laws of Succession (Leiden, 1969) 13 f., 17
67) Westbrook 1991, 158 n. 1.
68) Cf. Paradise 1980.
69) Saporetti 1984, 52.
70) R. Harris, Or NS 30 (1961) 163-169; eadem, Iraq 38 (1976) 129-132.
71) C. Wunsch, Die Urkunden des babylonzschen Geschdftsmannes Iddin-Marduk (Groning
1993) 80 and Roth 1991, 22, 37a; E. Leichty, Anatolian Studies 33 (1983) 153-155.
72) Roth 1991-93, 7 f.
73) Westbrook 1991, 157
74) Paradise 1980; Ben Barak 1980.
75) Westbrook 1991, 162 f.
76) C.-F Jean, Tell Sifr (Paris, 1931) no. 18, with Klima 1950, 170 f., and D Charp
Archives familiales et proprzit privde en Babylonze ancrenne. Etude des documents de 'Tell Sifr' (Geniv
1980) 73.

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 135

It has been said that a daughter could inher

father; this idea cannot be substantiated as

The harem

A few remarks on the royal harem may

evidence for it in the Presargonic texts from
in the archives from Ebla, in the West, Sy
the Ur III empire implied that the king's fir
with whom he united at the New Year fe
earthly queen was his 'second wife' (lukur)77
royal consorts and the palace bristled with p
modern scholars have reached the figure 90
years 78). Women in the harem of Old Ba
'singers' but two letters from Marn show
'girl-friends' of the king who banned his wi
number of women increased in Marn from 4
232 under Zimri-Lim, the booty after his
contributed to this 80). It is interesting to ob
over the harem of his predecessor which imp
learn from the Absolom story in the Bibl
kingdom of Arrapha (of the 'Nuzi' texts) t
cities and in one of them lived 31, in the o
perhaps many more82). The Marn harem
know more about the strict rules thanks
edicts', loyalty oaths sworn by courtiers.
broken 83).
The Queen was an important person and
foremost position after the death of the

77) Steinkeller 1981, 81.

78) Cf. Van de Mieroop 1989, 58-61.
79) J -M. Durand, MARI 6 (1990) 290-4.
80) J -M. Durand in E. Levy, Le systime palatial en Or
84 ff.
81) Durand 1985, 389
82) W Mayer, Nuzi-Studien I (Kevelaer, 1978) 111 f.
83) Edition: E. Weidner, "Hof- und Harems-Erlasse assyrischer K6nige aus dem 2.
Jahrtausend v Chr.", AfO 17 (1954-56) 257-293. Cf. A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscrip-
tions I (Wiesbaden, 1972) 46 v., ? 304-6, ? 335-341 (on deaths), ? 517, ? 681-3 (gifts pro-
hibited), ? 850-9, ? 905-912 (strife and swearing), ? 928, 989; II (1976) ? 184-193 (access
and contacts). Cf. G. Cardascia, art. "Gesetze", ? 3.1 (RIA III 286-7); P Garelli, art.
"Hofstaat", B, ? 2 (RIA IV 447-8).

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 136 M. STOL

Queen of the Hittite

but very real Semiram
to get their own son
Not a queen, but an
succeeded in getting

Work

Most of the contracts and letters deal with women of the higher classes
of society-the social strata where putting down in writing marriages,
messages, disbursements of goods, etc., was practised; we know their names
and learn of their activities. Normally, a well to do woman had no job and
it was her task to 'grind the flour' at home. Wives of Old Assyrian mer-
chants, however, were actively involved in their husband's business in the
colonies, like Kane'; a wife of a Neo-Babylonian wealthy man was active
in his affairs, also exploiting the silver from her dowry85). Other women,
particularly at court, managed large landed estates86). The only legal
capacity that a woman never has had was to be a witness. Still, in the Neo-
Babylonian period she had the right to be 'sitting', i.e., to be formally pres-
ent, when her husband was contracting a deal of interest to her87).
Poor women are largely anonymous. The lowest class of female workers
visible in these family archives are the slave girls. Slavery existed but it did
not dominate society. Wealthy girls took a few named slaves (male and
female) with them as part of their dowry. Sources of slavery were war booty,
purchase on the market, and irreparable debt. One of the last resorts for a
man in debt was to give his wife, daughters and slave girls to his creditor
as pledges; they had to work there, for instance to grind flour88). The
number of passages in Old Babylonian letters referring to these pledged per-
sons (neptitum) is quite high: pledging was not an unusual step and having
them released appears to be one of the main problems.

84) Ben Barak 1987

85) An Old Assyrian example is Taram-Kilbi; see C. Michel, Inndya dans les tablettes palio-
assyriennes I (Pans, 1991) 77-88. Other data in K.R. Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian trade and
zits terminology (Leiden, 1972) 110-123. The Neo-Babylonian woman is Ina-Esagil-rfimat; see
C. Wunsch, Die Urkunden des babylontschen Geschiiftsmannes Iddin-Marduk (Groningen, 1993)
66-72.
86) Van de Mieroop 1989, 54-63.
87) P Koschaker, Babylontsch-assyrzsches Biirgschaftsrecht (Leipzig, 1911) 200-209; M. S
Nicol6, Or NS 16 (1947) 291-4.
88) H. Waetzoldt and M. Sigrist in: The Tablet and the Scroll. Near Eastern Studies in hon
of William W Hallo (Bethesda, 1993) 273b. Old Assyrian examples: S. Bayram, K.R.
Veenhof, JEOL 32 (1991-92) 89 ff.

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 137

We know something of the lot of the poor

'great organisations' (temples, domains). It
vowed their children to temples. Those w
Sumerian organisations89). Women work
important export product of Mesopotami
women could be required to grind flour,
Whatever their work was, they received hal
often 30 litres of barley per month90). Th
that a woman could not work during six day
to her menstrual period91). In Babylonia
'stricken by the weapon'.
Better off were women having a specialised
across the woman nursing a baby and can
from the Old Babylonian law books is the 'b
not only providing beer to her customers
male counterpart, the 'brewer', is in charge
In the Neo-Babylonian period, a rich man
the means to establish a tavern--incide
relatively good position of slaves at this t
position was the leader of the household of
the s'aknmtu. A woman with a similar posit
of Marn (the abarakkatum). From the earl
sionally come across women who can write:
two "poets" of royal blood93). Secret k
appreciated: as in many other cultures, w
and a large corpus of apotropaic rituals and
this ever existing danger94).
Best known is the prostitute95). Literary
found behind the city wall and the laws s
alone on the streets was supposed to solici
outside the city of Susa a brothel has bee
decorated with terracottas representing nak

89) Cf. Roth 1991-93, 24 f.

90) Waetzoldt 1988; Van de Mieroop 1989, 64-66
91) B. Lafont, NABU 1987/45; Waetzoldt 1988, 3
Koenig, Journal astatique 273 (1985) 7 f.
92) Beaulieu 1993, 13a.
93) Harris 1990.
94) Rollins 1983.
95) Bottero 1987, Lambert 1992.
96) L. Triimpelmann, "Eine Kneipe in Susa", Iran

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 138 M. STOL

where adopted girls

guarantee the adoptan
a prostitute; the pos
Lipit-I'tar shows th
Leaving one's wife
immoral"9). An unm
implied some life-insu
the man who causes
texts arrange the upb
shortly after birth99
nian woman was supp
note that this is a rit
rumour cannot be con
either was completely wrong or misunderstood a form of cultic
prostitution 100). The ill repute of Babylon as whore in the last book of the
Bible is not justified. Another legendary rite de passage is 'the right of the first
night', only known from a passage in the Old Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic.
This brings us to the debate about the existence of 'sacred prostitution'
Classical authors reported about this institution in the homeland Phoenicia,
and Cyprus or Mount Eryx on Sicily One school denies it for Mesopotamia
outright 101), the other confirms it and sees even in the innocent 'nun'
naditum such a woman' 02). We will present here the hard evidence. Recently
published texts from Old Babylonian Sippar speak of 'prostitution' related
to the cult, and a low-ranking woman with a special hairdo known from the
KiS texts of the same period (kezertum) must have been involved in the cult;
in later texts she is identified as a prostitute in the service of Ishtar of
Uruk 03). We suppose that she did the work referred to in the Sippar texts.
A text from Nuzi shows that a girl was vowed to Ishtar 'for prostitution' 104).
In contracts from an Aramaic speaking area (Tell Halaf), the defaulter is
threatened as follows: "Let them burn his seven sons in front of (the god)

97) BE 6/2 4, see now E.C. Stone, D.I. Owen, Adoption in Old Babylonian Nippur (Winona
Lake, 1991) 54 no. 20 (Old Bab.); and BE 14 40, with Lambert 1992, 134 f. (Middle Bab.).
98) Westbrook 1984.
99) CT 55 154 and AnOr 8 14, with disputed explanations, see M. Roth, RA 82 (1988)
132-4.
100) Wilhelm 1990.
101) Arnaud 1973; Gruber 1986; Westenholz 1989
102) Lambert 1992.
103) M.L. Gallery, Or NS 49 (1980) 335, 338; M. Tanret, K. van Lerberghe in: J
Quaegebeur, Ritual and sacrifice in the Ancient Near East (Leuven, 1993) 440-2, 447
104) Wilhelm 1990.

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 WOMEN IN MESOPOTAMIA 139

Adad, let them leave his seven daughters t

stitutes", similarly sounding formulas In A
speaks of giving seven kezru men and seven
Kurba-il 105).

Religion

In prayers, the female half of a divine couple is asked to interfere with

her husband on behalf of the supplicant 106). There, the task of the wife is
intercession. In introduction scenes on cylinder seals a woman Introduces
man to his god. Similarly, the wife in the house was supposed to pray for
her family to the gods '07). This religious idea explains the existence of
cloisters in the Old Babylonian period, rather than an economic motif to
preserve the family capital. Rich and even royal families sent their daughter
to this secluded place, where they prayed and made sacrifices on behalf of
their relatives-this is what we read in their letters 108). We have large parts
of the archives of the cloister of Sama' and Aya in Sippar: it appears that
these women (naditum) owned houses, fields, orchards which were given out
to tenants. Some had such large estates that a steward had to run it. The
laws of Hammurabi show that these women could not get children otherwise
than by adoption. The existence of this group of 'nuns' is exceptional in
being only attested in the Old Babylonian period; for further information
we refer to the existing literature 109). Kings appointed their daughters as
high priestesses In ancient cult places110).
Texts from Old Babylonian Elam and from Middle Babylonian Nippur,
Nuzi, and the West show that women were Involved in funerary rituals; the
sad Tammuz cult was her concern I1). Ur III queens performed rites at the
end of every month; were those meant for the dead, too, rather than to ward
off the dangers of the moonless nights, as is commonly assumed?11"2).

105) Wilhelm 1990, 513 f.

106) K. Watanabe, ASJ 12 (1990) 323 ff.
107) Van der Toorn 1994, 37-43.
108) Batto 1974, 129-132; Durand 1985, 397
109) Harris 1967, J Renger, ZA 58 (1967) 149 ff., R. Harris, Ancient Sippar (Istanbul,
1975) 142 ff., 302 ff.-One remark on "the rope (qiim) of Samai" that was placed on the
novice's arm, "symbolizing her new relationship to the god" (Harris 1975, 308; also Harris
1967, 114 f.): it is a ring (unqum); correct the text as follows: u4-um <un > -qd-am a dutu a-na
qd-tz-s'a as'-ku-nu (CT 4 18b: 1-2). Line 4 shows that it is the 20th day of the month; the day
of Samal (M. Birot, ARMT XIV [1974] 215).
110) Durand 1985, 397 f.
111) Van der Toorn 1994, 116-121.
112) W Sallaberger, Der kultzsche Kalender der Ur III-Zeit 1 (Berlin, 1993) 60-63.

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 140 M. STOL

Women also consulte

interpreters (di'iltu

We have reached the

of almost 3,000 years. Can we discover differences in places or
developments in time? Some are clearly visible. We have seen that in
Assyria and 'the West' betrothal was sealed by anointing the bride. There,
it was easier for a woman to divorce. However, the treatment of a woman
in the Assyrian laws is harsh. The freedom of a woman was limited and the
more so if she or her parents were poor. Daughters of rich families of all
periods, on the other hand, could be involved in big business and have
responsible duties. The conditions stipulated in marriage contracts reflect
the social positions of both parties. Some rules, however, applied to every
woman: in principle she could not inherit and she could not act as a witness.
Certain developments mitigated her dependent status. Already soon, the
brideprice was conveyed to her by her father; and although never a witness,
her presence was required in the Neo-Babylonian period. At this time, she
was no more liable for her husband's debt; women could no more be
pledged ') and divorce may have become easier. These improvements
benefitted only the women in the wealthy families. The existence of the
ordinary remained largely unchanged.

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