Ej 1287377
Ej 1287377
Ej 1287377
e-ISSN 2490-4198
UAE: Perspectives of Arab
Vol. 5, No. 2, December 2020, 55-83
Mothers of Children with © AJAL
http://www.arjals.com
Autism Spectrum Disorders
Manar Bakhsh
Mohammed bin Rashed Center for Special Education, UAE
Abstract
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Context of the Study
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has a diverse population of 9.7 million (World Bank,
2019), of which 11.5% are UAE nationals and the majority remainder of 88.5% is made up
of expatriates (Federal Competetivness and Statistics Authority, 2005). While the
government official language is Arabic; English is widely used, particularly in big urban
cities like Abu Dhabi and Dubai in which non-Emiratis make up 81% and 92% of the
population, respectively (Dubai Statistics Center, 2018; Statistics Centre Abu Dhabi,
2019). These unique cultural and linguistic characteristics of the UAE influence the
parents’ choice for language use with their children, particularly parents of children with
language impairments such as children with Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD).
An estimate of 20-50% of individuals with ASD will not develop functional speech
(Kim, et. al., 2014) however, these estimations are influenced by how functional speech is
defined and the children’s characteristics. Furthermore, children who do develop speech
often present language difficulties (Kjelgaard & Tager-Flusberg, 2001).
Since the UAE was founded as a federation of seven emirates in 1971-1972, citizens of
UAE identify as Emirati. On a larger scale, they identify as Gulf citizens and part of the
Arab and Islamic world. The locals communicate using the local Emirati Arabic, which is
a variety of Gulf Arabic. As an Arab Muslim nation, Standard Arabic (SA) is essential as
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it is the form of Arabic used in literature and the media. Furthermore, SA plays a vital
role in connecting the Arabic speaking nations with one another (Kennetz & Carroll,
2018). While, Arabic1 is the first language of the UAE and the only language mentioned
in its constitution (Gallagher, 2011), English functions as a second language in business.
Furthermore, English is used as the country’s lingua franca, as 90% of the UAE workforce
are expatriates (Boyle, 2011), from more than 200 nationalities (Al-Khouri, 2012). In
educational settings, English has been made the medium of instruction in major higher
institutions in the country (Gallagher, 2011), which adopted an English minimum cut-off
for university eligibility (Belhiah & Elhami, 2015). Moreover, the majority of government
schools in the UAE teach Arabic and English starting from kindergarten (Gallagher,
2011).
These unique conditions of the UAE have recently led researchers to question the
impact of English on the home language practices and Arabic identity of UAE children.
Al-issa & Dahan (2011) documented the importance of preserving Arabic as an engine of
cultural and heritage maintenance and asked educational policymakers to revisit the role
of English in educational settings. Furthermore, the parents’ bilingual language practices
towards their children and attitudes toward the increased use of English was discussed
with concern. However, these concerns were not supported by research. On the other
hand, a more recent research encouraged the use of English as a medium of education
(Dahan, 2013).
Although to this date, there are no studies on how Emirati parents view and value
the use of Arabic and English, and research within the field is scarce, findings from one
qualitative study on Emiratis language practices may help us make sense of our
participants' views and language practices. In the Kennetz and Carroll (2018) study,
almost 100 anonymous responses were collected from 20-29-year-old Emiratis by sending
bilingual Arabic/English e-surveys across the UAE. The survey included 35-items that
collected data on language use preferences in multiple domains which included such as
family, education, religion, and the community. Findings indicated that Emiratis value
both languages, however, Arabic is favoured when interacting with locals and in cultural
1
Unless otherwise specified, when the language Arabic is mentioned, the author is referring to both Standard Arabic
and local Emirati Arabic.
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events, while English is used more often with non-locals and in educational settings
(Kennetz & Carroll, 2018).
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sequential bilinguals and simultaneous bilinguals. The study also documented that about
60% of the bilingually exposed children were acquiring vocabulary in both languages.
A study by Ohashi et al. (2012) echoed the findings from the study above. In this
study, the communication abilities of 20 bilingually exposed and 20 monolingually
exposed children with ASD (ages 24-52 months) were compared. The children were able
to say 30 words at a minimum. The bilingual children were all simultaneous bilinguals
that had on-going home exposure to two languages, English or French. The monolingual
children were exposed to one language, either English or French, from birth to the time
of the assessment. The researchers matched the children from the two groups by their
chronological age and nonverbal IQ scores. The children were compared by their severity
in communication impairments associated with autism, age of the children’s first words,
age of the children’s first phrases, their receptive and expressive language scores, and the
children’s functional communication scores. The findings presented no significant
differences between the language abilities of the bilingual group and the monolingual
group.
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communication social skills in children with ASD, as bilingually exposed children with
ASD in the study used communicative gestures and took part in pretend play more than
their monolingual peers. The findings are consistent with a study that compared
communicative gestures of TD bilingual and monolingual children which concluded that
bilingualism facilitates non-verbal communication in TD children (Yow & Markman,
2011).
Recent studies investigating concerns of bilingual parents of children with ASD reported
that parents were concerned that their decisions on introducing two languages to their
children would negatively impact their language development (Hampton et al., 2017;
Kay-Raining Bird et al., 2012). These concerns may have been influenced by the
professionals’ recommendations to parents to use one language at home (Jordaan, 2008).
In their study, Kay-Raining Bird et al. (2012) reported that the majority of parents with
children with ASD were advised to choose one language to communicate with their child,
which convinced a few parents to abandon one language and raise their child in a
monolingual environment (Kremer-Sadlik, 2005). Adopting a monolingual approach
may negatively impact the quality of the parent-child interaction (Kremer-Sadlik, 2005)
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and restrict child’s interactions with family members and isolate them from social and
cultural events in the community (Baker, 2011).
The literature discussed presents findings that support families raising bilingual
children with ASD, due to the lack of negative evidence associated with bilingualism on
the communication and language development of children with ASD. Despite that,
attitudes of the majority of parents of children with ASD from North America and the
UK seem unchanged. There is a general dearth in the studies of the experiences of parents
of bilingual children with ASD and there are no studies in the UAE. The current study
will attempt to understand the practices and concerns of Emirati mothers of bilingual
children with ASD that are living in the UAE, which encompasses a unique linguistic
environment. The study aims to answer the following research questions:
1. What is the nature of the Emirati mothers’ language practices with their bilingual
children with ASD?
2. According to these mothers, what facilitates or limits their language practices with
their bilingual children with ASD?
Method
A qualitative approach was adopted for this study, which involved semi-structured
interviews with bilingual mothers of children with ASD. The interviewer was guided
through general themes by an interview guide (see Appendix D) that was created to
provide open-ended questions. This approach was chosen because it encourages the
interviewees to have more control over the topics and allows the interviewer to follow
their lead and develop follow-up questions around the topics they raise. The interview
guide was arranged into three sections (1) Focused History: which allowed the mothers
to talk about their experiences since their children’s diagnosis, the impact on their lives
and their decisions about their language practices after consulting with the professionals.
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(2) Current Experience: this section focused on the mothers’ current experiences with
their children’s daily routine, school-home relationships, family roles and language
patterns in these different contexts. (3) Reflections: the last section explored the mothers’
educational and language expectations for their children. One interview of 40-60 minutes
was conducted with each participant. Several strategies were employed to ensure the
participants’ comfort through the interviews. The participants were encouraged to use
the language they were most comfortable with and to code-switch if they wanted to. They
choose the time of the interviews and if they wanted to be interviewed alone or with their
partner (see details below). Ethical approval was granted by the university prior to
recruitment and data collection.
The study targeted mothers of children with ASD. The mothers were recruited from one
school which all of their children attend. The study inclusion criteria were: (a)
participants had at least one child with a documented ASD diagnosis, (b) children must
be between the ages of 3-8 years old (c) participants spoke Emirati Arabic as their primary
language (d) participants used English in the community without an interpreter. The
children's age range , 3 to 8, was chosen to ensure that they are old enough to have
received a diagnosis of ASD and young enough for their parent to contemplate their
language practices with their children. The reason for focusing on bilingual mothers was
that they were most likely to interact and socialize in bilingual environment. Therefore,
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they were more likely to make conscious decisions about their language practices with
their children.
Five mothers agreed to participate in the study, however, only four were able to
attend the interviews. Three mothers were interviewed independently, and one mother
chose to be interviewed with her spouse. On the day of the interview, a background
questionnaire (Appendix C) was completed by the participants to collect demographic
data. All four participating mothers were Arabic speaking Emirati citizens residing in
UAE. They spoke English with high proficiency. The participants’ level of education
varied as one mother held a Master’s certificate, one held a high school certificate and
two mothers held diploma certificates.
The participants’ annual household income ranged from lower than average to
average, ranging from AED 150,000 to 240,000 a year which is equivalent to USD 40,840
to 65,345 a year to higher than AED 250,000 which is equivalent to USD 68,067 (Gulf
News, 2008). All mothers reported that they use both languages: Arabic and English at
home, except for one mother that reported she exclusively uses Arabic at home. All
mothers had access to help at home, whether it was a live-in housekeeper or a family
member that lived with the family. The four participants had at least one child diagnosed
with ASD. The children were between the ages of 3 and 8 and had been diagnosed with
ASD for at least 1 year.
Table 1
Participant and child pseudonyms, child’s age and family language practices
Mother Child and Mother-child Language use with other family members
child’s Age language use
Sara Zayed (7) Arabic/sometimes Arabic with spouse and close family,
English Arabic/English with Zayed’s siblings
Aisha Mohammed English/Arabic Arabic with spouse and close family,
(5) Arabic/English with Mohammed’s siblings
Mariam Hammda (7) English/Arabic Arabic with spouse and family members,
Arabic/English with Hammda’s brother
Salama Hamdan (8) Arabic Arabic with all family members
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The children's communication levels varied. One of the children was non-verbal
and communicated using an Augmentative Alternative Communication (AAC) device,
two of the children were at the single-word level and one child was able to participate in
extended exchanges. All the children were enrolled in an applied behaviour analysis
(ABA) base day program, which provides bilingual Arabic/English services in a school
setting. The services are provided by native speakers. The participants’ pseudonyms and
their children with ASD, the children’s ages, and the language patterns between the
mother and child and the mother and the rest of the family are presented in Table 1.
Data Analysis
The interviews were conducted by the researcher who had experience in working with
families of children with ASD and interviewing them. They were audio recorded on the
researcher’s password-protected phone and then transferred to a password-protected
hard-drive. The interviews were then transcribed verbatim in their entirety by the
researcher. The transcriptions were completed in Arabic. The pseudonyms were used
through the transcripts for anonymity. Two methods were used during data examination:
thematic analysis and narrative analysis. They were both applied to explore the data for
recurring and prominent themes. The thematic analysis was used to process the data
through an inductive approach rather than a deductive one (Thomas, 2006). Inductive
analysis is suitable for under-researched topics as themes emerge from examining the
data rather than making assumptions and imposing theories on them. This method was
appropriate for the exploratory nature of this study. First, the transcripts were thoroughly
examined for coding using a complete coding approach, which included coding all
relevant transcripts (Clarke & Braun, 2013). Then, the codes and accumulated data related
to each code were checked for similarity and overlap by splitting, removing, or combing
data, if necessary. This data analysis led to the identification of main themes and
subthemes. In the last stage of analysis, the entire data was reviewed again, and the initial
themes and subthemes were categorized into four themes.
The transcripts were also explored through narrative analysis. Narrative analysis
is used to gain insights into how participants connect events and how they feel about
them, which allows the researcher to view the data as an interpretation of the
participants’ lived experiences, rather than factual reporting. A narrative profile was
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created for each participant. A narrative profile is a collection of the participant’s words
that are constructed into coherent stories (Siedman, 1998). Both methods were essential
for data analysis as thematic analysis puts emphasis on concerns that impacted all
participants, while narrative analysis highlights the personal experiences of each
participant.
Validity
To increase the validity of the study, several strategies were employed. First, feedback on
data analysis was requested from colleagues (peers) in different stages of coding and
theme identification. In the initial stage of coding, 50% of the codes were checked by
colleagues for agreement. They were given the codes and a list of groups of quotes and
were asked to match the codes to a corresponding group of quotes. The initial stage
coding agreement was approximately 70% and the final stage coding agreement was over
90%. Since all the mothers chose to use Arabic in the interviews, the transcripts were all
in Arabic. After arranging the groups of quotes into themes, they were translated by the
researcher, and a bilingual colleague was asked to review the translations. Second,
sections from the written analysis were sent to the participants for their feedback. The
participants agreed with the analysis and had no comments or objections. Finally, using
thematic analysis and narrative analysis allowed for data triangulation. Triangulation is
a systemic process of arranging the data to find shared themes and removing overlapped
information. This may be employed by collecting the data through multiple methods,
sources, and investigators and analysing the data using multiple approaches (Creswell &
Miller, 2000).
Results
Four themes were identified to influence the mothers’ language practices towards their
children with ASD. These were (a) the mothers’ views on the importance of both English
and Arabic in their children’s lives, (b) the implications of living in multicultural society
on the language practices of Emirati families (c) the mothers’ attitudes towards the
preservation of Arabic, and (d) the mother’s beliefs about bilingualism.
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Theme A: Both Languages, Different Roles
The mothers’ responses shared a common theme which was their emphasis on nurturing
both Arabic and English. They perceived both languages to play important, though
different roles in integrating their children into society. For education, the mothers
prioritized English over Arabic. According to the mothers, English proficiency is essential
for higher education. For example, Aisha said:
Most things require English now… for example, in the future when he attends university
or pursue higher education or continue his studies in the future, it will mostly be in
English.
The participants also believed that English proficiency would give their children an
advantage in future employment opportunities. For example, Salama said:
I would like for him to excel in English. That way, people will not look at him as a person
of determination2, instead they will be impressed by his use of language...I believe English
might be better to learn for future work opportunities where English will be used for
communication: spoken and written.
I will support my son in learning English. It will help him manoeuvre school, university
and his job in the future…English has become a global language.
While English was perceived as a necessity for their children’s education and future,
Arabic was highly valued and critical in maintaining family bonds. For example, Salama
said:
Our family environment, which is our main social circle, is an Arabic one, it is completely
Arabic. We do not use a single word of English in our conversations…therefor Arabic is
essential for him, to be part of the family. It is important to be fluent in Arabic.
2
People with special needs are referred to as people with determination in the UAE as per the
national policy for empowering people with special needs (Ministry of Community Development,
2017).
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Arabic was also associated with maintaining tradition, Islamic values, and Quranic
teachings. For example, Sara explained:
In an ideal world, I would like my son to perfect Arabic…what would be more ideal than a
child who is capable of reading and reciting verses from the Quran? I put a lot of effort
with all of my children to get them to listen to the Quran recitations…I say “okay, you can
speak to each other in English, but you have to listen and recite the Quran”. I don’t expect
perfect recitations…Every morning and later in the evening, I turn on the supplications
and prayers for Zayed...sometimes I sit with him and recite the prayers. I know I am
exposing him to Arabic this way as well.
When the mothers spoke about Arabic, Quranic teachings were mentioned as a matter a
fact with no elaborate explanations. For example, Salama said, “we have to be fluent in
Arabic, in a Muslim community…of course we focus on the Quran, at least reciting the Quran
which we use in our prayers and religious practices”. In the previous example, Salama used
“we” repeatedly referring to the collective society.
Arabic is our language, it is our tradition, it is our Quran. For him to learn Quran, he
must know Arabic. He must learn how to read Arabic, which will definitely benefit
him…my son could be gifted in writing Arabic poetry…who knows?
The participants spoke about choosing English as the academic language for their
children as if it was an optional choice, however, sometimes they expressed their
helplessness in making that decision due to the multicultural nature of the society. For
example, Aisha said,
I want his English to be solid…because if you look at the nationalities in our society, mash-
Allah [praise the Lord], we have people from all nationalities…when he gets older and
leaves the house to buy or get something, even a simple thing I want him to be capable of
speaking to everybody…if he gets lost, God forbid, most of the security guards speak
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English…knowing English, now in this society, will make his life a little easier…when
dealing with the society, mash-Allah, most people understand English.
Similarly, the same feelings were expressed about the educational settings. For example,
Sara said:
If you get out of your house, to the mall, for example, you will have to use English. English
has dominated our daily routine… it has become compulsory; it was forced on us.
Nowadays it is part of the nursery curriculum in private and public nurseries…all of our
interactions have become in English. It is an English-speaking environment.
The mothers spoke on how their feelings and opinions toward English have
changed since they had children. They also reported that close family members and
members of their community adapted their mindset toward English when their children
started attending school. Maryam spoke about her experience, she said, “Honestly, in the
past, before having children I spoke only in Arabic. I used to watch parents speak to their children
in English and think to myself ‘this is silly, it is ridiculous to speak English with your children,
you should teach your children about the Arabic Snaa’ [Arab tradition and etiquette]. But after
having Hammda and seeing how she speaks in English, I am required to [speak English] my
perspective has changed or I’ve developed a new perspective, we have to catch up with the new
generation”. Likewise, Sara said:
I noticed that his [Zayed’s] cousins, the younger generations, ages four and five, are
speaking English. My son is eight now, so my children are older than their cousins and we
were the first to start using English at home…before, the adults in our family would look
at my children like they were aliens and say ‘look at their children, they speak English’ and
now the same people, the ones that used to judge us, they are talking in English with their
children…and if you ask them, “Why did you change your minds?” they will say, “well,
this is how the new generation is.”
A clear priority for all the mothers in the study was to highlight their multicultural
and multilingual society and express their appreciation of the fact that their children are
exposed to English through multiple mediums. They also spoke about the significance of
teaching their children both Arabic and English from the right source where the quality
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of the language was more important than the quantity or time spent practicing the
language. For example, Aisha said:
If a teacher is an English speaker, then I want her to speak to my son in English because if
she spoke in Arabic it will probably be Pidgin Arabic…I prefer Arabic speakers to speak to
him in Arabic only and English speakers to speak to him in English
Although all the participants in the study completed their higher education in
English and used English in the society with ease and comfort, as conveyed by the
participants and observed by the researcher, none of them used English in their
households before having children. The previous examples demonstrate the rapid change
observed in the UAE linguistics practices and its consequences on the Emirati families’
language practices.
Even though all the mothers valued and acknowledged the role of Arabic in their lives
and their children’s, they did not pursue Arabic academic teachings or structured Arabic
classes for their children. Instead, the mothers tried to incorporate Arabic into their lives,
which varied from one family to another. Salama spoke about the value of Arabic as the
language of “Islamic teachings” and her efforts in teaching it at home. For example, she
said:
I focus on Arabic at home. I ask him questions and expect answers in Arabic. I help him
formulate sentences in Arabic…of course we focus on Arabic because we focus on the
Quran.
Aisha spoke highly of Arabic whenever she mentioned it, she used words like “the
mother language” and “our identity”. Aisha said that her son is learning Arabic through
family interactions, but they are focusing on teaching him English. She said:
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My son uses English, but he understands Arabic. He will sometimes answer me in both
Arabic and English…I want him to focus on learning English because he already hears us
speak Arabic at home and he understands Arabic.
The mothers spoke about their conviction that Arabic will always be the children’s
first language with or without direct teaching, although there were direct and indirect
statements about the difficulties of learning Arabic and its complexity. For example, Sara
said:
The children prefer speaking in English. English is easier it doesn’t have the grammatical
complexities of Arabic. Arabic is a very difficult subject in school, and it is one of the most
difficult languages…eventually the child will speak in his mother language. Whether he
grew up learning English or another language, in the end the child will return to his mother
language...his older brother started talking in English first, he used English until he was
satiated with it and then returned to Arabic.
One mother spoke about being once alarmed by the general decline of the quality of
Arabic teachings in UAE schools, however, she is now convinced that her children will
“naturally” acquire Arabic. Because of their conviction that their children will eventually
learn Arabic, some mothers spoke about focusing on English in the meantime and
delaying Arabic for later. However other mothers asked family members to speak in
Arabic only with their children.
The language practices of the mothers with their children were directly influenced by
their positive beliefs on bilingualism. All of the mothers in the study expressed their
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strong belief that their children are capable of learning more than one language. For
example, Salama said:
When he was first diagnosed, I couldn’t comprehend that my son would be able to learn
more than one language…after a while I accepted the fact that he must learn more, if I
could, I would teach him a third language…my son is clever, and he is capable of learning
two languages just like the typically developing children.
Ultimately all of the mothers agreed that language was a tool that facilitated their
children’s communication and that their children would benefit from having two
languages, which would enable them to use English and Arabic vocabulary or both at the
same time, if they needed to. They spoke about the significance of being flexible with
their language practices with their children with ASD and following their children’s lead
instead of enforcing a specific language. For example, Sara said:
I would advise parents to follow their child’s lead. Do not impose a language…expose your
child equally to both languages, and if you noticed that he is better in English expose him
more to Arabic, don’t demolish his English…let him be, encourage him and follow his lead
and expose him equally to both.
I use both [English and Arabic] with my daughter, since she started using both languages.
As long as she is capable of expressing what she needs, and she wants…I have no problem
with either language…I would advise parents in my situations to use both languages for
their child’s best interest.
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The mothers’ beliefs about bilingualism were in line with the advice they received
from professionals such as physicians, psychologists, and speech and language
pathologists (SLP) regarding their language practices with their children. All of the
mothers received the same advice which advocated the use of both languages with their
children. Two of the mothers spoke about seeking advice from special education teachers
and other parents initially, who advised them to pick one language, however, both
mothers decided to consult with either a physician or SLP before making any decision on
their language use. The mothers were mainly advised to keep the home language, Arabic,
and include English which the professionals suggested would benefit the children later
in school. For example, Aisha said:
A teacher asked me about our home language, and I told him its Arabic, but I also told him
that my son is picking up English from the community and T.V.- so I told him I use English
sometimes at home. He advised me to pick one language, I honestly didn’t listen to his
advice and consulted a couple of speech therapists after, they explained to me that children
on the spectrum are capable of acquiring more than one language at a time…I see it with
my son and other children with ASD, they are using two and sometimes three languages.
Salama spoke about her experience when she asked an SLP and a psychologist about
bilingualism, she said:
They explained to me that children in general are able to acquire more than one language.
They said your child can comprehend and use both Arabic and English…in school, he can
practice English and in his Arabic environment, at home, he can practice Arabic.
I asked professionals and they preferred I use both languages with Hammda, the home
language, you know, our Emirati dialect and English. They said she is very smart, and
English would benefit her in school and in society.
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Discussion and Conclusions
The study aimed to understand the Emirati mothers’ language practices with their
children with ASD. The study focused on a small group of Emirati bilingual mothers who
choose a bilingual approach in communicating with their children. The mothers’ main
focus was to ensure their children’s well-being, success, and acceptance in the society.
The language practices adopted by the mothers in the current study echoed the preferred
language practices of bilingual English/Arabic Emirati university students in a recent
study which prioritized English in educational settings and with non-Arabic speakers
and preferred the use of Arabic with family members and in religious and cultural
contexts (Kennetz & Carroll, 2018). Similarly, the findings in this study confirm that both
Arabic and English play vital roles in the lives of Emirati children with ASD and their
families. The mothers prioritized the use of English in education settings and the
community due to their belief that English is a requirement for academic and career
success. They prioritized the use of Arabic with family members and in cultural and
religious settings. These uses are significant in shaping the Emirati identity.
The Emirati mothers had positive attitudes about incorporating English into their
daily lives, unlike recent studies that showed that parents had concerns about
bilingualism and feared its impact on their children’s language development and
learning (Kremer-Sadlik, 2005; Yu, 2013). However, the previous studies focused on
bilingual parents of children with ASD in environments where English was the dominant
language and home language was limited to family and members of the same
community. Furthermore, prior literature showed that the child’s verbal ability may
influence parents’ language practices with their child with ASD (Hambly & Fombonne,
2014; Hampton et al., 2017), however this theme did not emerge in this study; on the
contrary the participants were confident of their bilingual practices with their children.
These decisions could be attributed to the bilingual nature of UAE, which requires
bilingualism for social and academic success.
Even though the mothers occasionally felt that English was “forced” onto the
Emirati society, due to recent restructuring of the government and private sectors in the
UAE which placed English as a priority language (Al-issa & Dahan, 2011; Gallagher,
2011), their practices with their children and their attitudes toward English did not show
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any concerns toward the maintenance of their home language. Moreover, the mothers
believed that their children will always return to their “mother language”, Arabic, with
or without structured instruction.
The study shows that the mothers’ decisions about bilingualism were influenced
by the professionals’ recommendations, which encouraged them to raise their children
bilingually. However, the professionals disregarded providing specific guidelines on
home language maintenance or its significance, which leads the families to presume that
their children will retain Arabic solely through family interactions and unstructured
Islamic teachings. These perceptions confirm previous findings that families with
children with disabilities depend on therapists and healthcare providers as their main
source of information (Pain, 1999). This emphasizes the need for providing trainings for
professionals to better support and educate the families about matters concerning
bilingualism and home language maintenance, as recommended in recent literature
(Beauchamp & Macleod, 2017; Howard, Gibson, & Katsos, 2020; Lim et/ al., 2018).
Although the participants were mothers of children with different language levels,
their positive attitude towards bilingualism and their children’s future was also
influenced by their high aspirations for their children to succeed in a bilingual
environment. These findings show that parents will adjust their language practices with
their children, if that ensured the children’s language growth and participation in the
community. The findings also revealed that changes in a community’s language practices
do not have to diminish its appreciation of its religious and traditional values.
This study has some limitations. First, although the researcher sought to recruit mothers
from various backgrounds and educational levels, the mothers recruited were all highly
educated. Second, all the mothers were bilingual and could carry on conversations in
English without interpreters. This is common in the Emirate of Abu Dhabi where the
participants were recruited from, and a few other Emirates. However, English is less
commonly used in other Emirates, where mothers of children with autism would have
different experiences with bilingualism. Third, the participants’ children were all
attending a program which offers bilingual services. This may have facilitated their
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decisions about adopting a bilingual approach towards their children. Finally,
information about mother-child language practices was reported from the mother’s point
of view and observational data was not collected for these practices.
To our knowledge, this was the first study of its kind to consider the perceptions
of Emirati mothers of children with ASD regarding bilingualism. This study highlights
the need for more research on the language practices of Emirati parents of children with
ASD. More research should be explored on the practices of Emirati parents having older
children to understand if the findings are sustainable for longer periods of time. Future
research should explore the consequences of the parents’ language practices and their
influence on the children's well-being and their families. Lastly, there is limited
information on the practices and education of SLPs, healthcare providers, and teachers
on bilingualism and home-language maintenance in the region. Further research should
target service providers and professionals to explore their beliefs about bilingualism
which will help families make better decisions regarding bilingualism and their home-
language.
Acknowledgement: I would like to thank the individuals who participated in this study
and the reviewers for their insightful comments.
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Appendix A: Participant Consent Form
Participant Consent Form
Language Practices: Perspectives of Arab Mothers of Children with Autism Spectrum Disorders
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Appendix B: Information Sheet
Information Sheet
Investigator: Manar Bakhsh, B.sc.
Study Title: Language Practices: Perspectives of Arab Mothers of Children with Autism Spectrum
Disorders
I am a student at The University of Sheffield of Human Communication Sciences. This study is being
conducted as part of my dissertation requirement for a master in Speech Difficulties.
I am asking you to participate in a research study. You are being asked to participate in this study because
you are a Bilingual, Arabic/ English, Arab mother of a child with autism between the ages of 3-8 years old.
Please take time to read the information below and feel free to ask any questions before signing this
document.
Purpose: The United Arab Emirates has a very diverse population. The official language in the UAE is
Arabic; however, English is widely used in business, universities and in the community. The majority of
government schools in the UAE teach Arabic and English starting from kindergarten. Because of this, it is
important to understand how these unique cultural and linguistic characteristics of the United Arab
Emirates influences the language practices of mothers with children with autism. There is very little
research that addresses this topic. This purpose of this research is to explore Arab mother’s language
practices with children with autism in the United Arab Emirates. Through this research, I hope to better
understand the factors that impact the mothers’ decision in their language practices with their children
with autism. Understanding this will help us to treat children with autism more effectively.
Procedure: If you choose to participate in the study, your participation will include one private interview
with me. This interview will last for about 1 hour to 2 hours. The interview will include questions about
your language practices with your child with autism. After your first interview you may be asked to
participate in a follow up interview. This interview will last for about 1 hour. At any point during this
process, you will be encouraged to ask me any questions, as well as add additional information you want.
Risk to Participate: the risks of participation in this study are minimal and are no more of a risk to you
than regular daily activities.
Benefits to Participants: No direct benefit to participants is guaranteed. Research of this nature most often
contributes to the field of study and its body of knowledge, but non-intervention studies rarely provide
direct benefit to participants. It is expected that the information learned from this study may benefit the
international society in relation to best educational and treatment practices for individuals with autism.
Alternatives to Participation: Participation in this study is voluntary. You may withdraw from study
participation at any time.
Confidentiality: During this study I will collect some information about you. The information will include
your name, email address and telephone number. I will not collect other personal information such as
medical information or academic information. I will not collect identifying information about your
child. Information about your child’s age, gender, and number of brothers and sisters will be collected.
Audio recording of the interviews will be used if you give permission. All audio recordings will be
destroyed after transcribing them. All interview data will be kept in a protected location for five years and
then deleted.
Legal basis for processing your personal data: According to data protection legislation, we are required
to inform you that the legal basis we are applying in order to process your personal data is that ‘processing
is necessary for the performance of a task carried out in the public interest’ (Article 6(1)(e)). Further
80
information can be found in the University’s Privacy Notice https://www.sheffield.ac.uk/govern/data-
protection/privacy/general.
Data Controller: The University of Sheffield will act as the Data Controller for this study. This means that
the university is responsible for looking after your information and using it properly.
Questions and Concerns: If you have questions or concerns related to the procedure described in this
document please contact Manar Bakhsh at mbakhsh1@sheffield.ac.uk or by calling +971 50 404 1046 or
Dr. Thomson at j.m.thomson@sheffield.ac.uk or by calling +44 114 222 2440. You can also contact Dr.
Thomson by writing to: Dr. Thomson, Division of Human Communication Sciences, University of
Sheffield, 362 Mushroom Lane, Sheffield, S10 2TS, UK.
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Appendix C: Background Questionnaire
Language Practices: Perspectives of Arab Mothers of Children with Autism Spectrum Disorders
Some questions about you
In order for us to learn about the range of people taking part in this research, we would be grateful if you
could answer the following questions. All information provided is anonymous.
Please either write your answer in the space provided, or circle the answer, or answers, that best apply to
you.
5 Your annual AED 100,000 to AED 140,000 AED 150,000 to AED 190,000
household income:
AED 200,000 to AED 240,000 Over AED 250,000
Separated Widowed
Thank you!
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Appendix D: Interview Guide
1: Focused History
• Did you have any experience with autism prior to your child’s diagnosis?
• How did your child become diagnosed with ASD?
• How has your child’s diagnosis affected your life?
• What have teachers or other professionals told you about your child’s learning of English or Arabic?
• Have teachers or other professionals recommended you speak to your child in English or Arabic?
• Did you have any specific plans for your child’s language learning?
3: Reflection
• Does it matter to you what language(s) your child speaks in the future?
• What do you feel would be the benefit of speaking that/those language(s)?
• What advice do you have for your child’s teachers or therapists for how to work with your child to
promote his or her communication?
• Do you have any advice for non-Arabic speaking teachers and therapists for how to work with Arabic
speaking families?
• Do you have any advice for other parents in your situation?
• What do you think would be the ideal education program for your child?
• What do you think would be the ideal language situation for your child?
• What do you think would be the ideal educational outcome for your child?
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