Ethnography of Tribes in India

Chapter - I
Ethnography of tribes in India
1. Geographical distribution of the tribals in India

2. Population and numbers of Indian tribes
3. Bio-genetic variability among the tribes in India
4. Languages of the tribes in India
5. Social classification of Indian tribes
6. Social units among the tribes in India
7. Mate selection among the tribes in India
8. Economic classification of Indian tribes
9. Religion of the tribes in India
10. Impact of Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Buddhism on tribal
religions in India.
Chapter - II
Tribal problems in India
1. Problems of the tribals created by culture contact

2. Poverty and Indebtedness
3. Bonded labour
4. Land alienation, Displacement and Rehabilitation
5. Migration
6. Education
7. Health
8. Impact of industrialisation on the tribes of middle India.
9. Impact of urbanisation on the tribal life in middle India.
Chapter - III
Scheduled castes, Backward classes and constitutional provisions
1. Definitions of scheduled castes

2. Criteria of untouchability
3. Problems and disabilities of untouchable castes
4. Welfare measures for scheduled castes
5. Evolution of welfare measures meant for the development of scheduled
castes
6. Backward classes & constitutional safeguards
7. Different backward classes commissions
8. Reservation policy as per Mandal commission.
9. Arguments for and against reservations of backward classes.
10. Schemes and measures for the welfare of the backward classes [OBCs]
11. Constitutional provisions
Chapter – IV
Social change among tribals
Social change among the tribes during colonial and post-Independent India.
Chapter - V
Tribal development
1. Tribal administration-tribal areas, tribal policies.

2. Plans and programmes for tribal development
3. Approaches for tribal development
4. Causes of tribal unrest and discontent
Chapter - VI
Ethnic relations
1. Concepts associated with ethnic relations

2. Basic approaches to the study of ethnic relations
3. Dimensions of ethnic relations in India
4. Role of the British administration and the constitutions of India in
relation to ethnic groups
5. Ethnic conflicts in India
6. Solutions to the problem of ethnic conflicts
Chapter - VII
Tribe and nation state
1. Concept of tribe- nation state

2. Tribe and nation –state in china
3. Tribe and nation state in Russia
4. Tribe and nation- state in Iran
5. Tribe and nation –state in Africa: colonial policy in Africa
6. Tribe and nation state in Australia
7. Tribe and nation –state in America
Chapter - VIII
Communalism, and regionalism
1. Communalism
2. Regionalism
Miscellaneous
1. Shifting cultivation
2. Youth dormitories
3. Forest and tribals
4. FRA
5. PESA
6. Denotified, nomadic and semi nomadic tribes
7. PVTGs
8. Pseudo tribalism
9. Tribes as indigenous people
10.Tribe- definition and colonial construct
11.Role of anthropology in tribal and rural development.
12.Role of N.G.O.s in tribal development.
CHAPTER I
ETHNOGRAPHY OF TRIBES IN INDIA
1. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBALS IN INDIA.
The territories inhabited by tribes cross States and Union Territories in the
country and several tribes are found residing across five to six states. There are
also tribal groups whose populations are distributed across international
boundaries such as tribes in Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal,
Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Nagaland, Manipur, Meghalaya and Mizoram which
have fellow tribes people in China (including Tibet), Bhutan, Myanmar and
Bangladesh. The Nagas, for instance, are divided among the states of Nagaland,
Manipur, Assam, and Arunachal Pradesh as well as in the neighbouring country
of Myanmar.
Taking into account the geographical, ecological, social, economic,
administrative, ethnic-administrative, ethnic and racial factors Vidyarthi and Rai
(1976) proposed a fourfold geographical region along with one distinct sub-
region of the islands. These are:
(i) Himalayan Region, with three sub-regions, viz.

(1) north-eastern Himalayan region includes the Assam, Meghalaya,
the mountainous region of West Bengal, i.e., Darjeeling, Arunachal Pradesh,
Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, and Tripura.
(2) central Himalayan region includes the Tarai areas of Uttar
Pradesh and Bihar come in the central Himalayan region
(3) north-Western Himalayan region includes the Himachal Pradesh
and Jammu and Kashmir constitute the north-western Himalayan region.
More than one-third of the region’s population is made of tribals which is one-
eight of the tribal India.
The North-Eastern Himalayan region includes the following tribes:
✓ Assam: Bodo, Kachari, Miri, Rabha and Meeh

✓ Meghalaya: Chakma, Dimsa Kachari, Garo, Khasi, Kuki, Lakher, Lushai,
Mikir, Synteng and Naga.
✓ Darjeeling district of west Bengal: Bhotiya and Lepcha
✓ Arunachal Pradesh: Abor, Aka, Apatani, Gallang, Dafla, Mishmi, Singpho,
Ao and Sherdukpen,
✓ Nagaland: Naga, Kuki, Kachari, Mikir, and Garo.
✓ Manipur: Aimol, Angemi Naga, Purum and Sema Naga.
✓ Mizoram: Mizo
✓ Tripura: Bhil, Chakma, Kuki, Lepcha, Riang and Tripuri.
The Central Himalayan region includes the following tribes:
✓ Tarai are of Uttar Pradesh: Bhotia, Khasas or Jaunsari

✓ Tarai area of Bihar: Bhotia and Korwa.
The North-Western Himalayan region includes the following tribes:
✓ Jammu and Kashmir: Balti, Beda, Bot, Gaddi, Gujjar, Bakrawala and
Sippi.
✓ Himachal Pradesh: Bhot, Gaddi, Gujjar, Kinnaur, Lahul, Pangwala, and
Swangla.
(ii) Middle India Region: It comprises Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa, and
Madhya Pradesh with more than 2 crores of tribal people, i.e.,55 per cent
of the total in the country.
The tribes found in this region are as follows:
✓ Bihar: Asur, Bhumiji, Birhor, Chero, Chik-Baraik, Gond, Kharia, Kharwar,

Khond, Korwa, Lohar, Munda, Oraon, Maler, Santal, and Savara.
✓ West Bengal: Bhuiya, Birhor, Gond, Ho, Kharwar, Khond, Lodha, Mahali
and Rabha.
✓ Orissa: Bagatha, Baiga, Bhuiya, Bhuin, Birhor, Didayi, Gadaba, Gond, Ho,
Jatapu, Khond, Kharia, Koli, Kotiya, Koya, Poroja, and Savara.
✓ Madhya Pradesh: Agaria, Baiga, Bhattra, Bhunja, Gadaba, Gond, Halba,
Kamar, Khond, Korku, Korwa, Munda and Nagesia.
(iii) Western India Region.: It includes Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa,

and Dadra and Nagar Haveli with about 1 crore tribal population.
The tribes in this region are distributed as follows:
✓ Rajasthan: Bhil, Mina, Dhanka, Garacia, Kathodi, Koli, Nayak and

Sahariya.
✓ Gujarat: Bavacha, Bhil, Dhanka, Dhodia, Dubla, Gond, Katkari, Nayak,
Paradhi, Rabari, and Warli.
✓ Maharashtra: Bavacha, Bhil, Bhunjia, Dhanka, Dhodia, Dubla, Gond,
Halba, Koli, Pradhan, Pardhi and Thoti.
✓ Goa and Dadra and Nagar Haveli: Dhodia, Dubla, Naikda, Siddi, Warli and
Kokna.
(iv) South India Region: It comprises Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka,
and Kerala with a meagre tribal population (1.66 per cent of the region),
constituting one-sixteenth of the tribals of the country.
The tribes in this region are distributed as follows:
✓ Andhra Pradesh: Andh, Bagata, Chenchu, Gadaba, Gond, Goudu, Jatapu,

Kondadora, Kondareddi, Khond, Kotia, Koya, Mali, Mannedora,
Mukadora, Pradhan, Reddidora, Savara, Sugali, Valmiki, Yanadi, and
Yerukala.
✓ Tamil Nadu: Irula, Koraga, Kota, Malayali, Mannan, Badaga and Toda.
✓ Karnataka: Bavacha, Bhil, Chenchu, Dubla, Gond, Hakki-Pikki,
Hansalaru, Kuruba, Kattunayakan, Koli, Koraga, Malaikudi, Malasar,
Sholaga, and Soligar.
✓ Kerala: Irula, Kadar, Kanikkar, Kattunayakan, Koraga, Kuruchia,
Kurumba, Pandharam, Pulaya, Malasar, Mannan, Ulladam and Urali.
(v) The Island Region: The islands of Andaman and Nicobar in the Bay of
Bengal and Lakshadweep in the Arabian Sea with 54.3 per cent tribal population
constitute a distinct sub-region.
The tribes living in this region are as follows:
✓ Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Andamanese, Jarawa, Nicobarese, Onges,

Sentinelese, and Shompen.
✓ Lakshadweep Islands: Moplahs.
2. POPULATION AND NUMBERS OF INDIAN TRIBES
Introduction:
Although the Census of 2011 enumerates the total population of Scheduled Tribes
at 10,42,81,034 persons, constituting 8.6 per cent of the population of the country,
the tribal communities in India are enormously diverse and heterogeneous. There
are wide ranging diversities among them in respect of languages spoken, size of
population and mode of livelihood. The number of communities that find their
place in the list of the Schedule of the Indian constitution is reflective of this
diversity. The Government of India, in its Draft National Tribal Policy, 2006
records 698 Scheduled Tribes in India. As per the Census of India 2011, the
number of individual groups notified as Scheduled Tribes is 705.
There are many differences between these regions as well as differences

from tribe to tribe. For example, while the Northeast is often viewed as a singular
and homogeneous entity, the region is highly diverse with over 200 tribes and
sub-tribes, each of which have their own language, culture and political
structures. Further, the tribes of the Northeast differ from tribes in other parts of
India, particularly in terms of their historical relationship with the colonial and
Indian State. The tribes of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, comprising 556
islands of which only a few are populated, are also distinct. The Islands are
administered as a Union Territory under the Central Government and are home
to some of the smallest tribes such as the Great Andamanese, Onge, Jarawa and
the Sentinelese.
The tribes can also be differentiated on the basis of population size since
communities like Gonds, Bhils, Santhals, Oraons, Minas, Mundas and so on have
a population that ranges from one million to a little over seven million people. As
against this, there are communities like the Andamanese Islanders and tribal
groups such as the Birjia and Asur in Bihar and the Birhor of Madhya Pradesh
who have a population of less than 200 persons.
Scheduled Tribes communities live in about 15% of the country’s area, in

various ecological and geo-climatic conditions ranging from plains and forests to
hills. A large proportion of Scheduled Tribes are collectors of forest produce,
hunter-gatherers, shifting cultivators, pastoralists and nomadic herders, and
artisans. Traditional occupations of tribal groups may range from honey-
collection to hunting small animals to engaging in metal-work and rope-making.
A majority of tribal groups work in the primary sector and are heavily
dependent on agriculture either as cultivators or as agricultural labourers. At the
same time, a number of Scheduled Tribes no longer follow their traditional
occupations and work as labourers on plantations or in mines and factories (in
many cases, since the nineteenth-century). Displacement and enforced migration
has also led to an increasing number of Scheduled Tribes working as contract
labourers in the construction industry and as domestic workers in major cities.
Over 80% of Scheduled Tribes work in the primary sector against 53% of the
general population, primarily as cultivators. However, the number of STs who
were cultivators, declined from over 68% to 45% in 2001 whereas the number of
tribal agricultural labourers increased from about 20% to 37%, demonstrating
increasing landlessness among tribals. This trend has intensified, as can be seen
in data from the 2011 Census. It is further estimated that, in the last decade, about
3.5 million tribal people are leaving agriculture and agriculture-related activities
to enter the informal labour market.
Scheduled Tribes comprise 11.3 per cent of the Indian rural population and
2.8 per cent of the Indian urban population. In 2001, the proportion of STs to the
total population was 8.2 per cent, while the proportion was 10.4 per cent in rural
areas and 2.4 per cent in urban areas. The total male ST population according to
the 2011 census is 5,24,09,823 of which 4,71,26,341 are residing in rural areas
and 52,83,482 are in urban areas. The total female ST population is 5,18,71,211
with 4,66,92,821 in rural areas and 51,78,390 in urban areas. The sex ratio among
the Scheduled Tribes is 991 females to every 1000 males in rural areas and 980
females to every 1000 males in urban areas, the average being 990.
Population of Scheduled Tribes across States
✓ The Himalayan Region comprises 2.03 per cent of STs in the States of
Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh;
✓ The North-eastern region has 12.41 per cent of STs in Sikkim, Arunachal
Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya and Assam;
✓ The Central-east Indian region has the largest proportion of STs, about
52.51 per cent in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh,
Chhattisgarh, Odisha and West Bengal;
✓ The Western region of Rajasthan, Gujarat, Daman and Diu, Dadra and
Nagar Haveli, Maharashtra and Goa have 27.64 per cent of STs;
✓ The Southern region has 5.31 per cent of STs in the states of Karnataka,
Kerala and Tamil Nadu;
✓ And finally, 0.11 per cent of STs live in the island region of Andaman and
Nicobar Islands and Lakshadweep.
Total population of STs and proportion of STs in each state to the total state
and national population
S. Name of the Total ST % of STs % of STs

No. State/UT Populatio Populatio in the in the
n n State to State to
total total ST
State populatio
populatio n in India
n
00 India 12105695 10428103 8.61 --
73 4
1 Andaman & 380581 28530 7.49 0.02
Nicobar Islands
2 Andhra Pradesh 84580777 5918073 6.99 5.67
3 Arunachal 1383727 951821 68.78 0.91
Pradesh
4 Assam 31205576 3884371 12.44 3.72
5 Bihar 10409945 1336573 1.28 1.28
2
6 Chandigarh 1055450 0 -- --
7 Chhattisgarh 25545198 7822902 30.62 7.50
8 D & N Haveli 343709 178564 51.95 0.17
9 Daman & Diu 243247 15363 6.31 0.01
10 Goa 1458545 149275 10.23 0.14
11 Gujarat 60439692 8917174 14.75 8.55
12 Haryana 25351462 0 -- --
13 Himachal 6864602 392126 5.71 0.37
Pradesh
14 Jammu & 12541302 1493299 11.90 1.43
Kashmir
15 Jharkhand 32988134 8645042 26.20 8.29
16 Karnataka 61095297 4248987 6.95 4.07
17 Kerala 33406061 484839 1.45 0.46
18 Lakshadweep 64473 61120 94.79 0.05
19 Madhya 72626809 15316784 21.08 14.68
Pradesh
20 Maharashtra 11237433 10510213 9.35 10.07
3
21 Manipur 2570390 902740 35.12 0.86
22 Meghalaya 2966889 2555861 86.14 2.45
23 Mizoram 1097206 1036115 94.43 0.99
24 Nagaland 1978502 1710973 86.47 1.64
25 NCT of Delhi 16787941 0 -- --
26 Odisha 41974218 9590756 22.84 9.19
27 Puducherry 1247953 0 -- --
28 Punjab 27743338 0 -- --
29 Rajasthan 68548437 9238534 13.47 8.85
30 Sikkim 610577 206360 33.79 0.19
31 Tamil Nadu 72147030 794697 1.10 0.76
32 Tripura 3673917 1166813 31.75 1.11
33 Uttar Pradesh 19981234 1134273 0.56 1.08
1
34 Uttarakhand 10086292 291903 2.89 0.27
35 West Bengal 91276115 5296953 5.80 5.07
States with highest and lowest proportion of Scheduled Tribes
Top 5 States/Union Bottom 5 States/Union

Territories Territories
Lakshadweep 94.8% Uttar Pradesh 0.56%
Mizoram 94.4% Tamil Nadu 1.1%
Nagaland 86.5% Bihar 1.28%
Meghalaya 86.1% Kerala 1.45%
Arunachal 68.8% Uttarakhand 2.89%
Pradesh
States and percentage of ST population
S.No. State % of national ST

population
1 Madhya Pradesh 14.7
2 Maharashtra 10.1
3 Odisha 9.2
4 Rajasthan 8.9
5 Gujarat 8.6
6 Jharkhand 8.3
7 Chhattisgarh 7.5
8 Andhra Pradesh 5.7
9 West Bengal 5.1
10 Karnataka 4.1
11 Assam 3.7
12 Meghalaya 2.5
13 Others 11.6
The decadal growth of Scheduled Tribes is better than the growth rate of
the general population between 1991 and 2001, and 2001 and 2011. Between
1991 and 2001, while the decadal growth rate of the general population was
recorded at 22.66, the Scheduled Tribe growth rate was 24.45. Similarly, between
2001 and 2011, when the general population growth rate was 17.64, the growth
rate of Scheduled Tribe population in the corresponding period was 23.66. On the
whole, the ST population within the total population of India has increased from
8.2 per cent in 2001 to 8.6 percent in 2011. In many States, the STs as a proportion
of the population have remained fairly constant between the 2001 and 2011
censuses. However, States/Union Territories such as Andaman and Nicobar
Islands, Chhattisgarh, Daman and Diu and Nagaland have recorded small
decreases in the relative proportion of STs in the population between 2001 and
2011 (up to about three per cent decrease in Nagaland). The most significant
decrease in proportion is in Dadra and Nagar Haveli, which has recorded a
decrease of about ten per cent over the decade. Other states have recorded small
increases which may be due to population growth as well as State recognition of
greater number of tribes. Significant increases in proportion can be noted in
Sikkim (about 13 per cent) and Arunachal Pradesh (about four per cent).
State-wise percentage of Scheduled Tribes to total population (rural and

urban) and decadal growth-rate (2001-2011)
State Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban

(2001) (2011)
Jammu 10.9 13.8 2 11.9 15.4 2.5
&
Kashmir
Himach 4 4.3 1.3 5.7 6.1 2.6
al
Pradesh
Punjab No STs - - No STs - -
Chandig No STs - - No STs - -
arh
Uttarak 3 3.8 0.7 2.9 3.8 0.9
hand
Rajastha 12.6 15.5 2.9 13.5 16.9 3.2
n
Uttar 0.1 0.1 0 0.6 0.7 0.2
Pradesh
Bihar 0.9 1 0.5 1.3 1.4 0.6
Sikkim 20.6 21.2 15.9 33.8 36.6 25.5
Arunach 64.2 69.7 43.4 68.8 74.1 51
al
Pradesh
Nagalan 89.1 93.7 67.1 86.5 92.8 70.8
d
Manipur 34.2 44.4 6.1 35.1 45.6 16.4
Mizora 94.5 96.3 92.6 94.4 96.6 92.5
m
Tripura 31.1 36.5 4.7 31.8 41.2 5.1
Meghal 85.9 90.2 68.3 86.1 90.1 70.4
aya
Assam 12.4 13.6 4.5 12.4 13.7 5
West 5.5 7.2 1.2 5.8 7.8 1.5
Bengal
Jharkha 26.3 31 9.8 26.2 31.4 9.8
nd
Odisha 22.1 24.6 8.1 22.8 25.7 8.5
Chhattis 31.8 37.6 8.4 30.6 36.9 10
garh
Madhya 20.3 25.8 4.9 21.1 27.2 5.2
Pradesh
Gujarat 14.8 21.6 3.2 14.8 23.1 3.5
Daman 11.1 4.9 6.3 12.6 4.2
& Diu
Dadra & 62.2 74.9 19.4 52 82.4 17.2
Nagar
Haveli
Maharas 8.9 13.4 2.7 9.4 14.6 3
htra
Andhra 6.6 8.4 1.8 7 9.3 2.4
Pradesh
Karnata 6.6 8.4 2.9 7 9.2 3.5
ka
Goa 0 0 0.1 10.2 15.9 6.8
Lakshad 94.5 95.6 93.1 94.8 95.2 94.7
weep
Kerala 1.1 1.5 0.2 1.5 2.5 0.3
Tamil 1 1.6 0.4 1.1 1.8 0.4
Nadu
Andama 8.3 11.9 0.9 7.5 11.3 1.3
n &
Nicobar
Islands
State-wise Number of Scheduled Tribes
S.No. State/UT No. of Tribes

1 Andhra Pradesh 25
2 Arunachala Pradesh 16
3 Assam 29
4 Bihar 33
5 Chhattisgarh 42
6 Goa 08
7 Gujarat 29
8 Himachal Pradesh 10
9 Jammu & Kashmir 12
10 Jharkhand 32
11 Karnataka 50
12 Kerala 36
13 Madhya Pradesh 43
14 Maharashtra 45
15 Manipur 34
16 Meghalaya 17
17 Mizoram 15
18 Nagaland 05
19 Odisha 62
20 Rajasthan 12
21 Sikkim 04
22 Tamil Nadu 36
23 Tripura 19
24 Uttarakhand 05
25 Uttar Pradesh 15
26 West Bengal 40
27 Andaman & Nicobar Islands 06
28 Dadra and Nagar Haveli 07
29 Daman and Diu 05
30 Lakshadweep 01
Total 693
As per the 2001 census, the tribe with the largest population is the Bhil
(12689952) followed by the Gond (10859422), the Santal (5838016) and the
Mina (3800002). Most of the large tribes have populations spread across several
States and in some cases, over the entire breadth of the country. Many of these
tribes have been integrated into the larger political economy for centuries and
some of them have benefitted from State policies to a relatively greater extent as
compared to smaller tribal groups.
Fifteen most populous tribes in India
Name of Tribe Population States in which members are residing

Bhil 12689952 Tripura, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan,
Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat,
Maharashtra, Karnataka
Gond 10859422 Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Odisha,
Chhattisgarh, Madhya
Pradesh, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka
Santhal 5838016 Bihar, Tripura, West Bengal, Odisha,
Jharkhand
Mina 3800002 Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh
Naikda 3344954 Karnataka, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Daman & Diu,
Dadra & Nagar
Haveli, Maharashtra, Goa
Oraon 3142145 Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Odisha,
Chhattisgarh, Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra
Sugalis 2077947 Andhra Pradesh
Munda 1918218 Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh,
Madhya Pradesh,
Tripura, Odisha
Nagas 1820965 Nagaland
Khond 1397384 Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Odisha
Boro 1352771 Assam
Koli Mahadev 1227562 Maharashtra
Khasi 1138356 Mizoram, Meghalaya, Assam
Kol 991400 Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh,
Maharashtra
Varli 974916 Gujarat, Daman & Diu, Dadra & Nagar Haveli,
Maharashtra,
Karnataka, Goa
PVTGs with a population of less than 1000 persons
PVTG Population
Birjia (Bihar) 17
Sentinelese 39
Great Andamanese 43
Onge 96
Birhor (Madhya 143
Pradesh)
Asur (Bihar) 181
Mankidias (Odisha) 205
Jarawa 240
Cholanaicken (Kerala) 326
Shompen 398
Birhor (Bihar) 406
Savar (Bihar) 420
Raji (Uttarakhand) 517
Sauria Paharia (Bihar) 585
Birhor (Odisha) 702
Korwa (Bihar) 703
Todas (Tamil Nadu) 875
Kota (Tamil Nadu) 925
Raji (Uttar Pradesh) 998
3. RACIAL ELEMENTS AMONG THE TRIBES IN INDIA
H.H. Risley’s Classification (1915):
Risley, H.N.
Risley said that the tribal population of India belongs to two races.
1. Dravidian
Long head, Broad nose, Depressed nasal root. Dark eyes, Dark
complexion, Short stature, plentiful of head-hair with a tendency to curl.
Ex. All tribes of South India and the southern part of M.P. and Chota
Nagpur in Bihar.
Paniyan of South India and the Santals of Chota Nagpur belong to the Dravidian
race.
2. Mongoloid.
Broad head, Flat face, Fine nose/ broad nose, epicanthic fold, short stature,
Scanty body hair, Dark and yellowish skin colour.
Ex. All tribals in the Himalayan region and in the seven North-Eastern
states.
B.S. Guha’s classification (1937)
Guha has found the following racial elements among the tribes in India:
(i) Negrito
Small head which is round, medium or long; Nose which is straight flat
and broad, short stature, Dark brown to dark skin colour, woolly hair, Bulbous
forehead and Smooth supraorbital ridges.
Ex: Kadars, and Pulayans of Cochin and Travancore and Irulas and other
Primitive tribes of Wayanad. In respect of the head form and hair structure, the
Indian Negritos are close to the Melanesian Pygmies than to the Andamanese.
(ii) Proto-Australoid
Dolichocephalic head, platy rhine nose, Depressed nasal root, short stature,
Dark brown skin colour Wavy or even Curly hair, Delicate limbs, Less Developed
and slightly retreating forehead and Prominent supraorbital ridges. They are
closely akin to the Australian tribes.
Ex: Pulayans women of Travancore, Urali of Travancore Baiga of Rewa, Maler,

Chenchu, Kannikar, Bhil, Santhal and Oraon belong to this group.
(iii) Mongoloids
(A) The Paleo-Mongoloid:
(a) Long-headed type: Long, head, Medium nose, and medium stature,
epicanthic fold, prominent check bones, Dark to light brown skin colour, short
and flat face, faintly developed supraorbital ridges, straight hair and Scanty hair
on the body.
Ex: Tribes of Assam and Burma. The Sema Nagas are of typical representatives
of this group.
(b) Broad-Headed Mongoloid: Broad-head, Round face, Dark skin colour,

Medium nose, and Marked epicanthic fold.
Ex: Lepchas of Kalinpong
(B) Tibeto-Mongoloids:
Broad and massive head, Long and flat face, Tall stature, Long or medium
nose, marked epicanthic fold, Body hair and facial hair markedly absent and Light
brown skin colour.
Ex: Tibetans of Sikkim.
4. LANGUAGES OF THE TRIBES IN INDIA
Introduction:
The tribal languages in India belong to several families. Among these

families the Dravidian language family is in South India and a few pockets in
middle India in Chotanagpur and north-western border near Baluchistan. Another
language family, “Austro-Asiatic”, is found in certain pockets in the north-eastern
Himalayan region in Meghalaya, in Nicobar Islands and extensively in middle
India and adjoining western India. The third language which is traced on the map
and is prevalent all along the Himalayan region is Tibeto-Chinese. The Indo-
European language is found in the remaining, major, part of India.
These all suggest a drift from north-western to southern India and then in
the pockets of middle India in the caste of Dravidian languages. There is much
controversy over the origin of the Austro-Asiatic language. W. Schmidt named
the Munda languages as Austro Asiatic. In 1928 Heine Geldern suggested that
the Mongoloid people entered India from the north-eastern side and brought with
them the Munda languages which later spread in middle India. But Hutton opines
that the Austro-Asiatic language was brought by the Kolarians through the west
end of the Himalayas. The Tibeto-Burmese language entered our country from
the north and spread all along the Himalayas.
G.A Grierson’s classification (1903-1922):
G.A. Grierson carried out a linguistic survey of India between 1903 and
1922. according to him there are 170 languages and 500 dialects in India. The
languages fall under 4 families: (a) Aryan or Indo-European (15 major
languages), (b) Dravidian (14 major languages), (c) Kol or Mundari (41
languages) and (d) Tibeto-Chinese (100 languages).
According to Grierson, the tribal languages in India belong to Dravidian,

Kol or Mundari and Tibeto Chinese families. The Dravidian languages are
located in South India and Central India. These languages include Gondi (Gonds),
Kui (Khonds), Kurukh (Korku), Oraon (Oraon), Malto (Rajmahal Hills, Bihar),
and Todua (Todas).
The Tibeto-Chinese family includes several small speeches. Some of the

languages are: Manipuri, Lushai and Garo. All tribes in the seven north-eastern
states in India speak Tibeto-Chinese languages. The Tibeto-Chinese languages
are more recent than the Munda languages.
The kol or Mundari family is the most ancient one. The Munda, Santhal
Ho, Kharia and Bhumiji, of Chota Nagpur, Korku of Madhya Pradesh, and Savara
and Gadaba of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, Khasi of Meghalaya and Nicobarese
of Andaman Islands speak Kol or Mundari languages.
S.K. Chatterjee’s Classification (1945)
According to S.K. Chatterjee the tribal languages in India belong to three

families namely: (a) Dravidian Family, (b) Austro-Asiatic (Nishada) Family and
(c) Sino-Tibetan (Kirata) Family.
L.P. Vidyarthi and Rai, the tribal languages in India can be classified into
four main linguistic families:
I. Austro-Asiatic Family:
(a) Mon-Khmer Branch: Khasi and Nicobari
(b) Munda Branch-Santhali, Kharwari, Ho, Mundari, Gondi, Kharia, Savara,

Khond, Gadaba, etc.
II. Tibeto-Chinese sub-family:

1. Siamese-Chinese sub-family.
Tai group-Khampti, Phakial, etc.
2. Tibeto-Berman sub-family:
(i) Tibeto-Himalayan Branch –Bhotia of Darjeeling.
(ii) Western sub-group of Pronominalized Himalayan group-Chamba,

Lahauli, Swangali, Kanauri, etc.
(iii) Non-Pronominalized Himalayan Group-Rong or Lepcha, Toto, etc.
(iv) Arunachal Branch-Aka or Hrusso, Abor, Miri, Dafla, Mishmi, etc.
(v) Assam-Burmese Branch:

(a) Bara or Bodo group-plains Kachari, Dimasa or (Hill) Kachari,
Garo, Tripura, etc.
(b) Naga Group

(i) Naga sub-group, Angami, Ao, Sema, Rengma, etc.
(ii) Naga-Bodo sub group-Kachcha Naga, Kabui Naga, etc.
(c) Kachin Group-Singpho.
(d) Kuki-Chin Group-Manipuri, Thado, Sokte, Ralte, Lushai, etc.
III. Dravidian Family.
Korwa, Yerukula, Yarava, Badaga, Toda, Kota, Kurukh or Oraon, Malto or

Maler, Kui Kandhi or Khond, Gondi, etc.
IV. Indo-European Family
Hajong, Bhili, etc.

6. SOCIAL UNITS AMONG THE TRIBES IN INDIA
Family:
The family among the tribes of India, is the most abiding unit. It varies
according to the rules of descent, inheritance and form of the residence.
The type of family among the tribes in India are groupings, and as such
they are generally fivefold;
(i) Patrilineal, patrilocal, patriarchal and patronymic families.
The constituent familial kin encysted are grandparents, parents, father’s

brothers, and their wives, sons, and their wives and unmarried children. Married
daughters move out of the family of orientation. Most of the tribes belong to this
type, and all patrilineal tribes belong to this structure.
(ii) Matrilineal, matrilocal, matriarchal and matronymic families.
The constituent familial kin encysted are parents, their heiress (youngest
daughter among Khasi and any daughter among the Garo) and her husband and
married children. Married sons and married daughters other than the heiress
normally move out of the family of orientation. The matrilineal Khasi and Garo
of Meghalaya belong to this structure.
(iii) Matrilineal, avunculocal or/and patrilineal and patrilocal families.
The constituent kin encysted are those who constitute the matrilineal
structure. The Rabha of West Bengal and the Kadar, Kanikkar, Urali, Mala
Pandaram and Muthuvan of Kerala conform to this structure.
(iv) Matrilineal and duolocal families.
The constituent kin encysted in the matrilineal structure are: mother, her
married and unmarried sons, one daughter who is heiress of the household and
her children. The household unit excludes all affinal kin and remains a pure
consanguineal group, simply based on the rule of duolocal residence. Only the
Pnar/ Jaintia of Meghalaya conform to this structure.
The Pnar/ Jaintia rules of descent and inheritance recall those of the
matrilineal Khasi and Garo but they differ in the rule of residence. Among the
Pnar the husband on the one hand and, his wife and children on the other reside
in respective family of orientation. The husband visits his wife at night only.
(v) Patri-matrilineal and patrilocal families.
The constituent kin encysted are parents and their unmarried children. Only
the Kachari of Assam conform to this structure.
Typology of Family
The different types of family organisation that are observed among the
tribes of India, are consequent to various forms of marriage and kin organisation.
On the basis of the principal forms of marriage, three types of family emerge.
They are:
1. Monogamous
2. Polygynous
3. Polyandrous
On the basis of the organisation of kin, four types of family emerge. They
are:
1. Nuclear
2. Lineally Joint
3. Laterally Joint
4. Lineally and laterally joint
The following table gives some examples from tribal India for the different
types of family on the basis of the principal forms of marriage.
TABLE
TYPE OF FAMILY TRIBES

MONOGAMOUS Andamanese, Asur, Dimasa Kachari,
Khasi, Mala Pandaram, Riang,
Sherdukpen.
POLYGYNOUS Adi, Aka, Apa Tani, Dafla, Gallong,
Idu-Mishmi, Sema Naga, Angami
Naga, Garo, Lushai, Mikir, Purum,
Baiga, Bhumia, Dhruwa, Kamar, Kol,
Maria Gond, Paradhan, Tharus, Bhil,
Garasia, Birhor, Chero, Maler, Snthal,
Bondo, Hill Bhuiya, Kharia, Savara
Lodha, Chenchu, Hill Reddi, Yanadi,
Mahadeo Koli, Kota, Kadar,
Kanikkar, Muthuvan, Urali.
POLYANDROUS Gallong, Jaunsari, Toda and Khasas
The table given below are some examples from the tribes in India for the
different type of family based on household composition of kin.
Family type Tribes

Nuclear Apa Tani, Angami Naga, Ao Naga,
Rengma Naga, Sema, Naga, Dimasa
Kachari, Toto, Hill Reddi, Kamas,
Yanadi, Mala Pandaram,
Andamanese, Onge.
Lineally joint Adi, Aka, Gallong, Sherdukpen,
Tangsa, Puram, Garo, Khasi, Mikir,
Tharus, Bhuiya, Dhurwa, Kol, Maria
Gond, Birhor, Santal, Saoras,
Chenchu, Bhil, Garasia, Urali.
Laterally joint Dubla, Idu Mishmi, asur, Maler
Lineally and laterally joint Lodha, Riang, Bhumijs, Chero, Ho,
Kharia, Mahadev Koli
Polyandry in tribals
Polyandry refers to the practice of polyandry, whereby a woman has two or more
husbands at the same time.
Polyandry was mainly prevalent in the Kinnaur Region, a part of Himachal

in India which is close to the Tibet or currently the Indo-China border. As
mentioned in the epic Mahabharata, the Pandavas were banished from their
kingdom for thirteen years and they spent the last year hiding in this hilly terrain
of Kinnaur. A minority of the Kinnauris still claim to be descendants of the
Pandavas and thus justify the practice of polyandry. However, this is a debatable
issue as Kinnauris existed long before the Pandavas as mentioned in the epic.
Apart from Kinnaur, polyandry was practised in South India among the
Todas tribes of Nilgiris, Nairs of Travancore. While polyandrous unions have
disappeared from the traditions of many of the groups and tribes, it is still
practiced by some Paharis, especially in the Jaunsar-Bawar region in Northern
India.
Recent years have seen the rise in fraternal polyandry in the agrarian societies in
Malwa region of Punjab to avoid division of farming land.
Causes for Polyandry
1) Traditional aspects
✓ Scarcity of women due to female infanticide and foeticide
✓ Cultural beliefs
✓ Solidarity of sibling group
✓ Prolonged absence of husband
2) Economic Aspects
✓ Agricultural society- to prevent fragmentation of land
✓ Scarcity of resources
✓ High bride price
Lineage:
Next to the family, lineage forms as an important unit of a tribal society. A

group of families having a common ancestor combine to form a lineage is based
on demonstrated decent. All tribes have lineages.
The Bhils call a lineage as Nal and the Mundas and Oraons call it Khunt.
The Rabhas designate it as Hur.
The lineages among some tribes like the Mundas and Oraons work s
dominant ones and subordinate ones.
The lineages are segmented in some tribes. Among the Rabhas of Assam,
the lineages are segmented into major lineages (hur) and minor lineages(bars)
The lineages are segmented in an elaborate way in some tribal societies

like the Khasas. The Khasas have six lineage segments, namely inter-village,
village, Lineage Group, Lineage, sub-lineage and family. These are as follows:
Inter-village Dai Chara (brother hood)
Village Village Dai chara Village Dai chara

Lineage group Collateral Aaals Affinal Aals Affiliated
Alas
Lineage Aal Aal Aal
Sub-lineage Bhera Bhera Bhera
Family Family Family Family
The lineage system of Khasas has five aspects:
(a) The lineage functions in the absence of clan

(b) Lineage system is a graded structure,
(c) Territorial connection of the lineage system exists
(d) Tribal differentiation in the lineage system.
(e) Local differentiation in the lineage system.
Clan:
The clan is an important unit of tribal social structure. It is an exogamous

division of a tribe, the members of which are held to be related to one another by
some common ties, may be belief in descent from common ancestor, possession
of a common totem or habitation of a common territory. Thus, it is based on
stipulated descent. The Gonds call a clan gotra, the Jaintias call it a Kur and the
Bhumijs designate it Baraj
The clan organisation occurs among almost all Indian tribes. The clans are
named. They are exogamous. They are dispersed groups. Majority of the tribes
have class based on totemic principle as totem occurs in wide areas of the tribal
society. For example, the most populous tribes like the Santhals, Bhils, Oraons,
Mundas and Hos and the small tribes like the Birhor and Chenchu have totemic
clans.
There are some tribes like the Gonds which have clans like the gotra of the
Hindus named after saints (rishis). The Gonds have named their clans after
mythological saints such as Vasishta, Kashyapa, Dadhichi etc.
There are a few exceptions to the universality of clan organisation. The

Malers of Rajmahal Hills, the Kadars of Cochin Hills and the Andamanese of
Andaman and Nicobar Islands are examples of this category. They are clan less.
But they regulate marriages on generational or territorial grouping by forming
local groups. These local groups function almost like clan groups. So, these are
functionally established clans or local groups.
The clans among the tribes in India may be classified into the following types:
(i) Patrilineal clans. Examples are: Aka, Purum, Lodha, Birhor, Oraon,
Santhal, Pradhan and Hill Reddi
(ii) Matrilineal clans: Examples are Jaintia, Khasi and Garo.
(iii) Bilineal clans: Example is Dimsa Kachari
The clans may have sub-clans. For example, the clans of Hos and the Bhils
are divided into sub-clans. The Purty clan of the Hos consists of seven sub-clans
these split up clans may or may not allow marriage between one and another. This
spitting up of clans into sub-clans is either due to their migration or adoption of
new cultural traits or by circumstances which force them into merely doing some
acts. It is only after a long time when a clan group increases in depth and
extension and establishes links and affinities with another group in the vicinity
that it gradually loses its relations in the parental group though still aware of their
primary affiliations. For instance, the parmer clan among the Bhils, have sub-
clans like the Dhararya, Pipria, Devodia etc. Dhar, Pipere, Derod etc are names
of places. Thus, sub-clans have territorial names.
Phratry:
A few among the tribes in India have phratries. The Raj Gonds have four
phratries. Each phratry consists of several clans. These phratries are: (a) Yer Ven
saga (phratry of seven brothers), (b) Sar Ven Saga (phratry of six brothers), Se
Ven Saga (phratry of five brothers), and Nal Ven Saga (phratry of four brothers).
The Angami Dubla, Muria Gond and Bison Horn Muria maintain phratries.
Muria Gond has five phratries. Bison Horn Maria has four phratries.
Moiety:
Moiety organisation is rare among the tribes in India. The Ao Nagas have
two moieties namely Chungli and Mongrens which include phratries, clans and
families. The Bondos have two moieties namely Ontal (cobra) and Killo (tiger).
The Toda are divided into two moieties, Tartharol and Teivoliol. The Tartharol
includes 12 clans while the Teivoliol includes 6 clans. The Andhs have two
moieties, Vartali (pure) and Khaltati (illegitimate).
Sub-tribe:
In the Himalayan region, the Rengma Nagas are divided into two groups:
The Eastern Rengmas and the Western Rengmas. The Birhors are divided into
two sub-groups namely Janghi and Ulthn. The Kharias of Jharkhand are divided
into three sub-tribes viz, Hill Kharia, Dudh Kaharia and Dhelki Kharia. The
Korwas of Palaman have also two sub-tribes: Hill korwas and Plain Korwas.
Among the Khonds of Orissa, there are several sub-tribes like Kutia
Khonds, Dongaria Khonds, Desya Khonds, Tikiria Khonds, Yenity Khonds etc.
the Koyas of Andhra Pradesh have several sub-tribes like Rajahor or Rasa Koyas,
Lingadhari Koyas, Gutli Koyas et. The Savaras in Andhra Pradesh include the
Kapu Savaras, Maliya Savaras, or Khutlo Savaras. The Jerangs of Orissa have
two sub-divisions namely the Thaniya and the Bhagndiya
In Western India, in Gujarat, the Parhis have two sub-tribes viz,

Adivichincher and Phanse Pardhi. The Naikdas also have sub-divided into four
sub-tribes viz, Choliwala Nayakas, Kapudia Nayakas, Moto Nayakas, and Nana
Nayakas.
Tribe:
L.P. Vidyarthi and Rai (1976) identify the following as features of a tribe in India.
(a) A definite territory

(b) A common name
(c) A common dialect
(d) A common culture.
(e) Endogamy
(f) Common taboos
(g) Distinctive social and political systems
(h) Full faith in their leaders
(i) Self-sufficiency in their distinct economy.
In Indian a tribe is definitely a territorial group; it has a traditional territory

and emigrants always refer to it as their home. The Ao Nagas and the Rengma
Nagas have occupied a definite area in Nagaland; the Mizos inhabit the north
Mizoram; the Purums have their home in Manipur; the Khasas confine
themselves to Chakrata tehsil of Dehra Doon. In middle India, the Santhals have
concentrated in Santhal Pargana and neighbouring areas. The Hos are found in
Singbhum. The Mundas and the Oraons live in Ranchi east and Ranchi west
respectively. The Asurs live in the Neterhat area of Ranchi and Palamau districts.
The Juangs occupy the Keonjhar and Dhenkanal areas of Orissa. The Murias and
the Marias have Bastar as their home. The Bharwads are found in Gujarat. The
Todas and The Nicobaris are confined to Nicobar Islands. Oraon, Santal, or
Khonds, working in Assam tea gardens, refer to their respective regions of Bihar,
Bengal or Orissa. Similarly, a Bhil or a Mina working in urban areas of Bombay
of Andaman the tribals of Ranchi always refer Ranchi as their home and sustain
their traditional customs and manners.
Various tribal groups have their own common names which are either
generic of territorial in nature. They speak a common language or dialect of their
own or their neighbourhood. The Oraons have their own language, Kurukh. The
Bhils speak Bhilli.
All members of a tribe marry within themselves though exceptions are

there in extreme cases. A Munda boy will marry a Munda girl and a Ho girl choses
her life-partner from a Ho family. But within every tribe there are groups and sub-
groups which help in regulating marriage ties and other relations. The Marias of
Baster have two very common terms dadabhai and akomama which serve as
means of regulating the marriages. A son must not take a wife or a daughter a
husband from the father’s clan or from any clan that is a brother-clan or dadabhai
to it. He must take a wife from, and she must marry into, some clan that is a wife-
clan or akomama of their father’s clan
The political activities of the tribal India are of their own type and have
their own arena. Firstly, the tribe itself is the field in which there may be number
of panchayats on different group or sub-group levels. Secondly, patriotism for
one’s village is common cause. They have full faith in their village headmen.
Sometimes a single man combines in his full faith in their village headmen.
Sometimes a single man combines in his person the political, social and scared
leaderships of the village. different village officials are assigned their duties.
Among some tribes, villages are grouped into loose unions while among others
such groupings relate only to the administration of tribal justice, several villages
being represented on one panchayat. The neighbouring non-tribals are also
included in the web of their political structure.
The economy of the tribes is, to some extent, self-sufficient in a restricted

sense of the term and has a distinct feature of its own-exploitation of nature is
carried on in the absence of technological aid. Money and monetary institutions
are not widely used. The profit motive in economic dealings and accumulation of
wealth are generally absent. Mutual obligation, gifts and exchange, co-operative
and collective endeavour and periodical markets are the important features of
their economy.
7. MATE SELECTION AMONG THE TRIBES IN INDIA
Marriage in Tribal India: -
Marriage in tribal India takes on several forms. The first step that one takes
in getting married is to acquire a socially approved mate. Based on their
investigations in tribal India, Madan and Majumdar list the following ways of
acquiring mates that are commonly found in Indian tribes. They are as follows.
1) Probationary Marriage
In this case, a young man is permitted to live with the girl of his choice in her
house for weeks together, after which, if they so desire, they marry. If the
couple do not find each other suitable and compatible during the probationary
period, they decide not a pay cash compensation to the girl’s parents.
Example: Kuki tribe.
2) Marriage by capture
In this case, a young man captures the girls of his choice, runs and marries
her with or without her wish. Later, public approval is accorded to such a
marriage.
Examples: Ho, Gond, Kharia, Birhor, Nagas.
Among the Ho, it is the exorbitant rate of bride price that is the cause of a
marriages by capture. It is even said that such marriage may be pre-planned.
Among the Gond, such marriages are pre-planned and carried out at the
request of the bride’s parents. Although, now this practise has gone out of vogue,
during even and arranged marriage, the bridge’s party make a pretence of
resistance and the groom carries her away after a nock fight while the bride is
excepted to resist and weep.
Among the Kharia and the Birhor, ceremonial capture takes place. Here, a
young man may lie in wait for the girl of his choice in a public place like a fair,
surprise her by springing on her suddenly and apply vermilion mixed with oil on
her.
Among the Nagas, physical capture takes place during raids by one village
on another.
3) Marriage by Trial
This type of marriage is the recognition of personal courage and bravery ad
highly desirable traits in a young man. Hence, a young man is required to
prove his prowess before he can claim the hand of any girl in marriage.
Example: Bhil, Among the Bhil, marriage by tribal takes on a ceremonial
form.
During the Holi festival, young men and women dance around a place or a
tree to the top of which a coconut and ‘gud’ (brown coloured local sugar) are tied.
While the young women make an inner ring of dancers around this pole, the men
make an outer ring. The trial of strength begins when a young man attempts to
break through the inner ring to reach and climb the tree to eat the ‘gud’ and break
open the coconut. They young women dancers resist his attempt by attacking him
and so on, but all this is taken in the right spirit and sportingly. If, in spite of all
these obstacles, a daring man succeeds in reaching the top of the tree, eh has the
right to choose any of the surrounding girls as his wife.
4) Marriage by Purchase
This form of marriage is very common among Indian tribes. The groom is
expected to pay a bride-price to the bride’s family and then acquire her as his
spouse. This custom may be considered as being symbolic of the utility of a
women, and by way of a compensation to her parent’s family.
Examples: Ho, Rengma Naga.
5) Marriage by Service
This type of marriage seems to take place where a young man is not in a
position to pay bride-price. Instead, he renders his service by toiling in this
would-be father-in-law’s land until such time when the Would-be father-in-
law is satisfied that his labour is equivalent to a sufficient bride-price, after
which the marriage takes place.
Examples: Gond, Baiga.
6) Marriage by Consent and Employment

In this type of marriage, a young man and woman who are in love run way
or elope by mutual consent and marry. The couple return back to their
village only after their respective parents and families have cooled down
and accepted the marital union. Such marriages take place when there is
parental opposition or when the groom is unable to pay a high bride-price.
Examples: Ho, Kadar, Mannar,
7) Marriage by Intrusion
This form of marriage is in direct contract to ‘marriage by capture’. Here,
a girl desirous of marrying an unwilling man thrusts herself obstinately into
his household. Although in the beginning she may be treated badly, in sue
course she gets accepted and a formal wedding ceremony is performed
Example: Ho, Oraon, Chenchu.

8) Preferential marriage
A preferential marriage occurs when the society specifically suggests and
directs an individual to marry another individual. The most elementary
form of preferential marriage is “Sister Exchange’, following by ‘Cross-
cousin Marriages’ and “Uncle-Niece Marriages’.
(a) Sister Exchange

Two men exchange their sisters to one another in marriage. This was
perhaps the most archaic form of marriage. Several Indian Tribes such as
Uralis and Mala Pandarams practice “Sister Exchange’.
(b) Patrilateral Cross-Cousin Marriage or Father’s Sister’s Daughter

Marriage:
In this type of marriage, a man marries his father’s sister’s daughter. This
is seen as a form of indirect and delayed exchange by anthropologists.
Several Indian tribes such as Munda and Kadar prefer patrilateral cross-
cousin.
(c) Matrilateral Cross-cousin Marriage or Mother’s Brother’s Daughter

Marriage
In this type of marriage, a man marries his another’s daughter. This is again
an indirect and a very delayed form of exchange. But this is the one that is
most common among those societies that have preferential marriages.
Several Indian tribes such as the Kharia and the Oraon prefer matrilateral
cross-cousin marriages.
(d) Uncle-Niece Marriage

In this type of preferential marriage, a man marries his sisters; daughter.
Although, in contrast to the above two forms of preferential marriages that
occur between persons belonging to the same generation, this form of
marriage takes place between persons of two following generations in a
cross-generational union. Several South Indian Tribes practise Uncle-
Niece marriages.
Marriages may be broadly of two types: Monogamous or Polygamous.

In Monogamy, a single man marries one woman at a time. This is quite
common among Indian tribes.
Polygamy is of two types: Polygyny in which a single man marries more
the one woman at a time (Examples: Gond, Naga), and Polyandry in which a
single woman marries more than one man at a time.
In Polyandry, when a woman marries a man and his brothers, it is called
Fraternal Polyandry as practised among the Khasas tribe, and when a woman
marries a few unrelated men, it is called Non-Fraternal Polyandry. The Toda tribe
practise both fraternal and non-fraternal polyandry. Further, they even sometimes
combine it with polygyny resulting in Group Marriage.
Besides the first contracted primary marriages, certain societies have
socially sanctioned preferences for secondary marriages which occur after the
termination of the former. Two types of secondary marriages occur.
(a) Levirate, which involves a situation where a man marries his brother’s
widow, as among the Toda.
(b) Sororate, which involves, a situation where a woman marries her deceased
sister’s husband, as among the Kanikkar.
Thus, we see that the Indian tribes exhibit a great range of variety in its
marriage practises.
9. ECONOMIC CLASSIFICATION OF INDIAN TRIBES
Introduction:
Pastoral
Settled
Artisan
agriculture
Shifting
Folk artist
cultivation
Agricultural
Hunting and Economic and non
food
classification agricultural
gathering
labour
The tribal of India have different levels of economy. No tribal groups have
one and only one source of livelihood: mostly they have mixed economy. For this
reason, it is difficult to place any tribal group in strictly one particular typology.
Nonetheless, several Anthropologists have tried to classify the tribes of India on
the basis of their primary means of livelihood.
Vidyarthi and Rai’s Classification:

L.P. Vidyarthi and B.K. Rai have classified the tribes of India into eight
economic types. However, like other anthropologists, they too emphasized
that no particular type is either completely adopted by the tribes or exclusively
the means of livelihood for them. Vidyarthi and Rai’s classification of tribes
into economic types is as follows.
(i) The forest hunter type:

Tribes coming under this type have mainly three economic resources
which vary according to season, cycle and area-(a) Food-gathering, (b)
Hunting and (c) Fishing. They are found in small pockets in different
states of India. Under this typology are the Birhors, Hill Kharias and
Korwas of Bihar; the Chenchus and Yanadis of Andhra Pradesh; and
the Onges, Jarawas, Sentinelese, Shompen and Nicobarese in Andaman
and Nicobar Islands. These tribes living in forests depend for their
livelihood on hunting and catching prey like deer, hares, birds, monkeys
and fishes. From the forest they also collect roots, tubers, fruits, nuts
flowers, leaves, bamboo, honey and wax, and fibres as raw materials
for making ropes.
(ii) The Hills cultivator type:
The tribes practising shifting cultivation in hilly areas under this

typology. This is done by three techniques; (a) Slash and burn
cultivation with the help of axe and digging stick, (b) Hoe -and-burn
cultivation, and (c) Terrace-cultivation in Tarai areas.
In this type, a land is cultivated for a short period. Later the forest is
cleared by either cutting it down or burning and seeds are broadcasted
in the ash covered soil. The land is left fallow to renew its fertility.
Meanwhile people search for another land and repeat the process.
"Shifting cultivation as the Principal means of livelihood is found
among the tribes of North-Eastern region such as in Nagaland, Manipur,
Tripura and some parts of Assam, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar
etc." The hill cultivators generally inhabit in different hill tracts of the
country such as the North-Eastern region tribes in Rajmahal Hill area
and in Khasi-Jaintia Hills. The Lushai, the Serna Naga, the Rengma
Naga, the Ao Naga, the Khasi, the Garo and many others of this region
practise shifting cultivation. The Juang, the Kharia, the hill Bhuiya, the
Kutia-Kandha and the Khond, etc., of Orissa, the Kamar, the Reddy,
etc., of Andhra Pradesh, the Baiga of Madhya Pradesh, the Maler of
Bihar, the Birhor of Orissa and Bihar are mainly shifting cultivators.
The practice of shifting cultivation is known by different names. In
Assam, it is known as Jhum, in Orissa Podu, Dahi and Kamana, Penda
in Madhya Pradesh. Besides, some tribes have got their own names for
shifting cultivation. The Birhors call it Bewar, the Malers refer it
Khallu, the Ao Naga call it, Tekongul, and the Kamar practise three
types of shifting cultivation known as Dahi, Beora, and Guhad. In
English it is described as slash- and- bum or Swidden or simply shifting
cultivation.
Under this practice, a particular family or community uses a patch
of land for cultivation. After preparing the land by cutting trees and
burning them, seeds are sown and covered with ash. The tribal
communities who practise shifting cultivation have their own logic
behind it. Some of them find it easy, whereas a majority of them do it
as a matter of principle.
(iii) The plain agricultural type:

For all the major tribes of India, agricultural of simple type requiring
ploughing with two animals, is the main source of their livelihood. They
are settled agricultural and the villagers work in extreme co-operation
on reciprocal basis at the time of transplanting, harvesting and other
occasions. This type is represented by Santhal, Munda, Oraon and Ho
of Bihar; the Khasis and Jaintias of Assam and Meghalaya; the Khasas
and Tharus of Uttar Pradesh; the Bhils and Korakus of Madhya Pradesh,
Rajasthan and Maharashtra; the Minas of Rajasthan; the Koyas of
Andhra Pradesh and the Malayales of Tamil Nadu.
(iv) The simple artisan types
The tribes coming under this typology earn their livelihood by basket-
making, spinning, weaving, making pottery, metal-working iron-
smelting and making wooden products.
✓ The Gujjars and Kinnauris of Himachal Pradesh produce wood

products;
✓ The Lohars and Karmalis of Bihar repair the agricultural
implements of the agricultural tribes;
✓ the Chik-Baraiks of Bihar weave clothes for the Mundas and
Oraons;
✓ the Mahalis of Bihar and Irulas of Tamil Nadu, and the Kolams
of Maharashtra make baskets, mats and bamboo products.
✓ Asur- iron smelting
✓ Agaria-iron smelting
(v) The pastoral and cattle-herder type:

Pastoral societies breed and rear cattle for milk, meat, leather and as
draught animals.
Some tribes are completely dependent while others raise cattle as an
extra source of income. The Todas are purely a pastoral tribe with full
commitment to herding. They cling to pastoralism even after the entry
of agriculture. The care of buffaloes and the duties connected with the
dairy farm are their sole occupation. Even their religion is centred on
the buffalo.
Meanwhile some tribes are loosely called pastoralist and treat

occupation as a subsidiary one. The tribes of Jammu and Kashmir and
Himachal Pradesh belong to this group. The Bhotias of Uttar Pradesh
ae midway between pastoral and agriculture.
Nomadic
E.g.: Gujjar of Himachal Pradesh, Bhotias of northern U.P, Siddi,
Gaddi, Bakrewal of Jammu and Kashmir
Sedentary
E.g.: Todas, Nageshia, Maldhari and Rabari of Gujarat, Gollas of south
India, Kurubas of Mysore, Lambadi or Sugali or banjara of Andhra
Pradesh and Mysore.
(vi) The Folk-artist type:

The tribal with singing and dancing, music barding, acrobatics,
conjuring, snake-charming etc., as their main occupation, have been
placed in this category. Actually, these people are folk-artists and
economically depend on their art.
✓ The Nats of south-eastern Uttar Pradesh earn by singing,
acrobating and rope-dancing.
✓ The Pardhans of Madhya Pradesh are bards of the Gond tribe.
Their jokes and humours are enjoyed by the Gonds.
✓ The Kotas of Nilgiri Hills offer music which is essential for
conducting rites
✓ The Kalbelias commonly known as Saperas earn their livelihood
by snake-charming, dancing, singing and magic-shows.
✓ Madari- Animal play
✓ Dommara- Acrobatics
(vii) Labourers-type:
Agricultural and non-agricultural tribes with a considerable population
who traditionally come from the agriculturist or artisan type, have
adopted and economic life of casual workers or labourers and whatever
wages get is their income. They may get employment on daily basis.
The agricultural work is mostly available in the locality itself within a
radius of a few kilometres. The poor and landless tribals in all ‘plain
agriculturist type’ can be considered under the typology of ‘agricultural
labourers type’.
Non-agricultural labourers mostly work in different industries. The
non-agricultural labour type arose due to the increase in population and
opening of mines and industries in tribal areas.
E.g.: Tribes of Bihar, Orissa
(viii) The skilled, white-collared job traders type

In this topology no particular Indian tribe can be placed. Due to the
spread of Christianity and education a very small percentage of all
tribals have started earning their livelihood by working in different
offices, hospitals, business enterprises, industries and administrative
jobs. Due to the percentage of reservation of seats for Scheduled Tribes
in all-India and State government services many tribals are seen
working in all types of government or semi-government jobs on equal
footing with the non-tribals.
Changes in tribal economy
1. Rise of democratic institutions

2. Various development programmes which provide various avenues for
income
3. Culture contact with the mainstream society has affected them both
positively and negatively
4. Population stress and land availability has forced the hunting gathering and
shifting cultivation types to give up their traditional means of survival
5. Industrialisation and urbanisation has led to rise of land alienation,
impoverishment but also led to rise of industrial and white-collar workers.
15. RELIGION OF THE TRIBES IN INDIA
(i) Animism
Among the sacred beliefs the faith in spirits is most common with the tribals
and thus animism. This animistic belief is rather a universal feature of the religion
the tribal have. For them, all spots and places are holy as they are the seats of
spirits. Animals, plants trees, ponds, rivers, stones, hills or mountains are all
abodes of spirits. The dead are no exception to this rule as they still through soul
or are reborn in the shape of offspring.
The whole neighbourhood whether village or forest in which the tribals live
is full of spirits. For all tribes whether major, like the Santhal, Munda or Oraon
or minor, like the Birhor, Chenchus or the Forest-Hunting tribes of south India,
the whole world is full of spirits.
✓ In middle India, the Santhals and Oraons believe in the presence of the souls
of their own dead whom they worship at Majhive Tham.
✓ Among the Korwas of Mirzapur, as, Majumdar (1961:422) states, there is a
spirit presiding over crops, another over rainfall, still another over cattle and
a number of spirits are there which dictate the attitude of the Korwas to their
neighbour, to the tribal priests, to the headman and to the general affairs of the
tribe. Thus, animism carries with it the belief in Malevolent spirit and powers
which influence the destiny of man.
✓ Vidyarthi finds among the Malers of Santhal Pargana a strong belief in the
supernatural beings, the Gossaiyan. One of the Maler informant states his
beliefs in Gossaiyan as, “The disease, the famine, the scarcity of water, the
low fertility if soil, the low production of crops, high incidence of death, etc.,
all these happen only when the evil spirits and Gossaiyan are not worshipped
properly and the sacrifices are not made timely”.
✓ Among the Kamars and the Bhuiyas of Chhattisgarh, Dube found the presence
of a belief in spirit specially so when they were dreaming, the inner spirit of
the body roams hither and thither. When a person dies his body becomes
madhee and lives in the graveyard, the inner spirit Jiv goes away Bhagwan
(God).
✓ In northern-eastern Himalayan, among the Mikirs the localities with

impressive mountains, waterfalls, deep and rivers, great boulders, etc., have
each assigned to them gods which are supposed to be interested in the affairs
of men and have to be placated by sacrifices. The belief in reincarnation is
reflected in the naming of the offspring. They generally name their children
after their dead relatives, because it is believed that the dead come back to the
world.
✓ The Garos believe in the existence of spirit in man which, after death, spend
some time in another sphere before he is reincarnated When one falls ill, the
Jaintias offer prayers to the existence of other worlds wherein the spirits of the
dead live. The Nagas move around their village with a big stone with a belief
in the existence of certain spirit in the stone.
✓ In western India the Bhils (Nath, 1960: 93, 182) believe in the survival of the
dead and that the soul continues to exist as a spirit. Again, they have numerous
nature spirits-spirit of hills, streams and forest and a band of punitive and
malevolent spirits.
✓ The Varlis (Maharasthra Census Office, 1972: 42) stand in great awe of spirits.
If anyone falls ill or any tragic incident occurs, they attribute it to the wrath of
some god or to the act of a spirit or a witch. Vir is their ancestor God. The
Thakurs (Chapekar 1960:67) have also Vir as their ancestral spirit.
✓ In south India, the Malabarians in Kerala regard some stones as symbols of

deities. The dead ancestor, now in the form of deity, goes on protecting his
family. The Todas of Nilgiri also believe in ancestral worship. They observe
two death ceremonies-one green and the other dry. Buffaloes are beaten to
death to accompany and live with the spirit of the dead Toda. The Muthuvans,
Paliyans, Ullatans, etc., make offering to the spirits of particular local or other
awe-inspiring natural objects.
(ii) Animatism and Manaism
Animatism refers to the belief in anything or anybody which is or who is

‘animate’ or endowed, with ‘life’ and that ‘life’ is considered to have a
supernatural power or force. The term Manaism which is derived from the
Melanesian word mana, refers to the impersonal, supernatural form associated
with objects or persons Manaism does not entail the conception of a personalised
spirit or soul, but only an impersonal force which is an inherent and automatic
endowment.
The Ho, Munda and other tribes of Chota Nagpur use the term bonga to
designate mana. For these tribal, bonga is the impersonal manifestation of
supernatural power, whose degree also varies depending upon the degree of awe
the object with man inspires. For example, the cycle has bonga, the steam engine
has greater bonga, and the aeroplane has, perhaps, the greatest bonga.
The Oraons protect themselves from malevolent mana by the sarhul ritual
performed in each village. An Oraon girl married into another village, where the
ceremony has not taken place, is believed to have absorbed dangerous mana there.
When she comes to her own village on a visit, she is not allowed to enter her
house. She will be kept outside and given food and drink without anybody
touching her and will be treated as an untouchable. The plates, containers or mat
used by her will not be taken back into the house, only after the sarhul ceremony
has been performed will her man have been rendered harmless.
Majumdar takes the animistic beliefs of the tribals as their beliefs in

malevolent spirits and powers which influence the destiny of men. Discarding the
idea of the only form of religion among the primitive people, he suggests another
form of thoughts. He opines the tribal religion in India stands on the theory of
Bongaism but did not propound this with a view to making any hypothesis about
the root of the primitive religion. But the felt that the religious beliefs among the
Ho, Munda and other tribes of Chotanagpur give ample indications of their strong
belief in one particular cluster of Bonga. Bonga may rightly be called the Indian
parallel of the Melanesian term “Mana”
‘Bonga is conceived by the Ho as a power that pervades all space. It is

indefinite and impersonal to start with. That is why it is believed to take any
shape-or form. This power gives life to all animals and plants, it encourages
growth in plants, it brings down rain, storm, hail, flood and cold. It kills and
destroys evils, stops epidemics, curse diseases, gives currents to rivers, venom to
snakes and strength to tigers, bears and wolves. The vague idea of power later on,
evidences itself and is identified with things or objects of his environment, as the
latter is regarded by primitive man as part of himself”. He believes that Bonga or
Mana or an impersonal spirit forms the substratum of primitive religion
everywhere. Majumdar’s study of the Hos further reveals that when the curiosity
of a child is around by any mechanical contrivance however simple or crude, like
a cycle, rail engine, plane etc., it is immediately satisfied by calling it Bonga. He
understands Bonga in the same way as his father or any adult of his tribe does: it
gives him a vague idea about a power, the nature of which he does; it gives him
a vague idea about a power, the nature of which he does not know, nor the adult
of his tribe would worry about. The very mention of the word “Bonga” is enough,
i.e. his reactions can be easily anticipated.
According to Vidyarthi, among the Males, every child, adult and old, every
commoner and specialist, has some sort of conception in his about the spirit and
supernatural world which he calls by the common term Gossaiyan. The Maler
children are instructed about the Gossaiyan from the very beginning. The term
Gossaiyan is a household word and is used to denote a group of spirits that are
believed to guide their destiny. Similarly, among the Birhors, Rai (1967) finds
the cult of Bir. They have a number of Birs responsible for their different purpose,
Hanuman Bir being the supreme, the others are Hunder (wolf) Bir, Bagh (tiger)
Bir, Bhal (bear) Bir, Sundar (hunting) Bir and sons of Birs. The cult of Bir is all-
pervading and effective for all. The Birs protect the Birhors in different ways and
they are also always conscious of the presence of Birs. For Atal (1968) Bheru, in
fact, acts as a Mana-power. The deity of Bheru in its generic sense is a regional
spread in Mewar and its cult is the most effective vinculum joining many villages
of the vicinage into a common core of ritual usages. In fact, any stone marked
with vermilion and unidentifiable as any particular deity will be explained by the
people as some sort of Bheru. In the religious experience of an average villager,
the fear of Bheru and reverence towards it are invariably present irrespective of
group considerations.
(iii) Naturalism
Worship of nature is another form of belief which prevails among the

Tribals. Sun, Moon and Earth are considered the creator or supreme power. In
middle India, the Santhals, Mundas, Hos, Malers, and Birhors of tribal Bihar
identify the Sun as Sing Bonga, i.e Supreme God. The Santhals equate Dharmesh,
the supreme deity, with the sun and regard it as husband of Dharthi Mata, the
Mother Earth. Among the Mal Paharias the deities are the Sun (Beru) and the
Earth (Dharti). The Bhumijs of West Bengal also bow down before their Supreme
Being, the Sun God. The Earth, the sun, the Five and Water are regarded as
deities, the great supernatural beings, and are believed in by the Bondos of Orissa.
For them the creator is the Sun. The Saoras of the area place the responsibility of
creating man on the shoulders of the Sun and the Juangs think that the first Juangs
mad their appearance out of the Earth. Offerings are made to Goddess Earth at all
new eating festivals. Further, the sun is their Dharam Devata or Supreme God.
Jakhri, the Earth Goddess, Wehra as Dharam Raja and the Sun are worshipped
by all Kuvi Kandhas. The Dongria Konds celebrate Bhihono Parba and sacrifice
buffaloes by striking them dead with axes. They believe that the blood shed before
the Mother Earth is essential to guarantee a good harvest. The Kutia Konds
sacrifice a buffalo for Goddess Earth by decapitating it with a sharp sacrificial
axe. The Savaras often regard Uyungsum, i.e., the Moon, is the wife of Uyungsum
and the ultimate source of all life is the children. Goddess Earth is the axis of the
Marias, Murias, and Abujh Marias of Bastar are who feeds and sustains her Maria
children. She has allotted the land to each clan and fixed the boundary of the
territory.
In the Himalayan region, the Garos consider the sun. the Moon and the Stars
as spirits placed in the heavens for ruling the region. The Kacharis’ belief
regarding the Earth is more or less identical with that of the Garos. The different
tribes of Arunachal Pradesh also worship the Sun and the Moon as the Supreme
God.
In south India the Todas and Koyas revere the Sun. the Muthuvans, Uralis
and Kanikkars of Kerala recognise the Sun as their God and believe in Prakriti
Acharam. The Muthuvans worship the Sun early in the morning. The Uralis take
the Sun as the creator, the Kanikkars know the Sun as Bhagavan and offer a
lighted lamp with some fruits and rice by placing them in front of their hovels.
(iv) Taboo
Taboo is another scared belief which a rather negative custom of any belief
is. It has become superstition for the people. Some regard taboo as “holy dread”,
an objectified fear of the demoniac power thought to be concealed in the tabooed
object. Majumdar (1961:357, 62) takes the religious side of taboo as safeguard
ritual operations to protect religious persons and places of worship and prevent
irreligion from spreading. He further believes that the sanctity of taboo is still
inspired by the idea of bonga and when a taboo is violated, the tribals believe, it
may result in disaster.
Toughing a plough and roofing a house are taboo for the Kharia women.
Though women are well treated and not regarded as drudges, they are excluded
during some observances. The exclusion of Kharia women from certain religious
festival and ritualistic observances like their periodical segregation during their
menstrual period, appears to Roy (1937:120) to be due not any assumed
inferiority in their status but due to the tribals’ horror of manses which is supposed
to attract evil spirits. The Oraon women also observe the taboo of touching a
plough. If these taboos are transgressed, an expiation ceremony has got to be
undergone. The Gonds of Madhya Pradesh do not touch a menstruating woman
for that is enough to destroy a good harvest.
The Sema Nagas have genna as a parallel of taboo and chini of forbidden. A
person killed by a tiger is genna. His clothes, houses, tools, weapons, utensils all
become genna to them and propitiation measures are taken to ward off the effect.
The male Tharus of the Tarai area of Uttar Pradesh are denied many principal
receptions. A breach of the law would bring on the entire society divine wrath on
the other hand, the Todas of the Nilgiri Hills do not permit their women even to
enter the dairy area. They are also denied any work associated with milk which
is scared for them as Maise is for the Malers and their religious rituals revolve
round these. In Kerala the Kadars, Mula-Pandarms, Mal-Vendans and Uralis
strongly believe that when they roam in the forest dominated by Shasta they
should be pure. Thus, it is evident that the religious beliefs also exist in the form
of taboos. In other words, the tribal faith has been reinforced by taboos.
(v) Ancestor Worship
The activities of ancestor are quite evident for the tribal and ancestor
worship finds an important place in their religious beliefs. They recognise that
man’s power is restricted and that he has access to limited areas, but, through
ancestor worship, he acquires powers of a far-reaching and compulsive kind.
They believe in the existence of ancestors and their interest and intervention in
the worldly affairs. They are at work in their real life. Dube (1970) and Vidyarthi
(1963:144) consider ancestor worship an important aspect of the tribal religion.
Since the tribals firmly believe in the idea that spirits of the dead ancestors have
power to decide their destiny, they are very cautious in performing the rites and
observe all the ceremonies carefully. The newly dead person is believed to have
joined the earlier dead ancestors. The spirits of ancestors are called and
worshipped, (i) annually, (ii) occasionally or (iii) when one is economically able
to perform it. The tribals believe that unless the spirit of the newly dead ancestor
is worshipped it continues to exit and appear in dream. It always harasses its
relatives to expedite the preparation for worship, mortuary sacrifice and feast.
In the Himalayan tribes, among the Nagas, Mithun ceremony is very
important. It is totally decided to the spirits of ancestors. A mithun is sacrificed
in the name of the dead.
The Mizos of Mizoram conceive that after the death of person his spirit proceeds
towards the Rih lake.
According to the Jaintia belief when there is sickness in the family prayer are
offered to the ancestors to help drive away the evil.
Among the Khasis the glorification of the dead in the form of ancestor-worship
forms an important aspect of their religious beliefs. The underlying belief is that
the dead ancestors have enough power to aid, assist and bless their descendants
to grow, thrive and prosper.
The Tharus of central Himalaya offer “Roti” to their dead ancestors on

Dipawali day every year. The Khasas have greater attachment to their ancestor
spirit than other gods and goddesses.
In middle India, among the Malers of Santhal Parganas, Jiwe Urkkya is their
ancestral spirit, the spirit of the dead relatives. This spirit invariably becomes a
source of fear for them from the very day of a death till the first feast normally
given on the fifth day of the funeral. Later the Malers conceive ancestral spirits
as essentially benevolent spirits.
The Santhals depend on their ancestor’s spirit, the Haprhanko, for their welfare.
For some types of calamities the ancestral spirit is held responsible and worship
has to be offered to pacify it.
The Mundas place their ancestral spirits in the Ading after the purificatory rite of
Umbul-ader ceremony. Again, once a year, is the Jang-topa ceremony, i.e., the
bone relics of the dead are deposited in the Sasan. This also prevails among the
Hos as Jantopa and among the Oraons as Harbori. The occasion is considered by
the Hos as the celebration of the union of the spirit with the almighty Bonga
whereas the Oraon’s belief is that the spirit goes underneath the earth where the
bone relics are put in the Kundi or bone-burial ground. The Kharias believe that
every person has two souls, Jiom and Longoe, and on death Jiom joins the
ancestors while Longoe goes back to reside in its former house and is propitiated
by the descendants.
The Bhils of Madhya Pradesh and west India have also a strong feeling for
their ancestors. The Minas worship their village founders.
In South India the Todas have a concept of one soul which leaves the body
as soon as the person dies. The Kadars invoke the ancestral spirits to get their
blessings in all ceremonies, rituals and on other occasions. The Kanikkars,
Karimpalanas, Korgas and Paniyans of Kerala recognise the spirits of their
ancestors as gods.
The performance of ancestor worship as described above clearly suggests
that the departed ancestors as such play a definite and decisive role in the tribal
life in general and in their religious belief in particular.
(vi) Monotheism
Monotheism is the belief in a single Supreme Being, a High-God who is the

creator and protector of the world and its being. The belief in a High-God is
prevalent widely in tribal India. The Ao Nagas believe in one Supreme God
whom they call Lichabe Ali Yang Raba Sangram. Lichabe means God; Ali
Yang Raba means Creator of Earth including men and plants; and Sangram
means scared spirits. In Central India, the Kharia and the Khonds call their
Supreme God as Bero meaning sun. Everywhere offerings are made to the
High-God to propitiate Him.
(vii) Fetishism
Fetishism is derived from the Portuguese word, ‘feiticos’ from the Latin
‘factitius’ meaning a skilfully made object. Fetishism refers to the worship of
a fetish or the veneration of charms. Henry Pressler in his Primitive Religions
in India had referred to Fetishism in India. The Bondos regard a certain sword,
supposed to link them to superior Rajput warriors, as a fetish. The myth about
this sword related to a brother named Apt Khanda Mahaprabhu and his sister.
As one day Pat Khanda saw his sister sitting naked and husking grain, she
disappeared below the earth in her shame. The brother, smitten with remorse,
turned himself into a sword. Somehow this sword came into the possession of
the Bondos, who hid it in a banyan tree. At the festival in honour of this spirit-
possessed sword (which is the fetish) the tribe gathers in force and after many
preliminaries, the sisa (priest) climbs the tree, to an altitude of forty feet. He
finds the sword and brings it down in his right hand, pours water over if and
sacrifices fowl and a goat pouring the blood over the fetish. Bondos scramble
to get a few drops of blood to smear their foreheads with. The sisa recites a
charm. Then, he climbs the tree again and deposits the sword-fetish in his
hiding place. It should be noted that propitiation and petitions are addressed
to the spirit in the sword and not to the sword itself. Yet the sword is possessed
of supernatural power because of the resident spirit called dey or deya.
(viii) Polytheism
It is evident from the accounts given above of the different beliefs prevailing
among the tribals of India and their religious practices that they practise
polytheism. The divine powers have been identified with a group of powerful
forces and deities which control and influence the happenings in the community.
Most of the tribes have a cluster of spirits and superbeings and identification of
different powers with different deities is made accordingly. Some deities are held
responsible for their village, general health, rain, grain and so on. All these deities
have their own respective departments and areas of influence, effect and control
as well as nature of actions. The tribals believe in many gods and goddesses and
have diverse methods of worshipping, depending on their traditions which show
an attachment to polytheism. Different names, different forms and various
responsibilities have been attributed to these gods and deities. Animistic gods, the
Bongas, nature and the ancestral spirits are their premise with they are
preoccupied.
Among the tribal people, it is usual to find a god who protects their fields
and crops, another god who protects their hamlets, a third families and kinsmen,
a fourth their property and so on. Different gods and deities have different specific
jurisdictions and abodes. A tribal person is familiar to many gods like the god of
the hill, the god of the forest, of spirit, of the stream and of the river, of the tank
and the spirit of the tree, the sun god, the earth goddess, the moon god, etc. A
team of gods and goddesses are there where their people are. Their locus is more
definite. In a tribal community, all their social and cultural activities revolve
round the spirits and gods and the supernatural power is decentralised in other
deities according to their scope and power. They have their specific gods for their
health and disease, for calamities, for their clan group in the form of totem, for
their descendants in the form of ancestral spirit, for their cattle and so on. In every
pebble or stone or wooden pole marked with vermilion are certain gods and
deities and the power of a personal fetish resides entirely in the representing
object.
The Hos of Singbhum and the Munda of Ranchi think that they are almost
surrounded by various spiritual powers and supernatural things. The supreme
God, the Singbonga, of Mundari-speaking tribes of middle India are served by a
number of Bongas, Viz., the Bongas of mountain, forest, river, etc. Singbonga is
considered to be the creator of the earth. According to Majumdar (1937:132) the
Bongas are Singbonga or supreme god, Nage Bonga or river goddess, Dessauli
of Hatu Bonga, i.e., village deity. Marang Bonga, Disum-maray Bonga or Marang
Buru, i.e, the village deity. Marang Bonga, Disum-maray Bonga or Marang Buru,
i.e, the god of ancestral home of the Hos which is on the top of a mountain.
Majumdar further points out that the Bongas are practically innumerable and
differ according to locality. A few other Bongas were also recorded among the
Hos of Saronda forest area in 1967 and those are the Bogya Bongas, spirit of tiger,
Birsa Bonga, spirit of jungle, Buru Bonga, spirit residing on hills, Garo or lkir
Bonga, spirit of river, and Kapru Bonga, spirit residing in the forest coupe (Rai
1967). Invoking of a number of gods too reveals the presence of polytheism
among them Rai (1967) observed the worship of Kapru Bonga of the Hos. The
Deori, i.e, the village priest, uttered words which translated into English would
mean: “O God of Thalkobad (a village), Buru Bonga, GaraBonga, all the Bongas
and Kup Bonga, the forest contractor will come with 20-23 men to cut the coupe.
In the coupe trucks will enter, save them all and be merciful.”
The Santhals recognise Chando or Thakur as the supreme being who is

invoked on all occasions. Maran Buru is another deity for the Santhal community
itself. Again, they have numerous deities like Pargana Bonga and Manjhi Bongas
as supervisors over other Bongas, Sima Bonga, i.e, the boundary deity, Bahre-
bonga or the village outskirts deity, evil spirits like bhut, rakes, etc. The Malers
have also too many Goddaiyans like Beru Gossaiyan, i.e, Sun God, Bilpu
Gossaiyan or Moon God, Bindke Gossaiyan, i.e, stars, Chalnadu, etc.
(ix) Totemism
The term totem refers to a natural object of item, either inanimate or animate,
with which a group of individuals identify themselves. The system of mystical
attachment of groups of people with totems is called Totemism. The group that
observes totemism is called a totemic group. A totem may be a plant, or an animal,
or even and object like a rock. The members of totemic group distinguish
themselves from other groups by wearing totemic emblems as charms and by
painting or tattooing the figure of the totem on the walls of their houses, canoes,
weapons and even their body. A prominent exhibit is the construction and
erection of a totem pole representing the figure, of the totem, which is generally
carved or painted, in the locality where the specific group members reside.
Totemism and clan organisation go hand quite often. Each clan is named
after a totem. The super-natural and mystical relationship between the members
of a clan and their totem is so strong that if overrides any blood relationship. Since
the totem is regarded as the totemic group’s ancestor, it is looked upon with
reverence, and is treated both in life and death like a fellow kinsman. Beliefs
concerning the relationship between a group and its totem is often expressed in
myths. These myths might reveal the way in which the totemic species helped the
members of its group and vice versa, in some miraculous way, and the bond of
gratitude had been maintained both by the descendants of the totemic species and
the totemic group. That is why, a totem is never killed nor eaten by its group
members. Special rituals may be performed for the multiplication and well-being
of the totemic species. The death, either natural or accidental, or a totem is
ceremonially mourned. The relation of kinship between the totem and its group
members is also expressed in clan or totemic group exogamy. Even sexual
relations between members belonging to the same totemic group are considered
to be incestuous. Totemism is thus a system that integrates man and nature for a
harmonious living.
Totemism is widely prevalent in tribal India. The Santhal have hundreds of

totemic groups named after paints, animals or objects. The Gonds have a goat
clan whose members regard the goat as their totem because a goat which had been
stolen by their ancestors for sacrifice turned into a pig when the theft was
discovered and thus saved the thieves from punishment. The Korakus have tree
totems as they relate that their ancestors had in a battle under various trees to save
themselves from their enemies. They believe that these animals had saved and
protested the ancestors of their clans when by accident they had been left behind
in the fields as helpless babies. The Kharia (Dhelki) have more than eight totemic
clans named as follows: Mura (tortoise), Soren (Stone), Samad (deer), Cage
(quail), Carliha (a fruit), Charhad (a bird), Hansda (eel), Mail (dirt), Kiro (tiger),
Togho (a bird) and so on. The Kamar tribe also have several exogamous named
clans as follows: Netam (tortoise), Sori (a jungle creeper), Wagh Sori (tiger), Naq
Sori (snake), Kunjam (goat), Marai (carcase eaters) and so on. The people believe
that the Kunjam are the children of a he-goat and a Kamar girl. The Netam were
saved by a tortoise at the time of the deluge. Among the Toda, the buffaloes at
the time of the deluge. Among the Toda, the buffaloes, and the treatment of their
milk. The dairies are their temples, the dairymen the priests, and the various
incidents in the lives of buffaloes are the occasions for ceremonies. One of the
important ceremonies of the year is the occasion when a buffalo male calf is killed
and its flesh eaten. This is the only time when buffalo flesh is consumed. At the
death of a member of the tribe, the buffalo plays and important part in the
ceremonies accompanying the cremation of the dead body. It is interesting to note
that the mourner addresses the buffalo in the same terms of kin relationship that
he uses for the deceased. The Oraons erect wooden totem posts and make
occasional offerings to them. Totemism is thus an integral feature of tribal India.
18. IMPACT OF HINDUISM, ISLAM, CHRISTIANITY, BUDDHISM ON

TRIBAL RELIGIONS IN INDIA.
Introduction:
S.C. Roy, (1928), L.P Vidyarthi, (1996), D.N Majumdar, (1962), N.K Bose,
(1946, 1971), V. Elwin (1955), Sachidanand (1964), and others studied the
impact of Hinduism on tribes. The tribal people have their own pantheon. Still
they are blended with other faiths of non-tribal neighbours and the erstwhile
British rulers. Effective among all these are Hinduism and Christianity which
have put their religious beliefs in the melting pot. The impact of Hinduism has
been felt for several centuries whereas Christianity is the modern force, a century
old Their impact is seen on the diverse beliefs and rituals prevalent among the
tribal some of whom have forsaken their traditional religion embraced a new one.
Some others are following a reformed version of their own religion.
Recent ethnographic studies specially of the tribes of northern, western

middle India have left the least doubt that some of the tribes are Hinduised to the
extent that they have been assimilated with the different castes at different levels
in the caste system (Ghurye. 1963).
The tribes of the north-western and central Himalayan region have fashioned
their religion after Hinduism. The Tharus and the Khasas have greatly succeeded
in getting themselves accepted as Kshatriyas and /or Brahmins.
In middle India, the Cheros, Kharwars, Paharias of Chotanagpur Gonds and

Tharus of west Champaran, Bhumijs of West Bengal Raj Gonds of Madhya
Pradesh have declared themselves Kshatriyas. The Mundas and Oraons of
Chotanagpur have over them a great impact of Vaishnavism. The Mahalis of West
Bengal have adopted the Hindu way of life to a great extent. The Manjhis have
emerged as a distinct caste in Munda areas (Vidyarthi, 1966).
Hindu impact:
In the course of his tribal studies Roy (1928) found how the Oraons of the
Chotanagpur finding much similarity between their own beliefs and Hindu
religious beliefs adapted them in terms of indigenous tradition. “The principal
feature of the earlier religions of the Oraons was a belief in the existence of the
spirit of God embodied in Dharmes, the sun, God and creator on the one hand,
and of the forces of Evil manifested in the Evil Mouth (Bai, Bhak) on the other”.
Roy further believes that the Oraons knew no Bhut or spirit nor ate beef or other
unclean food but were cleaner in their habit and even wore the ‘Janeu’ (scared
thread). But when they came to live in an area already occupied by the Mundas
and came into contact with each other the new comer (Oraons) gradually
assimilated into their own system, some of the spirits of the land. When the
Oraons also came in close contact with the Hindus and the Hindu conception of
‘Mahadev’ (the great god) and Parvati or Devi Maia or Shakthi it is no wonder
that they easily assimilated this concept of the spirit of God. In the course of time
and with the progress of ideas through contact a few of the spirits (bhuth& neds)
such as the ancestor spirit, clan spirits, or (lahutbhut)came.
Sachidanand (1964-1996) gives an elaborate account of Hinduisation among

the Oraons. The Oraons have started performing Swami Pooja (Sravan pooja) and
offer a goal at the devi mandap. The Pahan (priest) leads the worship performed
with incense, Rice Beer, Gur, ghee, vermilion,” Bel patra”. A few Oraon youth
learn mantras and worship Hindu deities. The people sing Bhajans on different
occasions. A few families also observe ‘Deothan, a private Hindu pooja.
In recent times again Hinduisation has come into active operation. As a

result, 5 religious movements appeared among the Oraons. They are:
a) Nemha Bhagats or Bhuiphut Bhagats.

b) Hinduised or Bacchchidan Bhagats including Vishnu Bhagats.
c) Kabir Panth Bhagats.
d) Tana Bhagats and
e) Hindu Movement.
Among Oraons, the Bhakti cult originated in the latter half of the 18th
Century. All Bhagats at that time maintained the rules of ceremonial purity in
food, drink and other habits. All retained most of the social customs and
observances of the tribe which do not militate against the Bhagat’s ideas of
ceremonial purity. A Bhagat is believed to acquire his powers through the special
grace of God or Mahadev. It generally comes to a person of psychic temperament
who for some time before being favoured with the Divine grace has felt a natural
hankering for a higher life and life and has been leading a life of abstention and
spending much of his time in things divine and attending Poojas of Mahadeo
either. Either in a state of devotional mind or in a dream, it is said, a Mahadeo
stone is found the following morning to have emerged from under the earth either
on the floor of the hut or the courtyard. (angan) Such a Mahadeo stone is known
as Bhuiphut Mahadeo and the man becomes a Bhuiput Bhagat.
In a few well-off families, the descendants of the original Bhagat have

nominally accepted the Hindu gurns and are known as Bachchidan Bhagats.
It may be mentioned some of the semi-Hinduised Bhagats who take a

Vaishnav as their Guru call Themselves Vishnu Bhagats as they adopt Vishnu or
Sri Krishna.
The better minds among the Oraons has growing aspiration for a cleaner life
and higher spiritual ideas. The teachings of Kabir attracted them and Kabirpanthi
doctrine was introduced to the indigenous Bhagats. A Kabir panthi is required to
utter the words Sat Saheb or Sat Kabir in the morning. The Kabir Panthi religious
service known as Chalika is required to be held on different occasions like birth,
marriage, death etc in addition to their own customs and observances.
In the Bhakti cult one more movement came in the 20th century. The Oraons
leaders of the new movement began by suspecting that the old spirits to whom
they so long looked for help were powerless to help them in their economic
distress and their agrarian troubles and ended by persuading themselves that it
was indeed those very spirits from the Munda religious system were responsible
for their miserable condition. Accordingly, they named their new reformed faith
as Kurukh Dharama. From the frequent use of the words Tano and Tana (pull&
pulling) in their hymns in their hymns, they came to be called Tana Bhagats by
their neighbours. This explains the use of the word Tana. Sachidanand says the
word might have originated in the mind of Jatru Bhagat the founder leader in
1913-14. with the intention of pulling together all the Oraons into his fold. The
leaders of Tana movement have considerably modified and simplified the old
Oraons customs connected with birth, marriage and death.
The number of tribal people following the Hindu faith is the largest. The 60
million Hindu tribal people in 2001 grew to 84 million in 2011.
The impact of Hinduism on tribals can be summarised as
1. Sanskritization of tribes
a. Rajput model
i. Bhumijs
ii. Munda
iii. Gond
b. Kshatriya model
i. Tharus
ii. Khasas
iii. Oraon
iv. Bhils
2. Tribe caste continuum
3. Tribes taking a specific position in the hierarchical caste system
4. Bhagat movements
5. Rituals for various ceremonies performed by brahmin priests
6. Rise of Child marriages which were previously unknown
7. Dowry has risen due to the influx of Hindu cultural systems
8. Caste system in Kol
9. Fall of Youth dormitories
10.Enunciation of Gotra system by tribes
Thus, the impact of Hinduism has left its indelible mark on the religious life of
the tribes in India.
Influence of Christianity on India Tribes:
D.N. Majumdar (1937) Sachidanand (1964), Jyothi Sen (1968), B.N Shay
(1963), Leela Dube (1969), A.R. Kutia (1969), Martin Oraon and a few others
have studied the impact of Christianity on the tribals in India. According to their
studies Christian Missions belonging to various denominations have been
working in tribal tracts with the prime motive of achieving conversion. They use
certain means especially in terms of social service, education and medical aid.
The first impact was felt among the Khasis of Meghalaya in 1813, the Oraons of
Jharkhand in 1845 and the Bits in M.P in 1880.
According to Panigrahi.D.C (2001) the impact of Christianity has its positive

and negative effects on the life of Indian tribes. About 5-1/2 % of the total tribal
population comprising nearly 2.5 million have faith in Christianity. Major
Concentration of the Christian tribals is in the North East Himalayas region. Half
of the Christians live in this area. The other half resides in middle India mostly in
Chhattisgarh and in certain pockets of Orissa and Jharkhand.
The Andaman and Nicobar Islands contain a large Christian tribal
population comprising nearly 2/3rd of their total No. In South India Kerala is the
only state where Christians among the tribals can be counted up to 10,000 souls
(individuals)
The Oraons have maximum Christian populations of about 4 lakhs. The

Mizo and Naga have together about 2 lakhs. The Khasi and Garo Christians have
a numerical strength of 1.25 lakhs. The Kharias, tanghul, Nagas and Tharus have
50,000 Christians each. In fact, among the major tribes like the Mizo, Khasi,
Tangkhul, Naga and Kharia more than half of their strength are Christian. The
minor tribes like the Hmar, Lakher, Pawi, Anal, Chotahe¸Kairao, Kom, Langora,
and simte in the north eastern states and hill pulayas malai Aryans in Kerala more
than 2/3rd of their population are Christians to be precise the impact of
Christianity by way of conversion has been felt least in western India and south
India except Kerala.
Impact: 1. Christianity has provided the first model of westernisation to the

tribals in the shape of church organization western education and above all
western values and morals.
E.g. S.C. Roy (1920) Majumdar (1937) deal with reference to the tribes of
Chotanagpur Jharkhand. According to them the most remarkable influence of
Christianity has been among the Mundas Oraons and Kharias. There tribal found
the missionaries and the western way of life as more beneficial than Hindu way
of life. The relatives between Hindu land lords and tribal farmers have never been
satisfactory. At the hands of Hindu land lords, the tribals as suffered many
troubles they had gone to the extent of insurrecting against the rulers in order to
avoid the sufferings these tribals embrace Christianity while the Mundas had to
suffer from many ills in the hands of land lords the Hos and Santhals migrated to
areas where they could live in comparative peace and extend their settlements on
to virgin land free from exploiting land lords and land grabbing middle men.
The Hos occupied koihan(fertile) a compact area inhabited exclusively by

themselves. the Santhal have spread for beyond their original confines and are
distributed over a very wide area then the Hos and the Santhals have not felt much
need for the assistance of the church organization or the benefit of western
education in their struggle of or economic emancipation where the tribals lived
in compact groups and were superior in number t heir the tribal organization has
remained strong and conversion to Christianity was not appreciable. Thus, those
who suffered most at the hands of local Zamindars or land lords favoured
westernization through conversion as a powerful means for survival.
2. Another impact of Christianity on the tribes in India is the cultural

interpretations of a number of tribal beliefs and rituals. According to Sachidanand
the Christian tribals observe the different Christian festivals such as Christmas,
Easter, all saint day Israel Jatara. Cultural reinterpretations of a number of tribal
beliefs and rituals can also be met with.
3. The impact of Christianity among tribals favoured more materialistic

tendencies than spiritualistic tendency.
Jyothi Sen studied this particular aspect in Jharkhand she opines that the
Christian missionaries are doing the best possible under the circumstances but the
fear there is that so long as acceptance of Christianity as the supreme spiritual
way remains the aim of the mission. The later has to operate under a handicap
once the common people of India begin to march along the path of economic and
social progress on their own account the reason for participating in progressive
steps under the mission where it is no more than a means will lose much of his
values and attraction.
Shahay (1963) who studied the impact of Christianity on the central Indian
tribes has shown how several cultural processes like oscillation scrutinization
combination indigestion and retroversion are taking place among the Christian
tribals in central India this may be true with respect to other parts of India.
Areas
Mizoram- 90%
Nagaland- 90%
Meghalaya- 70%
Manipur- 34%
Central Indian tribes- Munda, Oraon, Baiga, Birhor, Kharia
South Indian tribes- Todas
Impact
1. Egalitarianism
2. Rise of private property replacing the communal property
3. Ideas of equality, freedom, and Justice
4. Animal sacrifices are being given up
5. Monogamy is more commonly adopted.
6. Rise of Nuclear families
7. Patriarchal families are replacing the traditional matriarchy
8. Tribal institutions- youth dormitories are being slowly given by due to the
prude principles of Christianity
9. Rise in the education and health indicators due to the work of missionaries
10.Division among converted and traditional tribal groups which often lead to
tense situations
11.Use of English language on par with tribal language
12.Giving up faith in old gods and monotheism
13.Rise of new social institutions
14.Barter system of exchange is being replaced by market system.
Impact of Buddhism on tribes of India.
Buddhism in North-East India is not a new faith. It exists long ago playing
its role in many forms according to the period concerned. Many scholars believe
that Buddhism reached to North-eastern region of India around 16th -17th century,
and also consider that it did not arrived at the time of the Buddha and even in the
phase of the great Buddhist patronage king Asoka who send missionaries to
different direction of Majjhimadesa and abroad. It is a matter of discussion and
research.
There are three races exist in North-East India, Negrito, Proto-Australoid
and Mongoloid. The Tribes of North-East are predominantly Mongoloid. The
Mongoloid population entered the region of Assam through various routes at
different times and they speak the languages classified broadly as Tibeto-Burman.
The Ahom of the Tai or Shan group of the Mongoloids entered Assam in the 13th
century conquering it, they mainly settled in the Upper Assam. They were
followed by other Shan tribes like the Khamti, Khamyang, Aitong, Phakial and
Turung - all are believers of Buddhism, occupying isolated pockets and
preserving their traditional socio-cultural ways of life. Today, the Archaeological
evidences of the Surya Pahar of Goalpara (in Assam- an archaeological Buddhist
site) where Stupas, Terracotta plaques with figure of Buddha found in the
excavation which indicate that Buddhism flourished in lower Brahmaputra valley
during the early part of the Christian era back to the 9th Century A.D.
In Tripura 100 km from Agartala we have Pilak, a Buddhist site excavated
by the Archaeological Survey of India in 1984-85, where many Hindu and
Buddhist images were found. This also recorded by the expert dating back to the
9th century A. D., these sculptures are living proof of a historical past in this
region. Today Pilak has become a major attraction of Buddhist site of pilgrimage.
In the Arunachal Pradesh there are 6 Tribes inhabiting in western, central

and eastern region of it, out of 22 tribes namely Monpa, Sherdukpen, Memba,
Khamba, Khamti and Singpho. Population wise Monpa is the largest among the
6 tribes and they are followers of Buddhism. The Arunachal Pradesh is one of the
most Buddhist flourished state in the North-East region of India. However, in
Arunachal Pradesh Buddhism can be termed as Tibetan form of Buddhism due to
influence of Tibet to a great extent. But the tribes like the Khamti, the Singpho
and the Tikahk Tangsa are still believer of Theravada form of Buddhism. As per
the census of 2011, in Arunachal Pradesh, the total number of Buddhist
population are 1,43,028, which is13.03% approximately of the total population
of the state i.e., 10,97,968. These Buddhist tribes have contributed immensely to
the art and culture of the state and their socio-cultural-religious life; monuments
etc. are important components of Arunachal Pradesh. There are many significant
Monasteries in that region such as Tawang Monastery, Bomdila Monastery and
Urgelling Monastery. Tawang is known as the crown of Buddhism in Arunachal
Pradesh, which is the core of the Tibetan faith of the Mahayana School of
Buddhism in the region, making it the largest monastery in India and the second
largest of Asia.
There are 19 groups of scheduled tribes in Tripura, S. T. Das (1986)
tabulates the strength (1971) of main six schedule tribes are Tripuri, Reang,
Chakma, Jamatia, Mag/Magh/Mog and Maring. Among them the Chakma and
Mog are traditionally the followers of Theravada Buddhism.
Sikkim comprises of different ethnic communities broadly classified as the
Lepcha, Bhutia, Nepali and the Indian Plainsmen. Among them Lepchas are
major populations in the region who are follower of Buddhism.
Though the Buddhist Population in the North-East India is in minority but
its contribution is unique among the social and cultural activities among the
people of this region. The life style of the Tribal people in North-East India is the
result of the influence of Buddhism on the local people. Simplicity in dress and
ornaments, socio-economic life all are part of Buddhism though most of the tribal
and non-tribal people may not be direct followers of the faith but are influenced
by the teachings of the Buddha as are reflected by their lifestyle.
Impact of Islam on tribes of India

So far as Islam is concerned the Lakshadweep people are mainly Muslims
According to Leela Dube and Kutty the islanders were originally Hindu
immigrants from the mainland but were converted around 14th century AD.
With the coming of Muslims rulers, the Siddis of Gujarat and the Gujjars of
Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh also converted to islam. They show a happy blend
of Hindu Muslim faith. The Bhils, the Dhankasi and the Kotis living in the
vicinity of international boundary with Pakistan have also been influenced by
Islam.
The following changes have been found in Islamised tribes

✓ Decline of matriliny
✓ Beginning of puberty rites which were previously unknown
✓ Changes in Kinship terminology
✓ Initiation of sharia law
✓ Rise of cousin marriages
✓ Fall in the importance for folk dances
CHAPTER X
TRIBAL PROBLEMS IN INDIA
1. PROBLEMS OF THE TRIBALS CREATED BY CULTURE

CONTACT.
Introduction:
Even though some of the tribal problems are the creation of the tribal
cultures themselves, there are several tribal problems which are due to the contact
of tribal cultures with those of non-tribals. These tribal problems created by
culture contact are related to environmental, demographic, economic, social,
religious, political, educational and psychological aspects. All these problems
may now be discussed in detail.
Environmental problems:
In many tribal areas of India, contact of tribals with non-tribals has been
accompanied by the introduction of new powerful weapons, new techniques of
plant cultivation like ploughing, and intensified use of land for many crops. The
new artefacts and practices helped after the geographical environment to some
extent.
(i) Powerful weapons like guns led to the extermination of several varieties of
fauna and reduction of large herds of game animals in almost all parts of
tribal areas in India.
(ii) Reduction in the average cultivable land holding among the tribals due to
grabbing by non-tribals and increasing pressure of tribal population has
influenced the tribals to resort to more and more shifting cultivation and has
encouraged soil erosion and deforestation in many tribal tracts in India.
(iii) The fertility of land has become seriously depleted under intensive
cultivation introduced by non-tribals into some scattered parts of tribal areas
like Chota Nagpur and Bastar.
Deformation has almost everywhere upset the eco-systems of tribal areas.

The destruction of several flora and fauna, the encouragement of soil erosion and
deforestation and the depletion of soil fertility have titled the ecological balances
in many tribal areas. As a consequence, some of the tribal are now facing the
problems of scarcity of game, scarcity of land for cultivation, and paucity of
sacred groves for worship in their respective environments.
Demographic Problems:
Contact of tribal with non-tribals is responsible for a gradual decline in the
tribal populations. The Andamanese show decline in number from a few hundred
in 1881 to nineteen in 1961. The Malaryans from Kerala has suffered a heavier
loss from, 2,853 in 1921 to 128 in 1931. the Todas of Tamil Nadu who numbered
2,689 in 1881 now number about 800. the Asurs of Bihar have declined from
3,099 in 1911 to 639 in 1931. In Andhra Pradesh, the Korawas have decreased
from 1,204 in 1921 to 1, 121 in 1931. There are many more tribals which have
shown a decline in their total strength. Thus, it is evident that several tribes are
preparing for an exist like the Andamanese. The demographic problems arising
out of contact of tribals with non-tribals may be summed up as follows:
(i) Fluctuations in the birth rate, death rate and other demographic indices
of tribal populations have followed from adhered diets and newly
introduced diseases. These fluctuations are causing depopulation of
several tribal groups.
(ii) Labour recruitment that separate men and women are interfering with
reproduction of tribal populations. These are not uncommon conditions
appearing with culture contacts situations.
(iii) The dwindling number of the friendly Andaman islanders and the
hostility of the unfriendly ones are unique problems. Out of the four
tribes of the Andaman Islands, the Great Andamanese and the Onge are,
for long, on contact with the non-tribals, and their population is
constantly towards decline.
Contact of tribals with non-tribals is responsible for the creation of several

economic problems such as land alienation, indebtedness, exploitation, bonded
labour and poverty in almost every tribal are of this country.
(i) The tribal land used for shifting cultivation is held to be unclassed State
Forest and the possessors can be ousted without any sort of
compensation, as often has been done.
(ii) Quarrying stone, gravel and ores for private use is forbidden to the
owner of the site of shifting cultivation where they may lie and the
license fee demanded for quarrying is prohibitive.
(iii) The problem of land alienation is very much pronounced among the
tribals. Before contact of the tribals with non-tribals, there was enough
land for all tribals. The land was originally under rajahs. The rajahs
receive their annual land rent either in the form of services or in kind.
When the British rule extended into the tribal areas, the rajahs has to
pay to the Government their tribute in cash. As the demands of the
Government progressively increased, more and more pressure was put
upon the tribal tenants, who had also to pay in cash. The small traders
who settled down in tribal areas now found an opportunity of making
money. They became money-lenders and as the tribal people knew little
of accounts, it was possible for them to fleece the tribals in a most
shameful way. The money lenders lent money to tribals who, in due
course, felt victim to them and could never come out of their clutches.
To repay the debt, the tribal had to part with his land. The illegal
practice of money-lending has led to land alienation. The tribals have
been deprived of all the best lands which they possessed previously by
the process of mounting land alienation.
Tribals, being simple people, hesitate to come forward to defend their rights.
In many cases benami transactions are taking place because the tribals are more
interested in the annual rent than in keeping away the non-tribals from their land.
Thus, the fears of antagonising the non-tribal and misplaced sense of loyalty
among tribals make it difficult to arrest illegal transfers. Consequently, in many
cases the tribal land had been transferred to the non-tribal money lenders for the
repayment of loans.
The problem of bonded labour and slavery is most common in many tribal
areas. The practice of bonded labour is known by different names in different
regions. It is known as Sagari in Rajasthan, Halpati in Gujarat, Mahjadari, Hali
Kalia, Harvathi or Naukari Nama in Madhya Pradesh, Jeetha in Karnataka, Vayla
in Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Gothi in Orissa and Gothi or Vetti in Andhra Pradesh.
The main feature of bonded labour is that a tribal pledge his person and members
of his family against the loan received from the non-tribal merchants, money
lenders and sometimes landlords. Once a tribal is in the vicious circle of economic
exploitation, it is an impossibility for him to get of it. The amount of his debt goes
on mounting year after year making him serve the non-tribal merchant, money-
lenders or landlord in perpetuity.
The problems of indebtedness, exploitation and poverty are the creations of

contact of tribals with non tribals. Most of the tribal people are indebted to the
non-tribal traders, merchants and money-lenders. The important reasons for their
indebtedness are: unproductive agriculture, expensive festivals, payment of bride
price or dowry and lack of proper marketing facilities for the forest produce which
they collect.
Social Problems
The isolation of tribes has its otherwise social problems: it hinders culture
growth and causes stagnation in the community ventures. But contact of tribals
with non-tribals also poses many social problems, especially in the context of
adjustment of the communities influenced. The more common social problems
faced by the tribals in culture contact situation are: tribal discomfort, moral
corruption adoption and assimilation of caste and social disorganization of tribal
groups.
i. The problem of discomfort with reference to certain areas of social life is
very common in almost all tribal areas of the subcontinent. The influx of
non-tribals in tribal habitations made the tribals money minded. Even the
bride-price, which the tribals before contact paid in kind, is now decided
through cash payments. In certain tribal groups, the value of bride-price has
gone as high as rupees two thousand. For a tribal family, in general, it is
highly difficult to manage for the payment of bride-price from one’s own
resources. This causes discomfort to the tribals.
ii. Contact of tribals with non-tribals has also introduced moral corruption into
tribal areas. The youth houses known as bachelor halls or youth dormitories,
where tribal boys and girls have been enjoying a free life, have once formed
an important part of the social organisation and community life of Indian
tribes. The youth dormitories at many places have started disappearing. At
many places the non-tribals have attempted to share the sex with the tribals.
As a consequence, some tribals like Bhotia, Bhuiya and Muria Gonds have
already started doing away with the dormitories and some tribals like the
Oraons have almost dispensed with the dormitories. Even in some other
places where pre-marital sex life if free or where the women are allowed to
keep lovers, some non-tribals has caused trouble. Further, the establishment
of various commercial concerns, and the connected human settlements in
tribal belts led to similar kinds of effects.
The development of tea gardens, the establishment of steel and other plants
and some hydroelectric projects have introduced new varieties of liquor,
gambling and exploitation of sex. The excise laws in tribal areas are hitting the
groups hard. The out still system has led to an increased in drunkenness and
immortality. The Government is accused of making money by this means.
Liquor has become cheap and the tribal population who used to be brew their own
liquor are finding is uneconomic to do so and are taking more and more to liquor
shops
iii. Because of contact of tribals with the caste Hindus the tribal societies have
become disorganized. Tribal groups have adopted and assimilated many
caste elements. They absorbed the ideas regarding untouchability, purity,
pollution and hierarchy. Tribes like the Gonds, the Santals, the Juang, the
Bhuiyas and several others have already differentiated amongst
themselves, various sub-social hierarchies. Lately emerging social
stratification and ranking among the tribals have brought in new kinds of
complications. Problems defined in the relevance of caste system have
slowly started taking roots among tribals, especially in case of the more
exposed ones. When democratic India stands for integration, elimination
of caste consciousness, abolition of untouchability, all unhealthy trends
causing social disorganisation and hatred within tribal groups are most
undesirable.
POVERTY
Most tribes are concentrated in heavily forested areas. Historically, the economy
of most tribes depends on agriculture or hunting and gathering forest produces.
Tribal members traded with outsiders for the few necessities they lacked, such as
salt, cooking utensils and iron, and the like. Their life preserving forests have
been invaded by modern civilization.
Their identity was intact before intrusion of modern civilization and urban
economic developments. Nearly 68 million Tribals lived in India according to the
1991 census but number has now reduced substantially as forests reduced and
their dependence on forest resources minimized. Economic and modern life style
forced them to come out to get mixed with modern generation but did not get
proper attention and respect of their culture so most of them still live in below
poverty line. Most of the tribal communities originated from Dravidian as still
speak Dravidian languages.
Basic causes of poverty Problem among tribal:
✓ Commercial exploitation of forests and increase of usage of wood in

modern needs caused forest unproductive. Their resources also vanished as
the forests became agricultural and urban lands. Their main dependence
of food on forest products became scarce led to malnutrition.
✓ (Barter) system of exchanging their products against basic necessitates like
salt, iron, cooking utensils are exploited by traders from outsiders who
cheat them.
✓ Non-exploring of forest value in our life as only 3% of about 3, 00,000
plants species available to agriculture are used today. Our concentration of
artificial value of forests has reduced the size.
✓ Worlds food supply depends on about 150-200 plant species. Of those 150-
200, just 12 provide three-quarters of the world’s food.
✓ Lack of research and development and non-understanding medicinal value
of forests produce as only about only 2% could be discovered.
✓ Non-recognition of tribal traditional ayurvedic medicinal knowledge.
Nearly 60% of urban population takes medicines for some or other reasons
as compared to 15-20% in tribal community. This is due to environmental
disaster but has less effect on tribes as they live in forest in natural
environment.
✓ Also, system of modern education has played very important role to ignore
rural development and our old tradition and culture thus their traditional
crafts are in extinction.
✓ In order to save our historical identity and culture, rehabilitation programs
for tribal population need to be instated; local governments have to take
important steps like protective forestation to give habitats conducive to the
tribal.
INDEBTEDNESS
Introduction:
The tribals of India who constitute 8.23% of the population, have many
problems some in common with non-tribals and some which are peculiar to them.
Many of the problems are inter-related in the sense that one problem may led to
another and an integrated view has to be taken in tackling these problems.
Chronic indebtedness:
Chronic indebtedness is a major problem of almost all tribes in India. May

be with the exception of a few tribal states in the North East, indebtedness has
forced the tribes to fall into the clutches of moneylenders. Though there is no
absolutely reliable anthropological data, one can make a statement with some
degree of confidence that the problem was not there till the second half of 19 th
century.
Causes of indebtedness:
The main causes for indebtedness are:
(i) Loss of tribal rights with respect to land and forests

(ii) Low yield from traditional agricultural practices
(iii) Low income from agricultural and other traditional occupations.
(iv) Poor exploitation of resources.
(v) Monetisation of the economy
(vi) Shift in consumption patterns. (More often consumption of unnecessary
goods for which they have to pay in cash)
(vii) Heavy expenditure of life cycles rituals
(viii) Carrying out Panchayat penalties and fines
(ix) Ignorance and illiteracy; and
(x) Exploitation by money-lenders.
Unfortunately, due to their ignorance and low literacy the money-lenders

have exploited them. The money-lender’s methods are simple and convenient-no
sureties, no guarantors no filling up of forms, etc. All that a tribal has to do is to
put his thumb impression on plain paper or on a written stamp paper, which he
cannot read. He may, without knowing, mortgage his land. Dr. Sachindra
Narayan who studied the Sauria Paharia, records in detail the cases with which
the Mahajans (money lenders) exploit the Saurias. During the period from
November to February, which is the agricultural season for the Sauria Paharias,
Mahajans are a common sight. Normally they charge 50% interest on cash loans
and 100% on loans given in kind. It is common for the Mahajans to take grains
from Saurias at current market grains in a locally made wooden measre(Paila)
which is neither uniform nor standardised. The price of the grain is deducted from
the amounts to be repaid. The Paharia also are aware that once they go to a
Mahajan for loans they cannot come out of his clutches easily. They do not
understand his system of accounting; but even then, the Mahajan continue to be
popular. This state of affairs was recorded by Sachindra Narayan in 1986.
In Maharasthra and Tripura, some of the poor tribes take seeds on loan for
sowing and return thrice or even four times the quantity borrowed (the system is
called Palemod). Thus, the tribals may Surrender a major portion of their harvest.
Even the Planning Commission recognised the magnitude of this problem it said
in one of its reports, “no programme of economic development is likely to have
any impact on the tribal economy unless vigorous measures are taken to rescue
the tribal from the clutches of the moneylenders”.
Consequences of indebtedness:
The unfortunate consequences of Indebtedness are
(i) Land alienation and transfer of land to non-tribals.

(ii) Bonded and unpaid labour
(iii) Sale of girls and women in prostitution; and
(iv) Chronic venereal diseases.
Remedial Measures.
The Fifth Scheduled enables the governor of a state to regulate

moneylenders’ business in scheduled areas. Various state governments have
passed laws in this regard. Some of the important laws passed by different states
to control and curb money lending are:
1. The Bihar State Scheduled areas Money lenders Regulation, 1985.

2. The Andhra Pradesh State Scheduled Area Money-lenders.
3. The Assam Money lenders Regulation 1968
4. The Kerala Money Lending Act, 1958
5. The Orissa Money lender (Application of certain Provisions) regulation,
1950.
6. Rajasthan Sagro System Abolition Act,1961.
Inspite of the statutory Provisions for regulating the activities of the

moneylenders, there has been no improvement in the situation. The planning
Commission report on tribal development programmes point out that due to:
(a) Lack of will and commitment on the part of state governments;
(b) Non-enforcement or weak enforcement of the penal provisions
(c) Inadequate use application of the protective provisions of the Fifth
Scheduled,’
The tribals continue to be exploited by the moneylenders.
Bonded Labour
The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 was official acknowledgement
of the existence of a form of forced labour which had both traditional and
economic roots. Since then, there have been some efforts at ending this system of
exploitative labour and relationships in bondage. The law provides for
identification, release and rehabilitation of bonded labourers as well as
punishment for employers of bonded labour. Close to 40 years after the enactment
of a law that recognizes and outlaws bonded labour, the practice has not
disappeared. The Ministry of Labour and Employment in their Annual Report of
2007-2008 record 2,86,839 identified bonded labourers, of whom 93 percent are
reported to have been rehabilitated. The maximum numbers of bonded labourers
were reportedly rehabilitated in the early 1980s. This was the period when the
Supreme Court in its public interest jurisdiction was also actively engaged in
lending weight to the Bonded Labour Act and monitoring the progress of
identification, release and rehabilitation.406 It is not immediately evident how
many bonded labourers continue in various states of servitude that remain
unidentified.
The study done for the Planning Commission reports that 83 percent of the
rehabilitated bonded labourers belong to Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes.
43.6 percent of the rehabilitated bonded labourers belong to Scheduled Tribes. 407
Indebtedness has been cited as the main reason for landing in bondage, and 70.7
percent of those surveyed gave loan as the main reason for bondage and 92.3
percent of those who did take the loan, did so for “consumption/food”.
There are several emerging studies that indicate that this practice of bondage
continues to exist, particularly in tribal dominated districts. An activist in the field
reported to us that the Yanadis in Nellore districts in Andhra Pradesh, Irulas in
Tiruvallur, Cuddalore and Vellore in Tamil Nadu, the Sahariyas in Baran districts
of Rajasthan, Shivpuri in Madhya Pradesh and Lalitpur and Banda in Uttar
Pradesh are among the tribal communities among whom extreme conditions of
inhuman bondage can be found. Landlords in these areas are often politically
powerful and have no trouble evading criminal processes initiated against them
in this context.
In 2013, the Government of India acknowledged the continuing prevalence of
bonded labour in the country and identified ten districts, including Gaya in Bihar,
Bastar and Kondagaon in Chhattisgarh, Prakasam and Chittoor in Andhra
Pradesh, Kanchipuram and Vellore in Tamil Nadu, Bolangir in Odisha and Gumla
in Jharkhand. What this campaign has thrown up are repeated traces of modern
day forms of bondage.
There is a close relationship between trafficking and bonded labour that recent
reports reveal. In February 2014, a newsmagazine published its report after
travelling to hamlets in Narayanpur and Kanker districts of Chhattisgarh. The
report speaks of tribal women being lured by promises, sometimes of work and
sometimes of other journeys. Official records, it says, show that 9000 girls have
gone missing from Chhattisgarh in the past ten years. These are complaints that
have been registered with the police, most of which are from Raipur. The report
says that the government claims that the police have traced the whereabouts of
8000 girls, while a 1000 remain missing. Activists warn that the figure of missing
girls could be closer to 90,000.
Placement agencies and local agents active in the region send them to become
exploited labour in factories in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Delhi, Mumbai and
other parts of Maharashtra. While there are some reports of the agents being
arrested for human trafficking, there are no indications of any action being
initiated in the factories and workplaces, who are using the labour of the girls.
There are capacities created by the law for state governments to protect the
workforce that travels from their state to another state from exploitation. The
Inter-state Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of
Service) Act, 1979 has been on the statute books since 1979. This law enables the
government of a state from where workers migrate to reach into state where they
are taken for work. In 1990 the Supreme Court made it easier for the officers of
the state from where workers migrate to protect the workers from exploitation:
"This is a beneficial legislation for satisfying the provisions of the Constitution
and the obligation in international agreements to which India is a party. We do
not think there can be any valid justification for not permitting the officers of the
Originating State to hold appropriate enquiries in the Recipient State in regard to
persons of the Originating State working as migrant labour in the Recipient State.
... We make a direction that to implement the provisions of the Act of 1979 ...
every State and Union Territory in India would be obliged to permit officers of
originating States of migrant labour for holding appropriate inquiries within the
limits of the Recipient States for enforcement of the statute and no Recipient State
shall place any embargo or hindrance in such process.”
The study submitted to the Planning Commission reports that 95.2 percent of
those surveyed said that it was the help provided by the state government that had
helped them come out of bondage. It is without doubt that the intervention of state
government is imperative in preventing human trafficking, practices of bonded
labour and protection against exploitation of persons and communities migrating
outside the state.
It would be trite to say that it is persons in various states of poverty who become
susceptible to these forms of exploitation. The bonded labour law, and an
acknowledgement of the prevalence of bonded labour has been around for close
to 40 years. That this practice has not abated, that modern forms of slave-like
practices have emerged, and that there is a preponderance of Scheduled Tribes,
along with Scheduled castes in the population that makes up bonded labour is
inexcusable. Dealing with this issue, while not adversely affecting the right of the
free movement of all persons, is a matter that needs to be urgently attended to.
Xaxa Committee recommendation

The persistence of bonded labour, and the trafficking, in large measure, of
women from tribal areas needs a concerted effort to end it. The state has to take
primary responsibility to identify, release and rehabilitate bonded labour,
wherever they are found.
LAND ALIENATION, DISPLACEMENT AND REHABILITATION
Introduction:
Anthropologists like Haimendorf (1946, 1976), Verrier Elwin (1943,1957),

S.C. Dube (1955), Roy Burman (1986), and several others who studied individual
tribes and problems of tribes in general have examined the problem of land
alienation in the tribal tracts in India. Reports of the Commissioners of Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes from 1950 onwards also dealt with the problem of
land alienation in specific tracts inhabited by the tribes in India. In addition,
international Labour organisation (1961), united Nations international
agricultural organisation (1992), the study teams, working groups appointed by
planning and department of rural development (1988) commission from 1961
onwards also studied the problem of land alienation among the tribals in India.
All these researches have shown: (a) that the problem of land alienation in
the states has been of varying degrees, (b) that the land alienation affected about
30 55 per cent of the tribal households, (c) that the incidence of land alienation is
more in areas natural resources and where there are possibilities of increased
agricultural production and (d) that about 80 per cent of land was alienated to the
non-tribals.
Causes of land alienation:
The causes of land alienation are mainly five:
(i) One of the causes of land alienation is tribal indebtedness. In the pre-
independence period, the British introduced market economy raised
land revenue and sale of forest produce in the tribal tracts. Market
economy created cash economy. Increase in land revenue became a
burden to the tribal households. Sale of forest produce brought contact
with contractors. All these made the tribals to depend more and more
on money to meet their economic and socio-religious needs. Knowing
the needs and the miserable conditions of the tribals, the non-tribals like
traders, merchants and money-lenders entered the tribal areas. They lent
money to the tribals at exorbitant rates of interest after accepting the
tribal land as security. The tribals could not repay the loans. As a
consequence, they had to part with their lands.
(ii) Another reason for land alienation is the opening of the tribal areas in
the wake of the development process and setting up of various
irrigation, power, industrial and mining projects. Establishment of such
projects displaced the tribals and forced them to alienate their land to
the government.
(iii) The third reason for land alienation is the introduction of commercial
orientation of land as a resource and a substantial increase in the
pressure on the land. The non-tribals who settled in the tribal areas
purchased the lands from the tribals who were in need of disposing the
lands.
(iv) The fourth reason is the defective system of land records. The system
of maintaining land records also varied considerably. In some states the
tribal areas were covered by regular settlement operations, and some
rough and ready records were prepared on the basis of individual
estimates without detail survey and is some others, a system of revenue
based on the number of ploughs or family units was introduced as a
criterion for determining the quantum of land utilised. Nevertheless, the
tribals continued to clear the forest land for agriculture and there were
considerable diversions between the records maintained by the
authority and the actual holdings. In the absence of a regular land
settlement system or up to date records of land rights, the tribals were
at the mercy of the petty revenue officers, Forest Departments and the
landlords.
(v) Finally, the simple nature, illiteracy and ignorance of the tribals could
not take advantage of debt regulation acts and their legal remedies. The
money lenders insisted on security for issuing loans to the tribals. As
the tribals have no other form of security, they pledge a portion of their
lands to the person giving loans and allow him to enjoy the benefits of
that portion of land. But the trader or money lender of feudal land lord
is not satisfied with this. He manipulates the figures related to the
principal amount and interest to be paid by the tribal. The repayable
amount becomes burdensome to the tribal. During this period, however,
the money lender enjoys the benefits of the land deposited with him by
the tribal towards the security. Finally, when the money lender confirms
that the tribal cannot repay the accumulated loan amount he starts
insisting upon tribal settling the loan amount immediately by selling the
land to him. The troubles of the tribals do not end by selling the land to
the money lender or trader or feudal land lord. The tribals are forced to
work as labourers in the farms which were once their own to repay the
remaining debt. This process sometimes continues from one generation
to another.
Methods of land alienation:
The following are the main forms of land alienation:
i) Manipulation of Land Records

ii) Benami Transfers
iii) Mortgaging of Lands
iv) Encroachment
v) Concubinage or marital alliance
vi) Fictious adoption
Manipulation of Land Records
Manipulation of land records is the first and foremost form of land

alienation. The unsatisfactory state of land records in the initial stages and
settlement operations and also in the period following regular settlement
operations contributed to the problem of land alienation among tribals.
Benami Transfers
This is another form of land among tribals. Study teams and working groups
appointed by Planning Commission reported this form alienation. The report of
the study team of the Union Home Ministry (1975) pointed out “that large scale
of ownership of the adivasis lands are being allowed to go out of hands through
illegal and benami transactions, collusive civil proceeding et. in which land
remains to be in the name of the original owners who are reduced to the level of
share croppers”. Another report of the working group on Tribal Development
appointed by the Planning Commission also states that “Inspite of the protective
measures to restore alienated land to tribals, it still reported to be taking place. It
appears that in cases these are caused because of Benami transactions”.
Mortgaging of Lands
The third form land alienation is mortgaging of lands or leasing of lands. To

raise loans for various needs the tribals have to give their land or gold security.
For many tribals only land was the security which mortgaged to money lenders
or land lords.
Encroachment
This is another form or mode of dispossessing the tribals of their lands this
method is adopted by the new entrants in all places where there were no proper
land records. Bribing the patwari for manipulating the date of settlement of land
dispute, ante-dating are the methods employed to claim the tribal lands.
Concubinage or Marital Alliance
Another form of land alienation is concubinage or marital alliance which has

on a large scale in the alienation of lands from the tribals. Nontribal purchased
fertile lands and registered them on the names of tribal women whom they kept
as mistresses.
Fictitious Adoption
Fictitious adoption of the non-tribals by the tribals another form of land
alienation which is prevalent in few parts of India. “Acquisition of lands in the
names of non-tribal boys who become tribals overnight after execution of the
bogus adoption deeds in the name of a tribal is another method used by non-tribals
to grab tribal lands.”
The slackness in the implementation of the restrictive provisions and also

the socio-economic factors has been identified by S.N. Dubey and Muria as the
causes of land alienation.
“Some relief to the tribals threatened by non-tribal land grabbers was

subsequently provided by the amendments of the Land Transfer Regulation 1959,
enacted in 1970 and 1971, which prohibit all transfer of land in scheduled areas,
not only from tribal but even from non-tribal to non-tribal, by providing for
conducting Suo moto enquiries into non-tribal occupations of lands in tribal areas
and for restoration of such land to the tribal owners if the non-tribal is an illegal
occupant and by prohibiting attachment of tribal in execution of money decrees”.
Legislative measures for protection of tribes:
Consequent the National Policy on tribals which envisaged protection and

integration of tribals, several protective legislations were passed in different states
imposing restrictions on land transfers for the elimination of exploitation of
tribals. Different State Governments have enacted laws which cover the
alienation of tribal lands, protection from money lenders, debt relief and
liberation from bonded labour.
The following laws were enacted in states having tribal concentrations:
1. The Assam land Revenue Regulation Act, 1964.

2. In Bihar the Scheduled Area Regulation, 1969 which provides protection
to the Scheduled Tribes against the alienation of their land and against
exploitation by money lenders.
3. The Gujarat State Government by a notification issued in April 1961,
under Sec.73-A of the Bombay Land Revenue Code 1879 prohibited the
transfer of occupancies held by the tribal cultivators in Scheduled Areas.
4. Under the Kerala Arable Forest Land Assignment Rules 1970.
5. Madhya Pradesh Land Revenue Code 1959.
6. Maharashtra Land Revenue Laws.
7. The Orissa Scheduled Area Transfer of Immovable Property Regulation
1956.
8. The Rajasthan Tenancy Act 1955.
9. West Bengal Land Reform Act 1971.
Deficiencies in laws and remedial measures:
Land alienation has been caused either due to inadequate legal provisions or
lack of implementation of the existing legal provisions. Some of the inadequacies
noticed in various land laws are as follows:
i) In some states legal provisions are applicable only to Scheduled

Tribes living in Scheduled Areas or Notified areas. In Maharashtra
and Bihar, the laws are applicable to Scheduled Areas and in Assam
to the tribal belts only and not to other areas.
ii) There is a wide disparity in the application of limitation period. In
states like Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh and Tripura a general limitation
period of 12 years is allowed in cases of alienation of the tribal land.
If it is found inadequate and may be increase to 30 years as is done in
some like Orissa.
iii) Absence of provision for initiating Suo moto action by the
administrative authorities for detection and restoration of the
alienated land without waiting for the tribal owner to take initiative in
the matter is also responsible for slow detection of such cases.
Provisions for Suo moto action, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Madhya
Pradesh.
iv) For the purposes of land alienation, the law of evidence may be
suitably amended to give primacy to oral evidence over the
documentary evidence.
v) In Scheduled areas it should be the responsibility of the non-tribals to
prove that the land been acquired in accordance with the provisions
of the law as in Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh.
vi) The term “transfer” should be comprehensive so as to include illegal
and benami transfers of land.
vii) No tribal should allowed to transfer, surrender or abandon ownership
or interest in his immovable property in favour of a non-tribal. Such
a provision already exists in the states of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa,
Maharasthra, Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat.
viii) The state laws should be reviewed to restrict the judicial intervention
at the High Court level. There should be a provision, in order, to
curtail the period of litigation, that no stay order could be brought by
a higher court against the order of a lower court restoring the land to
tribal holders. The number of appeals should be restricted to one only.
The jurisdiction, of Civil Courts over the tribal land should be barred,
where it has not already been so done.
ix) The State laws have no provisions to deal with cases of occupation of
the tribal land through deceit and force. Such cases are generally dealt
with under the provisions of the Indian Penal Code which is a time-
taking process. Executive courts may be set up on the pattern of
provisions made in the Bonded Labour Abolition Act, 1976 and
empowered to try such cases. Punitive provisions should be made for
dealing with those found guilty. Provisions may also be made for
summary eviction of those who have taken possession of tribal land.
Repeated offenders may be booked under preventive detention laws.
x) The state laws do not prescribe any time limit within which the order
of the competent authority to restore the land to the tribals should be
enforced. Many orders thus remain unexecuted for a long time and it
defeats the purpose for which they were issued. Specific time limit
not exceeding 3 months may be fixed for restoration of land to the
tribals. The responsibility of the execution of such orders may be
specifically assigned to the district collector or to any other specific
officer.
xi) Some states do not have clear provisions in their laws to deal with
cases where pucca and substantial structures have been erected on the
alienated land prior to their restoration to the tribal owners. The
loophole provides further opportunities to the transferee to move other
criminal and civil to preventing demolition of structures. In order to
prevent such unnecessary litigation, laws should be enacted which
would provide demolition, laws should be enacted which would
provide demolition of such structures it they are not substantial or for
taking them over by the Government on nominal compensation to be
fixed by the court if they are substantial. No separate order for
demolition would be necessary and no court should entertain
proceedings on this ground.
xii) In some states, laws pertaining to protection or tribal land form
alienation are conflicting and contradictory. The non-tribals have
taken advantage of the lacuna to validate their claims to the tribal land.
Such incongruous provisions are often allowed to prevail by courts
also. It may, therefore, be specifically provided by each state that the
protectionist provisions relating to tribal interest in land would prevail
over any provisions to the contrary in any other law in force.
xiii) In tribal areas, in case of dispute about ownership of land between a
tribal and a non-tribal, it should always be presumed that land belongs
to the tribal unless proved otherwise. The proof should be provided
by the non-tribal. In such cases the law should provide for summary
disposal of cases by mobile courts and the action to restore land
should follow immediately after the issue of the order. In case of
appeal or revision being field, the disputed land until disposal of the
case should remain in possession of the Government who would be
competent to lease it out to the tribal. No stay order should be passes
by any higher court against the restoration of land to the owner.
xiv) No provision exits are present to regulate transfer of land from tribals
to tribals. In order to protect the interest of the poor tribals it is
necessary to have some provisions to regulate intra-tribal transfer of
land also.
xv) The protective provisions have been relaxed in respect of tribal lands
mortgaged to Scheduled Banks and financial institutions. This has
been done with a view to extended credit facilities to the tribal
landowner, the financial institution has power to dispose of his land
to realize the dues. Thus, the tribal land is ultimately alienating in
many cases to the non-tribals. It is, therefore, necessary to make
provisions for restricting transfer of such land to buy such land, the
Government may purchase the land and allot it to the landless tribals.
xvi) Despite provisions against transfer of tribal land to the non-tribals, the
registering authorities continue to register documents of transfer of
such land without verification of the land record. In order to ensure
that the protective provisions pertaining to alienation of tribal land are
not violated, Indian Registration Act needs to be amended to provide
for verification of the land records by the registering authority of the
state before registering any land transfer document.
xvii) Many states provided for transfer of tribal land to the non-tribals with
the permission of the collector. This power is often exercised by
subordinate officers on behalf of the collector, and it has been misused
by both to legitimise tribal land alienation. Therefore, no authority
should be permitted to authorize transfer of the tribal land to the non-
tribals. In case of distress sale of the tribal land, the Government
should purchase it at fair price and distribute it among the landless
tribals. There are such provisions in West Bengal.
xviii) There is no provision in the state laws which empowers a State
Government to remove doubts and difficulties in the implementation
of the protective laws. General provisions may be made empowering
the state to issue guidelines for implementation of the protective
provisions.
xix) There is no provision for a state being made a compulsory party in all
proceedings involving tribal land in any state laws. The tribal, due to
poverty, is not able to fight long-drawn litigation. In such cases the
State should be made a compulsory party so that the Government
pleader could defend the tribal interest. This is the most effective way
of defending tribal interests and should be provided in all the state
laws.
xx) Protective provisions should be made where they do not already exist,
as for example, in Tamil Nadu. In case of Karnataka, the protective
land laws apply only to the land assigned by the state Government to
the landless tribals. It should be extended to cover all tribal lands. In
case of Kerala, though the protective laws were enacted in 1975, it
has been made applicable form 1982 only. This has adversely affected
the tribal interest. It should be made effective from the data
enactment.
xxi) In Scheduled Area right of pre-emption should be given to the tribals
to purchase the land of a non-tribal it the letter wishes to dispose it off
and restriction be placed on persons from outside the district from
acquiring such land. Provisions for Government purchasing such land
for distribution may be made.
Xaxa committee on Land alienation and displacement
Types of land alienation

✓Tribal
✓Non-tribal
✓Government
Tribal and non-tribal
✓Kamal K. Mishra’s ‘Study of alienation of tribal lands in Scheduled V Areas
(2002)176 of Andhra Pradesh, undivided M.P. and Odisha is a comprehensive
study of tribal land alienation.
✓The study revealed that 1,396 tribal households out of the 6,358 sample
households (21.95 percent) had lost 6185.5 acres of their land constituting 24.69
percent of the total tribal land in villages under study between1999-2000.
✓Tribal to tribal transfer of land accounted for 14.04%, while tribal to non-
tribal transfer was 85.95%.
There are eight different methods adopted by the land transferees in the study
villages, namely by
a) Sale
b) Mortgage
c) Benami transfer
d) Forcible occupation
e) Oral transfer of possession
f) Marital alliance
g) In the name of concubines
h) By other fraudulent means.
Government
✓Developmental
Development-induced displacement by acquisition of land by the State based
on principle of ‘eminent domain’ for ‘public purpose’ without a ‘land for land’
provision for rehabilitation. Acquisition by the State for development projects
also leads to alienation of land and displacement due to environmental
pollution and damage to land in the area near projects but tribal people so
displaced are not entitled to any compensation.
✓Conservation
Creation of National Parks have resulted in alienation of rights and consequent
displacement and forced migration of tribal people.
✓Illegal land alienation

Illegal land alienation takes place due to participation of revenue
functionaries and officials, and incorrect interpretation of laws, manipulation of
records and permission accorded to alienate land. State Laws are amended to
include provisions that facilitate land alienation of tribal communities.
✓Community property rights

Community land of tribal communities is recorded as Government land in
survey and settlement operations and most State tenancy laws recognize only
individually owned registered land. Such lands have not been fully surveyed and
there is no record of user practices, which would be shown as Government land.
✓Refugees and migration

State action of acquiring tribal lands for settling refugees has resulted in
land alienation and displacement. There is also encroachment of tribal land by
immigrants.
✓Conflicts and displacement

Conflicts in the Northeast have resulted in tribal people losing everything
and being displaced from their home ground.
Developmental
✓Dams and irrigation projects

✓Hydroelectric projects
✓Mining
✓Power plants- thermal and nuclear
✓Industrial complexes
✓Defence
✓Infrastructure projects
Conservation
✓National parks
✓Wild life sanctuaries
✓Reserved and protected forest
✓Illegal land alienation
Illegal land alienation takes place due to participation of revenue functionaries
and officials, and incorrect interpretation of laws, manipulation of records and
permission accorded to alienate land. State Laws are amended to include
provisions that facilitate land alienation of tribal communities.
✓Community property rights
Community land of tribal communities is recorded as Government land in survey
and settlement operations and most State tenancy laws recognize only
individually owned registered land. Such lands have not been fully surveyed and
there is no record of user practices, which would be shown as Government land.
✓Refugees and migration

State action of acquiring tribal lands for settling refugees has resulted in land
alienation and displacement. There is also encroachment of tribal land by
immigrants.
✓Conflicts and displacement
Conflicts in the Northeast have resulted in tribal people losing everything and
being displaced from their home ground.
Displacement in the north east
Traditionally, this region had a three-tier land ownership and control system: first,
community land; second, individual land; and third, clan land. Every community
had well-defined boundaries and traditional administration systems based on
customary law. There were definite rules on who could cultivate what land and
in which season and generally was controlled by the village council made up of
men alone. Changes have been conditioned both by external forces and internal
dynamism. Land has become a marketable commodity; its exchange happens
both within and outside the community. Internal transfer of land or mortgage has
resulted in inequalities in its distribution and control. Such internal disparity is
one form of land alienation within the community. Among several causes of land
alienation within the community, the most important is the growing indebtedness,
because of the need for money for medical care and education.
The external cause of land alienation is the high demand for land for development
projects. The second demand comes from the immigrants who encroach on tribal
land. Development projects, especially major dams, being planned in the region,
will put pressure on tribal land. A consequence of these processes is shortage of
land and ethnic conflicts around it.
State action of acquisition of land, migration of outsiders and occupation of tribal
lands are among the major processes, resulting in tribal people losing control over
their land.
Development-induced displacement
Development projects are one of the main causes of tribal land alienation, for
example the National Highway that changed the scene completely. The land used
for the bypass near Guwahati, including the Games Village, was once the basis
for tribal livelihood. Several tribes, especially the Karbi, Tiwa and Garo were
earlier found in sizeable numbers in these areas. Dubious means were used by the
State and contractors to lure the original occupants to part with their land. Karbis
in and around Ganeshpur-Dispur area lived off the land that was fertile and
yielded abundant fruit. This fertile area today has been privatised and lost forever.
Another example is that of 20,000 MHz Siang Dam in Arunachal Pradesh, which
has submerged the habitat of tribal people, affecting their lives adversely. Laws
have made Forests State property leading to loss of access to forest on which
tribal people depended for livelihood. The amendment of the Assam Land
Reforms and Land Regulations Act, 1886, in 1947 has gone against tribal people,
because it facilitates manipulation of records. Land grabbers have become more
active, after it came into effect, resulting in only 25 of the 35 belts and blocks
remaining under the tribes.
A perennial problem in Assam is river bank erosion by the Brahmaputra. It has
eaten up more than 700 villages in the last two decades. However, when a stronger
community is affected, it usually encroaches on the land of a weaker group and
in this case tribal land. Such processes that affect all communities have a more
serious impact on tribals than on others. The resettlement of external refugees has
caused many internal refugees. Mizoram had been hosting temporarily, a
Burmese population of 70,000 to 1,00,000 people, who had fled political
repression and military oppression. By the end of 1957, 53,318 refugee families
had settled in Tripura, out of which, 43,322 families settled down in rural areas
(Report of the Administration of the Union Territory of Tripura for the year 1957-
58). Since a large number of refugee families were settled in agriculture, it put
pressure on agricultural land and eventually put pressure on areas reserved for
tribals, which were used by them for Jhum cultivation.170 There was, therefore,
resentment in Tripura, where Bangladeshi Hindu immigrants had occupied more
than 60 per cent of the tribal land by 1970. The tribal displaced were not able to
defend their livelihood although these lands were CPR, according to their
customary law but land laws recognized only individual ownership. Researchers
point out that further diversion of CPR through displacement for the Dumbur dam
in the 1970s resulted in the insurgency.
A field study conducted in Assam shows that out of 19,18,874 DPs/PAPs
displaced in the period (1947- 2000), 416321 (21.80 per cent) were tribal DPs/
PAPs. Researchers have estimated that 14,05,192.92 acres have been acquired/
diverted for projects, out of which 28.05 per cent is private land, 55.65 per cent
is CPR, for 16.30 per cent the type of land was not available. Tribal and other
poor DPs/ PAPs, dependent on CPR for livelihood were not compensated.
Displacement in the Northeast due to conflicts
The North-eastern States have witnessed a series of armed conflict and violence,
since India’s independence in 1947, which have caused massive internal
displacement, of hundreds of thousands of people. The region has also received
a steady flow of refugees from neighbouring East Pakistan/Bangladesh, Tibet and
Myanmar. In fact, immigration has reduced the number of tribal communities, to
a minority in some parts of the region. Though, the Sixth Schedule of the
Constitution has become a major tool to provide protection to tribal people in
North-eastern States, the problem lies in the fact that many of these groups do not
live in distinct areas and their demand for ethnic homeland often overlap with
other groups. As a result, their demand for homeland leads to conflict and
violence, which has, in turn caused internal displacement. In Manipur, (1992) the
conflict between Kukis and Nagas displaced 11,000 population including Kukis
and Nagas from their particular places. Mizoram also experienced ethnic violence
between Kukis/Paites in 1997 and this led to displacement of 62,880 persons. Bru
tribals were displaced for years.
Immigration has come to be linked closely to land, because of the influx of
labourers from outside the region. Often these labourers are treated as ‘outsiders’
by the local community, in the controversy of indigenous versus non-indigenous
population. The tea garden workers, who are originally from the central tribal
belt, demand recognition as a tribal group which is vehemently opposed by the
local community.
Migration to western Assam from East Bengal, now Bangladesh, began in the
1920s, as a deliberate British policy to settle people on waste land; this created a
problem as the Boro depended on that land for livelihood. Post-1947 era has
witnessed an influx of immigrants from the Hindi speaking regions of North India
and from Bangladesh in search of a livelihood. Till 1947, only Assam and to some
extent, Tripura experienced immigration from outside the region. Today, most
States of the region have to face this problem. It is difficult to make an estimate
of the exact number of immigrants, especially of the Bangladeshi, because of
political reasons.174
The conflicts in this region are mostly linked to land alienation, due to influx of
outsiders as people are fighting for natural resources in the same geographical
space. A study of Guwahati University showed that a large number of youth, who
joined militant groups had employment as one of the motives.175 During the visit
of the Committee to Assam, NGOs representing tribal interests expressed their
angst that if nothing was done to stop the influx of outsiders, they would be
doomed and vanish as a community. In this background, State inaction in solving
problems of tribal people of the region has led to tribal people losing control over
land and community resources and resultant displacement.
The State Government should be proactive in protecting the interests of tribal
people and in preventing alienation of their resources, in tribal land restoration,
poverty alleviation and human resource development. The problem of
unemployment has to be addressed. Tribal communities should be made
participants in the processes of development.
Case Study of Tribal land alienation by corporate houses in Chhattisgarh
A case study based on field study conducted by Stanislaus Tirkey, Secretary,

CBCI Tribal Affairs, Delhi, has brought to light several cases of land alienation
by corporate sector, for example 90 acres of tribal land has been acquired for Gulu
Hydroelectric Power Private. Ltd. in Manora Block of Jashpur (Chhattisgarh).
According to the researcher, cheques for 31 affected families were given
fraudulently, under the pretext of bonus for farmers in a so-called Kisan Mela at
Manora block. People were unaware about the compensation given to them. The
project affects 22 villages around Gulu, Jhargaon, Matlonga and Alori.
Information collected through RTI by researchers, reveal that the consent of the
actual Gram Sabha was not obtained as per provisions of PESA.
Similarly, tribal land was acquired from 38 farmers for Loker Dam in the name
of a Gram Sabha. Researchers have stated that the minutes book and records of
Panchayats of Rede, Saraitola, Bangaon B, Pemla, Jamargi B, Chiknipani
(Karradanr), Loker and Godhi, show that no Gram Sabha meeting has ever taken
place to approve the project. This project will affect nine Panchayats in the area.
The case study reveals that Avantha Group has acquired 43.7 hectare of tribal
land in the name of eight tribals in Pusaur in Raigarh district:
Sharda Energy and Minerals Limited has purchased the entire tribal land in
Kerkachhar village of Baloda block in Janjgir-Champa in the name of only three
tribals. One Jaykumar Paraste has bought 24 hectares of land worth 2.84 crores
from 35 tribals. However, no one knows the whereabouts of Paraste. Videocon
bought 28 hectares of agricultural land worth 3.36 crore in the tribal villages of
Gond and Gadpali in Janjgir Champa to set up 1,200 MW power plant. It bought
land in the name of Bilam Singh from Kabeerdham.
Further, the case study indicates that Government land records show at least 1,981
cases of transfer of tribal land to non-tribals in the past three years. In
Mahasamund, 150 cases of such kind were recorded for investigation by the
Commissioner in 2011. In Bastar, a Scheduled Area district, 63 cases of tribal
land transfers to non-tribals, were registered.
According to a 1964 Act that is in force in Chhattisgarh, a non-tribal may not buy
a tribal land; he can only do so with the permission of the Collector and the
Commissioner. Therefore, researchers have raised the question as to how tribal
land, on such a large scale has been alienated. Further, there have been violations
of PESA which endow Gram Sabha “the power to prevent land alienation of land
in the Scheduled Areas and to take appropriate action to restore any unlawful
alienated land of a Scheduled Tribe.”
The case study reveals that people have started organizing themselves to protect
natural resources and resources of their livelihood under the banner of Jashpur
Jan Sangharsh Samittee, Jashpur and Chhattisgarh Visthapan Virodhi Manch,
Raipur against the unconstitutional and illegal way of exploring minerals and
alienating tribal land in the name of development and thereby destroying their
traditions and distinctive cultures and disrupting well-knit communities. It is clear
that all this is taking place with the connivance of official machinery.
In such specific cases as brought out by the case study, the State should get the
matter enquired and take action for restoration and prevent further tribal land
alienation. NGO support in such cases is invaluable.
Displacement in Chhattisgarh due to conflict
One of the reasons for displacing tribal people is conflict between the Maoist and
Governments (both centre and State) and ‘Salwa Judum’, a State sponsored
armed campaign that was launched to combat Maoists. Though it is argued that
Salwa Judum was a spontaneous reaction of the civilians to the Maoists, there are
evidences to show the hand of the State machinery in the whole process. Shri. K.
S. Subramanian, a former Director General of Police, was quoted as saying-
“While official sources maintain that the campaign, led by a local legislator, is
hugely successful with the tribal people joining it in large numbers, local
enquiries revealed a different picture. In the name of Salwa Judum, the tribal
people are being forced to join a far from spontaneous mobilization [sic]…
Hundreds have been killed on both sides. A large area of land remains
uncultivated; tribal people who are meant to work on the land have deserted the
villages and are living under open skies and are starving. A vast amount of
corruption has crept in as a result of this misconceived campaign with the Ruling
party spending huge amounts on it.”
During the visit of HLC to Bastar, NGO representatives had narrated the problem
of innocent tribal villagers being caught between security forces and Left Wing
Extremists and claimed that thousands of villagers had been displaced as a result
of counter-insurgency movements many had been forced to migrate and that one
lakh tribal people were missing. Neither the Central nor the State Government
monitors the number of people displaced due to conflict.. Whatever data is
available on the displaced persons in Chhattisgarh concentrates only on
displacement caused by Salwa Judum from 2005 to 2007. Based on number of
camp residents staying as on 21/1/2007 in twenty camps located in 11 Blocks of
three districts it has been surmised that 47238 persons were affected by Salwa
Judum. Researchers feel that this may not give the total picture Out of 1354
villages in undivided Dantewada district, 644 villages were affected by Salwa
Judum. In addition 20,000 tribal people have fled to the forests of Andhra Pradesh
as mentioned in the report of The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre of the
Norwegian Refugee Council.
The State government should collect data of tribal people affected by conflict and
take up measures to ensure that displaced people are resettled and rehabilitated in
their villages and it is the responsibility of the State to provide security and
promote peace between those who joined Salwa Judum and those who did not.
The tribals who were displaced, due to the conflict should not face alienation of
their land.
Process of involuntary displacement
Mineral and hydro-electric resource-rich States of India tend to be the very places,
which are home to vast majority of tribal people. Baxi has highlighted that people
are not partners in the process of decision making regarding construction of dams,
areas of submergence, environment impact, allocation of resources and allocation
of benefits and adverse impacts of development. Displacement is a process in
which marginalized sections, the majority being tribal people, are pushed out of
their own habitat and dispossessed of their resources and indeed their universe
around them. In post-independence period, their experience of displacement is as
dehumanizing as before independence.
The unrestricted power of the State to acquire privately-owned land without any
obligation on the State to rehabilitate persons affected has resulted in large
number of cases of inadequate compensation, forcible acquisition even without
payment of compensation, without replacement of livelihood, without provision
of alternative land, without preparation of resettlement sites and without
recognition of loss of right to access forest, other CPR and loss of community
ties, cultural and religious heritage. Social injustice of State action in reducing
every right and interest of tribal people and other marginalized people in their
lands to a claim for monetary compensation and the incorrect assumption that
money can compensate for all losses, that all displaced are familiar with money
market and would know how to handle compensation money. In the case of
displaced tribal people their unfamiliarity with money market led to devastating
consequences. All this has led to ‘abject and chronic impoverishment’ of the
displaced, which should not be acceptable anywhere in the world, leave alone in
democratic India.
Various studies relating to displacement by large projects in various parts of India

have documented that Public Authorities and Private Corporations alike have
either sought to or succeeded in acquiring land, forest and other common property
resources from marginalized groups, by giving meager compensation. Most
studies document that their rehabilitation has been slip-shod, half- hearted and
majority of the condition of displaced and project affected people is much worse
off than before displacement with many being forced to migrate in search of work.
Further, the Displaced People (DPs) and Project Affected Persons (PAPs), who
were better organized and articulate have been able to get the benefits of the
Resettlement and Rehabilitation (R & R) much better as compared to those who
were not organized by NGOs or civil society and who could not articulate their
grievances, have ended up being pauperized.
Summary
Causes
✓Prolonged indebtedness
✓Inflow of non tribals and market forces
✓Lack of knowledge regarding laws and rights
✓Religious and social obligations like festivals and marriages
✓Poor understanding of legal procedures and litigations
✓Health expenditure
✓Apathy of officials
Impact
✓Landlessness
✓Joblessness
✓Homelessness
✓Marginalization
✓Deterioration of health and increase in morbidity
✓Food insecurity
✓Loss of access to community property resources
✓Dismantling of production system
✓Desecration of ancestral sacred zones/groves and temples
✓Scattering of kinship group and family system
✓Disorganization of informal social network
✓Weakening of self-management and self-control
✓Psychological and socio-cultural stress
✓Disruption of trade and market links
Impact on women
✓Bride price- dowry
✓Prostitution
✓Trafficking
✓Child marriage
✓Status
✓Sex ratio
✓Psychological trauma
✓Economic disempowerment
Case studies
a) Gulu hydroelectric project, Chhattisgarh

b) Koel karo dam- Mundas
c) Subarnarekha project- Ho
d) Polavaram- Konda Reddi
e) SHAR project- Yanadi
f) Rajaji national park- Van Gujjar
Measures
a) Tenancy acts
b) Land transfer regulation acts
c) Forest rights act
d) PESA act and the role of Gram Sabha
Failure
✓Lacunae in the laws
✓Ignorance of tribals
✓Complicated legal procedures
Rehabilitation Policy:
In simple terms, rehabilitation is defined as transfer of population from one

area to another on a planned basis. So far there has been no national policy on
settlement of displaced persons. Hence individual states have adopted their own
rehabilitation policy on the basis of experiences in rehabilitating persons
displaced through major projects. Several state and central governments and
international bodies have recommended rehabilitation policies.
Recommendations of Working Group on Development of Scheduled Tribes
Though both tribals and non-tribals are displaced the problems faced by
tribals are different from those of non-tribals. As the kinship of tribals is
parochially organised, migration to far off places is difficult. As the tribe’s lack
education, they also find it difficult to adjust in alien locations. The dependency
of tribes on forests is more than the non tribals and the tribal who are
economically weak find it difficult to settle into avocations in new settlements.
In the rehabilitation policies of State Government, the emphasis was on land

and house site allotment. Those tribal who were landless never qualified for any
compensation. In almost all the states the rehabilitation in unsatisfactory. The
working group on development of scheduled tribes made the following
recommendations for the rehabilitation of displaced tribals.
1) Formulation of a policy for rehabilitation of project displaced persons at the

national level and special measures to be taken in the interest of scheduled
tribes.
2) The Policy should enjoy that rehabilitation of displaced tribals should from
an integral part of all Industries, Irrigation, Power, Mining and Other
Projects.
3) Jobs for displaced tribals should be reserved in ancillary and finished goods
to the main project.
4) A project displacing tribals should give preference to tribals in jobs as far as
possible and training facilities should be extended to them well in advance
at the project.
5) Supporting services around the major project (like poultry, fishery, dairy,
carpentry) should be encouraged exclusively through tribal cooperatives
where the project site in a tribal belt.
6) Group rehabilitation should be the rule in case of displaced tribals and all
civic amenities should be provided there.
7) Displaced tribals who are agriculturists should be in agriculture and landless
tribal settled should be settled in other avocation of their own line as far as
possible.
8) Land allotment for tribals should be made in the command area or else
irrigation facilities should be provided in areas other than command areas.
9) There should be a full-fledged Direction of Rehabilitation in every State. A
State level rehabilitation committee under the chairmanship of the Chief
Secretary should be formed to review programmes and the process of
rehabilitation”.
10) The Cost Rehabilitation should from an integral part of the project and it
should include costs required to train the tribals in the jobs and services.
“Keeping in view the lead time for planning and implementation of the
resettlement proposals and the time of physical occupation of the land by the
project for submergence under the project, the resettlement officers should
prepare draft schemes of settlement for approval by the Director of Rehabilitation
before execution.” Funds for resettlement should be provided in the budget under
a separate head to be operated by the Director of Rehabilitation. Compensation
to tribal should be deposited in favour of the concerned tribals in a pass book in
the nearby post office or bank. There should be involvement of the Ministry of
Home Affairs in all cases where displacement of the tribals is involved.
World Bank Guidelines for Rehabilitation of Tribals:
The World Bank is providing finance for a number of development projects

in the developing countries and they have given some guidelines for World Bank
aided projects. They are:
(i) “Displacement of human settlement should be avoided as far as

possible, if unavoidable, displacement should be reduced to the minimum.
(ii) All resettlement programmes must be development programmes as well

as that the productive base and income earning ability of resettles are improved
and they share the benefits of the projects which displaced them.
(iii) Socio-economic survey of the affected area and population to be

displaced should be conducted well in advance.
(iv) It is responsibility of the concerned government to relocate the affected
persons foe which an appropriate rehabilitation action plan with time scheduled
is to the prepared.
(v) While planning resettlement programmes as well as in executing them

the affected people should be consulted either directly or through their
representatives.
(vi) To avoid misunderstanding or friction among the resettles and the in
habitats it is necessary to mete equitable treatment in the matter of development
activities, civic amenities.
The approach to the resettlement programme should be to ensure that the

oustees regain at least their previous standard of living and as far as practicable,
they should be economically and socially integrated into the host communities.
To achieve this, a realistic action plan should be prepared in a manner that would
give the setters the opportunity to become physically established and
economically self-sustaining in the shortest possible time. The action plan should
contain the following.
(i) Adequate compensation should be paid for the land and property lost
by the oustee.
(ii) For the oustees who lost agricultural land, an agricultural
redevelopment package should be prepared in the new set up. For this
an adequate extent of land should be allocated in the new set up. Land
which should have been reclaimed and have irrigation facilities should
be identified.
(iii) Where the land available is not suitable for agriculture, programmes
should be made for tree and orchard development, social forestry
pisciculture etc.
(iv) For the landless artisans especially when land is not available, non-land-
based programmes need to be framed. They would include the services
sector, industrial sector, self-employment avenues etc.
(v) Cash payment alone for resettlement and rehabilitation should be
avoided. Alternative homes, employment opportunities, etc. should also
be provided and the “Land for Land” approach should be rigidly
followed.
(vi) There should be an Environment management plan so as to protect the
environment.
(vii) Oustees should be shifted to resettlement sites sufficiently ahead of
impounding of the reservoir. There should be organisation to oversee
the implementation of the rehabilitation and settlement action plan with
adequate budget provisions and timely monitoring of the progress and
completion of resettlement activities.
Rehabilitation Measures:
The foregoing discussion reveals that the benefits that accrue to people
cannot counterweight the harm done by industrial projects. The harm done is
more serious here because it is principally imposed on the most vulnerable section
of society, i.e. the local tribals. To stand to these adverse effects and have a
comfortable life, they need
Planned rehabilitation. The following are some of the possible measures for
improving the situation of the tribals evicted due to industrial development.
1) The tribal and other backward people have a strong attachment for their
soil. Therefore, every effort should be made to select the resettlement site in
accordance with the liking of the uprooted people. This would help in preserving
their own way of life and also wining their confidence. Efforts should be made to
involve the leaders of the affected people in the process of planning and execution
of rehabilitation measures in order to take the oustees into confidence and for
proper adjustment in the new environment.
2) The compensation amount should not be paid fully in cash to prevent

its mystification. Instead alternative arrangements should be made for acquiring
permanent assets. Further, the provisions should be made for paying an ex-gratia
amount to those families, who do not have any land and assets for meeting the
expenses in the transitional period.
3) One of the important aspects of rehabilitation is to provide and

alternative gainful employment to the unrooted people. Therefore, various
training programmes suitable for tribal aptitudes should be conducted to enhance
the skills among the uprooted, so that they can eventually be absorbed in the
project.
4) All government sponsored employment programmes should be made

available to the uprooted people and appropriate safeguards should be evolved in
the agreement between the contractors of various works and the project
authorities for providing employment opportunities on continuous basis.
5) Since there is a wide scope for self-employment, it is also necessary to

train them in managerial skills, which is very important for self-employed
entrepreneurs. In addition, organising and financing, for gainful vocation like
poultry farming, animal husbandry, cottage industries, fishery, kitchen gardening,
etc. should go a long way in improving the living standards of uprooted as well
as local people. Further, they should be encouraged to adopt a production pattern
based on actual and anticipated needs of the people in townships for improving
their earning capacities.
6) Proper attention should be given to environmental protection and

necessary steps should be taken for maintaining, the ecological balance in the
project area.
7) Lastly, the integrated development of the region should be planned in

such a way as to achieve a balance between technological and cultural
development, between agricultural and industrial economy, between rural and
urban industrial way life. These changes must be brought and continuously along
with their traditional institutions to enable them to adjust to the changed economy
and society as well as promoting a more heterogeneous socio-economic
development.
The various guidelines put forward in this paper are of prime importance for
planned rehabilitation of the uprooted tribal population. The very objective of
establishing large industrial projects for the development of backward tribal area
will be achieved only when the uprooted people are properly resettled, other-wise
the very purpose of development through industrialisation is lost.
There are some problems which are peculiar to the displacement and
rehabilitation of the tribals.
1) While the kinship and social network of the general population are
spread far and wide, in the case of tribals, they are confined to a limited
area.
2) On account of low educational levels and the traditional of a life of
comparative isolation, the tribals find it difficult to adjust to an alien
location characterised by heterogeneity of population, culture and
levels of living.
3) They are too much dependent for living on the forest and its produces,
limiting their ability to take up new avocations and exploit economic
opportunities and natural resources available in the new environment.
Due to such factors, the rehabilitation and adjustment of displaced tribals

have not been smooth, and this has created considerable discontent among the
displaced communities leading to agitations, which sometimes adversely affects
the working of the projects.
National Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007
The revised National Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007 formulated by

the Ministry of Rural Development has been approved by the Cabinet on 11th
Oct., 2007 and the same has been published in the Gazette of India on 31st Oct.,
2007.
Some highlights of the revised policy are:
✓ Policy covers all cases of involuntary displacement.

✓ Social Impact assessment (SIA) introduced for displacement of 400/200 or
more families in plain/tribal, hilly, Scheduled areas, etc;
✓ Consultations with Gram Sabhas or public hearing made compulsory;
✓ Principle of rehabilitation before displacement;
✓ If possible, land for land as compensation;
✓ Skill development support and preference in project jobs ( one person per
nuclear family );
✓ Rehabilitation Grant in lieu of land/job;
✓ Option for shares in companies implementing projects to affected families;
✓ Housing benefits to all affected families including the landless;
✓ Monthly pension to the vulnerable, such as disabled, destitute, orphans,
widows, unmarried girls, etc;
✓ Monetary benefits linked to the Consumer Price Index; also to be revised
suitably at periodic intervals;
✓ Necessary infrastructural facilities and amenities at resettlement areas;
✓ Periphery development by project authorities;
✓ Committees for each project, to be headed by Administrator for R &R.
✓ Ombudsman for Grievance Redressal;
✓ National Rehabilitation Commission for external oversight.
The revised policy covers all projects leading to involuntary displacement of

people and special provisions for Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes, the
main features of which are given below: -
✓ Consultation with the concerned gram Sabha or the panchayats at the

appropriate level in the Scheduled Areas under Schedule V of the
Constitution in accordance with provisions of the Panchayats (Extension
to the Scheduled Areas) Act 1996. Each Affected family of Scheduled
Tribe followed by Scheduled Caste shall be given allotment of land for
land, if Government Land is available in the resettlement Area.
✓ In case of land being acquired from the members of the Scheduled Tribes,
at least one third of the compensation amount be paid at the outset as first
instalment and rest at the time of taking the possession of the land.
✓ Additional one-time financial assistance equivalent to five hundred days

minimum agricultural wages for loss of customary rights or usage of forest
produce.
✓ Scheduled Tribes to get free of cost land for community and religious
gathering, to the extent decided by the appropriate government.
✓ Scheduled Tribes affected families resettled out of district to get twenty-

five percent higher benefits in monetary terms.
✓ Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes affected families to be given

fishing rights in the reservoir areas of the irrigation or hydel projects
✓ Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes affected families enjoying
reservation benefits in the affected areas shall be entitled to get the
reservation benefits at the resettlement areas.
4. MIGRATION
Introduction:
There are not many detailed studies available on the volume and the extent
of tribal migration. There has been a steady stream of Migration of the Chota-
Nagpur region tribals, specially to industrial areas in the east of the country and
to Calcutta and other urban sector over the last 100 years. Since 1970s, tribes
from Bihar and Bengal have been going even to Punjab to work as agricultural
labourer, after the Green Revolution there. Migration of tribes from Bihar to tea
gardens of Assam and Bengal is well established. The British Plantation owners
recruited tribes from Chota Nagpur region mainly from amongst the Santhals and
Mundas.
Forced migration for economic survival
Tribal people suffer predominantly from the phenomenon of poverty–induced

migration on account of rain-fed agriculture and absence of other avenues of
employment. Fragmentation of land, loss of land due to acquisition and illegal
land alienation by non-tribals also cause people to migrate. Deforestation and
decreasing access to forests and drought are other contributory factors for tribal
migration. Due to compulsion involved in migrating in search of livelihood it
would be more accurate to describe such migration as ‘forced migration’.
The main factors responsible for migration of tribals are:
(a) ‘Pull’ factors like poverty, unemployment and low yield from their
traditional occupation.
(b) ‘Pull’ factors like attraction of urban life and hope of improvement of
quality of life and the availability of better economic opportunities in cities
and urban area; and
(c) Famine and chronic drought in many areas like those in interior Orissa
(Kalahandi and Koraput Districts) may also force the tribals to migrate.
Impact of Migration on Tribal Communities
Deficiencies in NSSO/ Census Data

The main sources of data on migration are the Census of India, Office of the
Registrar General and the National Sample Survey. Both these data do not throw
full light on seasonal and circular migration and do not capture various forms of
child labour. Smaller studies show that child migrants from families of weaker
sections such as from tribal communities form a large part of the work force in
several sectors such as construction, brick- kilns, small industries, domestic work
etc.
An Analysis of Social Groups and Migration
In 2001, for the first time, the census data tabulated figures for social groups such
as the SCs and STs in the country. The migration level among SCs and STs
indicates that about 25.3 per cent of SCs and 25.4 per cent of STs were reported
as migrants within the same State, based on the place of last residence (PLR). Of
the total migrant population within the State, more than three fourths were
reported to move within the district (intra-district-76.9 per cent for SCs and 83.5
per cent for STs).
An analysis of the NSSO data for the 49th round (9 Jan- June 1993) and 64th round
(July 2007- June2008) shows that the proportion of migrant households among
ST in rural areas decreased between 1993 and 2007- 08, but the trend was the
opposite in urban areas. The NSS 64th round shows that in urban areas, the
proportion of ST migrant households was higher than the proportion of migrant
households of other social groups.
Causes for tribal migration
Migration-poverty interface
There are three important constraints that perpetuate poverty among migrants in
the Indian situation. These are: poor education, discrimination, and a hostile
policy environment. In the case of tribal migrants, the literacy rate is low, not
much is being done for developing skills and they do not have access to public
facilities such as PDS in the place they migrate to. The State’s apathy and lack of
capacity to implement protective migration/labour laws compounds the problem.
Moreover, the wage rate is very low. Circular/seasonal migration is the dominant
form of migration of poor tribal people. They leave their village after completing
agriculture work and migrate as casual, low skilled workers and return after
completion of work. Since tribal migrants have little or no education and low
skills, which translate into low marketable skills for both rural and urban
employment, they form a part of the unorganized sector and have little bargaining
power.
The poorest and deprived areas of the tribal belt in Central India such as
Chhattisgarh, Telengana region, Jharkhand, southern Madhya Pradesh have
become labour pools, from where cheap labour can be drawn on seasonally. Due
to poverty and lack of employment opportunities, tribal families send unmarried
daughters to cities in search of work. Single women and tribal girls are, however,
prone to exploitation not only by employers, but also by anti-social elements.
Migration is an important livelihood activity and research by Mosse et.al, in the
tribal districts of southern Madhya Pradesh revealed that 65 per cent of
households included migrants, who worked mainly in the construction sector.
Migration grew in the area as a few years later, another study in the same area
found that, in many villages up to three-quarters of the population were absent
between November and June.
Displacement
Development-induced displacement has resulted, not only in loss of land due to

acquisition for the project but also in influx of non-tribal outsiders in these areas,
who illegally alienate tribal land and take the benefits of the new economic
opportunities in commerce, trade and industry. Migration of displaced Scheduled
Tribes is indicative of Government’s failure to provide livelihood in the new
environment.
Deforestation
Uprooting of tribals from their traditional habitat, receding forest cover combined
with low agricultural productivity and rain-fed agriculture, create the need for
credit and this leads to seeking employment and livelihoods under bondage, often
through migration. For example, tribal migration from Jhabua in Madhya Pradesh
and tribal areas of Chhattisgarh is a compulsion.181 Tribals in Jharkhand migrate
in streams to the brick kilns of Uttar Pradesh or rice mills of neighbouring states
to the agriculturally prosperous areas of Bihar, Bengal, Uttar Pradesh or Punjab
mainly for sowing / transplanting/ harvesting of paddy and wheat and to the
metropolitan towns and cities as domestic workers and maid servants.
Drought
In contrast to seasonal migration, distress-induced migration is primarily the

result of factors which include drought, land alienation, debts and high levels of
food insecurity. This form of migration, which had increased in Kalahandi in the
1990s, is a final resort when other coping strategies fail. Such migration usually
starts as early as September-October, when there is little possibility of harvesting
a crop. Recruiting agents take the opportunity to recruit even cheaper labour than
they can normally expect. Due to three successive droughts in 1996- 2000,
distress-induced migration had become ‘seasonal’ in character and an integral
part of the regular coping strategies. A significant number of tribals, mainly from
drought prone areas of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Maharashtra, migrate to
work in construction, tile factory, brick-kiln and crop-cutting in Maharashtra.
Costs and risks of migration
Migration has both positive and negative consequences for migrants. While it
saves them from starvation at home, it exposes them to appalling living and
working conditions at construction and other work sites. Additionally, migrants
also do not have access to pro-poor schemes such as subsidized food, health care
and schooling and must pay for everything.
On the positive side, migration has given tribal people an exposure to the outside
world including new skills. Their remittances have helped the family in
consumption, repayment of loans, fulfilling social obligations and to finance
working capital requirements in agriculture as well as investment in better
housing and purchase of consumer durables.
On the negative side, they suffer from family and social disorganization, harsh
and unhygienic living conditions at work sites and physical and sexual violence
in the case of female domestic workers. Empirical evidence collected by case-
studies in tribal areas of Central India indicate that women domestic workers on
their return to the village are viewed with distrust, as they show signs of having
been influenced by an alien culture. Such women workers are exploited and
harassed, when they migrate and are regarded with suspicion when they return.
Comparison made between tribal families who migrate and those who do not,
reveals that the non- migrating families own more land comparatively and are in
a better position to access and benefit from various development schemes
available for them and so are able to improve their standard of living and educate
their children. On the other hand, migrating tribal families have less land, lower
level of literacy and on migrating, suffer from exploitation and harassment and
low wages. They are able to stave off starvation, but do not earn enough to
improve living standards. Moreover, their children do not get education and so
the future of the next generation is equally bleak. Added to this, is the tendency
of the unskilled youth to prefer employment in non-agriculture sectors, as farming
does not give adequate returns. This is a challenge for both rural and urban
planners.
Keeping in view that tribal livelihoods are conditioned by the eco-system and
they are dependent on agriculture, large scale migration due to poor economic
conditions is a serious cause of concern.
Involuntary Displacement and Tribal Situation: Before and After

From Self-sufficient Tribal Communities to Marginalization and
Impoverishment
The traditional livelihood systems of tribal people based on shifting cultivation

and collection of non-timber forest produce was rendered sustainable, by a level
and pattern of utilization of land and forest resources, which ensured their self-
generating capacity. Later, they took to settled agriculture and their livelihood
system provided for a nutritionally balanced food consumption basket that was
rooted in both subsistence and conservation ethics. The traditional livelihood
system was based on customary rights of tribal communities over land and
forests, which was also an ‘extensive’ system of production. The ‘common pool’
of resources supported customary rights and prevented the intensification of
production, in the interest of conserving and sustaining the long-term productivity
of livelihood resources. The customary rights of tribal people over livelihood
resources and their territorial sovereignty (in so far as land was territory, not
property) came in to conflict with the forces of ‘modernisation’ and the
development process in which they were not participants. In keeping with the
politico-economic policies of the country, large projects, which came up in tribal
areas rich in hydro and mineral resources, encroached on tribal people’s ancestral
lands and thereby displaced them.
In order to take measures against the socio-economic deterioration of displaced

tribal people, it is important to understand the extent of displacement-induced
impoverishment. Displacement is marginalisation, not merely economic deprival.
Therefore, in defining impoverishment, it is necessary to go beyond the economic
factor and it is incorrect to calculate losses and gains on the basis of monetary
income alone or to conclude that the status of the DPs improves after
displacement, because their monetary income rises. In making an assessment, it
would not be right to ignore the fact that before displacement, most DPs/PAPs
belonged to the non-monetised informal economy and often depended on the
CPRs or services to the village as a community.
Before displacement, the DPs/PAPs were poor, but it is due to deprival of their
livelihood that they experience deterioration of their economic status. This
dispossession is accompanied with environmental degradation, which is a basic
additional factor causing impoverishment. The decision to alienate their resources
is without their consent; they are not compensated and rehabilitated, resulting in
their subordination. This marginalization leads to low self-esteem. The
sustainable tribal culture that had ensured renewal and equal distribution of
resources is weakened, leading to shortage of resources. The tragedy is that for
sheer survival, the tribal DPs/PAPs are forced to ‘make a transition from
constructive to destructive dependence on the same resources’. This causes great
psychological stress.
Factors that accentuate loss faced by tribal people

Researchers have identified certain characteristics of tribal society that aggravate
the impact of involuntary displacement, they are:
• Land for tribes is a source of livelihood and source of identity, ethnicity and
cultural distinction. Thus, the loss of land plays havoc with the lives of the
displaced tribal communities. Under R&R programmes, land is not
replaced and there is no reconstitution of livelihoods. Loss of their cultural
space and identity leads to cultural impoverishment, which is not
addressed.
• Dependence on forests for food in the form of shifting cultivation, fruits and
flowers, small game, tubers; for medicines, fodder, material for house
building; raw material for traditional art and crafts; income by selling
firewood, leaf-plates, fruits etc. This loss, due to displacement is not
compensated and affects food security.
• Lack of proper legal recognition of tribes over the forest land and hill tracts
compounds the problem, when it comes to the question of compensation.
• Lack of social relations outside the closely-knit kin-centered society.

Displacement leads to disruption in family life and to loss of social
network.
•
The land rights structure in tribal societies is altogether different from what
it is in other societies. Tribal communities do not confer any individual
rights in a legal sense. The community rights they confer are the utilitarian
rights on nature but not the proprietary rights which attract the provisions
of compensatory measures. Many a time, displaced tribal people were
deprived of compensation and rehabilitation benefits as per the Land
Acquisition Act, 1894 because they did not possess any legal documents
to prove their ownership right on the land they occupy and earn their
livelihood from.
Contrast in coping mechanism: Vulnerability of the tribal displaced
Other social groups are in better position to benefit from R&R programmes. For
example, about 88 percent of land acquired for the National Aluminium
Corporation at Angul, a non-tribal district in Odisha, in the mid-1980s was
private. Its owners, who mainly belonged to a dominant and influential social
group were paid Rs 62,000 per hectare. At Damanjodi in Koraput district, 60 per
cent of the land acquired for the company's second unit that same year was
Common Property Resource, belonging to tribal population. No compensation
was paid for it, because community owned resource/land was considered as
State’s property. For the little private land they owned, tribal families were paid
an average of Rs 6,700 per hectare, a totally inadequate sum to start a new life.
Another example is that of Maharashtra Irrigation Project on Krishna River in
Satara district, where 75 per cent of households affected belonged to the
influential Maratha community, who used political clout to obtain facilities under
R&R.
Research studies show that the displaced tribals cope with their loss and changed
conditions better than Dalits and other weaker sections as long as they are allowed
to continue to live in their traditional habitat, as they have honed skills for the
management of their habitat. It is when they are forced to migrate or are resettled
outside their territory that they are not able to adjust and operate in an alien
territory and new society. The tribal way of life centers on their community. This
extends from support in basic agrarian work to solidarity in times of trouble. Any
displacement and scattered rehabilitation will destroy this collective welfare
system that binds them together.
Deterioration in Quality of life of Tribal DPs/ PAPs after displacement and

Resettlement
Impact of Losses without Recompense
Researchers such as Fernandes, Parasuraman, Mahapatra, Tripathy, Alex Ekka,

Mohammad Asif, Lancy Lobo, Das, Rao to name a few, based on their extensive
research and field work, have brought out the stark reality of displacement
without provision of alternative land and reconstitution of livelihood, causing
impoverishment of the displaced. Many DPs/PAPs are forced to migrate. For
example, the findings of the Ombudsmen appointed by the Supreme Court
revealed that, about 30,000 people working for construction of facilities in abject
conditions for the Asian Games in New Delhi in 1982, were people who had lost
their livelihood due to deforestation by industry or had been displaced by Hirakud
dam and other projects.
In the context of Cernea’s eight-fold risks, empirical evidence collected by

researchers shows that the DPs/PAPs in India, 40 per cent of whom belonged to
tribal communities, experienced landlessness, joblessness, homelessness,
marginalization, food insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss of
Common Property Resources and social disarticulation. Apart from land and
forest, access to CPRs like wells, ponds and grazing grounds has been diminished
by development projects, adversely affecting tribal occupations such as cattle
rearing. Further, empirical evidence shows that the reconstruction aspect of the
‘Impoverishment risks and livelihood Model’ of Cernea has been totally
neglected, due to absence of a legally mandated provision for alternative land and
livelihood and Resettlement and Rehabilitation Framework as well as poor
management of R&R. All this led to impoverishment of the displaced.
Indian researchers have also included the risks caused by loss of education and
loss of access to public facilities. Empirical evidence points to the existence of
resettlement sites without basic facilities such as schools. In fact, migrants lose
access to public facilities as they are not recognized in their new place of work.
The process of land acquisition and the completion of the project take years.
During this period, development works are not taken up in the region, adversely
affecting project-affected people.
The following case studies highlight the deterioration in the quality of life of
tribal people after displacement and the process of impoverishment.
1. The Heavy Engineering Corporation Ltd. established in Hatia, Ranchi district,

Jharkhand, in the early 1960s is an example of the adverse impact of displacement
on tribal communities. In addition, excess land was acquired in the name of
‘public purpose’ – a total of 7,748.80 acres, including 6,356 acres of private land
was acquired for the purpose of constructing factories, township, railways, dams,
etc. but about 2,600 acres of land was not utilised. There was complete
displacement of 13 villages and partial displacement of 22 villages. Out of the
3090 families displaced, 2274 families belonged to the Oraon and Munda tribes.
According to an evaluation report carried out by the State Government Tribal
Research Institute, Ranchi, in 1993, ten to twenty decimals land was given to the
displaced for homestead. Some of the displaced were compensated with land, but
these were wastelands. As against the assurance by the State Government and the
Project Authorities before land acquisition that a job would be given to each
displaced family, in actual fact, one job was given to 4-5 families clubbed
together. The normal practice of the Government was to pay prevailing market
rate, which was calculated as an average of registered sale prices of land of similar
quality and location in the preceding three or five years. However, most land
transactions are grossly undervalued to evade registration fees. As a result,
compensation ranged from Rs. 7360 per acre to Rs.3200 per acre. Most of the
displaced, who were not used to handling money, frittered away their cash
compensation in a very short time. Before displacement, the displaced families
owned land and were engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry activities,
which provided them enough food grain and basic necessities. After
displacement, they lost their capital resource - land linked to food security. There
was no attempt to reconstitute livelihoods. Consequently, displaced families did
not have enough food grain to feed themselves through the year. Post
displacement, a majority of the families faced unemployment, poverty and
distress. The evaluation report concludes by pointing out that, from poor, but self-
sufficient and self-respecting members of a community, the displaced families
had been reduced to daily wage labourers, moving from place to place in search
of work.
2. In a study on mining and displacement problems in Odisha, it has been found
that about 8117 families from 1446 villages were displaced, due to development
projects in the period 1950-1993. The aftermath of development induced
displacement is that landlessness takes the form of downward mobility from large
to medium land holders from medium/small to marginal farmers, and from
small/marginal farmers to landless. Among mining-displaced families, 16.7
percent of tribal people and 13 percent of Dalit-displaced, became landless
against 3.6 percent of the general castes. Another study shows that people
displaced by mining lost their land and were forced to become wage labourers in
mines, but later due to mechanization, they were the first ones to lose their jobs
and become completely impoverished.
An evaluation of the condition of tribal oustees of Mahi Bajaj Sagar Project,
Rajasthan, twenty years after their displacement (which took place in the 1970s),
shows that the quality of facilities in the resettlement colonies were poor, with no
proper provision for schooling, which adversely affected the education of
children. It was observed that the displaced had limited skills and low levels of
literacy and were unable to utilize compensation money properly. Since they were
primarily agriculturists, they had very little knowledge of running a business or
providing a service and in absence of a rehabilitation plan to address the needs of
education and training, the deprived tribal people were unable to find alternative
livelihood. The displaced who could not get possession of allotted agricultural
land were forced to lead subsistence lives on encroached land with many of them
forced to migrate to nearby towns as low skilled labourers after Kharif season.
3. Parasuraman, in his research study on displacement due to Bolani Iron Ore

Mines in Keonjhar district of Orissa, describes the pre-displacement situation in
the villages of Bolani, Champua and Balagoda as being thinly populated tribal
villages. Every household owned land, surviving on cultivating coarse cereals and
millets, rearing cows, goats and bullocks and depending on forest for fruits,
Mahua trees for liquor and small game for their protein requirements. They were
self-sufficient because they had access to alternative sources of production. As in
other cases of acquisition, excess land of 1320 hectares was acquired whereas
only 500 acres was actually utilized for mining, township etc. Deprived of their
resources, the displaced cleared thick forests for cultivation; had they not done
this, the tribals ousted would have been in a worse position. All households who
lost land to mines were compensated with one job per family. Those who lost
land to Public Works or Railways only got cash compensation. Out of the 218
tribal households, 180 were offered employment in mines. But the living and
working conditions in the mines was different from the tribal way of life and
consequently, over a period of time, many displaced lost the mining jobs to non-
tribal migrant workers from outside. Moreover, those managing mines did not
understand the tribal way of life, their cultural beliefs and customs and made the
tribals displaced, feel unwanted. Mining activities led to environmental
degradation, deforestation, pollution of river and decrease in soil fertility. Tribal
people lost disproportionately, due not only to loss of land but their habitat for
which they were not prepared by training and psychological mentoring for the
transition from agriculture to mine-related employment. There was no provision
for land and the alternative jobs provided did not suit them. The displaced have
become strangers in their own land and have nowhere to go, following the
destruction of their forest-based habitat and livelihood system.
4. A case study of displacement caused by the Sardar Sarovar dam in Madhya

Pradesh focused on problems faced by the Project Affected Families of the Sardar
Sarovar Project (SSP) in Madhya Pradesh, after the dam height was raised to 119
metres by June 2006. Out of a total of 245 villages in the Submergence Zone, 193
villages are in Madhya Pradesh, 33 in Maharashtra and 19 in Gujarat. The study
emphasises that India is a signatory to ILO Conventions 107 and 169 on the rights
of indigenous and tribal peoples.
Article 16 of ILO 169 states: “Where the relocation of these peoples is considered
necessary as an exceptional measure, such relocation shall take place only with
their free and informed consent.” Where a return to the traditional lands is not
possible in the future, Governments must provide “lands of quality and legal
status at least equal to that of the lands previously occupied by them.” However,
the finding of the field study was that Gram Sabhas had not been formally
consulted before notifications under the LAA, 1894, were issued; few attempts
were made to inform the largely illiterate tribal populations about their rights as
stated in the NWDT Award; and the option of ‘land for land’ within Madhya
Pradesh was never formally communicated to the Gram Sabhas.
The survey based on 20 R&R sites indicated that only 344 families were actually
living in the R&R sites prepared for them. The survey found almost all the sites
to be “very poor”. The Government apparently bought 1636.9 hectares (4141.4
acres) of mainly black cotton soil for 86 R&R sites, most of which are totally
unsuitable for building houses. The study recommended that all the adult sons,
unmarried adult daughters, widows, divorcees and abandoned wives be treated as
separate PAPs.
The study found that most Gram Sabhas in the 171 villages had held meetings
and written letters to the Madhya Pradesh Government, but received no response.
Only when writ petitions were filed in the Supreme Court for villages like
Picchodi and Jalsindhi, were judgments made in their favour.
5. Another study of R&R in Gujarat of the Narmada Project reveals that the
reason for defective R&R programme and policies was because implementation
of R&R depends on a bureaucracy who has prejudices and biases against tribal
people and lack of understanding of their society. The findings were that there
was no consultation with displaced and project affected people, lack of
communication, cultural differences were disregarded, faulty land–compensation
procedures that did not take into consideration rights of tribal DPs/PAPs and
added to this fraud and corruption. The study also found cases of coercion and
human rights violations, where people were forced to leave and stay at
resettlement locations. False promises were made but once the tribal people
shifted, Government officials avoided them and there was absence of a system to
address grievances and complaints.
The above case studies are examples of R&R which failed to provide alternative
land and sustainable livelihood, leading to pauperisation of tribal DPs/PAPs.
Further, these are examples of tardy implementation, of unfulfilled promises and
violation of laws and rules by the very machinery expected to protect the interest
of marginalised displaced such as tribals. The studies also highlight the lack of
managerial capacity in the State to implement R&R and incapability to plan
imaginative rehabilitation plans. It reflects the lack of commitment on the part of
R&R machinery, which did not recognise the fact that rehabilitation is a
continuous process and after taking possession of acquired land, they left the
tribal DPs/PAPs to fend for themselves.
Loss of status of women after displacement
Women in tribal societies, have a relative equal status on par with their men when
compared with neighbouring caste societies. Prior to displacement, women
belonging to the project-affected villages were actively participating in household
work, such as cooking, child rearing and collecting of Non-Timber Forest
Produce (NTFP) and firewood. However, in resettlement colonies, adverse
conditions force adult and young women to go out in search of work with a view
to earn and support their families, due to loss of permanent income sources of
land and forest.
Parasuraman discusses the impact of displacement on the social and economic

condition of women by different development projects, where it was found that
loss of access to traditional sources of livelihood, land, forest, river, pasture,
cattle, etc. marginalizes women in the labour force. It is only when land and other
sources are replaced that women at least partially regain their economic status.
Under R&R policies, there is marked gender disparity as women members of the
family such as adult unmarried daughters, widows, deserted divorcees have not
been considered as a separate family. Women are traumatized due to loss of
resources and break up of family and social networks and there is no strategy to
address these adverse impacts.
Traditionally, tribal areas had a better sex-ratio than urban areas, but now, there
is a decline in the sex ratio of tribal women in areas around development projects
and areas facing degradation of CPR forests in Jharkhand. This is disquieting, as
it reflects the drop-in status of women in the tribal community.
Deterioration of health
Almost all the R&R colonies lack proper public health facilities, protected
drinking water, marketing and transportation. Due to unhygienic conditions,
health is a major problem of displaced tribal people, who are affected by various
diseases such as malaria, typhoid, viral fevers, diarrhoea, cholera, skin diseases
and jaundice. In mining projects, resettlement sites are situated close to mining
operations, which result in respiratory diseases. Ill-health causes them to spend
most of their earnings towards allopathic medical treatment, due to non-
availability of herbal medicines.
Disregard for Right to Livelihood: Adverse integration
Planning Commission Five Year Plan documents, NFHS and NSSO data clearly
reveal that, over the years, there have been poor human development indicators
in regions with high concentration of tribal people. As a consequence of poverty,
illiteracy and lack of skills, tribal people have not been able to take advantage of
employment opportunities created by development projects. The State and the
corporate sector have neglected investment in skill/technical training of
development-induced-displaced tribal communities. There was no provision or
attempt to provide jobs or livelihood opportunities, as emphasis was on monetary
compensation. Moreover, research studies also show that, due to neglect of
children and youth by not providing them with education and skills, they are
worse-off when the head of the family retires as they have lost their land which
was passed on from generation to generation.
Diverse research studies have revealed lack of basic civic amenities in

rehabilitation sites, absence of land or poor quality of land settled, and lack of
employment avenues, results in stark decrease in standard of living after
displacement and forces the displaced to migrate. Research studies show many
have been forced to take up menial jobs and have become drifting agricultural
and industrial migrant labourers. The work is commonly poorly paid and insecure
and it affects their self- esteem and identity, but they are forced to take up such
work for survival.
Development Projects have failed to create employment opportunities for Tribal

DPs/PAPs instead it has led to unemployment and forced migration.
Occupational change
An analysis of decadal changes in access to cultivated land among Scheduled

Tribes of four States with substantial tribal population, namely Chhattisgarh,
Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Jharkhand, indicates increasing
landlessness amongst tribal households. The percentage of marginal holdings
below one hectare has shown a marked increase in all the four States. This
indicates that medium-size land holdings are getting fragmented. It is significant
that Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh have the highest rate of diversion of forest
lands for non-forest purposes, e.g. mining. In Madhya Pradesh (including
Chhattisgarh), landlessness has increased by 23.1 percent between 2001 and
2011, and in Jharkhand by 8.2 percent between 2005 and 2011.
Even though there is a general all-India increase in the total work participation
rate for Scheduled Tribes, it is largely the result of increasing rates of marginal
rural and urban work, especially among tribal women. The numbers of tribal
cultivators has declined by more than 10 percent in the four states, except Odisha
where rate of decline is less than the all India average. The rate of decline of
female cultivators in several areas is higher than males, which shows that female-
headed households are more vulnerable. In the States of Odisha and Jharkhand,
there is a sharp rise in male and female rural ‘other workers’ due to mining and
construction work in rural areas. Thus, the occupational status of Scheduled
Tribes is now changing from farmer to rural and urban worker.
This calls for a comprehensive strategy encompassing the following: restoring

tribal land, preventing land alienation, giving priority to Scheduled Tribes in
settlement of ceiling surplus and wasteland, support to small and marginal tribal
farmers for taking up high-value horticulture etc., and skill development to reap
the benefits of growth in labour-intensive manufacturing sector.
Impoverishment of Tribal DPs/PAPs adds to problem of alleviating poverty
The loss of land and CPR resources without adequate recompense has led to
pauperization of tribal DPs/PAPs, adding to the problem of poverty in the
country. The poverty ratios for Scheduled Tribes are significantly higher as
compared to general population in the year 1999-2000. As against 27 per cent of
all population living below the poverty line in the rural areas, 45.86 per cent of
Scheduled Tribe population lived below the poverty line. There are large
variations in the proportion of ST population living below the poverty line across
the States. The Twelfth Plan Document Volume III (‘Social Inclusion’, pg.229)
states that, during the period, 1993-94 to 2004-05, the share of ST among the poor
in the country increased from 15.83 to 20.49 per cent. It is ironic that
‘development’ projects have added to the problem of unemployment and poverty
in tribal regions.
Decline in Percentage of Tribal Population: Loss of identity

Development projects, which have displaced tribal people, have opened up tribal
areas, leading to influx of people from outside the tribal region seeking
employment in industry, mines, transport, Government service, trade and
commerce, etc. This has resulted in increasing urbanization of tribal areas and the
large influx of immigrants from outside gathered the benefits from development,
while on the other hand, the condition of tribal people became worse.
Consequently, the percentage of tribal population in these areas declined. For
example, in Bihar, the percentage of tribal population declined from10.7 percent
in 1951 to 7.66 percent in 1981. In Dhanbad district, the decline was from 15.65
percent in 1951 to 9.12 percent in 1981; similarly, in Santhal Pargana, the decline
was from 44.6 percent to 36.80 percent during the same period.209 This trend
continues in Jharkhand in recent decades, as observed in Ranchi district (falling
from 43.56 percent in 1991 to 35.76 percent in 2011). Decrease in proportion of
tribal population is evident in urbanized areas as well as rural districts, where
involuntary displacement and forced migration have occurred and where
urbanization and development has led to inflow of outsiders.
Tribal people find themselves placed in a subordinate position to outsiders in their

own homeland and have developed a negative identity. Tribal society is
egalitarian, but they now have to deal with a hierarchical and exploitative society.
Tribal people faced with influx of immigrants, fear loss of identity, land,
destruction of forests, jobs and losing political control.
Conclusion
The large body of research carried out by scholars on the extent of displacement
and impoverishment of tribal people caused by compulsory acquisition of land
by the State, calls into serious question the commitment or ability of the Indian
State to upholding Constitutional safeguards for the protection of land and
resources and welfare of tribal communities. There is dearth of data of the
displaced (DPs) and project-affected people (PAPs), and official figures,
wherever available, underestimate the number of DPs/PAPs. Of the estimated 60
million DPs/PAPs, about 40 per cent are tribal people, 20 per cent are Scheduled
Caste and 20 per cent belong to other social groups, like OBCs. Based on
available government records and estimates, researchers have estimated that
people have been displaced from 25 million hectares, including 7 million hectares
of forests and 6 million hectares of other CPRs. It is also estimated that only 25
per cent of all DPs have been resettled and only 21.16 per cent tribal DPs have
been resettled, with a back log of 79 per cent. Further, a distinction must be made
between resettlement, which is a onetime process, and comprehensive
rehabilitation, which is a longer process for socio-economic reconstitution of
DPs/PAPs. The new legislation ‘The Right To Fair Compensation and
Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation And Resettlement Act, 2013’,
does not consider the backlog of DPs/PAPs. The magnitude of the problem and
gravity of the situation has to be addressed by the State and corporate sector.
Under policy of liberalisation, the effort is to create a climate favourable to
investment and this will increase demand for more land than in the past. However,
this policy lacks a social thrust. Projects that displace tribal communities by
transferring their resources for the development of dominant sections of society
can never be development in the true sense. Disproportionately large tracts of
land in excess of actual needs have been acquired and CPR diverted for
infrastructure projects, mines, dams, and industries, mainly in tribal regions. This
is done for a pittance, without much thought to sharing the fruits of development
with weaker sections, particularly tribal DPs/PAPs and the tribal community at
large. A reason for their neglect is that they do not have a strong political voice.
Studies have shown that powerful social groups with political clout are able to
get much better R&R assistance as compared to tribal DPs/PAPs. Left-Wing
Extremists have tried to fill this vacuum in tribal areas and channel tribal
disaffection against massive land alienation and displacement. The State needs to
send out a strong message to all its instrumentalities as well as the corporate sector
that there shall be no forcible and extortionist land acquisition in tribal areas, and
that wherever tribal land has to be acquired of necessity, it must be preceded by
comprehensive R&R within a framework of full and free consultation and tribal
participation in development and its benefits in the area of displacement.
Recommendations
1. Serious effort is required by the State to minimize displacement. There should

be a right- based approach to comprehensive rehabilitation for socio-economic
reconstitution of victims of development, including for the backlog of displaced.
2. The problem is with the expansive interpretation that has been given to the
doctrine of ‘eminent domain’ by political and managerial elites. In this context,
it is essential that the whole process of displacement should be democratic and
rights of tribal communities to say ‘no’ to acquisition of their land and to access
and manage forests and other CPRs, be recognised.
3. The new legislation, ‘The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in

Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, is progressive in
the sense that it is the first to legally mandate rehabilitation of PAPs. However, it
fails to address the need for minimizing of acquisition of land and resources. This
is not surprising, since the objective of the Act, which seeks to address concerns
of those whose livelihoods are affected, simultaneously aims at facilitating land
acquisition for industrialization and urbanization. This is in keeping with the
broader liberalization policies. Such policies will result in more displacement in
Central India for mining and in the Northeast for dams.
a) The 2013 Act already has a provision for safeguarding food security and
states that multi-crop irrigated land will not be acquired, except as a last
resort measure. Further, the State Government is to set limits on the
acquisition of such land under this law. States are also required to set a
limit on the area of agricultural land that can be acquired in any given
district. However, there is no mention of the need to protect tribal land and
community resources. Hence, a suitable provision is required to be
incorporated in the Act, to safeguard tribal land and community resources
in Scheduled Areas and disallow acquisition by a non-tribal, including
private companies.
b) The definition of ‘public purpose’ in the new law is very wide and will
only lead to greater acquisition and displacement in Scheduled Areas. The
exercise of ‘eminent domain’ and definition of ‘public purpose’ should be
severely limited.
c) Government agencies acquiring land with the ultimate purpose to transfer
it to private companies for stated public purpose, should be kept outside
the ambit of the new law, as the Public-Private Partnership mode of
acquiring land is simply a backdoor method of alienating land in violation
of the Constitutional provision to prohibit or restrict transfer of tribal land
to non-tribals in Scheduled Areas.
d) It is recommended that, as directed in the landmark Samatha judgment and
the PESA Act, every Gram Sabha should have the power to prevent
alienation of tribal land and further that minerals should be exploited by
tribal people themselves. The stringent provisions of the amended Andhra
Pradesh Scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation, 1959, should be
adopted by other States, particularly the provision that facilitates the
formation of Registered Scheduled Tribe Co-operative Societies, which
could take up mining activities in Scheduled Areas. By doing so, the
Samatha Judgment would hold good for all States with Scheduled Areas.
It should be the responsibility of the State to facilitate the formation of
cooperatives of tribal people for the above purpose.
e) Gram Sabha consent should be mandatory for acquisition of land by the
Government for its own use as well.
f) The Act does not have a provision to the effect that exploitation of natural
resources in Scheduled Areas must be with the consent of the Gram Sabha.
This should be rectified.
4. In the interest of weaker sections such as tribal communities, the threshold

should be kept very low and R&R provisions of the new law should apply to all
cases.
5. There is plenty of unutilized tribal land available with Central/State/PSUs, and

Central/State Governments which is not being used for the purpose for which it
was acquired. Governments should be legally mandated to return such land to the
original landowner/successors or use the same for resettlement of displaced
tribals. This should not be left to the discretion of the State Government. One
example of this is of HEC, Hatia, Ranchi, where excess tribal land had been
acquired and people are agitating for the return of the land, but the State wishes
to utilize it for other purposes. In such cases, land should be returned to the
original displaced families.
The Vijay Kelkar Committee on Fiscal Consolidation (2012) said,
“Over the next 24-36 months, there is yet another policy instrument for raising
resources for development and that is monetizing the government’s unutilized
and under-utilized land resources. These resources can finance infrastructure
needs, particularly in urban areas. Such a policy has been effectively utilized in
many countries including USA, France, Canada, Australia and China. For
monetizing land resources, the potential is considerable given the under-utilized
prime lands of
PSUs, Port Trusts, Railways, etc. Toward this, we recommend setting up of a
group to work out the policy framework and institutional modalities.”
The suggestion of the Vijay Kelkar Committee on Fiscal Consolidation (2012)
that “unutilized and under-utilized land resources” be used for “raising resources”
to “finance infrastructure needs particularly in urban areas” is against the purpose
and intent of the land acquisition law and should be roundly rejected, and unused
land should be returned to the loser of the land and to the community.
6. There has been inadequate recognition at the policy level that land represents
an inalienable resource, passed on from generation to generation in tribal
communities, who otherwise have no education and skill development. Studies
have documented that those DPs who got jobs in lieu of land and whose children
did not receive education or training were worse off after the job-holder retired
from service. It is recommended that the objective of R&R should be to ensure
that the socio-economic status of tribal DPs/PAPs after displacement, should
improve positively rather than deteriorate further. Loss of land and CPR can be
compensated only by proper R&R which envisages restoration of livelihoods,
health and education facilities and skill development for the whole family and
community of tribal DPs/PAPs. There should be provision of ‘land for land’, in
acquisition of tribal lands. Compensatory land provided must be made cultivable
with irrigation and agricultural inputs. Rehabilitation should be treated as a
continuous process to be monitored by the Project Authority and State until the
alternative livelihood becomes economically viable. They must be given a stake
in the assets and economic activities being created on their acquired land and
CPRs (for example, land in command area, irrigation of tribal land in the vicinity,
jobs in industries, or shops/jobs in industrial projects/townships). An expanding
economy, particularly expanding labour-intensive manufacturing sector together
with adequate emphasis on health, education and skill development, hold the key
to humane R&R.
7. The 2013 Act is weak in matters relating to skill development and provision
for livelihood for DPs/PAPs. During a meeting between the HLC and
representatives of displaced tribal people in Bastar, Chhattisgarh, anger was
expressed at the non-fulfillment of promises to give jobs to the educated displaced
persons. They were unhappy with the cash allowance being given in lieu of jobs.
The official response, that there were not enough jobs to accommodate all
displaced people, did not satisfy the aggrieved parties. A sum of two thousand
rupees per month per family as annuity for 20 years, with appropriate index for
inflation in lieu of jobs, as stipulated in the new Act, is too low. Clearly, more has
to be done for skill development and creation of alternative livelihoods. One of
the ways to ensure that jobs are provided to displaced people, including tribal
families, is to create a State level/National-level Virtual Employment Exchange
with complete data of age, sex, educational qualifications, and skill-set of persons
displaced in the past, present and in near future, for providing them employment
and/or preparing them for employment/self-employment. Global best practices
could be studied for providing alternative livelihoods, which could include
imaginative self-employment schemes with backward and forward linkages to be
provided by Project Authorities.
8. Research studies stress that gross undervaluation of losses, replacement value

of loss and costs of resettlement, has led to inadequate financing of R&R and
externalization of costs of R&R to the displaced and the future generations. The
new law has expanded the definition of ‘displaced’ to include project-affected
persons; however, care has to be taken to ensure that all genuine cases are
included and compensation is properly computed.
a) In computing losses, it has to be recognized that there are instances of tribal

DPs who do not have documents to support their genuine claim but who
base their ownership rights on oral tradition. Such claims should not be
rejected.
b) Forest rights have been covered under the Forest Rights Act, but other
CPRs such as Government land and Panchayat land has not been covered
by any legislation. This needs to be rectified. Moreover, survey by
Government is incomplete – as a consequence, community land is recorded
as Government land and tribal communities, primarily tribes who practice
shifting cultivation on such land, are denied compensation. This problem
needs to be addressed by measures to include such cases under R&R
provision.
c) Women require special consideration and affirmative action. Widows and
unmarried adult daughters should be recognized as a separate unit.
d) The principle for working out land compensation has been spelt out. For
all other assets, compensation should be based on replacement value or net
present value of assets lost/destroyed.
e) While preparing the project cost estimates, the full cost for R&R should be
included, and no attempt should be made to reduce costs for a favourable
cost-benefit ratio.
f) The rehabilitation package and process should take into account, the cultural
displacement, and loss of customs and tradition. For tribal people, their
strength is their community, and therefore, it is imperative that they be
resettled and rehabilitated as a community, if they so desire.
g) Infrastructural amenities to be provided in the resettlement area have been
mentioned in the new law, but provision of banking facilities has been
missed out. With primary emphasis on monetary compensation, it is
essential that displaced tribals, who may not have experience in handling
money and understanding of the monetary economy, should be advised on
handling their cash compensation. Banking facilities should made
available for keeping their money safe and credit facilities should be
provided by the State (to avoid exploitation by money-lenders).
9. Land and water sources polluted by industrial and mining projects in tribal
regions require attention and the onus for taking corrective measures should be
on the Project Authorities. The schemes of the Government could be utilized to
treat polluted land and water resources of tribal people.
10. The role of the Governor is crucial for protecting land, community assets,
culture and traditional institutions of tribal people and to ensure that they are
treated fairly. This role extends to ensuring socio-economic reconstitution of
tribal DPs/PAPs. This raises the issue of suitability of persons who occupy the
important position of Governor and other offices, such as Commissioners, Deputy
Commissioners and District Magistrates, in Scheduled Areas. It is imperative that
the antecedents and experience of persons be taken into consideration by the
Government to check whether they can protect the interest of tribal communities
and are suitable for such appointments, in view of the special role assigned to
them in such States.
11. Implementation of the new law will be difficult in the absence of resettlement
and rehabilitation capacities in the local administration, local community and
corporate entities. It is essential that the State and corporate sector create such
capacity by introducing professional training and orientation courses for
following the best R&R practices worldwide and replicating them in the Indian
situation. Offering tribal people monetary compensation and making promises
without attendant capacity to deliver on them will not resolve the impasse that
has brought land acquisition to a standstill. Sporadic attempts by instruments of
the State to use force to acquire land is unethical and unacceptable. Only a
genuine and bonafide effort at comprehensive and pragmatic R&R can persuade
tribal people to part with their land.
12. The new legislation lays considerable emphasis on consultation and consent
of Gram Sabhas. It is essential that the State be vigilant through adequate
monitoring mechanisms for ensuring that consent is obtained freely and every
displaced person gets adequate and comprehensive R&R in lieu of
land/livelihoods lost. The State must put in place a system to collect
disaggregated data of DPs/PAPs for all social groups. Oversight mechanisms
must be created at the District, State and Central levels, comprising officials and
non-officials with proven competence, integrity and commitment to public good.
There is a view that, though the new legislation has been enacted by the Centre,
R&R is a State subject, which should continue. However, the Centre has a
responsibility along with the states to ensure comprehensive R&R. The Central
Government should decide on the monitoring mechanism to be put in place. One
possibility is to establish an Authority/nodal agency with a multidisciplinary team
under the Ministry of Land Resources.
13. In view of the large-scale discontent among displaced tribal people regarding
poor R&R, a High-Level Fact-finding Committee/Enquiry Committee should be
set up to investigate the quality of R&R in all medium and major development
projects undertaken in the last fifty years in Scheduled Areas and tribal-
dominated districts of States without Scheduled Areas. This Committee should
be mandated to suggest ways and means to deliver justice to the displaced
families, who have not received any proper rehabilitation. This is essential, in
view of the fact that, the new law has not taken cognizance of the backlog of
displaced people, a majority of whom are tribal people.
14. Myriad grassroot movements against exploitation of tribal people and other
weaker sections hold the key to greater socio-economic justice. It would be
desirable if the State recognizes this and engages with democratic grassroot
movements, instead of crushing these movements.
15. Tribal people who have been displaced by conflict in Chhattisgarh and the
Northeast should be rehabilitated by the State Government in their villages and
provided facilities of housing, safe drinking water, health and education, skill
development, electricity supply, irrigation facilities, and agricultural inputs. It is
for the State to take preventive action and ensure safety and prevent tribal land
alienation in such areas. During a visit of HLC to Assam, civil society groups and
representatives of Autonomous Tribal Councils emphasized that influx of
outsiders was a real threat to the tribal communities. They also alleged that inter-
tribal conflict was being instigated by outsiders. It is the responsibility of the State
Government to take measures to prevent such conflicts.
16. Under the ‘Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Development) Act, 1957,
pattas/legal titles for houses allotted in resettlement sites are not issued to the
displaced. As a result, the displaced lose their identity and are unable to access
public facilities provided by the local administration, thereby facing difficulty in
obtaining Caste/Tribe certificates. Further, there is no provision for payment of
compensation before taking possession of land. The provision for returning land
to original landholders post-mining is rarely complied with. Clearly, there is a
need to make amendments in the Act.
17. Development projects have opened up tribal areas leading to influx of people
from outside the tribal region, seeking employment in various sectors. All this
has resulted in increasing urbanization of tribal areas and immigrants, rather than
tribals, have benefited from this. Consequently, the percentage of tribal
population in some Scheduled Areas has declined, although historically, these
areas were almost exclusively occupied by tribal people. Hence, it is
recommended that there should be no reduction in the areas declared to be
Scheduled Areas as this will harm the interests of already deprived tribal
communities by diminishing their space and their resources. Rather, the
representation of tribal communities should be enhanced and strengthened in the
politico-administrative institutions within Scheduled Areas.
18. Tribal people suffer predominantly from the phenomenon of poverty-induced

migration, also known as forced migration. An analysis of the Census data shows
that there has been an occupational change and the number of tribal cultivators
has reduced while the number of tribal marginal workers has increased. Micro
studies indicate the increase in seasonal/circulatory migration of tribal workers,
which may help them to avoid starvation, but is not enough to improve their
standard of living. Hence, it is recommended that:
a) The Census and National Sample Surveys should gather data on the
phenomena of seasonal/circulatory migration, migration of children across
social groups and poverty-induced migration.
b) Priority should be given to STs in settlement of ceiling surplus land and
wasteland, investments to improve agriculture, support for high value
horticulture, employment opportunities in rural areas, access to credit facilities
and skill-development to rural youth for employment in labour-intensive
manufacturing sector.
c) Complaints have been received that, due to seasonal migration of tribal people,
they are not enumerated in the Census and therefore, Census data is not a true
reflection of tribal population. This grievance requires to be redressed.
d) Apathy and incapacity of the State to implement the Inter-State Migrant
Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979,
has led to exploitation of tribal migrant families. In particular, tribal women
and children suffer greatly. There is a growing demand for enactment of a
comprehensive Migrants Rights Legislation, which deserves serious
consideration.
19. Recommendations for measures to prevent illegal land alienation of tribal

land are as follows:
a. In pursuance of the PESA, 1996, Land Transfer Regulations/Tenancy laws

of all Schedule V Areas should be suitably amended to ensure Gram Sabha
participation in the identification, investigation and restoration of lands to
tribal people. Gram Sabhas require to be strengthened by State Governments
to undertake these responsibilities.
b. Plenary powers could be given to Gram Sabhas to fight cases of tribal land
alienation collectively, as an individual tribal cannot afford to face prolonged
legal battles, given their socio-economic conditions.
c. The Gram Sabha should be empowered to restore the alienated land on
detection, pending the long legal battle, in order to potentially discourage a
prospective non-tribal buyer of land in Scheduled Areas. This needs to be
legally examined.
d. Care has to be taken to ensure that District Councils and State-level Council
do not have powers to dissolve Gram Sabhas or to dilute the powers and
functions of the Gram Sabha
e. Legal loopholes and ambiguities in all Scheduled Area Land Regulations
and Tenancy laws should be removed. For example, such a removal must
ensure that tribal land is not transferred for purposes such as settlement of
refugees, housing, etc.
f. There is a provision in the Andhra Pradesh Act, wherein immovable property
of tribals can be mortgaged to banks and, in case of default, the property to
be sold back only to tribal people or tribal cooperative societies exclusively
formed by tribal people. This provision needs to be evaluated to explore
replication in other Scheduled Area States. There is an urgency in doing so
to meet the financial needs of tribal youth.
g. There is a presumption clause in the Andhra Pradesh Act that, until the
contrary is proved, any immovable property in the Scheduled Areas and in
possession of a person who is not a member of a Scheduled Tribe shall be
presumed to have been acquired by the person or his predecessors through a
transfer made to him by a member of a Scheduled Tribe. This clause should
be examined by other States for adoption and inclusion in their laws.
h. Suitable amendments should be made in all land laws for protection of tribal
land in Scheduled Area States to the effect that there should not be any time
limit for restoring tribal land.
i. Suitable provision should be made in land laws so as to bring all benami
transfers, transfers in the names of concubines, tribal servants or others into
the purview to prevent fraudulent land transfer in Scheduled Areas.
j. The move to notify rural areas as urban areas in order to nullify PESA
provisions should be stopped forthwith. Use of Master Plan in urban areas
to alienate/displace tribal people from their land should be curbed.
k. Increased investment is required to be made by State Governments to
provide legal aid to tribal petitioners so that they are in a position to hire
competent lawyers to fight cases. The Government must also provide legal
training, literacy and awareness programs for youth and women on State and
customary laws contextualized with modernity processes, with the
participation of NGOs.
l. Ultimately, it is the duty of State Governments, to ensure that all officials
and lower-level functionaries do not connive in defrauding tribal people of
their land. Regular monitoring at the State and Central levels of disposal of
cases and proactive efforts for restoration of tribal land is required. It is the
responsibility of the State to address the problem of contradictory judicial
pronouncements that jeopardize implementation of protective land laws by
removing ambiguities in all relevant laws
8. EDUCATION
Introduction
Aiyappan (1946), M.N. Basu (1955), Das Gupta (1962), Haimendorf (1962,
1976), A.R.N. Srivastava (1976) and several other anthropologists studied the
problem of tribal education and suggested some remedial measures.
The all India literacy rates of scheduled tribes is 29.60% as against 52.11%
of the general population (1991). Though the Government had made several
efforts for the educational development of tribals these groups lag behind their
non-tribal counters parts. Absenteeism, stagnation and a large number of dropout
characterise tribal education. The proportion of enrolment is less that the
population proportion of scheduled tribes. In the primary school stage, the
dropout rate among them is alarming. The scheduled tribes are lagging behind in
all spheres of development because of poverty, geographical isolation and other
socio-cultural constraints.
Causes of slow progress in tribal literacy:
Main Causes of slow Progress in Literacy
1. Poverty of the parents.

2. Contents of education
3. Inadequate educational institution and supporting services.
4. Absenteeism,
5. Medium of institution, and
6. Education policy.
1. Poverty of the Parents.
For the poverty-ridden parents, education of their children is luxury which

they can hardly afford. The children assist their parents in earning their
livelihood. Grown-up children also took after the younger ones when the parents
go out for work either as cultivators or as labourers. Absence of child care centres,
crèches, Balwadis etc., in the remote tribal areas, also has to share the blame for
depriving the children of the poor parents of the facility of education.
2. Contents of Education
The curriculum of education for the tribals has to be carefully evolved. It has
to take into consideration the socio-cultural milieu of the Scheduled Tribes.
Presently the general contents of education have been extended to the tribal areas
which in many cases are not relevant, particularly at the primary stage.
3. Inadequate Educational Institution and Supporting Services.
The tribal areas suffer from inadequacy of educational institutions, boarding and
lodging facilities. Even where centres have been opened, about 40 per cent of
them are without buildings. The supporting services, such as the incentives in
terms of scholarships, book banks, etc., are very insignificant and generally do
not attract the children.
4. Absenteeism
In the tribal areas the problem of absenteeism of the teachers is one of the
important factors affecting the education. They generally remain absent for days
together due to absence of supervision over them and also due to lack of
dedication to the cause of education of the tribals. The children and also the
parents, cannot afford to waste their time and generally apt to drop out from the
schools.
5. Medium of Instruction
For the tribals the medium of instruction in the schools is a difficult problem.
Even after 40 years of Independence we have not been able to provide education
to the tribals in their mother tongue. The tribal children are not generally able to
follow the lessons given to them in the school in the language which is totally to
them.
The tribals, undoubtedly, form linguistic minority groups and are entitled to
facility of instruction in their mother tongue at the primary school stage. Article
350 (A) of the Constitution specifically provides for adequate facilities for
instruction in mother tongue at the primary stage of education to children
belonging to linguistic minority groups. The President has also been vested with
the power of issuing directives to any state for this purpose.
6. Education Policy
So far there is no clear educational policy for the tribal areas. Inspite of the
recommendations and suggestions of various Committees and Commissions, no
policy for the tribal areas has been evolved. In some states the schools in tribal
areas under the control of Education Department. Lack of administrative policy
regarding the educational institutions in tribal areas adversely affect the education
of the tribals.
Ashram Schools:
It was in 1922 that Thakkar Bapa a social reformer initiated the experiment
of Ashram school in Panchmal hills of Gujarat for the benefit of tribal children.
Later on, he introduced these schools in the states of Maharasthra and Bihar. After
independence many voluntary organisations established ashram schools in
Maharasthra, Gujarat and Orissa.
Though Government of India made efforts to start ashram schools in the

tribal areas during the First Five Year Plan, it was only in the Third Five Year
Plan that they gained momentum. These schools were started in the tribal areas
to meet the educational needs of tribals living in interior areas where it was no
possible to set up modern formal education schools. Ashram schools are
residential schools. Free boarding and lodging is provided to inmates of these
schools. Along with formal education, skills in crafts and vocations are imported
in these schools. Various committees or tribal welfare programmes set up by
Government of India have suggested that
Ashram schools should be inter-village schools.
Ashram schools should be opened in such areas where normal schools

cannot be opened and Most backward tribal groups should be covered by tribal
schools.
Christians missionaries working in tribal areas were the first to start modern
formal education among tribes (in 1831). During this period the illiterate tribes
were found to be exploited in various ways by the landlords, moneylenders and
other non-tribals. To rescue the Tribals from all these people the missionaries
started the missionaries started schools. Besides these missionaries’ voluntary
organisations like Bhartiya Adimajati Seva Sangh also spread Formal Education.
Government Initiatives
The Constitution of India provides certain specific and general safeguards

for the scheduled tribes to promote their educational and economic interest and
to remove their traditional social disabilities. Article 46 of the constitutions lays
down a Directive Principle of state policy. It provides that “the state shall promote
with special care the educational and economic interest of the people and in
particular of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and shall protect them from
social injustices and all forms of exploitations.”
The government of India has appointed several commissions and

committees from time to time to suggest reforms in the educational system in
order to meet the new demand of the country. The suggestions made by these
committees and commissions form the main basis of the educational policies in
India. The following are the National commissions appointed by the government.
1. University Educational Commission 1949)

2. Secondary Educational Commission 1950 to 1953
3. Kothari Educational Commission 1964 to 1968
4. National policy on Educational (1986)
5. Revised policy (1992)
The Kothari Commission made some suggestions to improve the conditions

of Scheduled Tribes:
1) Opening of ashram school in the sparsely populated areas

2) Medium of instruction in the first two years would be given in the tribal
language and during this period the children should be given oral instruction
in the regional language and by the third year the regional language should
become the medium of instruction.
3) Should have all the teachers serving in these school.
4) Selection of suitable and promising young men from among these people to
train them to work and serve their brothers.
The National Policy on Education 1986, the government document on

Education, has a strong bearing on tribal education.
Various measures such as the following have been taken in favour of

scheduled tribe children’s education:
1) Post metric scholarship for all tribal children,

2) Incentive schemes like supply of books and uniforms,
3) Opening of hostels and schools,
4) Crash programmes for training scheduled tribe teachers with preference
to women by relaxing qualifications.
5) Changes in the content of curricula,
6) Preparation of books in tribal languages.
To boost the education in the country in the Sixth Five Year Plan emphasis
was placed on non-formal education. In 1979 under the national education
programme adult education projects were started in tribal blocks. Training
programmes were conducted covering subjects such as Modern methods of
agriculture, Animal husbandry, public health and Personal hygiene. The X Five
Year Plan also emphasised educational development of tribes.
Suggestions:
(i) The content of education should take into consideration the needs and
aspirations of the tribal people. The choice of subjects at the primary level should
be carefully made. Education should be job-oriented. There should be proper
arrangements for vocational education. The curriculum should keep in view the
traditional local skills and crafts. The tribals should also be taught elementary
civics to familiarise them with their rights and duties.
(ii) Due priority should be given for opening of educational institution in the
tribal areas and construction of school buildings should be undertaken under the
National Rural Employment Programmes. In these areas more and more,
residential facilities like hostels should be provided to all those who walk more
than 4 kms. to attend the schools. The curricula should take into consideration the
socio-cultural milieu of the tribals.
(iii) The teachers should be selected from the tribals themselves even by relaxing
the educational qualifications, in case sufficient number of qualified teachers are
not available. The non-tribal teachers who know the tribal language may be
selected. Steps should be taken for setting up more and more Balwadis, crèches
and child-care centres in the tribal areas. Suitable nutrition programmes should
also be carried on in such centres to create among them an awareness about health
and balanced diet.
(iv) Non-formal and vocational education centres are very successful and should
be able to provide academic education as well as vocational training to meet the
needs of various industrial and other projects set up in the tribal areas. Industrial
Training Institutes should take into consideration the tribal needs. Post training
care should also be the part of the training programme.
(i) Education should not provide bookish knowledge alone. It should also
create interest for better for better life. The tribals equipped with
knowledge will not only be able to protect themselves from exploitation
but will also be able to take advantage of the various development
programmes. The tribals have inherent talent for sports. Their talent in
this field should be harnessed. Thus, education plays a key role in the
development of the tribes and therefore as laid down in the Directive
Principles of States Policy it should be promoted with ‘special care’.
Education
✓ The purpose of education anywhere, including in tribal areas, should be
to provide children with an understanding of the environment and
society in which they live and to endow them with the capability to earn
a livelihood in the local society and, for those who have the desire and
ability, in the national job market.
✓ There is a marked gender gap with respect to education in tribal society.

This is reflected in the disparity in literacy levels, drop-out rates and
enrolment in higher education. Hence, there is a need for greater gender
focus and social mobilization to encourage education of girls. The State
must develop certain mechanisms to this effect.
✓ Since the educational scenario in tribal areas is marked by poor
infrastructure, providing adequate infrastructure, such as classrooms,
teachers and teaching aids as well as basic facilities like electricity,
water, boundary walls and toilets is absolutely essential for the proper
functioning of these schools and from the perspective of security and
safety of children.
✓ In view of the deteriorating condition of elementary education in tribal
areas, where Sarva Siksha Abhiyan has hardly been of help, recourse
should be taken to the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory
Education Act, 2009 which provides for compulsory enrolment of all
children between the age group 6 to 14, re-enrolment of those who have
dropped out with the facility of special coaching for admission in a class
appropriate to his or her age, and admission of a child in a neighbouring
school of his or her choice. The Act should be stringently implemented.
✓ Keeping in view the difficulties of adjusting to a new cultural
environment, teachers for schools in the tribal regions should be
recruited locally. Along with the teaching staff, the administrative staff
dealing with tribal education should have regular orientation courses to
appreciate tribal culture and way of life. To facilitate such training, the
centres of training should be located in the tribal areas. There should be
a separate cadre of teaching and administrative staff, who will serve
among the tribal schools over the long run.
✓ New teacher training institutions should be opened in the TSP areas to

meet the full requirement of qualified and trained teachers. The
curriculum for the training should be drawn up very carefully, taking
into account the socio-cultural milieu, tribal ethos, language etc.
✓ The dearth of teachers fulfilling the eligibility criteria set out under the
RTE Act is an impediment to achieving the right to education in tribal
areas. For addressing the current crisis of absence of teachers in tribal
areas, special efforts need to be made to produce more teachers who
have qualified the Teachers Ability Test. This must be done on an
emergency basis. In the interregnum, teachers appointed in educational
institutions must be given a term within which they qualify the Teachers
Eligibility Test, and facilities be provided to assist them in taking this
test, including training, courses and access to materials.
✓ The State Governments should develop a policy for multilingual
education, so that early learning is conducted in the local language.
✓ The experiment with the Model Primer developed in Odisha and other
similar ventures may be worked upon in TSP areas and in tribal
languages in other states as well.
✓ Inclusion of local culture, folklore and history in the curriculum can
help in building confidence of tribal children and enhance the relevance
of education in their lives. Music and dance are a central part of tribal
life. Therefore, storytelling, theatre, painting, music and dance
performances should be promoted. Similarly, sports such as football,
archery and other popular local sports are extremely beneficial and
therapeutic for children and should be promoted.
✓ Recognizing that the tribal people have certain cultural ‘genius’,
different aspects of ‘indigenous knowledge’ should be documented,
researched and promoted. For developing better understanding of the
tribal cultures and their promotion, there should be appropriate number
of tribal cultural academies in regional centres. An important step in
this direction is teaching tribal history and culture in schools for both
tribal and non-tribal children.
✓ To address the problem of low representation of the tribals in higher

education, it is necessary to refurbish primary and secondary school
education through special coaching.
✓ Institutions of ITDAs/ITDPs and micro-projects support to the tribal

schools should be strengthened for prevention of dropouts.
✓ The policy of no-detention needs a review. When the student, teachers,

or parents of the student request for retention of a child to enable
him/her to acquire skills to move to the next class, he/she should be
retained.
✓ In light of the harsh terrain of tribal inhabitations, norms concerning
distance and Pupil-Teacher Ratio, at all levels of school education,
should be reviewed.
✓ The policy of vocational education at the secondary and senior

secondary level needs further integration and strengthening.
✓ There is a marked absence of quality secondary and higher secondary

schools in tribal areas. The Government needs to establish well-run
residential schools such as Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas closer to the
habitations (within a radius of ten kilometres) up to Class XII. These
schools must provide comprehensive facilities for marginalized
children including quality education, health care and academic support
classes.
✓ Residential schools should be set up specifically for Nomadic Tribes.
The basic principles are: (a) The residential schools should be in places
where the weather is least harsh, (b) there should be special security for
the children, including girl children for whom there should be women
wardens, (c) the parents of students should be brought to these
institutions so that they are informed about the education, and quality
of life, of their children, (d) there should be proactive efforts by Tribal
Affairs officials of the State to approach every family to help them make
an informed choice to send their children to the schools, (e) the holidays
for these schools should be fixed in such a way that the children can
meet their family, when the family returns to the place where they
celebrate festivals, weddings, etc.
✓ In residential schools, which are often in the news for incidents of

sexual abuse of students, strong mechanisms should be put in place to
protect the students from abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence.
✓ There is a need to recognise the adverse impact of violence on
children’s education. No schools or areas in the immediate vicinity of
schools should be occupied by security forces or the police, as has been
the case in conflict zones in tribal areas. Demilitarisation of schools is
vital in order to restore schools as a place of safety, security and
scholarship for students.
✓ Involvement of community in educational interventions through the
Panchayati Raj Institutions needs to be institutionalized. Information on
various schemes and benefits to beneficiaries should be provided to the
Gram Sabhas and Gram Panchayats, which would create transparency
and increase awareness about their entitlements.
✓ There is a need for regular social audits to monitor the functioning of

schools. To this end, a monitoring committee at the block level for
primary and middle schools and district level for high and higher
secondary schools should be set up.
✓ Most of the educational ‘missions’ do not reach the tribal areas and
where they do reach, they are too rare to have any significant impact.
The State educational machinery is largely responsible for this
situation. There should be proper accountability of the State educational
administration to end the longstanding stagnation in education in tribal
areas.
✓ The scope of education needs to be expanded for the purpose of

scholarships and should include tribal painting, art, craft, song, music
and dance, etc. While the Ministry of Tribal Affairs is now supporting
scholarships for students belonging to Scheduled Tribes, the UGC and
the MoTA should support scholarships for tribal studies for non-tribal
students also. A single window scholarship portal targeting the
Scheduled Tribe students should be established to provide information
on different scholarship schemes.
✓ Regional Resource Centres in States with significant tribal populations

should be established to provide training, academic and other technical
support for development of pedagogic tools and education materials
catering to multilingual situation.
✓ It is suggested that owing to poor condition of the State Tribal Research

Institutes, there is the need to improve the same in terms of
infrastructure, quality of staff, research output and direction for policy.
It is also recommended that a Central Tribal Research Institute, as has
been planned by the Central Government, be launched.
✓ It is recommended that a Tribal Chair be established by the UGC in

Universities in every State comprising Fifth Schedule Areas.
9. HEALTH PROBLEMS
Introduction:
John S. Gaikwad (1970), D.P. Mukherji (1973), P.C. Malhotra (1967), P.

Bhole (1986), S.L. Khatle (1986), R.K. Mutatkar (1986) World Health
Organisation (1986) and several others studied the problem of health among the
tribes in India. All these studies show that the health status of the tribal
populations in India is very poor. They have pointed out that poverty illiteracy,
malnutrition, absence of safe drinking water and sanitary living conditions, poor
mutual and child health services, ineffective coverage of national health and
nutritional services are the contributing factors for the poor health conditions
among the tribal populations in India.
Health Problems.
The tribes in India understand their health problems according to the dictates
of their culture. In this context, they classify their diseases into seasonal,
incurable, curable, hereditary and women’s diseases.
(i) The several diseases are several Amoebic dysentery, malaria, chronic
headaches, jaundice and bacillary dysentery occur in summer.
Diarrhoea, cold and cough, fever, bronchitis and tonsils occur during
rainy season. Scabies, ring worm, chicken pox and fevers occur in
writer season.
(ii) The curable diseases are common headache, hook worm infestation,
round worm infestation, amoebic dysentery, blood dysentery, jaundice,
cold and cough, ring worm, fevers and chicken pox.
(iii) The incurable diseases are yaws, tuberculosis, diabetes, epilepsy,
syphilis and leprosy.
(iv) The hereditary diseases include diabetes, tuberculosis, epilepsy and
filarial.
(v) The disease of women includes infections of genital tract, the venereal
diseases and irregular menses.
Distribution of diseases:
The seasonal diseases occur in all tribes in India. Likewise, the curable
diseases occur in all the areas where the tribals live.
The incurable and hereditary diseases occur in specific areas inhabited by

the tribals. Yaws is mostly found among the tribes living in the scheduled Areas
of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. Sporadic instanced occur in the tribals areas of
Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Tripura.
Tuberculosis occurs in different tribals tracts of Chhattisgarh, Madhya

Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Tripura.
Incidence of leprosy is high among the tribes of Assam, Jharkhand,

Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Tripura, Lakshadweep and Minicoy islands.
Venereal diseases occur among the Andamanese, Todas, Khasas of Jaunsar

Bawar, Khonds of Orissa, and tribes of Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Karnataka,
Lakshadweep and Islands. The high among the polyandrous tribals like the Todas
and Khasas. It is also high among the Santhals of Mayurbhanj District of Orissa.
Infectious of genital tract are numerous and widespread among the tribal
areas. such diseases are related to inappropriate care or poor hygiene in
connection with child-birth, abortion or menstruation.
Respiratory infections, skin infections, gastroenteritis, helminthiasis,

trachoma, fevers of unknown etiology are some of the communicable diseases
which are also found among tribal groups. Induced abortions, inbreeding,
addiction to opium and disturbed sex ration leading to storage of women were
some of the health problems indicated by investigations. The Singpho of
Arunachal Pradesh are addicted to opium. On account of this their population
came down from 40,000 in 1961 to 10,000 in 1991.
Special health problem:
The tribal populations have special health problems and genetic disorders
like sickle cell anaemia, glucose-6- phosphate enzyme deficiency, thalassaemia,
and haemoglobin-E, which occur in high frequencies.
(i) Sickle cell disorder is prevalent among tribes of Mahapatra, Pardhan,

Pawara, Madia, Gond, Bhil, Halbi, Malhar Koli, RajGond, Koruku, Tandvi,
Kolam, Warli, Katkari, Kokana, Andha, Mahadeo, Koli, Thakur. The same tribal
population groups residing in the neighbouring states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh
and Andhra Pradesh have a similar prevalence.
(ii) Thalassaemia is another type of disorder among the tribes in India. It

pertains to haemoglobin synthesis. The production of normal haemoglobin (HbA)
is inhibited due to anomaly in the orderly synthesis of one or the other polypeptide
chain of haemoglobin molecule.
(iii) Sickle cell Haemoglobin (HbS) is prevalent in Central, Western and

Southern India. There were more than 35 tribal population groups showing a
frequency of 19%. According to the DST report 1990 approximately 50 lakh
individuals were carriers (Heterozygous) among the tribals. In some South Indian
tribes like Mullukurumba, Paniyan, Pradhan, Irula, Adiyans, Konds Kamara the
percentage of Haemoglobins or Sickle cell Haemoglobin is prevalent up to 40%.
It has been observed that Sickle cell trait(HbAS), in heterozygous condition
confers protection against Falciparum Malaria. Tribals carrying Sickle cell trait
(HbAS) are more prone to certain diseases like Pulmonary disorders, Haemolytic
crisis, Mild jaundice, Infections and Kidney disorders. About 1.6 lakh tribal
individual suffer from Homozygous (HbSS). These Homozygous individual with
few exceptions do not survive up to adulthood.
(iv) Glucose –6- Phosphate enzyme deficiency (G-6-PD) of the red blood cell is
inherited as an X-linked recessive trait. Males are affected by this deficiency.
About 13 lakhs G-6- Pd deficient were present in tribal population (DST 1990).
This deficiency diseases were prevalent among the tribes of Madhya Pradesh,
Maharasthra, Tamil Nadu, Orissa and Assam. Glouse-6-Phospate dehydrogenase
enzyme deficiency is one of the most common defects of inherited red cell
enzyme which prevalent among tribes from South-North, North-East through
Western and central India (Das 1985). Among the Naik-Lambadi and Koya
Southern tribes the frequency of G-6-PD is below 5% while among the Western
tribes like the Khatari, Bhil, Dhodia and Konkana the percentage vary between
5-10%. Central tribes like Gond exhibited high frequency (19%) whereas among
the Angami Nagas the frequency is higher (26.06%).
(v) Haemoglobin E (HbE) occurs among the Totos of North-East. The tribes of
North-East show HBE gene in high frequency among the Mikir tribe (0.198) and
the Kachari tribe (0.549).
(vi) Infant mortality rate is one of the indicators of the health status of a society.
Valuable information of infant mortality rates of tribal population of different
states of India shows that it is minimum in some states and very in some other
states. The tribal populations belonging to the states of Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat,
Madhya Pradesh have high infant mortality rate (140/1000).
(vii) Nutritional problems are also common among the tribes in India.
Malnutrition is common among tribes and affects the general physique of the
tribals and lowers the ability to resist infections and leads to chronic illness. In
the post-weaning period if leads to permanent brain impairment. Among most of
the tribal population the staple diet is rice. Occasionally they also consume birds,
fish and other meat products. Their nutritional status depends on the capability of
the tribal group to procure and consume food of their choice. Tribals largely
depend on the forest produce, which is easily available for consumption. Tribal
diets are deficient in calcium, Vitamin-a, Vitamin-c, Riboflavin and animal
protein. In some South Indian tribes, the diet is deficient in Calories and protein.
The studies on dietary status and health of tribals of Bihar, Maharasthra, Andhra
Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh observed deficiency of Proteins, Calories and Amino
acids. In some primitive tribes of Phulbani, Koraput, Sundergarh district in
Orissa, Bill, Garasia of Rajasthan, Padar, Rabri and Charan of Gujarat and Bonda
of Orissa, high incidence of malnutrition were observed.
Deficiency disease like Anaemia, Kwashiorkor, Marasmus and vitamin

deficiency signs like Bitot’s spot and angular stomatitis were prevalent among
tribal population. Nutritional anaemia, which lowers resistance to fatigue, and
increases susceptibility to other disease is common among tribal women.
Maternal mortality was reported to be high among tribes in India. The chief
causes for maternal morality were unhygienic conditions and primitive practices
for parturition.
Causes of disease:
The tribes in India attribute the causes of disease to environmental, social,

supernatural and acculturative factors.
(i) Environmental factors: Tribal people living in forest and hilly areas depends
on perennial hills streams for their water requirement. The streams are used
for bathing of humans and livestock. Dirty clothes are cleaned in the stream
water directly. Men and women defecate on either side of the stream and
wash directly in the stream water. The stream water carries decomposed
leaves and other vegetative matter that provides a breeding ground for
various kinds of parasites. The water used for domestic purposes is released
into small pit outside the house.
Physical or environmental causes, include accidents, venomous snake bite

or insect-bite, attack by ferocious animals, eating if inappropriate food,
contact with poisonous insects and plants, effect of changing weather and
environmental factors.
(ii) Social factors: They include (a) Non-fulfilment of obligations towards

relatives, to neighbours and to friends (b) Social factors treatment status,
role and rules pertaining to treatment of patients (c) Allowing a large number
of relatives or visitors to see the patients, (d) Mingling of patients with
people. (e) Entering the task of child care to the victims of leprosy or other
diseases.
(iii) Supernatural factors: The attitudes of tribals towards health and diseases are
superstitious and unscientific. The concept of etiology illness, of diagnosis
and treatment and ideas of prophylaxis were developed and preserved as the
traditional lore of tribal society. In many tribal cultures ideas and practices
relating to illness are inseparable from the domain of religious beliefs and
practices. The relationship with the Gods and ancestral spirits plays a
decisive role in the occurrence of diseases in society. Tribals believes that
“diseases are caused by supernatural powers and the wrath of their deities
and ancestral spirits and therefore they can be cured by propitiation of the
enraged supernatural powers by sacrifices of animals, religious rituals,
sorcery and witchcraft”. They believe that a harmonic relationship with the
supernatural ensure protection from diseases and other calamities. Hence,
they make periodical offerings to them and worship them.
(iv) Culture context: Though culture contact tribals contracted venereal diseases
and tuberculosis.
Treatment of diseases:
The tribal specialists, who treat the disease are: Shamans, divinators,
sorcerers and doctors.
The tribals they some home remedies for treating some diseases before they
procure the services of specialists. Shamans have many functions. Their activities
include omen-reading, sooth-saying, divination for detection of the cause of
suffering, exorcism, removal of the harmful effect of evil-eye, nullification of the
influence of witchcraft or sorcery, propitiation of deities and manes, control or
appeasement of malevolent spirits, preparation of magico-religious charms for
clients, prescription and administration of herbal medicines, cure of snakebites.
All their actives centre around cure of diseases, amelioration of sufferings and
removal of socio-personal maladies. Shamans in tribals societies are respected
and have high esteem. In the tribal society the medicine men and Shamans have
comprehensive knowledge about of medical plants, roots, tubers seeds, flowers,
barks, fruits, leaves, birds, reptiles, animals from which they extract medicines.
Government initiatives:
(i) The National Health Policy 1982 and the new revised 20-point programme
of government of India stressed the need for improving the health status of
the tribal population. The Central Ministry of health and family welfare,
Government to India in order to reach the tribal population has relaxed the
norms for establishment of Primary Health Centres (PHC’s) and sub centres
in tribal areas. In a tribal/hilly area Primary Health Centre can be established
to cover a population of 20,000 as against 30,000 in other areas. Similarly,
a sub-centre can be established for a population of 3000 in tribal/hilly areas
as against 5000 in other areas. A separate sub centres.
(ii) Out every 4 PHCs one is to be upgraded to a community health centre with
30 beds and 4 specialities of Gynaecology, Paediatrics Surgery and
Medicine. Villages having more than 1500 population two or more village
heath guides are to selected and one of them should belong to scheduled
tribe community.
(iii) The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare provide centrally sponsored
schemes for control of Malaria, Filaria, tuberculosis, Leprosy and Blindness.
A specific provision is made to carryout research into disease to which
scheduled tribes are prone. Towards the end of Second Five Year Plan the
Government of India launched a National Goitre Control Programme
(NGCP) to control Goitre among tribal population. Indian Council of
Medical Research (ICMR), (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare,
Government of India) set up regional centres at Jabalpur, Bhubaneshwar and
Port Blair to study the health problems of tribal population. Integrated Child
Development services provided supplementary nutrition, immunisation,
health check-up and referral services to children in age group of 0-6 years
and also to pregnant and nursing mothers. In the tribal areas with a
population of 700 persons an Anganwadi can be set up.
A number of MCH Schemes have been initiated by Government of India to

provide maternal and child health care to reduce mortality and morbidity among
the tribal population. The schemes are
1. Health education
2. Prophylaxis against nutritional anaemia
3. Prophylaxis against blindness due to Vitamin-A deficiency
4. Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP)
5. Universal Immunisation
6. Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT)
7. Acute Respiratory Infection control
8. Minimum Needs Programme (MNP)
(iv) On the eve of the Fifth Year Plan Period a detailed of the tribal problem was
taken up and the tribal sub-plan strategy was evolved. The objectives of the
sub-plan are: socio-economic development scheduled tribes and protection
of tribals against exploitation. The Integrate Tribal Development projects
(ITDPs)/ ITDAs were conceived during the Fifth Plan for the
implementation of sub-plan strategy. Modified area development approach
(MAD) was adopted to cover smaller areas of tribal concentration having
10,000 population of which 50% or more were weak tribals. The tribal sub-
plan strategy was extended to all tribal in country in the Seventh Plan Period.
Voluntary Organisation
There are many voluntary organisations working for the development and
health care pf tribal people. They are:
1) Action for welfare and awakening in rural environment (AWARE). This is
a private voluntary organisation set up in 1975 working in Khammam
district and also 9 district Andhra Pradesh. It has extended its activity to
some pockets of Orissa, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. In 1984 a project
entitled “Floating Health Centres for Inaccessible tribal people” was
initiated in the Khammam district with USAID assisted PVOH scheme. The
project covered 38,000 population spread over 80 villages.
2) Sevadham is another voluntary organisation, which was set up in 1978 and

is operational Ander Maval area in Puna district, which is inhabited by tribal
people.
Remedial measures:
The remedial measures for solving the health problem of the tribal people in
India.
(i) Efforts may be made to train local people at least as health care workers
if not at higher levels.
(ii) Encouragement of indigenous system of medicine
(iii) Involvement of many voluntary agencies in health education.
(iv) Motivating the doctors and paramedical staff to work in tribal areas.
(v) Taking care of the physical comfort of doctors (housing etc) and
medical staff working in tribal areas at least with regard to housing.
Xaxa committee on Health
The diseases prevalent in tribal areas can be broadly classified into following
categories:
Health
Diseases common in
Under development Disease of modernity
Scheduled tribes
Diseases of underdevelopment
1. Malnutrition – Low birth weight, under-nutrition of children, lower

body size of adults, anaemia, iron and vitamin A and B deficiency.
2. Maternal and child health problems – higher IMR, U5MR, neonatal
mortality, acute respiratory infections, and diarrhoea.
3. Communicable diseases – malaria, filaria, tuberculosis, leprosy, skin
infections, sexually transmitted diseases, HIV, typhoid, cholera, diarrheal
diseases, hepatitis, and viral fevers.
Diseases common in scheduled tribes
1. Accidents and injuries – including the burns, falls, animal bites,

snakebites, violence due to conflicts, and more recently, motor cycle
accidents.
2. Hereditary diseases such as the Hemoglobinopathies (Sickle Cell) and
G-6 PD deficiency.
3. Speciality problems – especially the orthopaedic and surgical
problems, gynaecological problems, oro-dental problems and eye
problems.
Diseases of modernity
1. High consumption of alcohol and tobacco in most areas and of drugs

in the Northeast region.
2. Mental health problems – especially in the areas affected by conflicts.
3. Non-communicable illnesses – hypertension, stroke, diabetes, and
cancers.
Conclusions
Examination of the available facts about health of Scheduled Tribe

population in India reveals that:
1. Population size: Total fertility rate in Scheduled Tribe population, though
reduced to 3.12, is still above the replacement level.120 During 2001 to 2011, the
Scheduled Tribes population in India has annually increased by 2.12 percent,
constituting 8.6 percent of the total population of India in 2011, amounting to
about 10 crores in absolute number.121 Health of the ten crores vulnerable people
should become an important national concern. At the same time negative
Scheduled Tribe population growth in Nagaland and in the Great Andamanese
tribe in Andaman & Nicobar is a concern.
2. The mortality indicators of Scheduled Tribe population have certainly

improved during the past decades. However, these are significantly worse than of
the general population. A comparison on a few important child mortality
indicators is as follows:
The infant and child mortality rates (most likely to be underestimates) in the
Scheduled Tribes have shown improvement but slower than in the total
population, 123 with the result that these rates in Scheduled Tribes are higher by
about one third than in the other population. Moreover, these show a huge
variation between the states, and are particularly high in 7 states.
3. The life expectancy at birth in the Scheduled Tribe population was 61

years, several years less than in the general population in 2001.124 It is a
commentary on the national data systems that updated information on life
expectancy in tribal population is not available.
4. The nutritional status of Scheduled Tribe children as well as of adults

reveals a sad picture.
i) 53 percent boys and 50 percent girls in preschool age were underweight,

and 57 percent boys and 52 percent girls were stunted in height.
ii) 49 percent of Scheduled Tribe women had a body mass index less than
18.5 indicating chronic energy deficiency.
iii) 40.2 percent of Scheduled Tribe men had a body mass index of less than
18.5 including chronic energy deficiency.
iv) Dietary intake of tribal households showed large deficiencies in protein,
energy, fats, iron, calcium, vitamin A and riboflavin.
The under-nutrition in children and adults in Scheduled Tribe population has
certainly decreased over a time period (from 1985-87 to 2007-08), yet the present
levels of deficient food intake and under-nutrition are unacceptably high, almost
always higher than in the non ST counterparts.
5. The social determinants of health are heavily pitted against the health of
the Scheduled Tribe population. For example, the following differences are noted
among Scheduled Tribes in comparison to the general population.
6. The sex ratio (number of females per 1000 males) in ST population at 990
as compared to 938 in non-Scheduled Tribes stands out as the best in India (2011).
That speaks about an egalitarian social norm towards women. Unfortunately, with
the exposure to the outside world, the sex ratio in tribal population is recently
showing a decline.
7. Tribal people carry a traditional worldview with large number of beliefs

and practices which affect their health, sometimes favorably, but sometimes
unfavorably. There exists a severe gap of scientific knowledge about why
diseases are caused and how to prevent them. This offers a great opportunity for
improvement by way of spreading health literacy.
8. Tribal cultures have carried a heritage of traditional healing methods

through the use of medicinal herbs, which address both mind and body. These
traditional beliefs and methods are different from the modern scientific
worldview and emerge from their living in forests rich with medicinal plants. This
belief and healing system has a strong influence on the health practices and health
seeking behavior and choices of tribal people. In order to study these systems in
a holistic manner, there is a need to distinguish harmful and beneficial practices.
9. Public Health Service to Scheduled Tribe population is one of the weakest

links. It suffers from several handicaps.
i) It is often inappropriate for the needs in the Scheduled Areas, being a
rubber stamp version of the national model primarily designed for the non-tribal
areas. It does not take into account the different belief system, different disease
burden and health care needs as well as the difficulties in delivering health care
in a geographically scattered, culturally different population surrounded by
forests and other natural forces. It is surprising that no serious thought was earlier
given to design a public health care plan for Scheduled Areas.
ii) The other major difficulty in delivering public health care to tribal
population is the lack of health care human resource that is willing, trained and
equipped to work in Scheduled Areas. There is a shortage, – vacancy,
absenteeism or half-heartedness of doctors, nurses, technicians and managers in
public health care system in Scheduled Areas.
iii) Though buildings are built and health care institutions created in the form
of health sub-centers, PHCs and CHCs, they often remain dysfunctional resulting
in poor delivery of health care. This is further compounded by inadequate
monitoring, poor quality of reporting, and accountability.
iv) Factors such as unfriendly behavior of the staff, language barrier, large
distances, poor transport, low literacy and low health care seeking, lead to lower
utilization of the existing health care institutions in Scheduled Areas.
v) Access to hospital care for all ailments remains very low in tribal areas.
Thus, the public health care system in Scheduled Areas is characterized by
low output, low quality and low outcome delivery system often targeting wrong
priorities. Restructuring and strengthening this should be one of the highest
priorities for the Ministries of Health and Family Welfare in states and at the
Centre.
10. A reason for the inappropriately designed and poorly managed health
care in Scheduled Areas is the near complete absence of participation of
Scheduled Tribes people or their representatives in shaping policies, making
plans or implementing services in the health sector. This is true from the village
level to the national level. Even though the PESA gives Gram Sabhas the right
and the role of influencing social sector schemes, which include health, there are
no mechanisms in place for such participation or oversight at the village level.
Similar situation is observed at the ITDP, district and the state levels. At the
Central level, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has no separate body to
shape policies or monitor programs in Scheduled Areas. This is in complete
disregard to the promise of the Constitution and the Panchsheel guidelines.
11. In addition to the various weaknesses listed above, there is a common

perception and complaint that funds for health care in tribal areas are
underutilized, diverted to other areas, or utilized inefficiently, and worst,
siphoned off by way of corruption.
12. Coverage with medical insurance including the Rashtriya Swasthya

Bima Yojana (RSBY) remains extremely low in the Scheduled Areas. Thus the
Scheduled Tribes populations are almost completely without financial protection
against acute and catastrophic illnesses.
13. From the pre-independence period to the present day, voluntary

organizations including the missionary or religious or the non-government
organizations (NGOs), have made laudable attempts to provide health care to
tribal people. They have often reached out to underserved areas or pioneered
better ways of delivering health care. However, such efforts remain localized and
predominantly curative.
14. There is a near complete absence of basic data required to make

situational diagnosis of health and health care in Scheduled Areas. The Sample
Registration System, the NFHS, DLHS, AHS, NSSO – none are designed to give
reliable, robust, timely and segregated estimates of health outcomes in Scheduled
Tribes populations. Such data are completely subsumed in the data for the whole
population making any assessment of the health of Scheduled Tribes populations
very difficult if not impossible. In the absence of such quantitative estimates, the
evidence-based insights and professionally sound efforts for correction have been
missing.
Recommendations
1. The first principle of any policy or program for tribal people is

participation. Tribal people as a population segment are not politically very vocal.
However, they have different geographical, social, economic and cultural
environments, different kind of health cultures and health care needs. Hence their
views and priorities must get due place in any health care program, meant for
them. We suggest making use of three types of existing institutional mechanisms
to improve the programs.
Tribal Health Assembly: From the Gram Sabhas at village level, upto the
national level, Tribal Health Assemblies should be annually organized in which
the people (at the level of village) or their representatives (at the higher levels)
participate. For instance, such a ‘Tribal Health Assembly’ is annually organized
for the past 15 years by an NGO, SEARCH, in Gadchiroli district (Maharashtra)
for three purposes, a) to listen to the health problems and priorities of the people,
b) to get approval for the proposed health solutions and activities, c) to get their
feedback on ongoing activities. This can serve as a model at the local level in
other Scheduled Areas. At least one Gram Sabha meeting annually should be
exclusively dedicated to the purpose of health and related subjects.
Tribal Health Councils: These should be constituted by including elected
representatives, NGOs, experts and government officers for the purpose of
planning and monitoring of programs. Such councils should be constituted at the
block or ITDP level, district, state and national level. These should be empowered
to shape the health plans and monitor implementation. These sub-committees of
Panchayat level, district level and Zilla Parishad could function as Tribal Health
Councils.
Tribes Advisory Councils at the state level: These Councils should approve
the health plans prepared by the Tribal Health Councils, and to review the
performance of implementation.
2. In view of the enormous diversity among nearly 700 tribes in India, the
second principle to be followed is of area specific and tribe-sensitive local
planning. The PESA provides an institutional basis for this. The three institutional
mechanisms suggested above, when created and made operational at the block,
district and state level, will allow local planning.
3. Social determinants of health – literacy, income, water, sanitation, fuel,
food security and dietary diversity, gender sensitivity, transport and connectivity
– play very important role in determining the health outcomes. Hence, inter-
sectoral coordination for improvement in other sectors is as important, if not
more, as health care. Some specific suggestions for improving health are:
a) The construction of drainage system, village sanitation infrastructure,
personal toilets and the environmental measures to control mosquito-breeding can
be included in the MGNREGA scheme and completed on priority basis in
Scheduled Areas.
b) To reduce the household use of unclean fuels and biomass burning, the
solar energy, especially the solar cooker, water heaters and lights be promoted in
Scheduled Areas. This will also help save trees.
c) Improving nutrition of children, adolescents and pregnant and lactating
women is critical for the Scheduled Tribes population. The nutrition awareness
and feeding programs in the Scheduled Areas can be better implemented in
collaboration with the National Rural Livelihood Mission and the women’s
saving groups in the villages.
d) Health and income available for family will show improvement by
controlling alcohol and tobacco.
4. Empowerment of the Scheduled Tribe people is another cardinal
principle. Building their capabilities to care for their health is the long term
solution far superior to a perpetual dependence. This however does not mean that
the government or the rest of the society can abdicate their responsibility towards
tribal people. But this responsibility can be better served in long run by building
local capacity. In other words, instead of ‘giving’ health care, the policy should
be to build ‘capacity to care for health’. This principle should guide in planning
health care – especially in the choice of who will provide health care, where,
when and how.
5. To bridge the scientific knowledge gap of centuries, health care for
Scheduled Areas should give paramount importance to spreading ‘health literacy’
by way of mass educational methods, folk media, modern media and school
curriculum. Enormous scope exists for communication in local dialects and for
the use of technology.
6. A large number of Scheduled Tribe children and youth – more than one
crore – are currently in schools. This provides a great opportunity – both for
improving their health and for imparting health related knowledge and practices.
Schools, including the primary schools, middle schools, high schools, ashram
shalas and also the Anganwadis should become the Primary Health Knowledge
Centers.
7. Special attention should be given to women, children, old and disabled
people in the Scheduled Tribe population as these are the most vulnerable.
8. Traditional healers and Dais play an important role in the indigenous
health care. Instead of alienating or rejecting them, a sensitive way of including
them or getting their cooperation in health care, must be explored. Traditional
herbal medicines should be protected through community ownership. The
ownership and intellectual property rights of tribal community over their own
herbal medicines and practices should be ensured.
9. Apart from the physical distance, a huge cultural distance separates the
tribal population from others. Health care delivery to the Scheduled Tribe
population should be culture-sensitive and in the local language in order to
overcome this distance.
10. Health care delivery system for Scheduled Areas must keep as its
guiding principle the Chinese axiom – How far can a mother walk on foot with a
sick baby? Health care must be available within that distance. This, for the tribal
communities living in forests, means health care must be available in their
village/hamlet. Sixty years of failure should teach us that health care from outside
is not a feasible solution. The design of health care in Scheduled Areas should be
such that major share of health promotion and prevention and a sizable proportion
of curative care is generated and provided within the village or hamlet.
11. In light of these principles and in view of the common disease pattern
and needs listed earlier in the conclusions section, we recommend that the
Ministry of Health and Family Welfare should redesign the primary and
secondary health care services in Scheduled Areas. The new pattern should not
be enforced as a top-down, vertical, uniform national program, but should provide
a framework for local planning with local participation. Thus, the ‘Tribal Health
Plan’ will have three feature: one, a process framework about ‘how’ to prepare
the local plan, which will be in the form of guidelines on mechanisms; second, a
series of locally developed need-based contents of the plan and third, a design or
structure of the health care system to deliver such services in all Scheduled Areas.
This ‘Tribal Health Plan’ should become an essential feature of the National
Health Mission and of the Tribal Sub Plan. The goals and monitoring indicators
of this plan will be different than the regular MIS of the NHM.
12. Human Resource for Health: The well-known difficulties in deploying
doctors, nurses and other technical personnel from outside into Scheduled Areas
have made the problem of human resources the Achilles’ heel of health care in
Scheduled Areas. We recommend that, instead of making futile efforts to import
unwilling and unstable personnel from outside, the most feasible and effective
long term solution will be to select, train and deploy local Scheduled Tribe
candidates. This should be done at the following levels:
The Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs) and Anganwadi workers –
from the same village or the hamlet.
The ANMs and paramedic workers – from the same block.
The doctors and public health program managers – to a large extent, from
the same district.
The candidates must be local, belong to Scheduled Tribes, be fluent in local
tribal dialects, be selected on merit and should be committed to serve in the local
Scheduled Area for at least ten years.
The ASHA workers, Anganwadi workers and ANMs will continue to be the
mainstay of health care in rural and tribal areas. Due to the physical isolation of
tribal communities, compounded by a lack of doctors, it will be pragmatic to train,
equip and empower the three ‘As’ – ASHA workers, Anganwadi workers and
ANMs – in tribal areas to a higher level.
Since the selection for medical education is through a statewide and all India
competitive process, the local Scheduled Tribe candidates may not get selected.
Hence, we recommend that separate Medical Colleges for Tribal Areas be opened
in selected scheduled districts, one college per three million Scheduled Tribe
population in the state. All seats are to be reserved for such committed Scheduled
Tribe candidates, to be selected from the respective Scheduled Areas, depending
on the population and need for doctors in each Scheduled Area. The aim should
be to provide, in ten years, the required number of appropriately trained doctors
to serve in these areas. The High Level Expert Group (HLEG) on Universal
Health Care, appointed by the Planning Commission, in its report (2011), has
recommended that the District Knowledge and Training Centers be developed
and made into medical colleges attached to district hospitals, and nearly new
medical colleges should be opened in the country, especially in undeveloped
regions. These recommendations can be used to open Medical Colleges for Tribal
Areas. Approximately 30 new medical colleges for tribal areas, each with 60 seats
per year, will be able to produce nationally about 1800 new doctors per year,
selected from, trained and legally committed to work in the Scheduled Area of
their origin.
The Medical Education for Tribal Areas (META) should be, to some extent,
different from the regular MBBS, and hence, should not entirely follow the
curriculum of the Medical Council of India. Besides the regular medical
curriculum, some modifications are necessary such as: i) knowledge of and
sensitivity towards tribal culture and language, ii) methods of communication iii)
training and management of a health team, iv) competencies in preventing and
managing health problems common among the Scheduled Tribe population by
way of clinical, outreach and public health approaches, v) collaboration with
other sectors of development affecting health, eg. sanitation, nutrition, education,
forestry. If necessary, the MCI recognition for this degree may not be sought, or
a new degree different than MBBS be created, with legal permission to function
as a doctor in Scheduled Areas.
13. Addiction has serious effects on the socio-economic fabric of tribal
society. It affects not only health but also productivity, family economy, social
harmony and ultimately, development. Hence, i) the Excise Policy for Scheduled
Areas, approved by the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, in 1976
and accepted by the states, should be implemented effectively, ii) the availability
and consumption of tobacco and drugs should be severely controlled and iii) the
availability and use of alcohol and tobacco products among the Scheduled Tribe
population, and the implementation of control policies by the states, should be
monitored on selected indicators. These efforts should become a critical part of
the Tribal Sub-Plan.
14. The TSP budget, in proportion to the Scheduled Tribe population, should
be an additional input and not a substitute to the regular budget for routine
activities of the Health Department in Scheduled Areas. At least ten percent of
the total TSP budget should be committed to the health sector, the Tribal Health
Plan in the Scheduled Areas, in addition to the regular health budget for these
areas.
15. Data on the Scheduled Tribe population is a basic ingredient for
planning, monitoring and evaluating health programs in Scheduled Areas. All
national data systems – the Census, SRS, NFHS, NSSO, and DLHS – should be
asked to plan for and generate Scheduled Tribe-specific estimates on health
indicators at the district level and above. One percent of the total budget for the
Scheduled Tribe population (TSP) should be allocated to the generation of
reliable, timely, and relevant segregated data on Scheduled Tribes population,
from the local to national level. This will provide the crucial instrument – the
facts – necessary to guide program managers, policy makers and the Scheduled
Tribe population itself.
Towards this, the specific measures recommended are –
a) Construction of a composite Tribal Development Index (TDI)
b) Construction of a composite Tribal Health Index (THI) including the
indicators on health status, determinants and health care.
c) Ranking of 151 districts with more than 25 percent Scheduled Tribes
population and of states on these indices.
d) Creation of a high power national body under the Ministry of Health
and Family Welfare to facilitate the commissioning and collection of relevant
data and monitoring of the indices and progress. This body should complete the
work through the various existing agencies/surveys such SRS, NSSO, NFHS,
DLHS, AHS, NNMB, the TRTIs in the states, the ICMR institutes network on
tribal health, and finally, the health ministries in the states. Necessary
administrative and financial authority should be provided to this body. Broadly,
one percent of the total health budget for tribal areas (the regular health budget
for Scheduled Areas, including the health component in the TSP) should be
devoted for this purpose.
16. Research: From the public health point of view, certain aspects of tribal
health need research. These are:
a) Epidemiology, disease patterns and mortality rates in Scheduled Areas
b) Traditional belief systems and practices, and effective communication
methods
c) Tribal healing systems
d) Methods of health care delivery in Scheduled Areas.
e) The AYUSH (Ayurveda, Yoga, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy)
department and the Indian Council of Medical Research should incorporate these
into their scope of working.
17. The Proposed Goals of the Tribal Health Plan should be:
a) To attain the Millennium Development Goals (2015) on health and
nutrition for the Scheduled Tribe population in India by the year 2020
b) To bring the health, sanitation and nutrition status of the Scheduled
Tribe population to the same level as that of the non-Scheduled Tribe population
in the respective states by the year 2025
c) To create the human resources necessary for provision of healthcare in
Scheduled Areas, as per the norms set by the High Level Expert Group on
Universal Health Coverage (2011), by the year 2025
d) To create and make functional the institutions for participatory
governance (Tribal Health Assemblies and Councils) at all levels in the
Scheduled Areas by the year 2016
e) To annually generate Tribal Health Plans at all levels by the year 2017
f) To annually allocate and spend 8.6 percent, in proportion to the
Scheduled Tribes population, of the total Health Sector Plan and Non-plan
budget, plus 10 percent of the TSP for the implementation of the Tribal Health
Plan.
10. IMPACT OF INDUSTRIALISATION
Introduction:
The process of socio-economic development initiated under the successive

Five-Years had provided a scope for the establishment of a various large
industries in resource rich, but paradoxically backward tribal areas. Several
development projects in different parts of the country were initiated due to
opportunities in the post-Independence period. All these development activities
have become unquestioned symbols of national progress because they are usually
implemented in backward and tribal areas where modern development is yet to
be initiated. These activities have induced both direct and indirect benefits in the
form production, etc. On the other hand, the same projects have also caused
enormous uprooting of tribal population from their habitat, loss of agricultural
and forest-based occupations, disorganisation of social structure, disintegration
of life style of local people, etc.
The industrial policy adopted after Independence had given a scope for the
exploitation of vast resources like Bauxite, Aluminium. Manganese, etc., and this
process had led to the establishment of large industries in different parts of tribal
areas. Thus, a number of industries such as steel plants at Jamshedpur, Rourkela,
Bhilai and Bokaro, Heavy Engineering Corporation at Ranchi, thermal plants and
coal mines in Singrauli region, Aluminium plants in Orissa, etc. have come up in
tribal areas. All these industries have displaced people enmasse from their habit
and occupations. A conservative estimated indicated that about 20 lakh people
were displaced due to establishment of industries in the past and out of these only
6.5 lakh could be rehabilitated (Das, et al. 1988:274). In most cases the uprooted
people were usually tribal and other economically weaker sections of the society.
It was estimated that the proportion of tribals displaced by the development
projects varied between 52 to 100 per cent (Reddy, 1989:5). These people had
been forced to sacrifice their interests and sentiments attached to their traditional
villages, homes and lands in the larger interest of the society and nation.
Industrialisation may have proved to be good for the nation, but as far as the
tribals are concerned it has proved to be disastrous creating several problems in
the process of their readjustment in the new environment
It is clear that displaced seems to be an off-shoot of the present pattern of

development. One important indicator of the continuing powerlessness of the
weaker sections is that there is no participation or sharing of the benefits of the
specific development project that displaced them. The rehabilitation of those
displaced people, mostly consisting of tribals has been considered to be the most
serious aspect of displacement. In the new industrial urban environment, the tribal
communities were found to be socially dislocated. An example of the general
failure in tackling the problem of rehabilitation of displaced tribals was that of
the 14,561 families in Bihar, West Bengal and Orissa, displaced from 62,491
acres of land, out of whom only 3479 were allotted alternative lands. Data
provided in Table 1 give an idea of the quantum of relief provided in terms of
rehabilitation of displaced tribals consequent upon the establishment of major
development project in the tribal areas.
The data reveal that less than two-fifths of the population had been
rehabilitated and the alternative land provided was just over 10 per cent of the
total land acquired from the oustees. The gravity of the problem could not include
data from Bihar and Orissa where displacement was much higher compared to
most States in India.
The process of industrialisation has had both positive and negative impacts
on tribal life.
Positive impacts:
The most positive impacts of large industrial projects are generation of

employment opportunities, increase in levels of production, rise in income and
consumption levels, development of infrastructural facilities etc. Besides a few
social benefits may also accrue as a direct impact of the projects.
a) Employment in non-traditional sectors: One of the main objective of

any large industry established in backward tribal areas is to create more job
opportunities in non-traditional sectors. It is excepted that these industries will
provide scope for increasing the earning and purchasing capacity of the local
population. For instance, the NALCO Project in Koraput district of Orissa had
created about 6,300 direct jobs and also provided scope for 20,000 indirect job
opportunities through ancillary industries, transport contact, shopping complexes,
etc. Thus, any industrial project will create a substantial indirect employment
opportunity which will enable the local people to raise their living standards. The
most striking feature of the changing economy in NALCO Project area was
reflected through direct or indirect employment of a large number of villagers in
non-traditional jobs. Among the workers of surveyed household in NALCO
Project area a large proportion (50%) were working as wage labourers, followed
by unskilled workers (25%), semi-skilled workers (9%) and the remaining 14 per
cent were found to be pursuing agriculture and other activities. This was in control
to 82 percent of workers in the district who were solely engaged in agricultural
activities. Further, NALCO provided direct employment to one able bodied
person among the displaced families as a part of occupation rehabilitation.
b) Impact on hinterland: It is excepted that the large industrial projects

will significantly contribute to the all-round development and maximising the use
of local skills and abundant resources. The establishment of industrial projects
and township will create huge demand for agricultural commodities such as food
grains, pulses, vegetables, fruits, milk, eggs, etc. this will result in the
commercialisation of agriculture in the villages and the local people from the
neighbouring village will come to the townships in the evenings to sell
vegetables, cereals and other agricultural products. It was also felt that the local
people will be motivated to develop poultry farming and animal’s husbandry due
to the demand in the townships. The commercialisation of agriculture is expected
to contribute significantly to the growth of regional income and improvement in
the living standards.
c) Development of infrastructures and facilities: The industrial activates

in the project areas have created strong market forces for their own demand of
different consumer items and thus has helped these small towns to emerge as
regional markets with large services areas beyond the limits of the project
complexes. Various facilities such as education, health, banks, cooperatives etc.
have also come up. Further, a large number of small scale and cottage industries
are coming up as ancillaries and auxiliaries of the projects. All these new
development impulses are gradually reach the surrounding villages and thus
providing scope for quicker economic transformation in the region.
Negative impacts:
Besides creating certain positive benefits, the industrial project has also
induced several negative implications. These are mostly social in nature. The
most serious ones are disharmony in the social system, decline in the forest
economy, increased frustration, increased consumption of alcohol, crimes against
women, etc.
(a) Impact on social system: The industrial projects have induced complete
disharmony in the social organisation due to individualistic nature of jobs,
changed income structures, high cost of living etc. The great adverse impact has
been the displacement of tribals from their ancestral habit and loss of traditional
occupations like agriculture, forestry and associated activities. The eviction of
tribals from their habitat is the most serious aspect of displacement from the point
of removing them from their natural surroundings which plays an important role
in the social and cultural life of tribals. These natural surroundings are not
provided in the new settlements, which in turn shatters their social, cultural and
physical links.
(b) Impact on traditional functions: The tribal societies which were once
close and integrated are now becoming loose and discrete. The people have
become more materialistic and individualistic. Inter-personal relationships which
were based on kinship ties and sense of familiarity have become more impersonal
and indifferent. Mutual help and cooperation for each other at the time of need
has completely disappeared in the new resettlement colonies. In the process they
have lost their homogeneity which is a tribal characteristic. The communal
festivals which were once important, have lost their charm and attraction. The
local people feel that the religious sentiments are no longer associated with the
functions of male members. Only ceremonial, family functions and festivals exist
today. In the ancestral villages, the leadership used to be determined by birth and
seniority, but at present wealth and education have become the determining
factors of leaders. Further, tobacco, ganja and bhang are also consumed in large
quantities. Instead of native rice beer, the distilled liquor which is harmful and
more intoxicating has become more popular. The breaking up of village
organisation and corporate life along with acquiring many habits like excess
drinking, use of cosmetic, costly dress, etc. have also drained away most of their
resources.
(c) Environmental hazards: The establishment of large industries have also

brought certain environmental hazards, which are affect-man, animal, and plants.
Emitting pollutants into the air, releasing of effluents in to the water and dumping
of solid wasters in the open grounds are common environmental hazards in the
industrial projects. These will have implications in the form of (i) disturbance of
the land itself, (ii) soil erosion, (iii) dislocation of water balance, (iv) generation
of dust, noise, and fumes, (v) spread of diseases and disturbances of the national
economic system and (vi) disturbances caused due to the creation of
infrastructures. For instance, the NALCO project is generating 0.25 kg of dust of
per metric tonne of bauxite during open cast mining activities. In addition,
significant air pollution from exhaust fumes during heavy vehicular movement
and noise pollution one effecting the spread of diseases to men, animals and
crops.
11. IMPACT OF INDUSTRIALISATION ON THE TRIBES OF
CENTRAL INDIA.
Introduction:
The Chota Nagpur belt, that is the tribal junction of the states of West
Bengal, Bihar, Orissa. Madhya Pradesh is one of the richest in terms of mineral
wealth. This area is prominently tribal inhabited and is rich in iron ore, coal, mica,
bauxite and other industrially and economically important minerals. Therefore, it
is not surprising that this belt was one of the earliest zones to be exploited and
developed right from British period.
(a) First came the railways and coal mines. In 1907, the Tata Iron and Steel
Company was established.
(b) The phase of industrialisation picked up greatly after independence with the
establishment of Durgapur, Bokaro, Rourkela and Bhilai Steel Plants,
Ranchi Heavy Engineering complex and a multitude of downstream
industries.
(c) Apart from the heavy engineering industries, several irrigation projects such
as the Konar and Panchet in Bihar, Manchkund and Hirakund in Orissa and
the more recent Sardar Sarovar Dam came up in these tribal areas.
One would except that the establishment of these huge industries and multi-
purpose irrigation projects lead to all-round improvement and welfare of the
tribes, since all these were established in the heart of tribal India. But
unfortunately, this did not happen. On the contrary, it has led to aggravation of
their problems. Whatever improvement has taken places is only marginal. We can
now sum up the impact of industrialisation on tribes as below.
Loss of land and displacement from traditional habitat:
The first agonising impact of industrialisation is the loss of tribal land and
their consequent displacement and uprooting from their traditional homes and
lands. In return, the compensation paid is meagre and not all the tribes who have
surrendered their land get employment in industries/projects.
The progress with regard to allocation of alternative sites to the displaced

tribes and rehabilitation methods have been found to be utterly inadequate. In
1961 itself, the Dhebar Commission pointed out the failure in this area. For
example, the Commission collected statistics on the number of tribes displaced
and the number of tribes who were allotted alternative lands. Out of a total
number of 14,560 tribal families thrown out from their houses as a result of
acquisition of land for various projects in Bihar, West Bengal and Orissa, only
about 3,500 were allotted alternative lands.
Even the alternative land that was offered has been of no great help because
of the following reasons:
(a) The land offered was not fit for cultivation or irrigation facilities are
inadequate
(b) Very few tribes have availed of the agriculture facilities offered in the
rehabilitation camps. Younger generation preferred employment to
cultivation
(c) The cash compensation given was used up in buying consumer goods
and meeting day to day expense.
Even the World Bank had noted with anguish that the relief and
rehabilitation work in respect of tribes (Bhils) displaced by Sardar Sarovar Project
in Maharashtra and Gujarat was far too inadequate, and the report strongly
recommended the World Bank to link aid to has progress in relief and
rehabilitation.
(b) Emergence of Slums and Bastis: L.P Vidyarthi and other anthropologists
who have studied the immediate impact of industrialisation in tribal areas
have noted that tribal slums and bastis in and around the industrial township
are without any basic civic amenities like drinking water, drainage, etc. of
course, some employers have taken steps to improve civic amenities in the
bastis and slums. But the picture is generally alarming. The slums and bastis
are inhabited by tribes who fail to get absorbed in the project. They
constitute the impoverished ring of the industrialised areas.
(c) Industrialisation definitely affects the demographic composition of the tribal

area. With the influx of skilled and semi-skilled labour and managerial talent
from other parts of the country, the tribal soon find themselves either
outnumbered or having to live with a large number of outsiders which
threatens the employment opportunities of tribal youngsters. This has
happened in the Jharkhand belt and may be one of the factors that has led to
demand for a separate Jharkhand state.
(d) Another, adverse impact of industrialisation is what is termed as ‘cultural

mutation’. The tribal gradually lose their traditional life styles and adopted
a new way of life. Industrialisation disrupts their traditional cultural patterns,
language, food habits, dress and observance of festivals etc. their general
outlook gets changed under the impact of industrialisation. This is most
directly and tellingly felt by the first generation
(e) Change in Occupation: In the tribal areas that have become industrialised, a
shift to non-traditional occupations is noticed mostly in the direction of
unskilled and semi-skilled industrial labour and white-collar employment.
In addition to those tribes who are lucky to get employment in the projects,
others too are tempted to give up agriculture or other traditional occupations.
They take to working in the ancillary industries and as unskilled daily labour
in hotels, railway stations, automobile garages, etc. Some anthropologists
have however maintained that this change in occupational pattern may only
take place within a limited radius of the industrial centres. In fact, some of
them even record that the traditional culture of tribal villages falling outside
this radius does not get affected.
(f) Another unfortunate consequence of industrialisation the growing number

of unemployed amongst the tribes. As already noted, the youngsters are not
keen on continuing with their traditional occupations. the would like to join
the labour force in adjoining industrial areas which attracts them. It is not
possible to offer employment to all the aspiring young, educated or even
illiterate tribes. This phenomenon had led to what some anthropologists call
“Industrial nomadism” where the tribals go in search of jobs from place to
place. They may even migrate to other areas where opportunities for
seasonal employment as agricultural labour exist.
(g) Another effect of industrialisation in tribal areas is the emergence of a new

class of tribal leaders viz. trade union officers, political party workers and
educated personnel working in industries and other projects. They represent
the urbanised and modern section of tribes.
(h) Das and Banerjee clearly listed the cultural and socio-psychological effects
of industrialisation on the tribes which are:
(i) Weakening of the traditional authority of elders

(ii) Weakening of endogamous restriction of marriage leading to marriage
with non-tribals
(iii) Increase in the frequency of divorce.
(iv) A slow change in their traditional world view as a result of interaction
with people from other areas and different communities. (influence of
mass media like films is also an important impact on this connection).
(v) Emergence of nuclear family pattern
(vi) Growth of individualism
(vii) Change of family from a unit of production to a unit of consumption.
(viii)More emphasis on achievement than on an ascription.
As result of all the above, the tribal gets drawn into an urban, rational and
secular world. However, further research is to be done in these areas to monitor
the changes and evaluate their impact on tribal culture and personality.
We can conclude by Quoting Dr. L.P. Vidyarthi, who aptly sums up the
impact of industrialisation on tribals. To quote him: “By and large, instead of
being benefited by these developments, their economy and culture, so far, have
been adversely affected. The net result of the uprooted tribal, in due course, is
loss of traditional occupation, land, house, the traditional way of life, exhaustion
of cash received by way of compensation. unemployment, keen and unfair
competition with the migrants in the labour market, high aspiration and great
frustration.”
12. IMPACT OF URBANISATION ON THE TRIBAL LIFE IN

MIDDLE INDIA.
Introduction:
Due to industrialisation and economic development, coupled with politico-

administrative factors like growth and establishment of state, district and sub-
divisional headquarters, urbanisation has reached tribal areas. Of course, they
vary in the extent of urbanisation.
(a) The earliest areas to be urbanised were the tribal pockets of Bihar, West
Bengal, Orissa and to some extent, Madhya Pradesh. As already
mentioned, industrial and river valley projects brought in huge
townships which further contributed to urbanisation.
(b) In the North-East, urbanisation in the tribal states of Nagaland,
Meghalaya, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh is more or less confined
to state capitals, district and sub-divisional headquarters excluding a
few areas where cement factories and power projects are located.
(c) In the rest of the country, urbanisation in tribal areas is due to some
industrialisation, extension of rail and road network and administrative
factors like location of district headquarters, etc.
Impact:
The impact of urbanisation on tribals has been studied in detail. We can

discuss the effects of urbanisation on tribal in the following way. Here, it should
be noted that the impact of urbanisation should be seen together with that of
industrialisation.
(a) The First impact of urbanisation in tribal areas is a change in the

dwelling pattern. The tribes who are employed in government offices,
banks and industries, either live in the quarters provided by their
employers or in rented houses which are very much different from their
traditional houses in the villages. Those who are in the bottom rung of
the economic hierarchy live in the urban fringe or slums or bastis where
mud houses with thatched roofs or houses made up of bamboo with
thin asbestos or zinc or junk iron sheets are roofs, is a common sight.
The tribes in urban areas are no longer in their natural habitat. However,
for the second, third and succeeding generation of the tribes living in
urban areas the change may not be very traumatic
(b) Tribals undergo a change in their life style as a result of urbanisation.
Their food habits, dress, pattern of leisure time activities is all affected
considerably due to the combined forces of culture contact with non-
tribals, mass media, films and other urban ways of entertainment.
In urban areas, the tribes are forced to shift to non-traditional economic

activities like unskilled, semi-skilled labour and white-collar
profession. This change in occupation itself may be a major source of
cultural change. For example, a tribe working in a bank tends to wear
the kind of dress that his non-tribal colleagues are wearing. In any case,
in industries, he will have to wear the prescribed uniform. Even if there
is no prescribed uniform, the tendency to conform to others’ life styles
will always be acting on him.
(c) One area of concern is the gradual decline of tribal languages in urban
areas. This problem is not noticed in the North East, where the state
government have declared the local tribal languages as official
languages. However, in Central and Southern India, the tribals who
come into contact with non-tribals in urban areas or tribals who live in
urban areas, gradually tend to switch over to the language spoken by
the majority of non-tribal for example Telugu, Hindu, Tamil,
Malayalam, etc. Tribal children who go to schools in urban areas are
taught that only in the languages of the non-tribals with result that they
may also soon forget their own native tongue. In fact, a slow decline of
tribal languages has been widely reported in North Andhra Pradesh and
Madhya Pradesh where Gondi and Kolam that used to be spoken
widely by some tribes is now fast disappearing. In fact, adoption of
other languages may have an impact on other aspects culture like
religious beliefs.
(d) One impact of urbanisation that has not been studied much is, the extent
of politicisation and political mobilisation of tribes.
In this respect, there is not much difference between tribes and non-tribes.
Since in urban areas people can be mobilised easily it is convenient for
politicians and political parties to contact them, spreading their
message. In fact, in Bihar and in the North-East, in addition to political
parties like the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (Bihar) All party Hill Leaders
Conference, (Meghalaya).
Tribal Students Association like those of the All Jharkhand Students Union
in the Jharkhand areas of Bihar, and Khasi students Union in Khasi Hill
areas of Meghalaya have sprung up and are very active. What happens
is that secondary groups not based exclusively on kinship and territory
develop in urban areas. Most of these student unions in tribal areas have
taken up political roles, their common agenda being protection of tribal
interests, and in the North East expulsion of outsiders and curbing the
inflow of non-tribals.
(e) Another impact of urbanisation that has assumed serious dimension in

the North East especially, is the change in demographic composition of
urban areas in tribal states and Tribes is inevitable. Most of them are
employees in central and state government officer banks and industries.
Some of them are traders and businessmen who came long back. Since
the tribal areas themselves could not offer all the skills required for
running urban services and industries the inflow of non-tribes into these
skills was inevitable. It happens everywhere. In the case of tribal areas,
particularly in the North=East, in view of their general feeling of
insecurity and fear of being reduced in numbers by the combined.
Population of refugees and non-tribal Indians from other status, the
situation has reached explosive proportions. The student organisation
regularly issues quit notices on non-tribals which often leads to ethnic
and communal violence. In fact, in Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland,
there seems to be a general reluctance on the part of the native people
including the local political elite to open their areas for exploitation of
mineral resources, railway lines and for other developmental project
for the fear of non-tribal invasion.
(f) One adverse impact of urbanisation is the high rate of visible
unemployment among young educated tribes. For these youngsters
their traditional occupation has lost its attraction. They would like to be
absorbed in wage employment. Not all of them can be employed as it
is the case in the rest of the country. The unemployed tribal youth while
away their time in gambling and drinking or even take to drug addiction
for example in Manipur and which is slowly catching up in other parts
of the Northeast.
However, not everything is negative about urbanisation. Urbanisation has

brought some improvement in living standards for many tribals. Reasonably
decent infra-structure in health and educational structure has been created which
the tribals make use of. Also, urban areas have thrown up a new non-traditional
tribal elite who have an All India out-look.
SCHEDULED CASTES
1. DEFINITION OF SCHEDULED CASTES
The Scheduled Castes occupy the bottom most rung of the social ladder.
They from the majority of the “backward” or “depressed” classes. The terms
“Scheduled Castes” signifies those groups of people who were out of the caste
system or the Varna hierarchy in the past. They comprise the bulk of
“untouchables” or “untouchable castes”. These groups or castes have been
discriminated against by the superior castes through the ages and they never had
any kind of social acceptance from the majority of the people who belonged to
the upper the top most position in the social, political or economic field, as a
group. Their low social position continues even now though lot of measures have
been taken to make them equal with others.
Term “Scheduled Castes”
The term “Scheduled Castes” is a politico-legal one. It was introduced by

the British. It was first coined by the “Simon Commission” in 1928 and then
“Government of India Act, 1935 “listed” out or scheduled a few of the castes as
the most inferior ones which required some special attention. This list of castes
was designated as “Scheduled Castes”. When India became independent, this
term was adopted by the Constitution for the purpose of providing them some
special facilities and constitutional guarantees.
No Precise Definition for the Term “Scheduled Castes”
The term “Scheduled Castes” is nowhere defined in the Constitution with

State governments to notify by an order, the castes, races and tribes which can
deemed as “Scheduled Castes”.
Attempts towards a Definition

Sociologist have tried to define the term in their own way. We may consider
here the definitions of Dr. Majumdar and Dr. Ghurye.
1 Dr. D. N. Majumdar uses the term “Scheduled Castes to refer mainly

to the untouchable castes. He defines: “The untouchable castes are
those who suffer from various social and political disabilities many of
which are traditionally prescribed and socially enforced by higher
castes.”
2. Dr. G.S. Ghurye: Scheduled castes are those groups which are named
in the Scheduled Caste Order in force time to time.
3. In spite words, the term can be defined this way: The term Scheduled
Castes which comprises of the bulk of the “untouchable castes”,
included all those groups which are subject to some disabilities in major
fields of life-social, religious, educational, economic and political.
Example for SCs: C.B. Mamoria has listed the following castes as the most
important castes that come under the category of “untouchables”- Chamar,
Khatilk, Regar, Pasi, Kori. Dom, Dhobi, Dusadh, Balai, Mochi, Meghwal, Od,
Bagdi, Bhuiya.
Some Scheduled Caste Groups of Karnataka: Adi-Karnataka, Adi-Dravida,

Holeya, Holer, Karama, Moger, Mundala, Madiga, Bhovi, etc.
All the SCs are not Untouchables
It should be noted that all the Scheduled Caste are not untouchables. The list
of Scheduled Castes also includes some “touchable” castes. Almost about 80%
of the Scheduled Caste are “untouchables” suffering from various kinds of
disabilities. However, people in general use the terms “Scheduled Castes”,
“Untouchables”, “Harijans”, “Dalits”, “depressed classes” in more or less the
same way without making any difference between them.
Numerical Strength and Distribution of the SCs.
The 2011 census recorded nearly 20.14 crore people belonging to various
scheduled castes in the country. As per the 2001 census, the number was 16.66
crore. The Dalit population showed a decadal growth of 20.8%, whereas India's
population grew 17.7% during the same period. Dalits form around 16.6% of
India's population.
There are around 9.79 crore women among the total SC population, and the
sex ratio works out to 946 females per 1000 males.
Though UP has the largest chunk of the total SC population, Punjab has the
largest share of dalits in its population at 31.9%. Himachal Pradesh and West
Bengal follow Punjab with 25.2% and 23.5%. In Tamil Nadu, dalits account for
about 18% of the population. Nagaland, Lakshadweep and Andaman and Nicobar
Islands have no scheduled castes among their population.
Four states account for nearly half of the country's dalit population, reveals
the 2011 census. Uttar Pradesh stands first with 20.5% of the total scheduled caste
(SC) population, followed by West Bengal with 10.7%. Bihar with 8.2% and
Tamil Nadu with 7.2 % come third and fourth.
2. CRITERIA OF UNTOUCHABILITY
Introduction
People who constitute the bottom most palace in the Indian social
stratification system are often regard as “untouchables”. All of them come under
the category of what our Constitution calls the “Scheduled Castes”. The word
“untouchable” applies to the despised and degraded section of the Hindu
population.
According to Dr. D.N. Majumdar, “the untouchable castes are those who
suffer from various social and political disabilities many of which are
traditionally prescribed and socially enforced by higher castes.” In fact, he uses
the term Scheduled Castes to refer mainly to the untouchable castes.
In simple words, “untouchables” are those who occupy the bottom most
place in the society and have been subjected to various social, cultural and other
kinds of disabilities and exploitation for their very touch is regarded as
contaminating or polluting the higher caste people.
Meaning of Untouchability:
Untouchability is a mass phenomenon of group prejudices and

discrimination affecting about 140 million people. It is an ignoble practice
associated with the Indian caste system.
Untouchability is a practice in which some lower caste people are kept at a

distance. Defined of social equality and made to suffer from some disabilities for
their touch is considered to be contaminating or polluting the higher caste people.
The practice of untouchability is a stigma to the Indian society. It is an age-

old practice and has its roots deep down in our social and religious system.
Gandhiji regarded this practice as “a leper wound in the whole body of Hindu
politic”. He even considered it “the hatefullest expression of caste”. He carried
on a campaign against it throughout his life. Though the practice of untouchability
in one form or another has been there in many other countries of the world, it has
taken its ugliest shape in India. Millions of the people have suffered from it and
the suffering still continue though with less intensity.
Some Ancient References to “Untouchable” Castes.
The untouchable castes were called by different names such as chandalas,

panchamas, svapachas, antyajas, atishudras, etc, during the early days.
Vedic literature also males a mention of some “impure” groups which were
there as early as in 800 B.C. People born of the prohibited “Pratiloma” marriage
belonged to that category and were called “Chandalas”, Svapacha” and so on.
Manu was of the opinion that the progeny of the hated Pratiloma union
would become chandalas or untouchables. In the Vedic literature, we find the
mention of chandalas as an ethnic group originating from inter-breeding of a
higher caste or varna female and lower caste or varna male. In simple words, the
chandalas who were regarded as “untouchables” were children of the most hated
union of a Brahmin female with a Shudra male.
Patanjali, yet another dharmashastrakara considered chandalas as a variety

of Shudras.
Most of the dharmashastrakaras considered the Chandals as forming a fifth

category and called them Panchamas. The Panchamas were ‘untouchables’. Since
they were outside the varna system they came to be known as “Avarnas”.
Al Beruni referred to these “untouchables” as a social group called

“Anthyaja” constituting the last and the position in the society. Their socio-
economic life was worse than that of the Shudras and hence they were they called
“Atishudras”
Criteria of Untouchability
Untouchability in the Indian context has become hereditary. If a person is

regarded or branded as “untouchable” for some reason or the other, not only he
would remain throughout his life as “untouchable” but his children also would
become “untouchable”. Still should be remembered that untouchability did not
and does not arise by birth alone. Persons become “outcastes” and “untouchables”
by being guilty of certain acts that amount to grave sins. Untouchability indicates
not only a low place in the caste hierarchy together with the existence of social
and religious disabilities but also a low economic position as well. Most of the
scheduled castes are considered to be untouchables.
As C.B. Mamoria has cited, according to 1931 Census report, if a caste

suffers from the following restrictions, it any be termed as an “untouchable”
caste.
(i) Inability to be served by twice born or clean Brahmins.
(ii) Inability to be served by barbers, water carriers, tailors, hoteliers, etc.
who serve caste Hindus.
(iii) Inability to serve water to the caste Hindus.
(iv) Inability to enter Hindu temples.
(v) Inability to use public conveniences such as wells, schools.
(vi) Inability to dissociate oneself from a despised occupation.
Untouchability within Untouchable Castes
Certain anomalies are found among the so called “untouchable” castes. D.N.
Majumdar [1948] summarised the position of the depressed [untouchable] caste
in 1940s in the following way.
These castes are not depressed in all states; the same caste may be
“depressed” in one but may not suffer from any social or political disability in
another. In Madhya Pradesh the same caste has different social rights and
disabilities even in adjacent districts.
The disabilities are more rigid where the depressed castes are numerically
small and fewer or on the decline, than where they are numerically strong.
Where the castes are all of the same ethnic stock or largely so, social
disabilities are not numerous and are usually confined to those whose function is
considered degrading.
Where the higher castes are in a minority and the depressed castes constitute
the majority, the degree of ceremonial pollution observed is quite less and often
we find few disabilities attached to the inferior castes.
Individual members of the depressed castes who have succeeded in life and
who are wealthy and own property have been admitted to a higher social status.
Gradations Among Untouchables.
“It is not to be imagined that within the circle of untouchability for instance,
there are no sub-gradations and all untouchables are equal among themselves”.
(1) Mahatma Gandhiji himself wrote: “All the various graders of untouchables
are untouchable among themselves, each superior grade considering the inferior
grade as polluting as the highest class of the caste-Hindus regard the worst grade
of untouchables.”
Example: A Chamar thinks that he would be polluted by coming into
physical contact with a Dom or a Bhangi. Untouchable castes such as Bhuyar,
Byar, Khatik and Majhwar are very particular in keeping the caste they consider
“untouchables” at a distance.
According to Sir Blunt, “Eleven castes will not touch a Bhangi, seventeen
will not touch a Chamar, ten will not touch a Dhakar, six will not touch a Dhobi
or a Dom.” It is said that in Tamil Nadu alone there are not less than 80 sub-
divisions, those at the top considering the less fortunate of their own brothers as
untouchables.
3. PROBLEMS AND DIABILITIES OF UNTOUCHABLE CASTES
Majority of the castes that come under the category of “Scheduled castes”
are regarded as “untouchables”. These untouchable castes have been suffering
from various disabilities throughout the history. After independence, the practice
of untouchability was declared unconstitutional, but the fact is that it still exists.
The suffering of the untouchables has not come to an end. This problem cannot
be solved an act of legislation.
According to Dr. Majumdar, “the untouchable castes are those who suffer
from various social and political disabilities, many of which are traditionally
prescribed and socially enforced by the higher castes. Thus, if he whole bases of
untouchability are not destroyed, a simple provision for its legal status will bear
scanty fruits.”
The “untouchable” caste have been suffering from various social, religious,
legal, political educational, economic and other disabilities. For centuries, they
were denied political representation, legal rights, civic facilities, educational
privileges and economic opportunities. During the British rule also, no proper
attention was paid to uplift the untouchables to relive them from their bondages.
Even today they are not completely free from the problem which made them to
suffer for centuries. These problems can be grouped into three main categories.
(i) social problems (ii) economic problems and (iii) political problems.
1. Social Problems and Disabilities
The untouchable castes have suffered for centuries from a number of social
problems and disabilities among which the following may be noted.
(i) Lowest Status in the Social Hierarchy

In the caste hierarchy the untouchable castes are ascribed the lowest
status. They are considered to be “unholy”, “inferior” and ‘low’ and are
looked down upon by the other castes. They have been suffering from
the stigma of ‘untouchability’. Their very touch is considered to be
polluting by the higher caste people. Hence, they have been subject to
exploitation and humiliation. They have been treated as the servants of
the other caste people. The untouchable castes have always served the
other castes, but the attitude of other castes is of total indifference and
contempt. They were kept at a distance from other caste people. In some
instances, even the exact distance which an upper caste man was
expected to keep between himself and the “untouchables” was
specified. During the early times, they were branded as “Panchamas,
Antyajas, Svapachas. Atishudras, Chandalas, Avarnas” etc. and were
given the bottom most place in society. The distinction that arose
between Aryans and Anaryas centuries ago culminated in the practice
of untouchability. Anaryas were branded as “dasas” or servants and
kept at a distance. They were not given any good position in the army,
politics and public life, but made to follow “unclean” occupations such
as scavenging, removing human waste and dead animals, tanning, shoe-
making, spinning, washing clothes, barbering, supplying water and so
on. The physical touch of these people following “unclean” occupations
was considered enough to pollute the so called upper caste [varna]
people. Thus, the so called ‘untouchables’ were not only kept at a
distance but also denied of various civic facilities. Several disabilities
were attributed to them.
(ii) Civic Disabilities
For a long time, the untouchable castes were not allowed to use public
places and avail of civic facilities such as-village wells, ponds, temples,
hostels, hotels, schools, hospitals, lecture halls, dharmashalas, etc. They
were forced to live on the outskirts of the towns and villages during the
early days. Even today they are segregated from others spatially. They
were not allowed to enter the houses of the higher castes. They were
allowed to work as labourers during construction or repair, storing
grains, etc. but later the houses were imposed on the mode of
construction of their or cow dung. In South India, restrictions were
imposed on the mode of construction of their houses, types of dress and
patterns of their ornamentation. Some lower caste people were not
allowed to carry umbrellas, to wear shoes or golden ornaments and to
milk cows. They were prohibited from covering the upper part of their
body. The services of barbers, washer men and tailors were refused to
them. In the court of justice, they had to shout from the pointed distance
and take their change of being heard.
(iii) Educational Disabilities

The untouchables were forbidden from taking up to education during
the early days. Sanskrit was denied to them. Public schools and other
educational institutions were closed for them. Even today majority of
them are illiterate and ignorant.
(iv) Religious Disabilities

The untouchables also suffer from religious disabilities even today.
They are allowed to temples in many places. Even after the successful
campaign of Dr. Ambedkar demanding the untouchables right to enter
the Kalaram temple at Nasik in 1930, things have not improved much.
The Brahmins who offer their priestly services to some lower castes,
are not prepared to officiate the ceremonies of the ‘untouchable’ castes.
They Vedic mantras which are considered to be purer, could not be
listened to and chanted by the untouchables because of the taboos. They
were only permitted to make use of the upanishadic mantras which are
considered to be less pure and more secular. Burial grounds were also
denied to them in many places. However, things have started improving
radically in these especially after 1990s.
2. Economic Problems and Disabilities
The untouchables are economically and have been suffering from various
economic disabilities also.
(i) No Right of Landed Property Ownership

For centuries the untouchables were not allowed to have land business
of their own. It is only their ownership to the property has become
recognised. The propertied people are comparatively less among them.
Majority of them depend upon agriculture but only a few of them
[hardly 28%] own land.
(ii) Selection of Occupations Limited

The caste system imposes restrictions on the occupational choice of the
members. The occupational choice was very much limited for the
untouchables. They were not allowed to take up to occupations which
were reserved for the upper caste people. They were forced to stick on
to the traditional inferior occupations such as curing hides, removing
the human wastes, sweeping, scavenging, oil grinding, spinning,
tanning, shoe-making, leather works, carrying the dead animals, etc.
These occupations were regarded as “degraded” and “inferior”.
(iii) Failure to Fill the Full Quota of Reserved Posts

The SCs have not been able to take full advantage of the reserved seats
allotted to them in government jobs. The data collected from the
Reports of the Commissioner for SCs and STs reveal that the
representation in Central Government department, public sector
undertakings, and the nationalised banks in 1993
Group SCs OBCs
Number % Number %
A 8922 11.5 5357 6.9
B 28403 14.9 13897 7.3

C 370557 16.4 346433 15.3
D 110515 23.0 81468 17.0
The poor educational performers of the SCs candidates has been the
major obstacle. The poor educational performance of the SCs
candidates has been the major obstacle in this regard.
(iv) Landless Labourers: Majority of untouchable are today working as

landless labourers. More than 90% of the agricultural labours in India
belong to the depressed classes which include the Scheduled Caste
Tribes. More than 52% of the Scheduled Caste workers in rural areas
are agricultural labourers. A large number of SC families are in debts.
Their indebtedness is increasing day by day. The SCs are economically
exploited by the upper caste people. Even today they are lowest paid
workers. Some of them continue to suffer as bonded labourers at the
hands of the other higher caste people. The untouchables constituted
90% of the total number of the bonded labourers found in India,
according to a recent survey report. It is also observed that a large
number of atrocities are committed against the untouchables because of
economic reasons. Though jobs are reserved for them in government
department due to lack of eligibility they are not able to get into them.
3. Political Disabilities:
The untouchable hardly participates in the political matters for centuries.

They were not given any place in politics, administration and the general
governance of the country. They were not allowed to hold any public post.
Political right and representation were denied to them. Under the British rule,
they were given been the right to vote for the first time. After independence, equal
political opportunities and rights have been provided for the SCs also. Politically,
the SCs are yet to become a decisive force.
The untouchable or the SCs living in the city are trying to organise
themselves in the form of “Dalit Sangharsha Samithi” and such other organisation
to fight for their rights. But the vast mass of rural SCs are totally unorganised.
Political parties such as “The Republican Party of India”, started by Dr.
Ambedkar, “Dalit Panthers’ Party” [or 1970s], “Bahujana Samajavadi Party”
[BSP of 1980s] are no doubt mobilising the SCs but so far they have not been
able to form a “dalit lobby” or “Harijan lobby” at the national level except in
some pockets. Their political influence is mostly localised. Their total influence
in the Indian politics is, so far, not very much impressive.
4. Problem of Atrocities Against Untouchables [SCs]
Another problem confronting the untouchables is that lot of atrocities are

being committed against them. In fact, such atrocities are on the increase even
now.
In some states serve caste conflicts are taking place and in many instances
the targets of attack are the SCs. Bihar is notorious for caste conflicts. Bihar has
sheltered several “Jat senas” which take a leading role in caste conflicts. For
example, Bhoomi Sena of Kurmis, Lorik Sena of Yadavs, Brahmarshi and Ranvir
Sena of the Bhumihars, Ganga Sena of the Brahmins, and the Kunwar Sena of
the Rajputs, represent such jati senas. Further, there are also the Naxal groups of
Maoist Communist Centre {MCC} which normally consist of people who belong
to communities of the Yadavs, Koeris, and the Paswans. These jati senas and
Naxal groups organised mass murder in the past. The reason for these murders
was a long-standing conflict between upper caste landowners and landless dalit
farmers. The National Commission of the SCs and STs have also been regularly
reporting an increase in the number of atrocities against the SCs. The central and
the State governments are also seriously concerned with these crimes.
4. WELFARE MEASURES FOR SCHDEULED CASTES
The government of independent India has been trying to uplift the Scheduled
Caste and Scheduled Tribes right from its very inception. The Governmental
attempts to promote the welfare of the SCs and STs can be classified into two
group. (A) Constitutional and legislative measures and (B) Other welfare measure
and programmes.
A. The Constitutional and Legislative Measures
The government of India has incorporated some special provisions in its

Constitution for the removal of untouchability and to promote the welfare of SCs
and STs. The constitution ensures the protection and assures the promotion of
interests of SCs, STs and other weaker sections of the population in the fields
such as (1) political representation, (2) representation in services, (3) economic
development, (4) socio-cultural safeguards and (5) legal support.
1. The Preamble of the Constitution of India declares that it assures

equality, promotes fraternity guarantees liberty and ensure justice to
one and all.
2. Article 15, 16, 17, 38 and 46 guarantees that the state shall not
discriminate between persons on account of their religion or region
justice to one or class.
3. Article 15 prohibits discrimination on grounds of religion, caste race,

sex or place of birth.
4. Article 17 abolishes untouchability. It is further provided that the

enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be an
offence punishable in accordance with law.
5. Article 46 promotes educational and economic interest of Scheduled

Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker sections.
6. Article 330 reserve representation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled

Tribes in the Houses of the People.
7. Article 334 relates to reservation of seats and special representation to

cease after fifty years [Originally reservation was made for ten years
and it was extended four times, the present period of expiry being 2010
A.D]
8. Article 335 mentions the claims of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled

Tribes to services and posts.
9. Article 338 empowers the Central Govt. to appoint a National
Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
10. Article 339 empowers the President to appoint a commission to report

on the administration of the Scheduled Areas and the welfare of
Scheduled Tribes in the States.
11. Article 341 empowers the President to specify the castes, races or tribes
deemed as Scheduled Castes in a particular State or Union territory.
12. Article 342 empowers the President to specify the tribes or tribal
communities deemed to be Scheduled Tribes in a particular State or
Union Territory.
Legislative Measure for the Removal of Untouchability
The Government has been taking up the required legislative measure for the
removal of untouchability. In pursuance of the provision of the Article 17 of the
Constitution which declares the practice of untouchability a punishable offence,
the Parliament passed the Untouchability offences Act, 1955. it was later
substituted by the Protecting of Civil Rights Act, 1976. According to this Act the
offences of untouchability include the following.
Offences of Untouchability as per the “Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1976”
(i) Committing any kind of social injustice, such as access to any shop,
restaurant, public hospital, educational institution or any place of public
entertainment.
(ii) Preventing a person, on the ground of untouchability, from entering a

place of worship and offering prayers, or from drinking water from a
public well or spring.
(iii) Refusal to sell goods, or render services to a person on the grounds of

untouchablilty is an offence punishable with imprisonment for six
months or a fine upto Rs. 500or both.
(iv) Enforcing occupational, professional, trade disabilities in the matter of

enjoyment of any benefit under a charitable trust, etc.
(v) Enforcing occupational, professional, trade disabilities in the matter of

enjoyment of any benefit under a charitable trust, etc.
Measure to Check Atrocities Against SCs and STs.

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes [Prevention of Atrocities] Act,
1989, Which came into force on 30th January 1990, specifies offences, which are
considered as atrocities and provides for deterrent punishments for commission
of the same. Comprehensive rules were also framed under this Act in 1955 to
provide relief and rehabilitation of the affected persons. All the States and UTs
[except Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland] have specified Special Courts for trial
of offences under this Act. Under the centrally sponsored scheme for
implementation of the Act, State Governments are funded on 50:50 basis and UTs
are given per cent assistance.
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes [Prevention of Atrocities] Act, 1989

describes the following acts as punishable crimes:
1. Forcibly occupying and cultivating the land of SC/ST man.
2. Confiscating the land/ property of any SC/ST person.
3. Forcing an SC/ST person to eat or drink some disgraceful substance.
4. Throwing into the house or the neighbourhood of SC/ST person any

rubbish or dead animal etc. to humiliate him.
5. Forcibly snatching away the clothes from the body of SC/St person and
making him naked.
6. Insulting a SC/ST person in some way or the other.
7. Sexual harassment of an SC/ST woman.
8. Molesting or raping as SC/ST woman.
9. Polluting the drinking water used by any SC/ST person.
10. Forcibly evacuating an SC/ST person from his house, neighbourhood

or village.
11. Preventing an SC/ST person from voting or forcing him to vote for a
particular person.
12. Compelling an SC/ST person for forced labour or using him as a

bonded labourer.
Special Measure Undertaken by some States to Give Protection to SCs/ STs

Against Atrocities.
In order assure security and give more protection to the SCs and STs some
states have resorted to some special measure among which the following may be
noted.
1. Assisting the SCs in obtaining the possession of lands belonging or

allotted to them;
2. Helping the SCs agricultural labourers the possession of lands

belonging or allotted to them;
3. Setting up state-level communities to look after various aspects

concerning the welfare of the SCs.
4. Establishing special SC cells under the DIG Police to ensure that crimes
against the SCs are properly registered, investigated and quickly
prosecuted.
5. To ensure quick disposal of cases pertaining to the SCs special courts

are set up in some states.
6. The bureaucratic machinery is properly dealt with for solving of low

wages, etc., concerning the SCs.
7. Specially instructing the police authorities to treat cases of crimes

against the SCs as special cases and arrange for quick trial and
prosecution. Scheduled Castes.
B. Other Welfare Measures and Programmes for the Upliftment of

Scheduled Castes
1. Appointment of a National Commission for the Welfare of Scheduled

Castes.
A National Commission of the Scheduled Tribes has been set up by the

Central Government to safeguard the interests of the SCs and STs. Ti functions
as an advisory body on issue and policies related to the development of the SCs
and STs. The State Governments have separate departments to look after the
welfare of the SCs and STs. Their administrative set up varies from state to state.
2. Educational Opportunities
Due attention is paid to extend the educational opportunities of SCs and STs
and hence special provisions have been made in this regard. Free education, free
distribution of books, stationery, uniform etc. giving scholarships, banking loan
facilities, providing mid-day meal, arranging for free boarding and lodging
facilities, reserving seats for SCs and STs in all the government and government
aided institutions, etc. are some of the concrete steps which the Government has
taken in this regard.
Centrally Sponsored Schemes: In addition to the above, there are some

centrally sponsored schemes also for the educational benefit of both SCs and STs.
(i) Free Coaching and Training for various competitive examinations [IAS,
IPS, IFS, etc .] to increase their representation in various services. Some
of the coaching centers have made considerable contribution enabling
SC/ST candidates to get into IAS and allied services, medical,
engineering and banking services.
(ii) Book Bank Scheme: Book bank scheme is intended to provide text
books required for the students belonging to SC/STs pursuing medical
and engineering degree courses.
(iii) Post-matric scholarship for providing financial assistance for higher

education.
(iv) Construction of hostels for providing residential facilities to SCs and

STs studying at college and university level.
(v) Financial assistance to those Sc and ST students going to reputed

research institutes for research work.
(vi) Providing Textbooks to those studying in medical and engineering

courses.
(vii) National Overseas Scholarships and Passage Grants for Higher

Education: This scheme provides financial assistance to selected
meritorious students for pursuing higher studies abroad in specified
fields of Masters level course, Ph.D. and Post-Doctoral research
programmes in Engineering and Science only.
3. Expansion of Economic Opportunities
Government has taken up economic programmes also for the benefits of Sc

and STs. Example: Landless SC labourers are allotted land. Land reforms have
been undertaken to bring benefits of land ownership for them. Poor SC farmers
are supplied with seeds, agriculture implements, fertilizers, pesticides, interest-
free loans, pair of bullocks for ploughing, subsidy for developing dairy farming,
poultry farming, piggery, animal husbandry, handicrafts, spinning and weaving.
4. Expansion of Employment Opportunities and Reservation
In order to enhance the economic position of the SCs and STs Constitution
has provided for the reservation in services. Reservation of jobs operates in the
All-India Services, Central Government, State Governments, and Government
owned and managed public-sector units and institutions. Reservation exists in all
these for the SCs and STs to the tune of 15% and 7.5% respectively. Several
Governments have introduced reservation for OBC’s also.
In government services, special quota is also allotted to them. The

reservation is also extended to promotions to higher positions to facilitate their
adequate representation. Concessions such as relaxation of age limit, relaxation
in the standards of suitability, relaxation of the qualification and experience, have
also been provided to them.
5. Upliftment of Scheduled Castes through Schedules Caste Sub-Plan

(SCSP).
Under the Scheduled Castes Development Bureau, the Ministry implements

Schedules Caste Sub-Plan (SCSP) which is an umbrella strategy to ensure flow
of targeted financial and physical benefits from all the general sectors of
development for the benefit of Scheduled Castes. Under the strategy, States/UTs
are required to formulate and implement Special Component Plan (SCP) for
Scheduled Castes as part of their Annual Plans by earmarking resources. At
present 27 States/UTs having sizeable SC population are implementing
Schedules Caste Sub-Plan.
Objective of the Scheme

1. The main objective is to give a thrust to family-oriented schemes of
economic development of SCs below the poverty line, by providing
resources for filling the critical gaps and for providing missing vital
inputs so that the schemes can be more meaningful. Since the schemes
/ programmes for SCs may be depending upon the local occupational
pattern and the economic activities available, the Sates/UTs have been
given full flexibility in utilizing SCA with the only condition that it
should be utilized in conjunction with SCP and other resources
available from other sources like various Corporations, financial
institution etc.
2. State Government have been given flexibility in choice of schemes to
be implemented out of Special Central Assistance, within the overall
frame work of the scheme.
Special Central Assistance

Special Central Assistance (SCA) to Scheduled Castes Sub Plan (SCSP) is
a central scheme under which 100% grant is given to the States/UTs as an additive
to their Scheduled Castes Sub Plan (SCSP).
6. Other Welfare Programmes
(i) Drinking Water Facility: In SCs colonies and in the areas where they
are found in large number, drinking water facility is provided through
the constructions wells and borewells.
(ii) Medical Facility: Free medical cheek-up facility is provided for the
SCs. Those who undergo family planning operation are given financial
assistance for purchasing required medicine and energising tonic.
(iii) Janata Houses: In various States the SCs are given financial assistance
to have their own houses. In States like Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, low
caste houses having all minimum required facilities, known as “janata”
houses are built for them at State expenses.
(iv) Liberation of Bonded Labourers: A large number of bonded labourers

particularly belonging to the SCs have liberated.
(v) Sulab Sauchalaya Scheme for the Liberation and Rehabilitation of

Scavengers: This has been launched in several States for converting
dry latrines into water-borne latrines in order to liberate SC scavengers
and rehabilitate them in alternative occupations.
(vi) Baba Saheb Dr. Ambedkar Foundation: The Foundation was set up on
24 March 1992 as a registered society initially to implement/administer
four schemes, viz., (i) Dr. Ambedkar National Public Library; (ii) Dr.
Ambedkar National Award; (iii) Dr. Ambedkar Overseas Fellowships;
and (iv) Dr. Ambedkar Chairs in Universities. The Foundation has been
reconstituted to include eminent person in the fields of education, social
work and development of scheduled castes. The scope of the
Foundation has been enlarged to include more activities connected with
the life and mission of Dr. Ambedkar. These, among others, include
publication of books, foster academic contract, promote research,
instituting awards, etc.
7. Voluntary Organisations
In addition to the Governmental schemes and instruments some of the

voluntary organisations are also playing an important role in promoting the
welfare of the SCs. Examples: (i) Harijan Sevak Sangh [New Delhi], (ii) Indian
Depressed Classes League [New Delhi], (iii) Hind Sweepers Sevak Sangh
[Delhi], (iv) Servants of India Society [Poona], (v) Indian Red Cross Society
[New Delhi], “Ishwara Sharana Ashrama” –Alahabad, (vi) Sri Ramakrishna
Mission [Narendrapura, Purulia, Silchar, Puri], (vii) Bharatiya Admajati
SevakSangh [New Delhi], (viii) Bharatiya Samaja Unnati Mandala [Bhivandi,
Maharashtra]. The Central Government has been giving financial assistance to
these organisations for their Harijan Welfare activates.
The Government also provides grants in aid to voluntary organisations of

local character working among Scheduled Castes.
Some other organisation which are not getting any financial help from the
Government are also rending yeomen service to the Scheduled Castes. Example:
“Hindu Seva Prathisthana”, “Vishwa Hindu Parishad”, the service units of
Rashtreeya Swayam Sevak Sangha, “Dalit Organisations” and a number of
Christian Missionary Organisations.
5. EVOLUTION OF WELFARE MEASURES MEANT FOR THE

DEVELOPMENT OF SCHEDULED CASTES
The Scheduled Caste spend their social energy in Sanskritizing themselves

on the model of the locally dominant castes. They do not gain much out of this.
Their social mobility is very much limited. They continue to remain weak in the
local power structure for asserting their rights. They still are economically
insecure.
Majority of the SCs are still literature and ignorant hence they are not able
to make use of the constitutional provisions guaranteed to them. The reports of
the National Commission on Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes reveal that
the crimes against SCs are increasing.
There has been a formalism about many welfare and development schemes
formulated for the benefit of these people. Lack of enthusiasm and sincerity on
the part of the Government officials and agencies have also been the cause of
failure of many of the welfare schemes.
The benefits of the SC welfare programmes have been availed of by a few

people belonging to Scheduled Castes. This small minority has developed vested
and contributes nothing for the benefit of the majority.
The Scheduled Castes are largely concentrated in rural areas an 90% of them
[including 35% agricultural labours] derive their sustenance from agriculture. In
most of the villages, they continue to suffer from residential segregation. Hence,
many of their disabilities still persist.
It is unfortunate that in spite of 70 years of continuous efforts to elevate the

position of the SCs, expected success has not been achieved. Socially,
economically and politically, their status has improved very little. Socially, they
have not changed many of their evil customs and their status remains the same;
economically, more than 30 per cent SCs live below the poverty line and their
occupational mobility does not lead them to social mobility; educationally, they
are very backward; politically, they are not organised and remain weak in the
local power structure for asserting their rights.
The “dalits” are also not satisfied with their present position. They launched
a nationwide campaign for the dalit human rights which focused on three
important issues: (i) right to touch and be touched; (ii) “no” to untouchability in
the 21st century, and (iii) cast out caste.
The dalits demand for the effective implementation of the SC/ST
[Prevention pf Atrocities] Act and Rules, and to provide full protection to all
dalits who participate in Panchayat Raj and other institutions- only reveals that
they still suffer from a sense of insecurity.
The SCs are still tradition-bound. They suffer from a sense of inferiority and
this takes away their ‘push’ to develop further. They are not well-organised. Only
in cities some “dalit organisations” are trying to fight for their rights. Politically
also they are not a single homogeneous entity. Hence their political bargaining
power is comparatively less. However, their political consciousness is growing.
The younger generation among them is becoming more assertive. There is a
positive change in the attitude of the caste-Hindus towards the SCs. Hence the
social distance between in the two is gradually getting narrowed. The social
position of the SCs is comparatively better in South Indian in North India. In
Kerala, for example, the SCs do not suffer from the traditional type of disabilities.
Greater changes are expected in their living styles in the years to come.
Increasing Dalit Consciousness and Its Effects.
The untouchables or Scheduled Caste people are also generally referred to

as “dalits”. The term “dalit” has been interpreted in different ways.
1. According to the Marxists, “dalits” are those who are the victims of
socio-economic and political explanation.
2. According to the Ambedkar School of Thought, dalits are those who

are branded as “untouchables” on caste basis.
3. According to the Lohiya School of Thought, dalits are those poor caste
people including the so called untouchables, who have been the victims
of exploitation.
Of the three views cited above, the second one is more popular and widely
prevalent. Thus, “dalits” are normally understood as “untouchables”.
Increasing Awareness Among the Dalits.
“Dalits” are becoming more and more aware of the position in the society.
Various constitutional provisions that safeguard their interests, on the one hand,
and the continuous explanation of the “dalits” on the other, have led to an increase
in what is known as “dalit consciousness.” The continuous explanation has made
the SCs to become conscious of their separate identify. They have become self-
conscious. This growing awareness in them has led to the emergence of carious
SC movements and activated the process of Sanskritization which M.N. Srinivas
had spoken of. This awareness and movements have led to certain consequences.
Consequences of Dalit Consciousness
1. Dalit consciousness has enable the SCs in different parts of the country to
from political groups. Example: The Republican Party of India, The Dalit
Panthers Party [Maharashtra]; and the Bahujan Samaj Party [U.P., M.P. and
Punjab] could be cited here as examples.
2. Dalits are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that they have a great
political potential. They have decided to take advantage o their numerical
strength by converting it into votes. Where they cannot from their own
political parties, they extended their support. However, in this process of
political bargain only the educated and the organised dalits are taking an
active role, but not the uneducated masses in the rural areas.
3. The dalits are now putting pressure on the national leadership for taking
measure to remove the social disabilities of the dalits.
4. They have been demanding the effective implementation of the

constitutional safeguards to protect their interests.
5. The dalits have launched various “alternative movements” which Dr.

Ambedkar had advocate, and also a few “integrative movements” strongly
recommended by Gandhiji. The alternative movements led to the caste
consolidation of the SCs by fusion of a number of sub-castes into one caste
group. Example: In Maharashtra, more than 52 sub-castes of Mahars got
fused to forge one community
6. Apart from these movements, the dalits, especially the educated ones, are
becoming Individually conscious of achieving social mobility.
An analysis of dalit consciousness and its effects invites lot of questions:

Will the dalits ever be integrated into the main stream of the Hindu society? Will
they insist on reservation for all times to come? Will this consciousness help them
to forge ahead economically and educationally? Or Will this lead to ever deeper
conflicts with the other caste groups in the society? Will this consciousness help
them to tred the path of peace, co-operation and harmony, or the path of conflict
and confrontation with the other groups? What will be the impact of dalit
consciousness on the larger Hindu society? Will they wind up the practice of
untouchability? Many questions like this crop up in our mind demanding an
answer.
It is difficult to find a satisfactory answer for each one of these. On the

whole, the discussion could be summed up by quoting the views of Sachidananda
[1976]: He holds that “the combination of factors like ameliorative efforts of the
government, the growing consciousness of the dalits and the liberal attitudes of
caste Hindu will diminish the disabilities and discriminations with the passage of
time.”
CHAPTER XIV
BACKWARD CLASSES
1. BACKWARD CLASSES & CONSTITUTIONAL SAFEGUARDS
Introduction :
The term “backward classes” has not been defined properly either by the
social scientists or by the constitution-makers. The backward classes are a large
mixed category of persons with boundaries that are both unclear and elastic. They
seem to comprise roughly one-third of the total population of the country. They
consist of three main categories- the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and
the “Other Backward Classes.” The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are
comparatively better defined and they form roughly 22% of the total population
according to the 1971 Census. The “Other Backward classes” is a residual
category. Their position is highly ambiguous it is not possible to given an exact
statement of their numbers.
Definition of Backward classes
Though the term “Backward Classes” is popularly used by social scientists

it is not defined properly. Still for our purpose of study we may define it in the
following way:
1. Justice K. Subba Rao, former Chief Justice of India, defined “backward

classes” as “an ascertainable and identifiable group of persons based
on caste, religion, race, language, occupation and such others, with
definite characteristic of backwardness in various aspects of human
existence-social, cultural, economic, political and such others.”
2. Generally the word “backward classes” is defined as those social

groups or classes or castes which are characterised by low literacy and
lack of education, poverty, exploitation of labour, non-representation
in services and untouchability.
3. In simple words, the term “backward classes” can be defined as a social

category which consists of all the socially, educationally, economically
and politically backward groups, castes and tribes.
Description of the Backward classes

The Backward Classes Commission in its Report [1956] described the
Backward Classes consisting of the following groups:
1. Those who suffer from the stigma of untouchability or near

untouchability. These groups are classified as Scheduled Castes[SC]
2. Those tribes who are not yet sufficiently assimilated into the
mainstream of the national life. These groups are classified as
Scheduled Tribes [ST].
3. Those tribes who, due to long neglect, have been forced to commit
crime. These tribes were previously known as criminal tribes [before
1953] and are presently called Denotified Tribes or Ex-Criminal
Tribes.
4. “Other Backward Classes” [OBCs] consist of the following groups or

communities:
(a) Those nomads who have no occupation of a fixed habitation and are
given to mimicry begging, jugglery, dancing, etc.
(b) Communities consisting largely of agricultural or landless labourers,
(c) Communities consisting largely of tenants without occupancy rights

those with insecure land tenure,
(d) Communities consisting of a large percentage of small land owners

with uneconomic holdings,
(e) Communities engaged in cattle breeding, sheep breeding or fishing on

small scale,
(f) Artisan and occupational classes without security of employment and

whose traditional occupations have ceased to be remunerative,
(g) Communities, the majority of whose people do not have sufficient

education and therefore have not secured adequate representation in
Government services.
(h) Social groups from among Muslims, Christians and Sikhs who are still
backward socially and educationally and educationally, and
(i) Communities not occupying positions in social hierarchy.
Of the four major groups that constitute the “backward classes”, the third
category of group [denotified tribes] is normally included in the 2 nd category of
STs. Hence, for all practical purposes, the “backward classes” normally consist
of the following three major category of groups: (i) SCs, (ii) STs, and (iii) OBCs.
About the SCs and STs, we have already dealt with them separately. The third
category of OBCs may thus be analysed here.
Indian Constitution Concept of OBCs
The third major category of “backward classes” consists of a large number

of educationally and economically backward people. Though the term “backward
classes” has not been defined by the Indian Constitution the characteristic of
backwardness is described here and three and also sometimes the categories are
mentioned.
• Article 15(4) speaks of the socially and educationally backward class.

• Article 16(4) uses the term “backward class” and speaks of inadequate
representation in services.
• Article 45 mentions free and compulsory education.
• Article 46 mentions the weaker sections of the people and includes the
expression “the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.”
• Article 340 empowers the State to investigate the condition of the
Backward Classes and to help them by grants, etc.
Thus, the Constitution has accepted the following elements of

backwardness; illiteracy and lack of education, poverty, exploitation of labour,
non-representation in services and untouchability.
2. DIFFERENT BACKWARD CLASSES COMMISSIONS
Kalelkar Commission, 1953
As it is made clear, the term “Backward classes” is vague in the sense that it
includes a wide variety of lower as well as castes of millions of people. Article
340 of the Constitution provides for the appointment of a commission to
investigate the conditions of backward classes. According, the President [that is,
the Union Government] appointed on Jan. 29, 1953, The Backward Classes
Commission under the chairmanship of Kaka Saheb Kalelkar. The Commission
prepared a list containing as many as 2,399 communities which were treated as
socially and educationally backward. Out of these, 913 communities alone had
an estimated population of 115 million. The Commission adopted the following
criteria for determining backwardness:
1. Low Social position in the traditional caste hierarchy of Hindus
Society.
2. Lack of general advancement among the major section of a caste or

community.
3. Inadequate or no representation in Government services.
4. Inadequate representation in the field of trade, commerce and industry.
Observation Made by Kalelkar Commission
Some of the major observations and recommendations made by the Kalelkar

Commission and as referred to by Prof. B. Kuppuswamy can be mentioned here.
1. One of the first recommendations of the Commission was that the 1961
census should provide caste-wise figures so that “before the disease of
caste is destroyed all facts about it have to be noted and classified in a
certain manner as in a clinical record.”
2. The Commission also pointed out the anomaly which arose when some
Scheduled Caste persons called themselves “Harijans” but found that
they were not eligible for scholarships, etc. since the term “Harijan” is
not in the authorised list.
3. The Commission also recommended that certain sections of the

Muslims, Christians, Sikhs should be included among the “Other
Backward Classes”
4. The Commission prepared a list of about 2,400 castes on the basis of
the position of the caste in social hierarchy, percentage of literacy and
its representation in government services and in industries, etc. the
Commission also revised the list of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes on the basis of the new information available.
5. “The Commission noted that the great majority of the Backward

Classes are ignorant, illiterate, and poor. They are easily exploited by
several classes of persons like the traders, the moneylenders.”
6. The Commission also noted that the administration system itself, which
has to implement the Constitutional provisions, is tainted casteism; this
is one of the reasons why the Backward Classes have no confidence in
securing a fair deal even from the administration. The Commission
warns that unless this immediately remedied there would be class
conflicts which would affect national solidarity.
7. The Commission also draws pointed attention to the contradiction
between the theory Hinduism recognised the concept of universality in
practice it follows the Laws of Manu which perpetuate the four-fold
divisions of the social order and the superiority of the Brahmin class.
8. The Commission notes “A complete revolution in the social outlook of

the people is necessary for rendering social justice to all the backward
people.”
9. Dealing with the problems of educational backwardness, the

Commission noted that only general figures available are the literacy
rates which shown a very slow progress. “The problem of education in
most of the States is the chief problem of the Backward Classes, for it
is they who are extremely backward in education.” Even when special
schools and other facilities are provided the children of these classes do
not study. The Commission recommends liberal budget provision to
give scholarship to the students of the Backward Classes. The
Commission recommends that 70% of the seats in professional colleges
should be reserved for them; and in making selections, preference
should be given to those coming from the most Backward Classes
which are indicated in the lists drawn up.
10. With respect to representation in government and local body services

the Commission recommended the reservation of 25% of the Class I
vacancies, one-third of the Class II Vacancies, and 40%of the III and
Class IV for the Backward Classes. This percentage has to be over and
above that which has already been conceded to the SCs and STs.
11. As regards reservation in services, the Chairman of the Commission

laid down: “In this matter one clear principle must be accepted and
observed. Reservations, if contemplated, must not exceed 49%
whatever the total population of all Reserved Communities be, as far
as Classes III and Iv are concerned. In the case of Classes I and Ii he
recommended that “the Backward Classes will stand to gain both
morally and materially, if they do not demand a reservation percentage
in vacancies…. They should demand greatest facilities for training and
education in order to fit themselves for the highest jobs, as speedily as
possible.”
Policy of the Central Government:
Kalelkar Commission’s report was not accepted by the Central Government

due to lot of criticism and objections against it. The Government decided to find
out highly objective, realistic and workable criteria to identify the real backward
groups and communities of India. The Deputy Registrar General of Census was
also consulted to collect through his department information regarding the job in
which the so called educationally backward people are found in a large number.
Even that did not yield any fruitful results.
Negotiations with the States:
The Central Government initiated talks with at least 8 state Governments to

identify the castes/groups/communities which could be included in the list of
Backward Classes. In these negotiations with the State various views came to
limelight. The opinions expressed are given below.
1. Some States expressed the view that it is better to identify “backward

areas” rather than backward castes/classes.
2. More than the caste, economic factor should be the main criterion.
3. Some States insisted that no change should be made in the existing

caste-based list of “backward classes”
4. Central Government has no legal or constitutional obligation to prepare

such a list of “backward classes”. Even if the Central Government
proposes such a kind of list the State Governments must have freedom
to prepare their own list of Backward Classes.
5. Some states expressed their fear that the attempts to classify people
either in the name of caste or class would not only damage the unity of
the nation but also encourage divisive forces such as caste.
6. Some expressed the view that the attempts to prepare such a list of
backward classes is against the principles of a secular, classes
democratic socialist society. Hence, it must be dropped once and for
all.
Decision of the Central Government
In the light of the expressed views as mentioned above, the Central

Government decided to go forward very cautiously. It decided not to prepare list
of Backward Classes/ Castes others than SCs and STs. However, it accepted in
principle the right of the State Governments to find out their own criteria in order
to prepare a list of Backward Classes. The Central Government also suggested to
the State Governments that it would be better for them to find out economic
criteria rather than caste for this purpose.
Preparation of a list of Backward Classes has become more complicated

nowadays because the recent censuses do not contain statistical information about
the castes. [The First Backward Classes Commission, had taken into
consideration caste-wise statistics available in the reports of Censuses held in
1911, 1921, and 1931, and also taken into account in their approximate increases
by 1951.] The existence of certain castes which were never taken into account in
the Census held prior to independence, have further complicated the process of
preparing the list of Backward Classes. In fact, some such castes also figured in
the list of Backward Classes prepared by the First Commission, and this held to
further confusion. Hence, even though the report of the First Backward Classes
Commission was published in 1955, it was not accepted by the Government. It
decided to provide an opportunity for a nation-wide discussion on the issue.
Finally, it instituted the Second Backward Classes Commission in 1979 under the
Chairmanship of B.P. Mandal, an ex-judge, and a member belonging to the
Backward Caste. The Commission submitted its report in 1980.
Second Backward Classes Commission-1979: Mandal Commission.
The Government considered seriously the objectives of Articles 15 and 16

of the Constitution and the Second Backward Classes Commission [Mandal
Commission] was appointed in 1979. the socially of reference of the Commission
included (i) determination of the criteria for defining the socially and
educationally backward Classes, (ii) determination of the criteria for defining the
socially and educationally backward classes, (iii) desirability or otherwise of
making provision for the reservation of appointments in favour of backward
classes which are not adequately represented in public service and (iv) presenting
a report setting out the facts as found by the Commission making such
recommendations. The Commission submitted its Report on 31 December 1980.
Acceptance of the Recommendations of Mandal Commission
After long deliberations on the recommendations of the Mandal

Commission, it was decided by the then Government to implement the same. The
Mandal Commission in its report[1980] has listed 3743 castes and communities
in the Central List whose population is estimated to be 52% of the total population
of India. The Commission has recommended 27% reservation for such a large
segment of the Indian population. Several write petitions were filed in the
Supreme Court questioning the said Reservation. All the writ petitions were
disposed off by the Honourable Supreme Court by its judgement dated 16th Nov.
1992. The Court also directed the Government and each of the State Governments
to set up a permanent body for reflecting upon the request for inclusion and
complaints regarding inclusion in the list of OBCs. Accordingly, a National
Commission for Backward Classes [NCBC] was set up on 14th Aug. 1993, which
had been reconstituted on 28th Feb.1997.
As per the direction of the Supreme Court, the Govt. of India has notified
the Central List of OBCs comprising in first phase, the castes/communities which
are common to both the list prepared by the Mandal Commission and State
Backward Classes List for 21 States and 5 Union territories. Recently, three
notifications on inclusion/amendment in the control list of OBCs have been
issued by the Government.
3. RESERVATION POLICY AS PER MANDAL COMMISSION.
Criteria of Backwardness:
Reservation facility has been provided for people who are considered to be
backward. But how is the backwardness of a community decided? Mandal
Commission gave 11 criteria for determining social and educational
backwardness. In the social and economic indicators, there were four criteria
each, while in the educational indicators, there were three criteria. Thus, in total
there were 11 indicators. These 11 indicators or criteria which fall into three
categories are mentioned below.
A Social Criteria:
1. Social backwardness as considered by others.

2. Dependence mainly on manual labour for live livelihood.
3. Marriage of 25% girls and 10% boys in rural areas, and of 10 girls and
5%boys in urban area below 17 years.
4. Female work Participation 25% above the State average.
B. Educational Criteria.
5. Children between 5 and 15 years never attending school 25% above the
State average.
6. Students drop-out rate 25% above the State average.
7. Matriculation rate 25%below the State average.
C. Economic Criteria.
8. Average value of family assets 25%below the State average.

9. Families living in kachcha houses 25% above the State average.
10. Sources of drinking water beyond 500 meters for more than 50% of the
families.
11. Consumption loans by households 25% above the State average.
Weightage Given to Each Category of Criteria.
The above mentioned 11 criteria were differently weighted. Social criteria

were given a weightage of 3 points each, educational criteria 2 points each, and
the economic criteria one point each. Thus the total value was
22[4X3+3X2+4X1=22] points. Any caste getting more than 50% of the points,
that is, 11 points, was counted as backward.
Reservation for the OBCs Among the Non-Hindus.

Mandal Commission extended the reservation facility to the OBCs among
the non-Hindus. The above mentioned 11 criteria are mostly applied to the case
of Hindus communities, including the tribes, to decide their backwardness. Some
other criteria are adopted for determining the OBCs among the non-Hindus. All
untouchables converted to non-Hindu religions are considered as OBCs. If a non-
Hindu community continued its traditional occupation, and if that occupation
qualified a Hindu community to be as backward as backward, then the non-Hindu
community would be included among the OBCs.
Four Channels for Collecting Data to identify the OBCs
The Mandal Commission found out four channels to collect data to identify
castes, communities and groups that could be included among the OBCs. These
four channels were:
1. Detailed questionnaires, for the public advertised extensively in
English and vernacular dailies;
2. Evidence from 97 MPs;
3. Extensive tours of States and Union Territories for meeting elected
representatives, leaders social and caste associations, and
representatives, from the public.
4. Survey of 405 of the 406 Districts of the country.
Main Recommendations of Mandal Commission.
1. The Commission recommended 27% reservation of the jobs for the

OBCs. If enlisted 3743 castes and communities which are entitled for
this reservation. As per the Article 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution,
quota of reservation should not exceed 50%. Hence, the Commission
recommended only 27% reservation for the OBCs though their share in
the total population exceed 52%.
2. The Commission recommended that those candidates from the OBCs

who were selected through open competition should not be adjusted
against the reservation quota.
3. The system of reservation should apply to all levels of promotions.
4. Unfilled reservation quota should be carried on over for 3 years and de-
reserved only thereafter.
5. Relaxation of upper age limit for direct recruitment form the SCs and
STs should be extended to the OBCs.
6. A roster system for each category of posts should be adopted as in the

case of the SCs and STs.
7. The 27% reservation to OBCs is applicable to the jobs in Central
Government services and public-sector units including the banking
sector, LIC, etc.
8. This reservation is also applicable to the private sector undertaking

such as educational institutions which receive financial grants from the
Central or State governments.
9. All the universities and colleges that receive financial assistance from
the government are expected to implement this reservation.
10. Due modifications in the existing system of law, if necessary should be

undertaken in order to enforce this reservation.
Some Other Special Recommendations:
1. In order to improve the backward community students’ cultural

environment especially in the places in which OBCs reside in a large
number, special efforts must be made to give them additional coaching,
vocational training and other educational facilities. OBC students
studying in professional courses may require such as assistance in order
to keep pace with the other community students.
2. In all the States rural people belonging to the OBCs must be given
financial assistance either subsidy or cheap rate loans in order to
encourage them to take more and more interest in industrial and
commercial activities. If needed, the rural semi-skilled and skilled
persons of these communities must be provided facilities to improve
their expertise in their respective fields.
3. All the State governments are advised to implement land reforms in a

strict manner in order to remove the dependence of the tenants, landless
labourers, rural professions and the owners of small land holding on
the money-lenders and the rich farmers.
4. The Central Government must provide financial assistance to the State
governments if they are not able to mobilise sufficient funds in order to
take up the various welfare activities mentioned above, for the benefit
of the OBCs. This assistance the Central Govt. must provide but as in
the manner in which it is providing such an assistance to the States for
the welfare activities of the SCs and STs
Historic Judgement of the Supreme Court [15-11-1992]: Its Impact:

After the fall of V.P. Singh’s and Chandrashekar’s ministries at the Centre,
th
10 Parliamentary Elections took place in 1991 in which Congress came back to
power and P.V. Narashimha Rao became the Prime Minister. His Government
announced in Sept.1991 that within the 27% of the Union Govt’s civilian jobs
reserved for socially and educationally backward classes[SEBC], preference
would be given to the poorer sections of such classes. He went a step further and
declared 10% reservation for the other economically backward sections of the
people who were not covered by any of the existing schemes of reservation.
The controversial issue of the implementation of Mandal Commission’s

Report was taken to the Supreme Court which gave a historic judgement on it on
15th Nov.1992. The court upheld 27% reservation recommended by the Mandal
Commission but struck down the Narasimha Rao Govt.’s decision to reserve 10%
jobs for other economically backward sections.
Important aspects of this judgement as enlisted by Prof. Ram Ahuja are:
1. Caste has been accepted as a basis for identifying the beneficiaries of

reservations.
2. The upper limit of reservations has been fixed at 50 per cent.
3. “Creamy layer” has to be excluded from reservations.
4. Reservations in certain technical posts is not advisable.
5. There can be no reservations in promotion.
6. The Union Government shall specify the socio-economic criteria to
exclude socially advanced persons among the backward classes.
7. Permanent commissions should be set up by the Union and State
governments to examine complaints of over-inclusion and under-
inclusion and requests for inclusion in the list of Backward Classes.
4. ARGUMENTS FOR AND AGAINST RESERVATIONS OF

BACKWARD CLASSES.
The National Front Government’s [1980-90] sudden announcement of

accepting the recommendations of Mandal Commission’s Report in August 1990
evoked widespread resentments and supports throughout the nation. This
announcement of Prime Minister V.P. Singh was described as a political decision.
The student community in particular protested against it very sharply in North
India. Spontaneous agitations took place in several places of the nation. During
mid-September and mid-October 1990 more than 160 young people attempted to
commit suicide as a mark of their protest against the unjustifiable reservations
policy. However, not single political party openly protested the government’s
reservation policy.
Mandal Commission’s recommendations which formed the primary bases
of the reservation policy, have both positive and negative aspects. The
recommendations were warmly welcomed in some circles they were strongly
opposed in some other circles. Arguments both in favour of the recommendations
and against them have been advanced. Let us now consider these arguments.
Merits of Reservation OR Arguments in Favour of it
1. Providing Justice to All: Reservation policy is likely to satisfy and

uplift all those weaker sections of the society which were discontented
and had suffered injustice and insults for decades. If fundamental rights
are to be guaranteed to all, then they are to be guaranteed to the weaker
sections also. Reservations one of the means of guaranteeing such an
equality. Competition becomes just only when participants are equal.
2. Reservations are not Made on Caste Basis alone: It is wrong to say that
reservation are made only on the basis of caste and hence such a policy
is likely to perpetuate casteism. For Example, Rajputs in Bihar are not
included in the list of backward classes whereas Rajputs in Gujarat are
included; similarly, the Yadavs of Bihar and U.P. are included but not
the Yadavs of Haryana; Patels of Gujarat are not included but Patels of
Bihar are in the list. Reservations are made on the basis of educational
and economic backwardness also.
Further, to remove inequalities of caste, actions on caste line are necessary.

Upper castes monopolised the privileges and high-income occupations for
centuries. To remedy this situation, jobs must be preferentially allotted to the
backwards and admissions for them in educations institutions must be provided,
until parity is restored.
3. Economic Factors as a Criterion will Help Only the Poor among the
Forwards: A poor member of a forward community will definitely fare
better than the poor among the SCs. STs and OBCs. This is quite
natural because the forwards are mostly literate and are in touch with
the latest developments. Further, they are in regular social contact with
the other forwards who have already progressed. Possessing upper
caste culture helps them to be at ease with the ways of those who judge
merit.
4. Merit will not Become a Casuality: The argument that reservation

policy damages the principle of merit is untenable. If merit were to be
sole factor for providing opportunities to the people, then the country
should have progressed a lot with the leadership of the “so called
merited” people. Administration by the “meritorious” for the last 45
years has been unable to implement land reforms and programmes to
remove untouchability and backward among the masses of india. They
have no right to speak about merit.
5. Influence of Caste is Present in the Current Product: Reservation is

sought not to compensate for the past wrong, but for removing the
injustice in the present dispensation, where the forward castes continue
to grab all the privileges. The handicaps experienced by the SCs, STs
and OBCs are nothing but the accumulated effect of exploitation at the
hands of the upper caste people who reserved all the privileges for
themselves.
6. Lower Castes do not have Benefits of Connections which the Upper

Castes have: Proper socio-economic and political connections are an
important asset among the forward castes. Because of such connections
even the poorest among the upper caste are able to get benefits without
much socio-economic connections.
7. Reservations is to be Made Meaningful Through other Efforts: It is

unscientific to believe that reservation alone can bring about
widespread changes among all the members of the backward classes.
On the contrary, various other measures such as the spread of
education, increase in infrastructure facilities in the areas where the
SCs, STs and OBCs live, are very much necessary. Reservation facility
is to be supplemented through other efforts.
8. Social Benefits of Reservation do Spread Very Rapidly: Various

studies and observations have revealed that even though only a few
families are going to be benefited directly out of reservation, the social
benefits of the reservations are going to spread very rapidly. It means
reservations facility can create a new awareness, self confidence,
courageousness, adventurous spirit and self respect among the
backward caste/classes.
Demerits of Reservation or Arguments Against it
1. Gross Neglect of Merit: One of the most widely criticised aspects of

reservation policy is that it affects very badly the merit. Candidates are
to be recruited for jobs and admission is to be made to the educational
institutions on merit basis. This required in the interest of the concerned
agencies, disciplines, individuals and also in the larger interest of the
nation. Neglect of the principle of merit will bring down efficiency and
lower the morale of the meritorious. This double effect is dangerous for
national growth and development. As Guha [1990] has pointed out
reservation “mortgages the future of india”
2. Provision of Reservations is an Insult to the Fundamental Rights and
Equality of Opportunities: The Constitution should treat the people in
India on equal terms. But reservation provides some special treatments
for some sections of the society which is unfair. As the fundamental
rights, have an overriding power, reservation should not be allowed to
stand in their way.
3. Providing Compensation for the Past Injustice is Meaningless: It is true

that some sections of the Indian society were treated very inhumanly
and were exploited in various ways. But those exploited are dead and
gone. Causing injustice to the forward castes in the present generation
will not restore the losses of the past generations of the backward
castes.
4. Reservation Causes Great Injustice to the Forward Castes and Classes:

It is very unfair to do injustice to one section of the society in order to
assure justice to another section. Reservation thus does great injustice
to the forward castes. The forward castes have given their own
contribution to the march of society. Their members are also prepared
to put forth efforts to help the nation to take a big leap towards progress.
Denying them an equal opportunity is not only injustice but also unfair.
5. Poverty and Economic Criteria Should be the Basis of Reservation:

Reservation is required for the people who are genuinely poor.
Irrespectively of the caste, class, region or sex to which they belong,
must be assured of help through reservation. If reservation is given in
this way it can regarded as just and appropriate. By the present
reservation policy benefits only a small elite fringe among the lower
castes.
6. Reservation Contributes to the Perpetuation of Caste: Modern

independent India visualises a casteless society. Attempts to provide
reservation on the basis of caste will only enhance the importance of
caste and increase the caste mindedness and “caste patriotism”.
Reservation policy will only lead to the reversal of historical cycle by
enlivening the caste. In other words, reservation will create a backward
moving society.
7. Removal of Corruption should be our First Priority, but not

Reservation: From the point of view of national development what is
more important is an honest administration, and not an administration
by the inefficient and meritless people. Reservation will only add to the
corruption because people try their level through all possible means to
reap the benefits of reservation.
8. There are other Better Solutions to the Progress of Backward Classes:
It is wrong to think that reservation is the master-fixer of solutions to
the problems of backward classes. Social and educational
backwardness is mostly due to the habits and attitudes of the people.
These could be changed through the spread of education including what
can be called a “cultural revolution”.
9. Reservation is only a Political Game and nothing else: The haste with
which the reservation policy came to be introduced during V.P. Singh’s
administration itself makes it evident that it is more a political gimmick
than a considered scheme for the amelioration of the problems of the
backward classes. Political parties and their leaders wanted to create a
permanent “vote-bank” through the implementation of the reservation
policy.
10. Fear Experienced by the SCs and STs: Reservation policy has vertically
divided the Hindu population into “forward communities” and
“backward communities”. It has fanned the fire of animosity, ill-will,
jealously, contempt and hatred between these two communities.
Instances of clashes and conflicts between the two have been on the
increase ever since the policy of reservation came into force. Hence, it
has created terror and horror in the minds of the poor SCs , STs and
OBCs. Further, clashes between the backward caste on the hand, and
SCs on the other, have also increased. Continuous attack on some
sections of SCs by the backward caste communities in Bihar can be
sited here as examples.
Conclusion
The policy of reservation has a great implication for the Indian society. It
has”…..set in motion processes that are capable of transforming a hierarchical
society into an egalitarian one. The caste system effectively restricted privileges
for a few upper castes and enforced difficult menial labour on the lowest castes.
Reservation and other aspects of positive discrimination have virtually put a

limitation on the actual monopoly of the forward castes on legislation,
government, administration and education. The SCs, STs and OBCs have now
greater fortunes to occupy positions in the legislature, posts in the administration,
and seats in educational institutions.
Reservation is an attempt to provide enough opportunities to the neglected

sections of the Indian society to take tendency to be normally distributed and
evenly shared by all human groups. Therefore, for the development of the
nation’s economy, society, and polity, the best from all sections of the population,
including the SCs, STs, and OBC, should be encouraged to particulate in national
life”.
We are now living in an age of growing liberalisation and globalisation. In

the growing liberalisation of the economy, the role of the government, including
regulation, is decreasing. More liberty is given to the people and to the men of
talents. In this age, “more talent of all sections, forward, backward and others,
can be more usefully marked in the private sector producing more by more and
for more.”
Certain precautions are however necessary to see that reservation do not

create a permanent vested interest in small sections of the group for whom
reservations are provided. The present reservation system is not-proof. System. It
has its own limitation no doubt. In spite limitations the policy of reservation
continues to say. It is inadmissible and practically impossible at this stage to scrap
the policy altogether. According Roy Burman, the policy of reservation has to be
made more rational and scientific. In the given economic and political structure
caste should not determine one’s life changes.
B.S. Bhargava and Avinash Singh [1998] have given some suggestions to
improve the policy of reservation. According to them, -1. income should be given
more importance in determining the backwardness of the individual and not the
caste to which he belongs. 2. The concept of “creamy layer” should be applied to
SCs and STs also. It means rich people who belong to the category of SCs and
STs should not be given reservation facility. 3. Reservation should be restricted
only to the first should not be given the same facility once again. 4. Concession
of scholarship may be provided to SC, St and OBC students securing more than
a prescribes percentage of marks [ay, 50% and above].
If the above-mentioned suggestions are implemented then the benefits of

reservation will be spread more evenly and widely within the targeted growth.
This will also help to reduce opposition for the reservation by the forward castes.
Nation building or national prosperity is not the responsibility of any particular
section alone. On the contrary, it is a collective process in which all sections of
the society should play an equal role. The purpose of reservation is to provide a
chance for those sections of the society, which have been neglected so far, to play
their role in this collective process.
5. SCHEMES AND MEASURES FOR THE WELFARE OF THE

BACKWARD CLASSES [OBCS]
The central Government has launched various schemes and undertaken

several measures, such as the following, for welfare of the OBCs.
1. National Backward Classes Finance and Development Corporation
The National Backward Classes Finance and Development Corporation

[NBCFDC] was set up by the Govt. of India under the then Ministry of Welfare
on 13th Jan. 1992 as a company [not for Profit]. The objective of this Corporation
is to provide concessional finance to members of the backward classes living
below the poverty line for their socio-economic development. The Corporation
provide them loans for income generating schemes.
The Corporation provides financial assistance in terms of loans/grants to the

eligible beneficiaries in the following sectors: agriculture and allied; artisans and
traditional occupations; technical trades; small scale industries and transport
services.
2. Various Schemes Launched
The following schemes were launched for the welfare of the OBCs by the
Govt. of India.
(i) Pre-Examination Coaching: The objective of the scheme is to coach

candidates belonging to OBCs to enable them to compete in various
competitive/ entrance examinations. Candidates whose
parents/guardians’ total annual income is below Rupees one lakh are
eligible for this.
(ii) Hostels for OBC Boys and Girls: The hostels under the schemes will
be constructed in States/ UTs having a large OBC population but
inadequate hostel facilities. The hostels will be constructed for middle,
secondary, college and university level students. At least 1/3 of the
hostels to be borne by the State Govt.
(iii) Pre-Matric Scholarship for OBCs: Scholarship award will sanctioned

to students, whose parent’s annual income does not exceed Rs.
44,500/=. The scholarships will terminate at the end of Class. X. The
scholarship will be paid for 10 months in a year the scholarship will be
applicable to the institutions recognised by the concerned State Govts./
UTs. The central assistance will be 50%.
(iv) Assistance to Voluntary Organisation for Welfare of OBCs: The

scheme involves voluntary sector to improve educational and socio-
economic conditions of the OBCs, that is, to get them gainfully
employed. Assistance will be given to establish centres and develop
services which equip the OBCs to start income generating activities.
The quantum of assistance is determined on merit by the OBCs to start
income generating activities. The quantum of assistance is determined
on merit by the Govt. of India, which may be up to 90% of the approved
expenditure.
3. Reservation Facility to the Backward Classes
Reservation is a part of our Constitution which is intended to create equal in

opportunities among Indians belonging to groups unequally placed in the social
hierarchy. This Reservation has three principle components.
(i) Reservation of seats in legislative houses.

(ii) Reservation in jobs in Govt. and Public-Sector Units.
(iii) Reservations in admission to courses in professional colleges and other
institutions of higher learning.
(i) Reservation of seats in legislative houses: Reservation of seats in the
legislative houses on the basis of social backwardness is provided only
for the SCs and STs. Explicit constitutional provision is made for seats
in the Lok Sabha, Rajya Saba, Vidhan Saba and Vidhana Parishads.
Laws relating to local bodies have incorporated it as a normal as a
normal legislative practice.
(ii) Reservation in jobs in Govt. and Public-Sector Units: This Reservation

operates in All India Services, Central Govt., State Govts. and Govt.
owned and managed Public-Sector Units and Institutions. Reservations
exists in all these for the SCs and STs, to the tune of 15% and 7.5%
respectively. Several State Governments have introduced reservation
for the OBCs also. In fact, some have demanded reservation in the
private sector also.
(iii) Reservations in admission to courses in professional colleges and other

institutions of higher learning: Reservation of admission is found in the
Govt. owned and aided educational institutions of professional and
higher learning, such as engineering colleges, medical colleges.
Reservation for SCs and STs exists in all institutions. Several State
Government such as Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, for instance, have
also provided reservation for the OBCs.
2. CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS
Introduction:
Following the attainment of independence, free

India farmed an elaborate democratic constitution which
applies to each and every Indian irrespective of who
he is and where he lives. In this constitution there
are many provisions which apply to all Indians, but
which acquire a special significance in the case of
tribal and other backward classes in view of the
hardships and disabilities from which these people
suffer at present. Besides, there are many clauses in
the Constitution which apply only to the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
The Preamble of the Constitution of India guarantees to all citizens of India

social, economic political justice: liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and
worship; and equality of status and opportunity and seeks to promote fraternity
among Indians in order to assure the dignity of the individual and the unity of the
Nation.
Constitutional safeguards
Scheduled tribes
✓ Article 342-Scheduled Tribes
(1) The President may with respect to any State or Union territory, and where it
is a State, after consultation with the Governor thereof, by public notification,
specify the tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within tribes or tribal
communities which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be
Scheduled Tribes in relation to that State or Union territory, as the case may be
(2) Parliament may by law include in or exclude from the list of Scheduled Tribes
specified in a notification issued under clause ( 1 ) any tribe or tribal community
or part of or group within any tribe or tribal community, but save as aforesaid a
notification issued under the said clause shall not be varied by any subsequent
notification
✓ Article 366 (25)-Definitions
Scheduled Tribes means such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups

within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be
Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this Constitution;
Social
✓ Article 15(4)
Nothing in this article or in clause ( 2 ) of Article 29 shall prevent the State
from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and
the Scheduled Tribes
✓ Article 16(4)
Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision
for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward
class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately
represented in the services under the State
✓ Article 19(5)
Nothing in sub clauses (d) and (e) of the said clause shall affect the
operation of any existing law in so far as it imposes, or prevent the State
from making any law imposing, reasonable restrictions on the exercise of
any of the rights conferred by the said sub clauses either in the interests of
the general public or for the protection of the interests of any Scheduled
Tribe
✓ Article 23
Prohibition of traffic in human beings and forced labour
✓ Article 29-Protection of interests of minorities
▪ Any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or

any part thereof having a distinct language, script or culture
of its own shall have the right to conserve the same
▪ No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational
institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State
funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any
of them
Educational
✓ Article 46
Promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled

Tribes and other weaker sections The State shall promote with special care the
educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in
particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect
them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation
Economical
✓ Article 275
Grants under Article 275(1) of the Constitution of India provides such sums as
Parliament may by law provide shall be charged on the consolidated Fund of India
in each year as grants-in-aid of the revenues of such States as Parliament may
determine to be in need of assistance, and different sums may be fixed for
different States:
Provided that there shall be paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India as grants-
in-aid of the revenues of a State such capital and recurring sums as may be
necessary to enable that State to meet the costs of such schemes of development
as may be undertaken by the State with the approval of the Government of India
for the purpose of promoting the welfare of Scheduled Tribes in that State or
raising the level of administration of the Scheduled Areas therein to that of the
administration of the rest of the areas of that State”.
✓ Article 335-Claims of Scheduled Tribes to services and posts
The claims of the members of the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into
consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration,
in the making of appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs
of the Union or of a State
Political
✓ Article 164
Provided that in the State of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, there shall
be a Minister in charge of tribal welfare who may in addition be in charge
of the welfare of the Scheduled Castes and backward classes or any other
work
✓ Article 243 D
Seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled Tribes, in every Panchayat and
the number of seats so reserved shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same
proportion to the, total number of seats to be filled by direct election in that
Panchayat as the population of the Scheduled Tribes in that Panchayat area
bears to the total population of that area and such seats may be allotted by
rotation to different constituencies in a Panchayat
✓ Article 243 T
Seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled Tribes in every Municipality and
the number of seats so reserved shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same
proportion to the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in that
Municipality as the population of the Scheduled Castes in the Municipal
area or of the Scheduled Tribes in the Municipal area bears to the total
population of that area and such seats may be allotted by rotation to
different constituencies in a Municipality
Not less than one third of the total number of seats reserved under clause (
1 ) shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Tribes
The offices of Chairpersons in the Municipalities shall be reserved for the
Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and women in such manner as the
Legislature of a State may, by law, provide
✓ Article 330
Reservation of seats for Scheduled Tribes in the House of the People
✓ Article 332
Reservation of seats for Scheduled Tribes in the Legislative Assemblies of

the States
✓ Article 334
Reservation of seats and special representation to cease after sixty years

Originally the reservation for seats in scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes in Lok Sabha and State assemblies was up to 1960. But it was
successively amended by 8th, 23rd, 45th, 62nd, 79th and 95th amendment of
the constitution's article 334 to extend this period of reservation.
✓ Article 338A-National commission for Scheduled Tribes
There shall be a Commission for the Scheduled Tribes to be known as the

National Commission for the Scheduled Tribes.
It shall be the duty of the Special Officer to investigate all matters relating
to the safeguards provided for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
under this Constitution and report to the President upon the working of
those safeguards at such intervals as the President may direct, and the
President shall cause all such reports to be laid before each House of
Parliament
✓ Article 339(1)-Control of the Union over the administration of Scheduled

Areas and the welfare of Scheduled Tribes
The President may at any time and shall, at the expiration of ten years from
the commencement of this Constitution by order appoint a Commission to
report on the administration of the Scheduled Areas and the welfare of this
Scheduled Tribes in the States The order may define the composition,
powers and procedure of the Commission and may contain such incidental
or ancillary provisions as the President may consider necessary or desirable
The executive power of the Union shall extend to the giving of directions
to a State as to the drawing up and execution of schemes specified in the
direction to be essential for the welfare of the Scheduled Tribes in the State
✓ Article 244- Vth Schedule
Administration of Scheduled Areas and Tribal Areas

The provisions of the Fifth Schedule shall apply to the administration and
control of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes in any State other
than the States of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram
✓ Article 244 (A)-VIth schedule
Formation of an autonomous State comprising certain tribal areas in

Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram and creation of local Legislature
or Council of Ministers or both therefor
✓ Article 371 A
Special provisions for Nagaland
✓ Article 371 B
Special provisions for Assam
✓ Article 371 C
Special provisions for Manipur
✓ Article 371 G
Special provisions for Mizoram
✓ Article 371 H
Special provisions for Arunachal Pradesh

Scheduled castes
✓ Article 341-Scheduled Castes
(1) The President may with respect to any State or Union territory, and where it
is a State after consultation with the Governor thereof, by public notification,
specify the castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups within castes, races or tribes
which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled
Castes in relation to that State or Union territory, as the case may be
(2) Parliament may by law include in or exclude from the list of Scheduled Castes
specified in a notification issued under clause ( 1 ) any caste, race or tribe or part
of or group within any caste, race or tribe, but save as aforesaid a notification
issued under the said clause shall not be varied by any subsequent notification
Social
✓ Article 15(4)
Nothing in this article or in clause ( 2 ) of Article 29 shall prevent the State

from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes
✓ Article 16(4)
Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision
for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward
class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately
represented in the services under the State
✓ Article 17
Untouchability is abolished and its practice in any for is forbidden. The

enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be an
offence punishable in accordance with the law.
✓ Article 23
Prohibition of traffic in human beings and forced labour
✓ Article 29-Protection of interests of minorities

(1) Any section of the citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof
having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to
conserve the same
(2) No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution
maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of
religion, race, caste, language or any of them
Educational
✓ Article 46
Promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled

Tribes and other weaker sections The State shall promote with special care the
educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in
particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect
them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation
Economical
✓ Article 335-Claims of Scheduled Castes to services and posts
The claims of the members of the Scheduled Castes shall be taken into
consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration,
in the making of appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs
of the Union or of a State
Political
✓ Article 243 D
Seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled Castes in every Panchayat and the
number of seats so reserved shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same proportion
to the, total number of seats to be filled by direct election in that Panchayat as the
population of the Scheduled Castes in that Panchayat area bears to the total
population of that area and such seats may be allotted by rotation to different
constituencies in a Panchayat
✓ Article 243 T
Seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled Castes in every Municipality and the
number of seats so reserved shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same proportion
to the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in that Municipality as
the population of the Scheduled Castes in the Municipal area or of the Scheduled
Tribes in the Municipal area bears to the total population of that area and such
seats may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Municipality
Not less than one third of the total number of seats reserved under clause ( 1 )
shall be reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes
The offices of Chairpersons in the Municipalities shall be reserved for the
Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and women in such manner as the
Legislature of a State may, by law, provide
✓ Article 330
Reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes in the House of the People
✓ Article 332
Reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes in the Legislative Assemblies of

the States
✓ Article 334
Reservation of seats and special representation to cease after sixty years

Originally the reservation for seats in scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes in Lok Sabha and State assemblies was up to 1960. But it was successively
amended by 8th, 23rd, 45th, 62nd, 79th and 95th amendment of the constitution's
article 334 to extend this period of reservation.
✓ Article 338-National Commission for Scheduled Castes
There shall be a Commission for the Scheduled Castes to be known as the

National Commission for the Scheduled Castes.
The Fifth Schedule
The basis of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution can be traced back to the laws
of the British colonial government designating certain parts of the sub-continent
‘backward tracts’ and ‘partially excluded areas’. The latter term was incorporated
into the Constitution and it is within these tracts labelled Scheduled Areas
(wherein a large number of Scheduled Tribes reside, alongside other relevant
criteria) that the Fifth Schedule is applicable. The debate around the Fifth
Schedule, its relevance and its efficacy vis-à-vis the intentions of the Constitution
makers are as contentious today as they were during the debates of the Constituent
Assembly.
During the debates regarding the provisions of the Constitution of the modern
Indian nation, the issue of the administration of the Scheduled Tribes generated
heated debates on the post-colonial State’s policy toward and legislation on
adivasi communities. Largely, nationalist leaders and social reformers favoured
the assimilation of tribals into ‘mainstream’ Indian society, and their views were
pitted against those of the British administrators and anthropologists who
advocated isolationism or protection. These contrasting positions were reflected
in the famous debate between G.S. Ghurye and Verrier Elwin in which the latter
argued for a policy of protection of the ‘tribal way of life’ and the former stated
that those in favour of isolation sought a revival of the past, and that Elwin’s
position ignored the histories of tribal migration and intermingling with non-tribal
populations. While both views were heard out, the policy ultimately adopted was
a middle ground of ‘controlled integration’, the middle ground advocated by then
Prime Minister Shri. Jawaharlal Nehru. There was, therefore, recognition of
difference, even if this was done in the pursuit of its eventual erasure. An
approach of simultaneous ‘protection’ and ‘uplift’ was stressed.
The belief that tribal areas required special laws led to the setting up of the
Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights and Minorities by the Constituent
Assembly, 1947. This body appointed three sub-committees in 1947 to look into
specific tribal areas and make suggestions for their administration and
functioning.
✓ The first was authorized to look into the excluded and partially
excluded areas ‘other than Assam’ and was headed by Shri. A.V.
Thakkar. This was incorporated as Fifth Schedule.
✓ The second committee to examine tribal areas within undivided Assam
chaired by Shri. Gopinath Bardoloi. This was incorporated as Sixth
Schedule
✓ The third was to analyse the situation of tribes in the North Western
Frontier Province.
The report of the Joint Sub-Committee described tribal society as “lacking in such
civilizing facilities as roads, schools, dispensaries and water supply”. Tribal
people are described as “extremely simple people who can be and are exploited
with ease by plains folk”. Hence, a policy of protectionism would be necessary
since “sudden disruption of the tribal customs and ways by exposure to the impact
of a more complicated and sophisticated manner of life is capable of doing great
harm” At the same time, it was argued that isolationism was not the solution since
only a continuous process of assimilation into mainstream Indian (and Hindu)
society would lead to their ‘development’. The debate on the tribal question took
place on 5th and 6th September, 1949 and the main focus remained on this issue -
“reconciling the diversity of custom with the ‘national life of the country”.
The Fifth Schedule (Article 244(1)) of the Constitution finally adopted by the
Constituent Assembly did not include several of the recommendations of the sub-
committees and Assembly members. The Fifth Schedule contains provisions
relating to the administration of Scheduled Areas other than in Northeast India.
•
First, areas can be designated Scheduled Areas on the order of the President,
who can similarly declare that certain parts of/entire Scheduled Areas cease
to be such.
•
Second, the Governor of each State having Scheduled Areas shall annually,
or whenever required by the President of India, submit a report to the
President regarding the administration of Scheduled Areas.
Currently, certain parts of nine States of the country are covered by the Fifth
Schedule. The broad list of Scheduled Areas is as follows:
State Areas
Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Adilabad,

Andhra Srikakulam, Vizianagaram,
Mahboobnagar, Prakasam (only some mandals/villages are
Pradesh scheduled mandals)
Dumka, Godda, Devgarh, Sahabgunj, Pakur, Ranchi,

Singhbhum (East&West), Gumla,
Jharkhand Simdega, Lohardaga, Palamu, Garwa, (some districts are only
partly tribal blocks)
Sarbhuja, Bastar, Raigad, Raipur, Rajnandgaon, Durg,

Chhattisga Bilaspur, Sehdol, Chindwada,
rh
Kanker
Lahaul and Spiti districts, Kinnaur, Pangi tehsil and Bharmour

Himachal sub-tehsil in Chamba
Pradesh district
Jhabua, Mandla, Dhar, Khargone, East Nimar (khandwa),

Madhya Sailana tehsil in Ratlam
Pradesh district, Betul, Seoni, Balaghat, Morena
Surat, Bharauch, Dangs, Valsad, Panchmahl, Sadodara,
Sabarkanta (parts of these
Gujarat
districts only)
Thane, Nasik, Dhule, Ahmednagar, Pune, Nanded, Amravati,

Maharashtr Yavatmal, Gadchiroli,
a
Chandrapur (parts of these districts only)
Mayurbhanj, Sundargarh, Koraput, Malkangiri, Rayagada,

Narayanpur (full), Raigada,
Odisha Keonjhar, Sambalpur,Kondmals, Ganjam, Kalahandi, Bolangir,
Balasor (some blocks)
Banswara, Dungarpur (fully tribal districts), Udaipur,
Rajasthan Chittaurgarh, Siroi (some areas)
Part B of the Fifth Schedule provides for the creation of a Tribes Advisory
Council (TAC) in each State having Scheduled Areas (and if the President directs,
also in States having Scheduled Tribes but not Scheduled Areas), consisting of
twenty members of which three-fourths must be representatives of Scheduled
Tribes in the Legislative Assembly of that State. The duty of the TAC is to advise
on matters pertaining to the “welfare and advancement” of the Scheduled Tribes
“as may be referred to them by the Governor”.
Further, the Fifth Schedule grants extensive powers to the Governor who,
by public notification, may direct that a law enacted by the Parliament or the State
Legislative Assembly shall not apply to a Scheduled Area, or may apply subject
to certain amendments or restrictions as he/she specifies. The Governor may only
make such regulations on consultation with the concerned Tribes Advisory
Council and subject to the final assent of the President. The section states:
The Governor may make regulations for the peace and good government of any
area in a State which is for the time being a Scheduled Area. In particular and
without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing power, such regulations may-
(a) prohibit or restrict the transfer of land by or among members of the Scheduled
Tribes in such area; (b) regulate the allotment of land to members of the
Scheduled Tribes in such area; (c) regulate the carrying on of business as money-
lender by persons who lend money to members of the Scheduled Tribes in such
area.
These provisions were viewed as essential in view of the historical fact that
adivasi livelihoods depend on the land and that alienation of resources had led to
considerable impoverishment of adivasis during the colonial period. Nonetheless,
the initial recommendations of the committees and the earlier draft of the Fifth
Schedule accorded far greater autonomy to tribal areas than the final version,
which watered down the role of the Tribes Advisory Council to a mere consultant
rather than an autonomous decision-making body. A Member of the Constituent
Assembly, Shri. Jaipal Singh, had argued against this version of the Schedule and
demanded instead: a statutory obligation that a report on the Scheduled Areas and
Tribes be submitted by the Governor annually, that TACs be compulsorily set up
in all States having Scheduled Tribes and not just in those States having
Scheduled Areas, that the Governor should be bound to carry out the decisions of
the TAC regarding the modification and amendment of laws made by Parliament
or the State Legislature. Singh noted that the new draft (the one finally
incorporated into the Constitution) made the Fifth Schedule considerably less
powerful than he had hoped and “emasculated the Tribes Advisory Council”.
Lamenting the lack of powers to the tribal people themselves and their
representatives in the TAC, Singh stated:
“The whole pattern of the original draft was to bring the Tribes Advisory Council
into action. It could initiate, originate things, but, somehow or other, the tables
have now been turned. The initiative is placed in the hands of the Governor or
Ruler of the State.”
Another Constituent Assembly member, Shri. Yudhishtir Misra, held that the
TAC should not only be allowed to advise on the “welfare and advancement” of
tribes, but also more broadly on the administration of the Scheduled Areas.
Moreover, Misra warned that the advisory powers of the TAC should not be
circumscribed by the whims and fancies of the executive as seemed likely given
the current form of the Fifth Schedule – which states that the TAC can only advise
on matter referred to it by the Governor. However, their suggestions were refused
by their colleagues in the Assembly who believed that the work of the TAC must
not be of a political nature on the grounds that it might lead to separatism and that
tribals would not themselves be able to comprehend the complexities of law-
making. Rather than grant genuine autonomy to tribal India, the Fifth Schedule
paternalistically placed their welfare in the hands of a representative of the
Centre.
Unlike the Sixth Schedule wherein Autonomous District Councils have been
given significant legislative, judicial and executive powers on several important
matters, the Fifth Schedule places the governance of tribal areas in ‘mainland’
India largely in the hands of the Governor. This occurred for two reasons: one,
mainland areas had large non-tribal populations and two, the tribes of the
Northeast were seen as more advanced and capable of self-governance unlike the
tribes in other parts of the sub-continent. As a result, tribes were given
‘protection’ from outside intrusions and land alienation but were not granted
much autonomy on political and economic matters.
Governor’s Report
Over the years, States with Scheduled Areas have developed a framework around
which the Governor’s reports are to be presented. According to the Scheduled
Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission Report (2002-2004), the Governor’s
report is expected to contain an objective and independent assessment of the
quality of the administration of Scheduled Areas, the implementation of
protective safeguards for tribals, and the regulations made by the Governor in
keeping with his powers under the Fifth Schedule. It should further cover issues
of displacement and rehabilitation, law and order problem, tribal protests,
atrocities against tribes, and so on. This report is required to be placed before the
TAC for their advice and recommendations. On the basis of this Report, the
Union Government may issue directives to the State Governments for better
administration of these areas.
According to the Bhuria Commission Report (2002-2004), at the time of their

writing, the States of Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh did not send their
reports since 1999-2000, while Maharashtra and Orissa had not sent theirs from
2000-2001 onward. Only Himachal Pradesh has submitted its report regularly. In
more recent years, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs reports that, as of 25.5.2013, it
had received Governor’s Reports for the year 2011-12 only from Gujarat and was
still awaiting reports from the other eight States. Maharashtra had not submitted
its report for the previous year 2010-11 either.
Even when the reports are sent regularly, there have been several questions raised
regarding the quality and value of the reports. Critics have pointed out that the
reports are repetitive, casually and haphazardly constructed and tend to borrow
heavily from reports of the tribal welfare department, merely listing out the
schemes and programmes for tribal development without even examining their
implementation and efficacy on the ground. Pressing issues such as the impacts
of insurgency and counter-insurgency on tribal populations and displacement by
big industry rarely find mention. The Governor’s Reports offer quantitative rather
than qualitative or analytical data about the status of tribal administration in the
concerned States – even the statistical information presented relates to the flow
of development funds to tribal villages and the number of beneficiaries of
government welfare schemes. The reports do not offer an independent assessment
of the policies of the State Governments vis-à-vis Scheduled Areas and instead
seem to uncritically accept government claims of tremendous achievements with
regard to tribal development.
A confidential report sent to the President by the National Commission for

Scheduled Tribes (accessed by Down to Earth magazine in 2013) has also
complained of the failure of Governors in performing their administrative duties
to ensure self-governance in tribal areas. The National Commission advocated
that Governors be made more accountable with regard to their roles vis-à-vis
Scheduled Areas, namely ensuring the implementation of constitutional provision
protecting tribal rights. Most importantly, the Governor should ensure that all
laws which contradict the constitutional protections for tribals should be repealed
or modified in Scheduled Areas. The NCST further recommended that the
Ministry of Tribal Affairs prepare a detailed format for submission of the
Governor’s reports which could include a review of all Central and State laws
and their compatibility with Constitutional provisions for Scheduled Tribes and
consultation with the TACs. Other experts have also advocated the inclusion of
an Action Taken Report (ATR) for the previous year in the report of the
subsequent year. Where such regulations have been made, they primarily pertain
to control of land alienation and money lending in tribal areas and do not venture
to cover the spectrum of issues that may be covered under the “peace and good
government” of the area. There are several instances in which the Governor has
exercised his powers to make regulations. In Odisha, these regulations have
included the Odisha Scheduled Areas Transfer of Immovable Property (By
Scheduled Tribes) Regulation 1956, Odisha Scheduled Area Money-Lenders
Regulation 1967, and the Odisha Schedule Area Debt Relief Regulation.
However, reviews of the implementation of these regulations (as well as similar
laws seeking to stem land alienation and money-lending in tribal areas) points to
their failure owing to excessive dependence on the powerful mainstream
bureaucracy unwilling to acknowledge tribal rights over land and forest. More
recently, the Bhuria Commission Report has further recommended the inclusion
of another subject under which the Governor could exercise his powers – for the
regulation of trade and commerce in the Scheduled Areas of the State.
In April 2012, Union Minister for Tribal Affairs, Dr. V. Kishore Chandra Deo
requested the Governor of Andhra Pradesh, Shri. E.S.L Narsimhan, to use his
powers under the Fifth Schedule to cancel a Memorandum of Understanding
(MoU) signed by the Government for bauxite mining in Fifth Schedule areas of
Visakhapatnam district. It has also been noted that when Governors do exercise
their Fifth Schedule powers, it is only on the advice of the Council of Ministers.
Activists have complained that Governors never respond to petitions calling for
their intervention in cases of land conflicts, acquisition for mineral extraction and
police atrocities against tribal communities.
In order to assist the Governor in the fulfilment of the Constitutional duties of

his/her office, the creation of a special Governor’s Cell to work specifically on
issues pertaining to the Scheduled Tribes has begun in several States. The
governments of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra and Rajasthan have
informed the Ministry of Tribal Affairs that they have constituted the Governor’s
Cell in their States, although the details of their functioning are not yet known.
The Governor’s Office in Andhra Pradesh has noted that there is no need for such
a cell in the State since the Tribal Welfare department is capable of performing
the same duties. The State of Madhya Pradesh has informed the Ministry that
there was no consensus on the creation of such a cell. According to the
Government of Himachal Pradesh, such a cell has already been formed in their
State.
The formation of the Governor’s Cell is a longstanding necessity in order for the
Governor to properly carry out the duties of the post vis-à-vis protection of the
tribes. It is imperative that the Cell be set up in all the Fifth Schedule States and
that these Cells function independently and conscientiously. Most importantly,
the Cell should be prevented from becoming simply another bureaucratic
institution among many performing its tasks mechanically with little autonomy
or interest in tribal affairs.
Tribes Advisory Councils
These Councils have been set up in all the nine States having Scheduled Areas as
well as two other States, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, both having sizeable tribal
populations. As discussed above, there are several shortcomings inherent in the
structure and mandate of the TACs as laid down in the Constitution. Firstly, the
TACs can only discuss and make recommendations on those issues which are
referred to it by the Governor. Secondly, it functions only in an advisory capacity
and has no power of implementation. Thirdly, the Councils are not accountable
to the tribal population given that they are appointed by the Governor or the State
Government.
Dates on which TAC meetings were held (as

State on 25.5.2013)
2011-2012 2012-2013
Andhra Pradesh 18.2.2012 Not Reported

13.7.2012 and
Chhattisgarh 26.9.2011 25.11.2012
Gujarat 24.1.2012 Not Reported
Himachal Pradesh 5.3.2012 Not Reported
19.4.2011, 16.6.2011
Jharkhand and 9.11.2012
30.1.2012
20.7.2011 and
Madhya Pradesh 26.3.2012 Not Reported
Maharashtra 4.1.2012 Not Reported
Odisha 13.5.2011 28.9.2012
Rajasthan 21.7.2011 and 9.2.2012 7.9.2012
West Bengal Not Reported Not Reported
Tamil Nadu Not Reported Not Reported
Source: Ministry of Tribal Affairs.
A detailed study of the minutes of the meetings of the Tribes Advisory Councils
by the Asian Indigenous and Tribal Peoples’ Network (2012) reveals that the
meetings of the Councils are almost tokenistic and critical issues (such as land
alienation) are rarely discussed. Further, the resolutions of the Councils are not
followed up in subsequent meetings and the implementation of their
recommendations is not independently verified. The issue of the
representativeness of the TACs is also a central issue – while three-fourths of the
members are to be tribal MLAs from the concerned State, the non-official,
nominated members include the Chief Minister of the State (often the
Chairperson of the TAC) and bureaucrats.
The States’ rules for the appointment of members hold that they shall be
appointed, either by the State Government (Rajasthan Tribes Advisory Council
Rules) or the Governor (Andhra Pradesh TAC Rules and Jharkhand TAC Rules)
with no specifying criteria. It is the State Governments rather than the Governor
which have framed the rules regarding TAC functioning which has led to the near
complete usurpation of these bodies by the political parties in power both in terms
of representation within the Councils as well as the issues that are taken up for
discussion.
The Gujarat Tribes Advisory Council Rules, 1960 provides that “No business
shall be transacted and no proposition shall be moved or discussed at any meeting,
unless it has been specified in the notice for convening the meeting.” The
Jharkhand Tribes Advisory Council Rules states that only those matters shall be
discussed in the Council which has been referred to the Council by the Governor
for advice.
The Andhra Pradesh TAC (as of 2009) consists of the Minister of Tribal Welfare,
Andhra Pradesh (Chairperson); the Principal Secretary to Government of Andhra
Pradesh (TW), Social Welfare Department (Member); the Director for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India (Member); the Director of
Tribal Cultural Research and Training Institute, Hyderabad (Member); the
Commissioner of Tribal Welfare, Government of Andhra Pradesh (Member
Secretary); and 15 tribal MLAs. The Chhattisgarh TAC (as of 2009) comprises
the Chief Minister (Chairperson), the Minister of Scheduled Tribes and Schedule
Caste Development Department (Vice Chairperson); 15 Scheduled Tribe MLAs
(Members); three Members of Parliament (nominated as Members); and
Secretary, Scheduled Tribes and Schedule Caste Development Department,
Chhattisgarh government (Secretary). Clearly then, a large portion of the
members are State functionaries and there are few independent persons with
experience and expertise on tribal issues who are nominated to the Council.
Further, the members of the TAC have few powers even in terms of what can be
discussed at the Council meetings. For instance, the Chhattisgarh TAC rules
states that, apart from matters referred to it by the Governor, “No issue shall be
taken up for discussion and included in the proceedings and no proposals shall be
passed in a meeting unless the issue has been mentioned in the notice for the
meeting, however, the Chairperson can, using his discretion, permit such issues
to be taken up for proceedings, that he thinks necessary and are in the direction
of the motto of the Council at large but was excluded in the notice.” The Bhuria
Commission Report (2002-04) places on record the dismay of some members of
various State Councils who complain that the State Government do not put any
important matters to the Council for advice. In all these years of its functioning,
the TACs have rarely made any significant policy proposals or recommendations
on tribal and developmental issues.
Even when issues are taken up by the TAC, it has been noted that there is rarely
any sustained and consistent engagement with the matter in the form of follow-
ups and field visits. As per the minutes of their meetings, none of the TACs
discussed the issue of land alienation among tribals between the years 2005 and
2011. In the case of the Himachal Pradesh TAC, an excess of items were placed
before the Council for discussion but many seem to have been subject to only a
cursory examination and no decisive conclusions were reached. For example, the
Asian Indigenous and Tribal Peoples’ Network (AITPN) report notes that at the
36th meeting held on 12 May 2006, 102 items were discussed; 104 items were
discussed at the 38th meeting on 2 August 2007, and 88 items (including 21 follow
up items and 67 new items) were discussed in the 40 th meeting held on 15 May
2010. As a result, no single issue or group of issues could be seriously analysed
and few concrete decisions could be made or implemented.
In 2012, the extremely limited powers of agenda-setting within the TAC came to
the fore when two members of the Jharkhand TAC walked out of a Council
meeting on the grounds that the Chairman of the TAC was uninterested in taking
up serious problems of the tribal population. The specific matter which the
members protested was land acquisition at Nagri for construction of India
Institute of Management (IIM) and National University for Study and Research
in Law. The Chairperson, however, did not allow discussion on the subject,
stating that it be brought before the Council in writing first. The Chairperson’s
statement was countered by the members on the grounds that several
memorandums had been submitted to the Council already and hence, must be
placed for discussion.
There continue to be complaints regarding the legal and actual powers of the
Governor with regard to the TAC as well on the point of issues to be discussed
within the Council. While the Constitution holds that the TAC can hold
deliberations on matters referred to it by the Governor, experts have argued over
whether the Governor as the Constitutional head of the State can make this
referral on his own discretion or only on the advice of the Council of Ministers.
The question is central since the answer could shape future interpretations of the
Fifth Schedule as well as the extent of control of various State Governments over
the functioning of TACs. In recent years, the Central Government itself has given
two contradictory interpretations on this issue since, in 2010, the Attorney-
General Shri. G.E. Vahanvati opined that the Governor did have discretionary
powers, but in 2013, the Assistant Solicitor-General, Smt. Fouzia Mirza stated
that the Governor can employ his powers on the aid and advice of the Council of
Ministers and not at his own discretion. This statement was made to a Public
Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by activist Shri. B.K. Manish in the Chhattisgarh
High Court (later dismissed) questioning the un-Constitutional functioning of the
TACs, which was later argued through a Special Leave Petition (SLP) in the
Supreme Court. In light of this case, the Ministry of Law and Justice issued a
circular to all law officers in July, 2013 clarifying that Attorney General Shri.
Vahanvati’s opinion affirming the discretionary powers of the Governor was the
official stand of the Government of India.
Even when serious debate does occur at the TAC, the Council does not follow up
on latest development and implementation on their recommendations. The
Andhra Pradesh TAC took up the matter of the Polavaram project at its meeting
in February 2007 and made the following resolutions: that all landless families to
be displaced by the project should be given land in the resettlement areas,
resettlement land should be identified in consultation with tribals, a publicity
campaign on the R&R package should be held in all affected villages, and the
TAC members should visit these villages. Between that meeting and their
meeting in March 2011, however, no further inquiry or discussion of the issue
was initiated and the matter seems to have been forgotten entirely.
Since the formation of the first TAC in Andhra Pradesh in 1958 until January
2012, 105 meetings of the Council have been held. But since 2006, the APTAC
has stopped examining the action taken on decisions made in previous meetings,
as was the practice earlier. The concerned departments do not always submit
Action Taken Reports to the TAC and therefore, the earlier decisions and
recommendations of the TACs, even when implemented, are not revisited in
subsequent meetings (as reflected in the minutes). This is true of the Councils in
almost all of the States.
4.6 Legal and Administrative Structures in Northeast India

Northeast India, home to numerous diverse ethnic groups and located
strategically with borders with Bhutan, China, Myanmar and Bangladesh.
Historically, tribes of this region have seen “isolationist” policies of the colonial
British who labelled many hilly tribal tracts of the Northeast as “wholly
excluded” areas. While the tribal-dominated areas in what is commonly referred
to as ‘mainland’ India are largely governed by the provisions of the Fifth
Schedule, the States of the Northeast are covered by the Sixth Schedule of the
Constitution as well as a host of other legal and administrative arrangements for
the protection of tribal autonomy.
As early as 1929, the Nagas submitted a petition to the Simon Commission,

asking for autonomy from the future Indian nation-state. Other tribes such as the
Khasis and the Mizos called for self-governance on issues such as customary
laws, control over resources and so on, while also demanding separation from the
larger State of Assam. Several tribes including the Nagas, Mizos, Garos, Khasis
and Karbis were (and, in some cases, still are) demanding a united homeland for
all their fellow tribes people who are spread across several Indian States and even
across international borders.
Some of the other demands made by tribes in this region are: protection against
land alienation by settlers, continued authority of traditional Councils, and
safeguards against the erosion of their cultures.
The British philosophy of maintaining status quo and isolation was replaced by
policies of development and integration of the Northeast through the Sixth
Schedule of the Constitution. The Schedule was drafted by a Sub-Committee of
the Constituent Assembly called the Northeast Frontier (Assam) Tribal and
Excluded Areas Sub-Committee headed by Assamese political leader, Shri.
Gopinath Bardoloi. The sub-committee aimed to “…reconcile the aspirations of
the hill people for political autonomy with the Assam government’s drive to
integrate them with the plains”. The Sixth Schedule is entirely focused on
protection of tribal areas and interests, by recognising self-governance through
constitutional institutions at the district or regional level.
The Sixth Schedule provides for the creation of Autonomous District and
Regional Councils and accords a host of legislative, executive and judicial powers
to these autonomous bodies. It applies to certain tribal areas of the States of
Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. Apart from the Sixth Schedule, there
are other constitutional provisions in the Northeast such as Article 371-A in
Nagaland which provides autonomy on issues of religious and social practices,
customary law, civil and criminal justice and ownership of land and resources.
Similar provisions are operational in the State of Mizoram under Article 371- G,
although parts of Mizoram are also covered under the Sixth Schedule. Manipur
is governed by Article 371-C as well as the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council
Act, although this does not compare with the considerable autonomy conferred
on tribal areas by the Sixth Schedule. Additionally, traditional political
institutions are present alongside constitutional bodies. These include the
institution of Syiems among the Khasi, the Daloi among the Jaintias and Nokma
among the Garos of Meghalaya, Khulakpa among the Nagas, and Haosa, Semang
and Pachong amongst the Kukis of Manipur.
The following table outlines briefly the various legal and administrative
structures in place in the States of the Northeast region:
State Legal and administrative structures
Article 371H, No Autonomous

Arunachal Pradesh Councils, Panchayati Raj Institutions
Sixth Schedule, Article 371B, Three

Assam Autonomous Councils
Article 371C, Manipur Hill Village

Authority Act and Manipur Hill Areas
Manipur District Council
Sixth Schedule, Article 371G, Three

Mizoram Autonomous Councils
Sixth Schedule, Three Autonomous

Meghalaya Councils
Sixth Schedule, Article 371G, Three

Mizoram Autonomous Councils
Article 371A and Article 371AA, No

Autonomous Councils but Village
Nagaland Councils in each major village
Sixth Schedule, One Autonomous

Council for all tribes (Tripura Tribal
Tripura Areas Autonomous District Council)
Broadly, there are three types of legal typologies of administration of local self-
government in North East States. These are Sixth Schedule Frame, State
Legislation Frame, and National Frame. Sixth Schedule covers the entire
Meghalaya except Shillong, parts of Mizoram, Tripura and Assam. Local Self
Government of Nagaland and the non-Council areas in Mizoram fall under the
State Legislation frame. Local self-government of Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim,
Manipur (excluding the hill area covered under Hill Area Autonomous Council)
and non-Council areas of Assam and Tripura are covered under the National
Frame.
Two types of Autonomous District Councils are found in the Northeast States.
These are the Autonomous District Council set up under the Sixth Schedule and
Autonomous District Council established by various Acts of the State Legislative
Assembly which are not under Sixth Schedule.
Assam has three Autonomous Councils under the Sixth Schedule: Dima Hasao
District Autonomous Council (DHDAC), the Karbi Anglong Autonomous
Council (KAAC), and the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC).
The entire State of Meghalaya except Shillong area is covered under the
provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. Meghalaya has three
Autonomous District Councils under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.
These are - Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council (KHADC), Garo Hills
Autonomous District Council (GHADC), and the Jaintia Hills Autonomous
District Council (JHADC).
There are three Autonomous District Councils in Mizoram under Sixth Schedule.
They all cover two administrative districts namely Lawngthlai and Saiha districts.
These three Autonomous District Councils are the Chakma Autonomous District
Council (CADC), the Mara Autonomous District Council (MADC), and the Lai
Autonomous District Council (LADC).
The Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC) is an

independent Council administering the tribal areas of the State of Tripura under
the Sixth Schedule.
There are other Autonomous Councils in Assam and Manipur. These are
established by Acts passed in the State Legislative Assembly. Assam has 6 other
Autonomous District Councils and Manipur has same number of Hill District
Councils.
There are also special provisions envisaged in the Constitution of India which can
be classified as “Temporary, Transitional and Special Provisions”.
List of Autonomous Districts and Autonomous Hill Districts in India:
Autonomous
District District Ethnic Composition Year of
Headquarter formation/altera
s tion
Bodoland Kokrajhar Bodos, Bengalis, 2003
KochRajbongshis,
smaller
tribes
Karbis, Dimasa,
Karbi Anglong Diphu Rengma, 1951; 1976
Kuki, Garos, Tiwas,
Khasis,
Hmars, Mizos,
Chakmas,
Assamese, Biharis
North Cachar Haflong Dimasa, Kuki, Hmar, 1951; 1970
Zemei, Hrangkhawls
Garos, smaller tribal 1972 (bifurcation
Garo Hills Tura groups in
1979)
Jaintia Hills Jowai Pnar and Jaintia, 1972
Khasi
Khasi Hills Shillong Khasi, smaller 1972
Groups
Tripura Tribal Area Khumwng Bhil, Bhutia, Chainel, 1982
Chakma, Garo, Holan,
Kuki, Lepcha, Lushai,
Mog,
Munda, Moatia,
Orang, Riang, Santal,
Tripura, Uchai.
Chakma
Autonomous Chawngte Chakma 1987
District
Lai Lawngtlai Lai 1987
Mara Siaha Mara 1987
Darjeeling Gorkha
Hill Darjeeling Gorkhas, Limbu, Rai, 1988
Gurung, Tamang,
Council Lepchas,
Bhutia, Sherpas,
Newars,
Marwaris, Biharis,
Chinese,
Anglo-Indians
Autonomous Hill Leh Ladakhi (Bot tribe) 1995
Development
Council,
Leh
Autonomous Hill Kargil Purigba, Balti, 2003
Development
Council, Brokpa, Gujjar
Kargil
The Sixth Schedule
The original Sixth Schedule areas created in 1952 underwent a drastic

reorganization in 1971; some areas were put under newly created States such as
Mizoram and Meghalaya which were carved out of the erstwhile Assam State.
The Sixth Schedule (Article 244 (2) and 275 (1)) provides for administration of
Tribal Areas in the States of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram through
Autonomous District and Regional Councils endowed with legislative, judicial,
and executive powers.
The Sixth Schedule under Article 244 (2) provides for the creation of
Autonomous District Councils (ADC) in an Autonomous District and Regional
Councils for autonomous regions. These Councils have legislative powers on
matters relating to:
✓ allotment, occupation, or the setting apart of land, other than reserved

forests, for the purpose of agricultural or grazing or for residential or other non-
agricultural purposes or for any other purpose likely to promote the interests of
the inhabitants of any village or town (Provided that nothing in such laws shall
prevent the compulsory acquisition of any land, whether occupied or unoccupied
for public purpose)
✓ management of any forest not being a Reserved Forest
✓ use of any canal or water course for purpose of agriculture
✓ regulation of the practice of jhum or any other form of shifting cultivation
✓ establishment of village or town committees or Councils and their powers
✓ any other matter relating to village or town administration, including village

and town police, public health and sanitation
✓ appointment of succession of chiefs or headmen
✓ inheritance of property
✓ marriage and divorce
✓ social custom
The Council has legislative powers over matters such as primary education,
dispensaries, markets, cattle pounds, ferries, fisheries, roads, road transport and
waterways. The District Council can regulate money lending and trading by non-
residents or non-tribal people living in the area. It has the power to collect taxes
and tolls on land, buildings and persons, professions, trades, animals, vehicles,
boats, entry of goods into the local markets, goods carried on ferries, the
maintenance of schools, dispensaries androids. The ADCs can issue licenses and
leases for the prospecting and extraction of minerals and are entitled to get a share
of royalties accruing to the State from mineral extraction.
The Sixth Schedule further provides that no Act of the State legislature shall apply
to any autonomous district unless approved by the Council. The Governor of the
states under the Sixth Schedule has the power to decide to either apply or not
apply any Act of Parliament or the Legislature in the autonomous area of Assam,
Tripura and Mizoram. Along with this provision, except in Assam, in all other
Scheduled Area of the Northeast region, the President of India has the right to
apply or not apply any Act of Parliament or the Legislature on any matter.
The Councils have judicial powers for trial of offences committed by members
of the Scheduled Tribes in their respective areas of jurisdiction. The District and
Regional Councils have been conferred powers under the Code of Civil
Procedure, 1908, and the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 for the trial of certain
suits, cases and offences. There is a two-tier system for judicial administration at
the district and village levels. The village Council can hear cases wherein both
parties belong to Scheduled Tribes while the district courts act as a court of
appeal. A District Fund for each Autonomous District and a Regional Fund for
each Region has been set up to channelize all the funds designated for these areas.
The Governor has the power to annul or suspend any act or resolution of a District
or Regional Council which he finds likely to endanger the safety of India or to be
prejudicial to public order. The Governor can suspend the Council and exercise
all the powers vested in the Council. However the Governor has to lay such an
order before the State legislature as soon as possible and the order shall, unless
revoked by the legislature, continue for a period of twelve months from the date
on which it was made. The Governor has the power to appoint a Commission at
any point of time to examine and report on any matter relating to the
administration of the autonomous districts and regions in the State or may appoint
a Commission to inquire into and report on the administration of autonomous
districts and autonomous regions. Further, the Governor has the power to dissolve
a District or a Regional Council with the recommendation of such a Commission.
4.6.2Statutory Autonomous Councils
There are also Statutory Autonomous Councils in the States of Assam and
Manipur. These have been established by Acts passed in State Legislative
Assembly. These can be categorised under the following heads:
1. Autonomous District Councils in Assam
2. Hill District Councils in Manipur
1. Statutory Autonomous Councils in Assam
Besides the three (i.e. The North Cachar Hills District, The Karbi Anglong
District, The Bodoland Territorial Area District) Councils of the Sixth Schedule,
Assam has many Autonomous Councils created by the State Government, some
of which are:
a) Rabha Hasong Autonomous Council (RHAC),
b) Lalung (TIWA) Autonomous Council (LAC),
c) Mising Autonomous Council (MAC),
d) Thengal Kachori Hill Autonomous Council, (TKAC)
e) Sonowal Kahari Autonomous Council (SKAC)
f) Deori Autonomous Council (DAC)
The administrative structure of these Councils is patterned on the Autonomous

District and Regional Councils created by the Sixth Schedule. This, however, has
added significant confusion in the administration. There are three authorities
operating in parallel in these areas, namely, the Council, the State departments
and the Panchayati Raj. These Councils cover non-contiguous villages. There are
many other communities – both tribals and non-tribals – who have been living
before some of these tribes came. The creation of autonomous tribe-specific
councils will: i) violate Part IX A of the Constitution, ii) not be inclusive as the
dominant tribe will control the AC, and other communities will face real or
perceived discrimination, and iii) lead to violent inter-ethnic conflicts.
2. Hill District Councils in Manipur
The Autonomous Council of Manipur has been established by the Manipur (Hill
Areas) District Council Act, 1971. According to the Act, all the hill areas of
Manipur were to be divided into six Autonomous Districts, each with a district
Council. These Councils are:
a) Chandel Autonomous District Council,
b) Churachandpur Autonomous District Council,
c) Sadar Hills Autonomous District Council, Kangpokpi
d) Manipur North Autonomous District Council, Senapati
e) Tamenglong Autonomous District Council,
f) Ukhrul Autonomous District Council.
Each district Council has 24 members. Each District Council has an Executive
Committee which is constituted by a Chairman, Vice- Chairman and five other
members. The Chairman and the Vice-chairman of the District Council is the Ex-
officio Chairman and Vice-Chairman respectively of the Executive Committee
and five other Executive Members shall be nominated by the Chairman from
amongst the Members of the District Council.
These Councils enjoy executive powers under which they are looking after 26
different subjects like construction, repair and maintenance of roads, bridges,
channels and buildings; establishment, maintenance and management of schools
up to Class VIII; establishment, maintenance and management of dispensaries
and Primary Health Sub-Centers, water supply and sanitation schemes;
construction, repair and maintenance of embankments, and the supply, storage
and control of water for agricultural purposes including irrigation schemes,
preservation, reclamation and conservation of soil, animal husbandry and
veterinary dispensaries, etc. However, the Manipur District Council Act, 1971
did not confer any legislative powers on the District Council although the Council
can recommend legislations on matters concerning Scheduled Tribes such as the
appointment or succession of chiefs, inheritance of property, marriage and
divorce and social customs. The Manipur District Council Act, 1971, also granted
financial power to these District Councils. Under these provisions, the Council
can levy taxes on professions, trades and employment, on animals, vehicles and
boats, on the entry of goods into the market for sale and goods carried in ferries,
on the maintenance of schools, dispensaries or roads and any other tax falling
under list II of the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution which the Manipur
legislature may, by law, empower the District Council to levy. However, the
Council exercises only nominal judicial power, which lies primarily in the hands
of the State Government.
Scheduled Tribe Development Councils

There are also Tribe Development Councils in parts of the Northeast. These are:
a) Barak Valley Hills Tribe Development Council
b) Amri Karbi Development Council
c) Mech Kachari Development Council
d) Sarania Kachari Development Council
Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (Leh and Kargil)
Ladakh, a region located in the Northeastern part of the State of Jammu and
Kashmir, is a space known more for its magnificent beauty and inhospitable
terrain and less for its strong movements for autonomy and self-rule. This long-
standing demand was partially fulfilled in 1995 with the passing of the Ladakh
Autonomous Hill Development Council Act which allowed for a measure of
autonomy within the Indian State with the Darjeeling Gorkhaland Hill Council
set up in 1988 as a model. The initial demand of some Ladakhi activists was,
however, for Union Territory (UT) status which was denied – although the call
for UT status remains a key electoral issue. The passing of the Act marked the
culmination of Ladakhi assertions of autonomy that date back to the 1940s when
debates about acceding to the Indian nation-state were rife but these protests
escalated in 1989, under the Ladakhi Buddhist Association.
The region of Ladakh is divided into two districts: Leh and Kargil. In the course
of Ladakhi protests for autonomy and development, the Indian government
granted almost the entire population of Ladakh Scheduled Tribe status in 1989.
A total of eight communities were included within the list of Scheduled Tribes.
According to the 2001 census, among the two districts of Ladakh, Kargil (88.3
per cent) has the highest proportion of Scheduled Tribes to the total population
followed by Leh (82 per cent). The Bot tribe is the largest tribe in the Leh district
while the Balti and Purigpa tribes are concentrated in Kargil district. Islam is the
predominant religion of the STs (86.3 per cent) in the larger State of Jammu and
Kashmir followed by Buddhist (9.3 per cent) and Hindu tribes (4.3 per cent). A
majority of the Gujjar, Bakarwal and Brokpa tribes are Muslim while the Bot are
primarily Buddhist and the Gaddi mainly followers of the Hindu religion. Within
the Ladakh region, the Leh district is largely Buddhist with a substantial Muslim
minority and Kargil district is dominated by Shia Muslims with a Buddhist
minority. As part of the 1995 Act, separate Autonomous Councils were to be
formed for the districts of Leh and Kargil.
The ‘Reasons for Enactment’ section of the law reads as follows:

“Ladakh region is geographically isolated with a sparse population, a vast area
and inhospitable terrain which remains landlocked for nearly six months in a
year. Consequently, the people of the area have had a distinct regional identity
and special problems distinct from those of the other areas of the State of Jammu
and Kashmir. The people of Ladakh have, for a long time, been demanding
effective local institutional arrangements which can help to promote and
accelerate the pace of development and equitable all-round growth and
development having regard to its peculiar geoclimatic and locational conditions,
and stimulate fullest participation of the local community in the decision making
process. It is felt that decentralisation of power by formation of Hill Councils for
the Ladakh Region would give a boost to the developmental activities in Ladakh
and meet the aspirations of the people of the said Region. The present measure is
enacted to achieve the above object.”
(LAHDC Act 1995. Gazette of India, May 9, 1995, p.19)
As a result, powers relating to the planning and implementation of development

were transferred from government control at the Central and State level to the
local district level Council.
Initially, only Leh district opted to form the Council and the Kargil district
declined the offer. The first Council for Leh district was sworn in on September
3, 1995. In 2003, Kargil district held elections for appointment to its own Hill
Development Council. The Act provides for 30 seats in total for the Council, of
which twenty-six seats are filled through elections held on the basis of adult
franchise from demarcated constituencies and the remaining four seats are to be
filled by persons nominated by the Governor from among the main minority
groups (Muslims in the case of Leh) and women. Members of the Council are to
meet at least once every year. The Council must elect from among its members a
Chief Executive Councillor who chooses four Executive Councillors, and
together this group of five constitutes the executive body of the Council. Again,
one of the four Councillors must be drawn from among the principal minorities.
The powers and functions of the Council include:

a) Allotment, use and occupation of land vested in the Council (i.e. all
b) ‘wasteland’, excludes land classified as forests)
c) Formulation and review of progress of development programmes for the

district
d) Formulation of the budget for the district
e) Formulation of guidelines for implementation of schemes at the grassroots

level;
f) Promotion of languages and culture of the area
g) Management of un-demarcated forests and canals or water courses for

agriculture;
h) Tourism planning, promotion, and development
i) Vocational training
j) Preservation of the environment and ecology of the area
k) Rights to levy and collect local taxes and fees, including on grazing,
business, transport, entertainment, etc. (note, however, that there is no
specific mention of tourism, one of the central planks of the economy).
l) Power to hire and fire public servants except for the very highest ranks; all
government employees (except in the judiciary and police) are
“transferred” to the Council, although the government retains its discretion
to recall them.
Clearly, considerable powers have been devolved to the local District Councils
which give voice to the peoples’ longstanding aspirations for powers of
autonomous decision-making on questions of cultural preservation,
environmental protection, and development planning. At the same time, there are
several shortcomings in the law itself as well as gaps in its implementation which
have resulted in considerable disenchantment with the working of the Councils
over the past twenty years. Some of the central drawbacks highlighted are:
Even though the Council has the power to draw up budgets and development
plans, these still require the approval of the State Government prior to
implementation. Further, these plans can only be formulated within the principles
of the National and State-level Five Year Plans. Together, these impediments
imply that centralized structures continue to prevail as the State and National
Governments have the power to reject or amend the Council’s programmes. In
the 1997-98 budget, the Leh Council requested the government for 36 crore
rupees in its budget but was only given 27 crores
initially and later an additional five crore which still did not meet its requirements
for the year.
A large part of the funds for the functioning of the Council flow through the State
Government which has often delayed the release of funds, thus effectively putting
a halt to most of the Council’s activities.
Members of the Council are representatives of various mainstream political
parties. Therefore, when members of a particular party form the majority in the
Council but are the oppositional party at the level of the State Government, the
Council is side-lined and various obstacles to its functioning are created by the
State administration and the government in power. Thus, the effectiveness of the
Council is shaped by the National and State political interests of the day. The
Ladakh region, having a sparse population and only one Lok Sabha seat, is often
viewed as marginal within the framework of electoral politics and hence, ignored
by successive governments at the State and Centre.
The Leh Council has also borne witness to struggles between the Council
members and the administrative structure regarding issues of rank, privileges and
powers.
At the local level, much resentment has arisen from the perceived domination of
the Council by members of the former nobility, elites working with various non-
governmental organizations, and people from Leh town. The latter has occurred
even despite attempts to ensure only locals represent the various constituencies.
Some of the decisions implemented by the Leh Council have not resonated with
the local people such as making it compulsory for school children to wear the
traditional dress or enforce building codes in the area.
It has been argued that the structure of the Council further entrenches communal
identities through the creation of separate Councils for the Leh and Kargil
districts (on the assumption that territory is equivalent to community), while
ignoring the important linkages between communities as well as divisions of
gender, class, and so on within communities.
The devolution of power does not, therefore, lead to the empowerment of local
communities in any automatic or linear way. The Autonomous Council model in
general, does not offer genuine financial autonomy on which political autonomy
can be founded. There is a huge discrepancy between the formal rules
guaranteeing autonomy and the informal workings of autonomy on the ground.
The Councils continue to be heavily dependent on a centralised executive and
bureaucratic structure which hamper smooth and independent working of the
Councils. Moreover, the powers given to the Councils are limited in several
respects such that they are transformed into implementation agencies for
development programmes rather than autonomous decision-making bodies. More
specifically, the political economy of Ladakh is such that the local people have
become heavily dependent on external forces on account of the government
policies of encouraging tourism and cash cropping, providing huge agricultural
subsidies and rations (Ladakh is also a strategic border area, sharing boundaries
with both Pakistan and China).
Further, while territorial autonomy is essential, there are dangers that this model
may contribute to discrimination against minority communities through the
creation of exclusive spaces for the numerically dominant community within a
region. Even within a single community, as can be seen in the Ladakh case, the
Councils have been captured by elite groups who have often implemented their
own agenda for the region.
Overall Assessment of the Autonomous District Councils under Sixth

Schedule
After the creation of full States comprising Sixth Schedule areas – such as in
Mizoram and Meghalaya – some commentators have questioned the need for
these provisions. In Meghalaya, the State Government has held the view that that
these Councils ought to stick to their traditional role, which is to protect tribal
culture, land and identity and refrain from engaging in developmental activities.
In many cases, State Governments have deliberately impeded the functioning of
the Councils, particularly through blocking the flow of funds to them. One of the
serious limitations of the Sixth Schedule has been the fact that the powers given
to the Councils to make legislation and implement development programmes
have not been matched with the financial autonomy to follow this through. As a
result, ADCs often have to depend on funds from the Central and State
Governments (routed through the State Government) which are often antagonistic
toward the work of the ADC. Apart from government sources, the Autonomous
District Councils receive a small amount from the collection of taxes and land
revenue. In many States, the issue of financial resource allocation has become a
major bone of contention between the State Government and the ADCs. In
Meghalaya, even the salaries of primary school teachers could not be paid
regularly because of non-receipt of funds. In this case, the government claimed
to have withheld the funds since the ADC in question, the Khasi Hills
Autonomous District Council, was engaged in corrupt practices.37 Further, there
is a large gap between the approved budget and the flow of funds from the State
Government to the Council, which adversely affects both the planning and the
execution processes. This is in sharp contrast to arrangements made for
Panchayats, which have been provided with their own Finance Commission
which is empowered to periodically review the financial position and lay down
appropriate principles of allocation of resources between the Panchayats and the
State.
In Mizoram, the situation is somewhat different since the three ADCs in the State
cover only 15 per cent of State’s population (the dominant majority are Mizos).
Thus, these Councils do not receive sufficient attention from the State
Government. The tribal communities have constant frictions, which adversely
affect administration and developmental activities. In fact, between the years
1986 and 2000, there have been 21 resolutions submitted in the Mizoram
Legislative Assembly demanding the abolition of the Chakma Autonomous
District Council. The Karbi Anglong ADC was dissolved four times between
1988 and 1998.
Furthermore, the structure of the Sixth Schedule is such that the autonomy of the
ADCs is seriously restricted in several respects. For example, in Meghalaya, the
autonomy of the ADC has been curtailed through the insertion of paragraph 12 A
into the Constitution which states that all legislations passed by the State
Government take precedence over those passed by the Councils. The
powerlessness of the ADC is clear if one examines the issue of regulation of
forests – one of the most important subjects entrusted to the ADC. Following a
Supreme Court order in 1995-96 in the Godavarman case, felling of timber in
private forests was banned irrespective of ownership status in Meghalaya. All
forest-related activities could only be carried out as per the Working Plan duly
approved by the Forest Department, thus completely bypassing the jurisdiction
of the ADCs. Many of the functions of the ADCs are being taken over by the
State Governments – in Mizoram as well as the Garo Hills, executive and judicial
functions have been taken over by the Deputy Commissioner and District
Magistrate, thus rendering the ADC redundant. The Commissioners coordinate
development programmes and process legislation, making them extremely
powerful at the district level. All the activities and departments under the control
of the Councils as per the provisions of the Sixth Schedule have not yet been
transferred to them and neither have parallel institutions such as the District Rural
Development Agencies (DRDA).
The matters over which the ADCs have powers do not cover the entire gamut of
issues pertinent to the creation of genuine autonomy. Thus, control over primary
schools, markets, agriculture, forests and so on is necessary but not sufficient for
tribal groups to preserve their identities and ensure the development of their
districts and regions.
Considerable powers have been handed over to the Governor even in the Sixth
Schedule areas which can impede the autonomous functioning of the ADCs. The
Governor has the power to decide whether laws made by the State Legislature,
on matters other than those over which the ADC has legislative powers, will apply
to the Autonomous Districts. The decision regarding applicability of laws made
by Parliament in Sixth Schedule areas is made by the Governor in the case of
Assam and the President of India in the case of other Northeastern states.
Moreover, all legislation passed by the ADCs requires the assent of the Governor
to become law. The Governor also has the power to dissolve the ADC.
There is a significant degree of variation in the functions devolved to various

Autonomous Councils. For instance, the Bodoland Territorial Council has more
power and departments compared to other Autonomous Councils of the
Northeast, though the latter have been in existence for several decades more. This
situation has resulted in other areas demanding greater powers and autonomy.
There is also no mandatory time limit for the reconstitution of the ADC once it is
dissolved, and hence election is indefinitely postponed. Constitutionally, the
Autonomous District Council should have its own Autonomous Agency, similar
to the Election Commission of India or the State Election Commission to conduct
the elections to the Autonomous Councils. But the Rules of 1951 empowered the
State Government to conduct the Council elections through the Hills Area
Department of the Assam State Government, a rule which works against the
proper functioning of the Sixth Schedule.
While the Seventy-Third Amendment to the Constitution provides for the

reservation of one-third of all Panchayats seats at all levels for women, the
Councils, unlike Panchayats, do not have any provision for such reservation. In
fact, both the Fifth and Sixth Schedules have been silent on the issue of women’s
representation and gender justice. As a result, women are almost completely
absent from the bodies and institutions created under these provisions. It has been
found that only the Bodoland Territorial Council and Autonomous District
Councils of Mizoram have a system of reservation of seats for women, although
the proportion of reserved seats is very small. The Autonomous District Councils
of Mizoram have amended their laws relating to Village Council and District
Council and decided to reserve at least one seat in every Village Council for
women and two nominated seats of the District Council for women. Reservation
of a certain number of seats for women representatives in the ADCs must be made
mandatory in order to end the exclusion of women from these political
institutions. Further, while the Sixth Schedule aims to ensure the protection of
customs as well as social and religious practices of tribes, it is necessary to keep
in mind the implications of this protection for gender justice. Even though
protecting tribal culture is a vital task and central to the objectives of the Sixth
Schedule, this is not incompatible with equality and fairness.
Another important issue to be addressed is the question of representation of

minority groups within the Councils. Even those groups which are indigenous to
the region – such as smaller tribal groups – do not have any role in the ADCs, a
situation which must be rectified. The population composition has changed
everywhere over the decades. This demographic change is no longer reflected in
the representative structure of the ADCs. Unless reviewed comprehensively, the
Sixth Schedule could become one of the chief sources of future conflicts in the
region.
Whereas the Sixth Schedule provisions have many positive features and tribes
coming under the purview have done well, there are certain other structural
constraints which have not allowed the Council to function as effectively as it
should have been. Some key constraints as pointed above are non-transfer of
departments to Autonomous Councils, lack of funds available with the Council,
absence of provision for women and smaller tribal groups’ participation in
Councils which need to be suitably addressed to ensure its more vibrant
functioning.
On comparing the Fifth and Sixth Schedules, it is apparent that the provisions of
the Sixth Schedule have given greater powers of political autonomy to the tribes
of the Northeast, as was the intention of the Constituent Assembly. On
examination of the working of the provisions of the Fifth Schedule, it has become
clear that the institutional mechanisms for the protection of tribes living in
Scheduled Areas have failed to meet its stated goals and is in need of serious
review. The Governor as well as the Tribes Advisory Councils have not been
performing their constitutionally assigned roles in spirit and have failed to
adequately represent the interests of tribal communities. However, several clauses
of the Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and
the Forest Rights Act provide for the enlargement of territorial rights and
autonomy for Scheduled Tribes which must be fully implemented. On the other
hand, while the provisions of the Sixth Schedule are extremely commendable, the
workings of the Autonomous Councils, as has been demonstrated above, has been
far from perfect and several aspects of their functioning – most notably, issues of
financial and administrative autonomy, freedom from arbitrary government
intervention, checks against ethnic sectarianism, greater representation for
smaller tribes and women, and so on.
A restructuring of these institutional frameworks will go a long way in addressing

the inequality, dispossession and injustice faced by tribal groups since self-
governance, protective mechanisms, political representation and autonomous
decision-making are critical components within the project to improve the socio-
economic status of tribes.
Xaxa Recommendations
During the colonial period, tribal communities inhabited areas were divided
into ‘excluded’ and ‘partially excluded’ areas for purpose of administration.
✓ Such administrative arrangements have found continuation in post-
independence India in the form of Sixth and Fifth Schedules of the
Constitution. Laws enacted by the Governor-General in Council or
Governor in Council were not automatically applicable in these areas in
colonial India unless Governor General or Governor thought otherwise.
In post-Independence India, this legal provision has been continued in
Sixth Schedule Areas, but not in Fifth Schedule Areas. Thus, laws passed
by the Parliament or State Legislature are not directly applicable in Sixth
Schedule Areas unless the Governor thinks it desirable. In the Fifth
Schedule Areas, laws passed by these bodies are automatically
applicable, unless the Governor thinks it to be not in the interest and
welfare of the tribal communities of the State.
There have been laws and policies passed by the Parliament and State
Legislatures such as the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, the Wildlife
Protection Act, 1972, the Panchayat Acts (prior to the passing of the 73 rd
Amendment in 1992), and so on which have had an adverse and detrimental
impact on tribal communities. Yet the Governors have not exercised their
constitutional power towards the protection and welfare of the tribal
communities. This opens up two possibilities:
1. Laws and policies enacted by the Parliament and State Legislatures
should not be automatically applied in the Fifth Schedule areas (as was
the case under colonial rule or as is presently the case in the Sixth
Schedule areas). Its applicability should be made contingent on the
discretion of the Governor who would determine its applicability or
non-applicability or applicability with modifications/amendments on
the advice of Tribes Advisory Council and issue a Statement of
Objectives and Reasons for decisions on both applicability and
inapplicability of laws and policies.
✓ In case the above is untenable, the Governor should be mandated to take

the advice of the Tribes Advisory Council and examine legislations and
policies (particularly, though not exclusively, those pertaining to issues
such as forests, land acquisition, conservation, mines and minerals, health
and education) passed by the Parliament or State Legislatures and the
implications of the same on tribal welfare. A mechanism for such
examination and action should be clearly stated and established.
✓ Actions taken by the Governor for safeguarding the interests of tribal

communities should be clearly mentioned in the annual Governor’s
Reports submitted to the President. The Governors must be mandated to
ensure the timely submission of these reports. To this end, the Governor’s
office must be adequately assisted by specially set up competent and
dedicated team in the form of Governor’s Cell for Scheduled Tribes (as
has already been initiated in some States).
The Tribes Advisory Council is an integral part of the administrative
structure of the Fifth Schedule. Currently, the TAC consists of 20 members,
of which two-thirds is comprised of elected members in the State Legislature
belonging to the Scheduled Tribes. The rest are nominated members who
generally tend to be government officials working in Ministries and
Departments associated with tribal development. In this regard, we
recommend that:
There needs to be a radical restructuring of the composition of

the TAC. Instead of two-thirds elected members from the State
Legislature, this should be restricted to half the members of the
TAC. Moreover, these elected representatives must come from
different political parties, rather than only from the ruling party.
The remaining one-half should be comprised of Chairpersons of
the district Panchayat bodies (or chairpersons of the Autonomous
Council, wherever established) of the Scheduled Areas on a
rotational basis.
Tribes Advisory Council should be empowered, made active and

responsible for the tribal affairs in the State through the following
measures:
The scope and responsibilities of TAC should be widened

to transform it into the Tribes Advisory, Protective and
Developmental Council. Constitutional provisions, laws,
policies, and administrative matters pertaining to the
Scheduled Tribes must come under its ambit.
The tribal development plan of a State and its outlay should
be approved by the TAC before it is placed before the
Legislative Assembly.
In view of the serious responsibility placed on the TAC, it
should be made compulsory for the Council to meet at least
four times a year.
The Tribal Welfare Department should be made
accountable to the TAC. It should present its annual plan,
budget and performance report to the TAC and receive its
approval for the next year.
The agenda for the TAC meetings should be prepared
through due consultation with the members.
The Governor should be made responsible for the overall
functioning of the TAC.
The provisions of the Sixth Schedule provide considerable space for
autonomy and self-governance. Through the Autonomous Councils, tribals
have the opportunity to enact legislations, execute programmes and
adjudicate at a scale larger than their individual villages. Such a provision
has helped tribes of the Northeast to protect their habitat, land, forests,
natural resources, culture and identity. They have not experienced
displacement and land alienation on the scale that tribes in ‘mainland’ India
have. In view of these powers of political autonomy, the tribal communities
in the Northeast region have fared much better in respect of socio-
economic, educational and health status. In contrast, the tribes in mainland
have fared miserably in all these spheres. Hence, there is an urgent need
for extending the pattern of the Sixth Schedule in the form of Autonomous
Councils in the Fifth Schedule areas as has been provided for in the
Provisions of Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996. The
specific provision notes that, “the State Legislature shall endeavour to
follow the pattern of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution while designing
the administrative arrangements in the Panchayats at district levels in the
Scheduled Areas”.
This pattern would provide tribal areas with an institutional structure that
mediates between the State Government and hamlet-level Gram Sabha.
There are various forms of Autonomous Councils in the Sixth Schedule
areas. These are represented by Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura and Assam.
On the question of which pattern would best suit the ‘mainland’ tribal
regions should be seriously deliberated and worked upon by the States with
Fifth Schedule areas.
There are a large number of States wherein tribes form a sizeable population
in blocks or villages, for example, in States like West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil
Nadu, Karnataka, Goa, etc. Tribal areas in these States must be brought under
the ambit of Scheduled Areas.
There are various impediments to the smooth and inclusive working of the
Autonomous Councils in Sixth Schedule areas which must be addressed.
In order to do so, we propose the following:
Autonomous Councils must be covered under State Finance

Commission that is empowered to review periodically the
financial position and lay down appropriate principles of
resource distribution between State and the Autonomous
Council. Funding should not be left to arbitrary discretion of the
State Governments.
The ADC should be reconstituted within six months of its dissolution.
✓ There should be provision for reservation for tribal women (one-third) as
well as smaller tribal groups in the ADCs and other political institutions.
✓ Traditional political institutions at the village/hamlet level should be
formally recognized by the State.
SOCIAL CHANGE AMONG THE TRIBES
Introduction:
N.K. Bose (1946) K. Suresh Singh(2001) S.C. Dube (1977), L.P.Vidyarthi

1977), S.R.Sharma, (1999), Surjisinha (1962), F.G. Bailey (1960) Roy Burman
(1970) Peter Gardner (1972-1978) Mandel Baum (1975) and so on studied the
problem of social change among the tribes they traced the roots of social change
among the tribes to the Pre British period, major social cultural changes social
change in post independent India
During the Pre-colonial period
During the pre-British days, the tribal societies have been leading the
existence of total isolation (geographical and cultural) from the centres of Indian
civilization. The presence of Antha Mahamatya during Mauryam period reveals
that the polity had contacts of the adivasis towards the large Hindus following
their customs and traditions including their animistic beliefs
According to Suresh Singh three major trends were visible during

precolonial period according to him
1) The first was colonisation and establishment of settlements by peasant
castes who were encouraged by the Mughal rules and zamindars to
reclaim lands and offered various incentives for this purpose or by other
categories of immigrants. Trade and strategic routes passing through the
jungle regions acquired a new significance. The Jharkhand and
Gondwana emerged as historical regions in the medieval period.
2) Secondly tribes such as Bhils, Meena, Kols and Gonds were recognised
as dominant tribal societies by the Mughal empire
3) Thirdly was the rise of state either out of the tribal matrix as in the case
of Gond as a result of the imposition on the tribal system of the authority
of Rajputs and other cases which established their power in the highlands
of Orissa central India, Gujarat and Rajasthan. A crucial precondition of
the formation of state in middle Indian was the extinction of cultivation
through the reclamation of land and the introduction of new agricultural
technology by the pleasantly from the plains. In this context the Gond
chiefs encouraged the settlements of non-tribal peasant communities
such as Kurmi, Hori , Kunbi who with theis superior agricultural
technology alone could generate the agricultural surpluses that the new
states require. Thus, a new mode of production emerged. The new states
acted as the agents of Sanskritization. They also strengthened the sense
of tribal identity. State formation stimulated commercial activities,
developed trade routes and promoted small state urbanism. A variety of
castes ranging generous of land to the artisan communities hooked to the
new fort cities. All in all, a complex socio-economic system had emerged
in certain parts of tribal societies in middle India before the colonial
system was established there.
Colonial period
F.G Bailey (1960), Surjit Singh (1962) N.K Bose (1946) and several others
identified the powerful forces of change released for the first time into the tribal
societies during the British period. The most apparent aspect is
1) The extension of authority of the state to the forest regions largely

inhabited by the tribal populations,
2) Breakdown of isolation of tribes
3) Breakdown of communal mode of production
4) Appearance of minor and major tribal uprisings
Peter Gardner also studied the effects of these changes on individual tribes
in Meghalaya in west Bengal, Orissa, Nilgiri hills and southern social changes
which took place among the tribes of central, eastern, north- eastern, western and
south Indian tribes
According to S.R. Sharma (1999) with the established of colonial rule
a) The relative isolation of most of the tribal societies in India came to an

end
b) Old forms of social control and agencies of social change were revised
c) New forms of commercialisation began: - Land became private

property. The colonial rule initiated commercial station of production,
consumerism and money or cash economy to precisely server their
explicatory interest. The state power played a decisive role in
determining the future of the people. As a result, the self-contained
subsistence economy based on agriculture and forest produce was
weakened and destroyed
d) The customary law of tribal groups was replaced by the new law of the
centralised state power during the British rule and this continued even
after that the new law operated through its administrative and Judicial
organs helped the process of Hinduization to some extent this process
progressed in proportion to the urbanisation and trans formation into
capitalist feature of the colonial period was the breakdown of
communal mode of production and the emergence of private right in
the land. A further stage in the penetration of tribal economy by market
the traditional form of barter system of tribes took to commodity
production on a limited scale even the most primitive economies came
gradually at within the operation of market system with the market
came the middle man merchants and money lenders. Here the concept
of Dikku (aliens) becomes crucial to the understanding of agrarian
relations. A Dikku was the creature of the colonial system he performed
a variety of functions as a middle man in administrative matters as a
money lender as a trader who controlled production of food grain
through the system of advanced credit and as a land grabber
e) The process of peasentisation and depeasentisation operated at the same

time. In this regard several tribals who were not peasants lame into the
fold of peasantry while a number of tribals after losing their land
entered into a different economic system. Substantial sectors of tribes
from middle India such as Santhals, Oraons and Mundas had to migrate
to the plantations of Assam and the adjoining areas, while others
became industrial labour share croppers etc
f) In tribal markets: - Also had undergone some changes because if the

activities undertaken by the British govt in tribal areas. In tribal tracts
inter-tribal markets were of socio- cultural importance. They served as
the placed not only for economic transactions but also as non-economic
activities. With the entry of market forces and creation of demand for
commodities manufacture by the outsiders the traditional tribal markets
either declined or were transformed into places of formal economic
exchange and activities profit making had never been dominant value
in tribal economy rather reciprocity, redistribution and co-operation
were the bases of the traditional tribal economy all these values were
eroded
The tribals’ society had started moving closer and closer to the
peasant or caste stratified system this had strengthened the role of
Sanskritization several tribes in middle India unitedly moved towards
the varna system and adopted Kshatriya modes of Sanskritization
because it was the easiest and the most popular process the Santhals
and the Gonds are the most obvious example of this process
g) There was change in the religious realm also the role of Christianity as
an agent of change also deserves some discussion mainly in the north-
east regions as well as pockets of tribals in M.P. Bihar Christianity is
the earliest agency of welfare in a number of tribal areas the
modernising role of christen missions is also an important feature of
social change in those tribal areas where it had a deep impact. But
unfortunately there always existed a close link between Christianity
and colonial administration at the political level the missionaries in
close collaboration with the colonial administrations rationalised, the
British rules and sought to create a new bastion of Indian in the initial
phases the missionary activities were disruptive of the tribal system
evangelisation was inherently ethnocentric. The missionary imposed
puritanical ethic on the permissive tribal society even though social
questions markedly varied depending on the exigencies in the north
eastern region and middle Indian they (Missionaries mainly worked on
the tribes and elsewhere on non-tribal communities mainly in the lower
social strata of Hindus and Muslims under the impact of Christianity a
number of values and institution of tribes declined obviously the
missionaries wanted the same time the Christianity gave a new sense
of self respect to the tribal peasants and sough to create a separate
identity for them
h) Another dimension of social changed among the tribals during the

British period is the role of tribal movements. Many tribes reacted to
the change brought about by the British in a variety of ways. As the
tribals live in relative isolation for a long time they were able to develop
their own social structure and mechanism of imposition of forest policy
and the entry of non-tribals created large number of socio-economic
problem as a consequence revolt against the administration. According
to K.S Singh the first phase (1795-1860) coincided with the rise
expansion and establishment of the British Empire these were the
primary resistance movements. Traditional tribal chiefs and their
subordinates lead them the main reason for stating the movements was
land alienation and loss of occupation. The chuar rebellion the
uprisings of chorus the Kol and Bhumij insurrections the resistance
offered by Gond Zamindars Khond tribals and the Santhals insurrection
were example of these movements the second phase (1860-1920)
coincided with the intensive phase of colonialism it saw a much deeper
penetration of tribal and peasant economies. By merchant capital
higher incidence of rent all gains registered during the first phase of the
movements were washed away all those non-tribals who were expelled
came back and settled at the same time many more also came
intensifying the exploitation of tribes unlike the peasants the tribal
movements develop a religious and political overtone. The tribals took
a critical view of their failure of the first phase of movements on the
basis of the introspection they sought to restructure the entire social
system. This was the beginning of revitalisation movements the Munda
Oraon, Santhal movement the Tana Bhagat movements The Bhil
movement led by Govind giri are the examples of this phase they
involved participation of the tribes in the national and agrarian
movements in Chotanagpur. They also reflected a deep sense of pride
in tribal cultures several followers of Mahatma Gandhi sprang up
among the Bhils, Gonds Ho’s, or cons Mundas and Santhals they also
coincided with the politicisation of the tribes bringing them into the
main stream of nation politics and political process. Both the phases of
the tribal movements were anti colonial, anti Dikkus and pro ethnic.
The tribal movements of the colonial period.
Post-Independent period
A number of Anthropologists like Majumdar (1947) Elvin (1943) S.C Dube

(1960). The tribal welfare committee (1952) Roy Burman (1971) and
L.P. Vidyarthi (1977) studied social change among the Indian tribes
their exercise was largely in terms of the orientation of the contact with
mainstream society.
Majumdar identified three classes of primitives on the basis of the degree of
social change among them thus he identifies
1) Primitive tribes outside the pale of Hindu influence the so called real
primitives eg:- Andaman Islands, Birhors, Juangs
2) Primitive tribes which have adopted Hindu customs beliefs and practices
and which have shown a degree of association with the Hindu caste and
have attained some cultural progress, through they are not recognised as
forming prominent castes and Santhals Oraons, Mundas
3) Primitive tribes who are Hinduised but maintain social distance from the
clean castes, though some of them are in distinguishable from the inferior
ranks of the casts order eg: Gonds, Bhumijas, Bhils
Majumdar agrees that is hardly any tribal community, which is out of

contact, and there he emphasises the assimilation adaptation
acculturation symbiosis operating among the tribals and between the
tribals and Hindus
While talking of external influence on tribal life Elwin (1943) gives a

fourfold classification tribes
1) Those who one most primitive live a joint communal life and cultrate
with axes
2) Those who, though equally attached to their solitude and ancient

traditions are more individualistic less occupied with axe cultivation
more used to outside life and generally less simple than the first group
3) Those the most numerous, probably twenty million who are under
external influence and are already on the way to lose their tribal culture
religion and social organisation
4) Tribes like the Bhil and the Naga which retain much of their original
tribal life and tree of culture intact
The tribal welfare committee constituted by the Indian conference of
social work in 1952 divided the tribes of India into four main divisions.
These are as follows:
a) Tribal communities: - tribals who confined themselves to original habitats
and still distinctive in pattern of life. Examples: - Andaman islanders,
Birhor, Chenchu and Juang
b) Semi tribal communities: Tribal who have more or less settled down in
rural areas take into agriculture and other allied occupations,
Example: Koli (Maharashtra), Baiga, Pradhan, Yanadi, Yerukala.
c) Acculturated tribal communities: Tribals who have migrated to urban and

semi-urban areas areas and are engaged in modern occupations in
industries rest of the population.
Example: - urban of the Tribals in the townships emerged out of the impact
of industrialisation in tribal areas like Ranchi, Bhilai, Jamshedpur, Rurkela,
Kothagudem etc., then those people who migrated to Assam and working
in tea gardens ex: Santhals, Mundas, Oraon’s, Ho’s etc.,
d) Totally assimilated tribes: example Gonds, Bhils, Banjaras, Cheru,

Bhumij.
L. P. Vidyarthi (1977): classified the Indian tribals into five categories on

the basis of the degree of social change in terms of Hinduisation, extent influence,
culture contact, etc. these are as follows:
1) Distinct tribal communities living in highly hunting isolated regions.
These are the forest hunting tribes and the hill cultivators. The forest
hunters include Birhors, Korwas, Kadars, Cholanayagan etc., the hill
cultivators include Maler, hill Khara, the Khond, the Asur (Jharkhand)
2) Rural tribes who are living in rural areas and are dependent on
agricultural and other allied occupations. Examples: - Santhals, Munda,
Ho, Oraon, Gond, Bhils, Mundas.
3) Semi acculturated tribals who have successfully blended their own

cultural traditions with etc., neighbouring people these are:
a) The tribes living in mixed villages.
b) They depend very much on tribals as well as non-tribals
c) These belong to simple artisan and folk artist type.

Example is Karmali, Lohar, Gondalia Lohars, Mahalis the Nats
(U.P), Pradhans (M.P, Chattisgarh, and A.P)
4) Acculturated tribals: who have adopted modern occupations in urban
and industrial fields and have mixed to a great extent to the rest of the
population. These are the industrial labourers and urban workers. No
particular tribe comes under this category but that to those who work in
the town area as office goes and traders come under this category.
5) Totally assimilated tribals who have acquired a place in the Hindu caste
ladder for example: the Bhumij, the Majhir, the Khasas and the Raj
Gonds come under this category.
Conclusion:
Social change can be summarised in three dimensions
Socio-Cultural
1. Sanskritization and assumption of caste, rituals etc.

The contact with Hindus has led to assumption of Hindu values and rituals
by the tribals. Various higher caste groups were models for this social mobility.
2. Marriage
a) Decline of Polygyny and polyandry
b) Type of acquiring spouse
c) Rituals of marriage
d) Premarital sex and Extra marital affairs
e) Marriage payments replacement of bride price with dowry
3. Value system
The tribal values in terms of beliefs, rituals, ideas, practices and
customs are increasingly modified due to the onslaught of mainstream
culture.
4. Locality and residence

Tribals have been moving into rural and urban areas in search of livelihood.
5. Status of women
Traditionally women in tribal societies enjoy equal status with men.
However, the urbanization, Sanskritization has reduced the position of
women vis-à-vis men. There are cases of rise in dowry, female infanticide
6. Youth dormitories
They have been on a downward path due to
✓ Spread of Christianity and the spread of Victorian era ethics
✓ Hindu missionaries burnt them because they thought they were
places for 'immoral sex'
✓ The Maoists also did not like them and ordered their girls to get
back home after dinner.
7. Cultural festivals and tribal religion
8. Language
Currently around 8.2 %of Indian population speaks in tribal
languages. However, these tribal languages are slowly on a decline due to
the cultural invasion of the mainland societies and of the westernisation.
At least 6 tribal languages are severely endangered, 42 are critically
endangered and five languages have already become extinct.
9. Cultural aspects
Cultural aspects like food, dressing, folklore, myths, customs and
traditions are endangered due to the enculturation of cultural aspects from
the mainstream society.
10. Breakdown of communal living and homogeneity

Tribes have been living a communal living with all the members doing
various activities in a group. This gave a strong sense of support to an individual
to cope up with various pressures of life.
Changes in occupation, migration, rise of private property and privacy
concerns has led to a fall in communal lifestyle of the tribals.
11. Mahua drinking and alcoholism

Consumption of alcohol is a part of social rituals in many tribal
communities. At the national level, it is noted that about half of Scheduled Tribe
men (51 percent) consume some form of alcohol. The prevalence of alcohol
consumption was found to be much lower among non-Scheduled Tribe men (30
percent). Therefore, such a pattern of drinking alcohol among Scheduled Tribe
men is bound to have negative effect on their health. The estimated prevalence
among Scheduled Tribes is found to be higher in the eastern states like Assam
(70 percent), West Bengal (70 percent), Odisha (69 percent), Chhattisgarh (67
percent), Jharkhand (67 percent) followed by Arunachal Pradesh (66 percent) and
Andhra Pradesh (66 percent). On the other hand, states like Himachal Pradesh,
Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Rajasthan show relatively lower prevalence of alcohol
consumption (around 30 percent). In a few exceptional cases like Sikkim,
Manipur, West Bengal, Maharashtra and Goa, a higher proportion of urban
Scheduled Tribe men drink alcohol as compared to their rural counterparts.
Mahua drinking is one of the cultural elements. However, the excise laws
prohibit manufacturing of mahua even for personal consumption.
The entry of Indian made foreign liquor and opening of licensed shops have
made it easy to acquire alcohol. This slowly led to alcohol addiction.
12. Shifting cultivation

Shifting cultivation has been practised by tribes both as a cultural as
well as survival practice. The rising population and the detrimental effects of
shifting cultivation has forced the government to take steps to wean away the
tribals from the dependence on this practice.
13. Tribal art

Tribal art is on a path of decline with little demand from the traditional
dependent groups. Moreover, the onslaught of the mainstream goods have further
reduced their significance.
But in recent years commodification of tribal art has been taken up by
various NGOs and art enthusiasts.
14. Sacred groves
Sacred groves of India are forest fragments of varying sizes,

which are communally protected, and which usually have a significant
religious connotation for the protecting community. Hunting and
logging are usually strictly prohibited within these patches. Other
forms of forest usage like honey collection and deadwood collection
are sometimes allowed on a sustainable basis.
Threats to the grove include urbanization, over-exploitation of
resources (like overgrazing and excessive firewood collection), and
environmental destruction due to religious practices.
Economic
1. Self-reliance to state dependent
Tribes, over generations have adapted to the nature and have a

self-reliant economy. However, in due course of time, they have
transformed into a poor community continuously requiring state
assistance.
2. Barter to market
Barter exchange is the major means of exchange of goods between

tribes and the mainstream society. However, this is slowly replaced by
the market system with profit as the motive.
3. Land as a private property
Tribes usually do not have the notion of private property. All the
land or forest that is used for food gathering, production or grazing is
communally owned. But in recent days, the notion of private property
is on rise. The demand for land and the shift in occupation to agriculture
has raised the demand for land.
4. Migration for employment
The literacy rate of tribes in India is quite less and has led to the
under development of these groups. The people are either unemployed
or underemployed. They are in search of jobs which can keep them
employed throughout the year. They need to be helped in developing
secondary source of income.
Tribal people suffer predominantly from the phenomenon of
poverty–induced migration because of rain-fed agriculture and absence
of other avenues of employment. Fragmentation of land, loss of land
due to acquisition and illegal land alienation by non-tribals also cause
people to migrate. Deforestation and decreasing access to forests and
drought are other contributory factors for tribal migration. Due to
compulsion involved in migrating in search of livelihood, it would be
more accurate to describe such migration as ‘forced migration’.
5. Poverty and Indebtedness
The tribal people are economically one of the most backward

communities in the country. According to the reports of Lakdawala
committee and Tendulkar committee for the year 2004-2005 27.5% and
37.2% of scheduled tribes population respectively comes under below
poverty line. These people are often exploited at the hands of outsiders,
landlords and money lenders due to their innocence and illiteracy. The
British policies exploited the tribes to the core by benefitting the
zamindars, money lenders, forest contractors and revenue officials.
The tribes have been involved in the agriculture of the crudest type
since ages. Their participation in tertiary and secondary sector is
negligible. Due to the lack of resources and uneconomical land
holdings this practice has proved to be futile for them. Many times their
land holdings are transferred to the non tribal people and despite their
continuous demand for the return of their land they are left empty
handed. The demands of the tribes are suppressed by the authorities and
they have to lead a life of poverty.
Due to the lack of banking facilities in the tribal areas tribes have
to depend on money lenders who exploit them by charging high rate of
interest on the loans they provide to the tribal people. The tribes suffer
indebtedness due to exorbitantly high rate of interest and often it leads
to dispossession of land. Land alienation is the major cause of
indebtedness, also family income and social compulsions lead to it.
Indebtedness on account of religious and social obligations and
expenses on litigation, medical treatment and alcoholism has further
accentuated the problem of tribals.
The poverty-stricken tribes due to the lack of employment

opportunities agree to work as bonded labourers in agriculture sector,
brick kilns, stone queries, power looms and hand looms. They are
irregularly paid and are made bonded without workplace protection.
6. Bonded labour
Though the main causes of origin, growth and perpetuation of

bonded labour system are economic, the social and religious factors to
support the custom. The economic causes include:
extreme poverty of people, inability to find work for livelihood,
inadequate size of the landholdings to support family, lack of
alternative small-scale loans for the rural and urban poor, natural
calamities like drought, floods etc., destruction of men ‘animals,
absence of rains, drying away of wells, meagre income from forest
produce, and inflation and constant rising prices.
The social factors include:
High expenses on occasions like marriage, death, feast, birth of a

child, etc., leading to heavy debts, caste-based discrimination, lack of
concrete social welfare schemes to safeguard against hunger and
illness, non- compulsory and unequal educational system, and
indifference and corruption among government officials.
Sometimes, exploitation by some persons in a village also
compels people to migrate to some other place and seek not only
employment on the employer’s conditions but also get protection from
influential persons. Religious arguments are used to con-vince the
people of low castes that religion enjoins upon them to serve people of
high castes. Illiteracy, ignorance, immaturity and lack of skill and
professional training sustain such beliefs. Broadly speaking, it may be
maintained that bondage originates mainly from economic and social
pressures
7. Land alienation
Land is an important asset in the tribal economy. Alienation of
land of tribal communities and loss of rights to Common Property
Resources, mainly forests and large-scale displacement and enforced
migration takes place in following ways:
a. Development-induced displacement by acquisition of land by
the State based on principle of ‘eminent domain’ for ‘public purpose’
without a ‘land for land’ provision for rehabilitation. Acquisition by the
State for development projects also leads to alienation of land and
displacement due to environmental pollution and damage to land in the
area near projects but tribal people so displaced are not entitled to any
compensation.
b. Illegal land alienation takes place due to participation of
revenue functionaries and officials, and incorrect interpretation of laws,
manipulation of records and permission accorded to alienate land. State
Laws are amended to include provisions that facilitate land alienation
of tribal communities.
c. Community land of tribal communities is recorded as
Government land in survey and settlement operations and most State
tenancy laws recognize only individually owned registered land. Such
lands have not been fully surveyed and there is no record of user
practices, which would be shown as Government land.
d. State action of acquiring tribal lands for settling refugees has
resulted in land alienation and displacement. There is also
encroachment of tribal land by immigrants.
e. Creation of National Parks have resulted in alienation of rights
and consequent displacement and forced migration of tribal people.
f. Conflicts in the Northeast have resulted in tribal people losing
everything and being displaced from their home ground.
8. Forest produce
Tribals used forest produce for personal consumption and for

exchange of agricultural goods with the villagers. The forest laws restrict
access of minor forest produce to tribals. This has brought the tribals in
conflict with law.
The MFP that has been collected by the tribals are bought by the
mainstream business men at very low prices.
9 Entry of money
Tribals for a very long time used barter system of exchange to

fulfil their needs. The contact with mainstream society has led to the
replacement of barter with market system. The poor earning capacity
and lack of negotiating ability has led to exploitation and
impoverishment of tribals.
Political
1. Traditional head of tribe
Tribal societies have a head of the tribe who decides over various
issues. With the entry of democratic institutions, there is a clash
between the tribal leader and the representative of the government.
2. Concept of crime and Law and justice system
Tribals usually do not have an established criminal justice system.

There is no division fo civil and criminal law. Every wrongdoing is
dealt by the tribal group or by the head of the tribe. Means of oath,
ordeals and other means are used for conflict resolution.
Tribals have their own methods of resolution of conflict through
mediation or negotiation. The modern judicial system is alien to them
and not suited to their lifestyle. The inability of the tribals to
comprehend laws has led to prolonged suffering.
4. Excise laws and Forest laws

The excise laws and forest laws have been framed without
consideration of the tribal interests. Drinking of homemade alcohol in
the form of mahua is a culturally significant for tribals. But excise laws
prohibit such practices which also brings tribals in conflict with law.
Forest laws establish that the government is the sole authority to
protect he forests. Forest officials have been troubling tribals who
venture into forests for collection of minor forest produce for
consumption and sale.
The forest rights act is a welcome step in the direction of
recognition of rights of the tribals
5. National parks, sanctuaries

In recent years, India has captured international attention for both
its high levels of threatened biodiversity as well as the cultural diversity
amongst its people. In an attempt to preserve the nation’s forests and
wildlife, the government has adopted the international notion that for
nature to be conserved, it must remain pristine and uninhabited by
humans. Unfortunately, this ideal has created an array of difficulties for
the indigenous hill tribe people of the country, especially in the north-
eastern states.
The Wildlife Protection Act, 1972 is a strong regulatory statute
which restricts almost all activities inside Protected Areas. These
include restrictions on entry to sanctuary (Section 27), removal of
forest products including NTFPs (except for bonafide self
consumption), regulation or prohibition of grazing or movement of
livestock etc. This effectively exiles people living inside the Protected
area from civilization, with restrictions on movement of goods and
services. The Protected areas under the act such as National parks and
wildlife sanctuaries threaten local villager's traditional livelihoods by
tearing them from their homes, denying them access to previously used
resources, and preventing them from acquiring land for agriculture.
It is not uncommon for this to have even further negative impacts
on the villagers’ food stability, health and economy. In addition,
government policies based on the assumption that people are
incompatible with wilderness protection have created a hostile
environment in which hill tribes’ relations with park management turn
bitter and mutual cooperation for the environment’s sake is absent.
Other issues with the govt. Such as,
a) Non-recognition of rights over land in Survey and Settlement:
This applies mainly to the practice of shifting cultivation, traditionally
practiced by large number of tribal communities.
b) Non-recognition of customary use : Most of the customary uses
of the local inhabitants on forests (including other natural resources like
water) have not been codified or recorded in any record of rights.
c) Lack of up to date and proper settlements of land rights: Most
of the sanctuaries are in the remote tribal areas. In most of these areas,
only one round of Settlements have taken place. The current situation
in terms of land tenure in these areas is highly confused, with a major
discrepancy between formal tenure and informal land use.
For eg., Mankidias and Khadias are the nomadic tribes who
preferred to live inside the forest. Following the declaration of Simlipal
Tiger Reserve they were assured of rehabilitation and resettlement,
which is still under process even after years.
Current discourse thus emphasizes the need to integrate
conservation with community development by embracing
a) rights-based approaches
b) hill tribe participation
c) co-management of parks
d) economic incentives for the land’s protection.
Though it is undeniable that conservation policies are essential for
the survival of India's precious biodiversity, protection strategies must
incorporate indigenous rights in order to be successful in the
implementation of conservation of biodiversity programmes.
6. Panchayat raj institutions
PESA was enacted to cover the "Scheduled areas", which are not
covered in the 73rd amendment or Panchayati Raj Act of the Indian
Constitution. It was enacted on 24 December 1996 to enable Gram
Sabhas to self-govern their natural resources.
Implementation of PESA ensured that panchayats and gram
sabhas would be benefited by way of ownership of resources and rights
in the scheduled areas in true sense and help in realisation of self-
reliance in the villages
PESA Act helps in implementation of various provisions for self-

rule for village communities in scheduled areas. The Act provides
solution to many issues such as tribal land alienation, deprivation of
rights on minor forest produce, lack of control of the residents over
natural resources, lack of control over local plans and so forth.
7. Reservations
Reservations in political sphere has enabled tribals to situate
themselves in the governance of the nation. Reservations has been
provided for the tribals from the panchayat to the parliament level.
Though tribals are elected to various positions in the government,
the true power in terms of the influence they have over policies and
decision making is worrying. Sometimes tribals are put up as proxy for
the strong leader of the local dominant caste. In that scenario, though
the elected is tribal, the true power remains with the leader of the local
dominant caste.
HISTORY OF TRIBAL ADMINISTRATION
1. TRIBAL ADMINISTRATION
Introduction:
The British were the first rulers to evolve a conscious and deliberate policy
towards administering the tribal areas. The main features of British
Administrative Policy towards the tribes were (i) segregation; and (ii) Laissez
Faire or live and let live.
As the freedom struggle gained momentum, the British demonstration

ensured that the tribals who were already known for their fierce independence
and opposition to external authority, did not in any way join hands with the
leaders of the national movement. The British strengthened the isolation of tribal
areas, particularly in the North –east, by not developing any means of
communication. Whatever communication network they developed was only to
facilities the exploitation of tribals by contractors and for their own security
purposes.
First Phase (1782-1827):
The British, in their pursuit of territorial expansion, came into contact with
the Indian tribal first in Bengal. The seeds of British policy towards tribals
emerged out of their attempts to curb the revolt of the Paharias of Rajmahal Hills
in Bengal who revolted against the Hindu zamindars. The British suppressed the
Paharias revolt at first, but later on, the tribal leaders were bribed and pacified. In
order to keep a vigil on the Paharias, retired/ ex-services men were encouraged
to settle in and around the areas where the Paharias lived. In 1782, August
Clevelend, the administrator of the area put forward a scheme of special
administration for the Rajmahal hills. On his suggestion, the Rajmahal hill tracts
was removed from the general pattern of administration. The government created
local courts made up of local tribal leaders who were given civil and criminal
jurisdiction over the Rajmahal Hill area. The Paharias were also allowed to hold
rent-free land. Clevelend’s policy marked the beginning of the British approach
to the administration of tribal areas, which, by and large, continued till
independence.
In 1796 the government passed a regulation for the demonstration of justice
and for other demonstrative matters for Rajmahal Hill Assembly. However, this
experiment of Clevelend did not succeed because of corruption and mal-
administration. In 1827, the Government was forced to withdraw the 1976
regulation and bring the Paharias and other tribes under the partial jurisdiction of
the ordinary courts of the land, and providing for special exemption for the tribals
in certain cases.
Second Phase (1888-1919):
The pattern of administration experimented in the case of Paharia remained

till 1855 Santhal Revolt. The upheavals of the Santhals forced the British
government to rethink. As a result, they more or less rehabilitation-introduced the
policy of separate demonstrative zones for tribal areas. The tribal areas were
brought under special administration (called Non-regulation Area) where their
officers were given special civil and penal powers. By the Indian councils Act of
1861, the British Parliament gave statutory recognition to the specially
administered non-regulation areas.
The Government of India Act of 1870 gave formal powers to Governor-

General-in Council to enforce various regulations/laws in the socalled non-
regulation areas. The 1870 Act used the term “the scheduled tracts” for tribal
areas. Or example, Darjeeling, Kumaon, Garhwal, Chotta Nagpur, Santhal
Pangnas, Lakshadweep, North Andhra Pradesh, etc Were declared as scheduled
Tracts.
In 1874, a Scheduled District Act was passed, to give effects to the

provisions of the Government of India Act 1870 in so far as the administration of
scheduled tract was concerned. The 1874 Act empowered the local governments
to specify the laws and regulations including any modifications required to be
applied in the cases of these specially administered tribal areas.
The above policy more or less continued till the passing of Government of
India Act 1919. The Government of India Act 1919 brought in the concept of
backward tracts. There were two types of tribal areas (a) Scheduled tracts where
the tribals more or loss constituted the entire population and (b) the backward
tracts where the tribals lived along with others, though this distinction was not
always maintained. In the case of backward tracts, the government thought that
only modification of all India/local laws were enough whereas, in the case of
Scheduled tracts, exclusive administrative and local arrangements were
necessary.
Third Phase (1935-1947):

Under the Government of India Act, 1935 divided the tribal areas into (a)
Partially excluded and (b) wholly excluded areas in continuity with the earlier
division of backward tracts and scheduled tracts. The following were the main
features that distinguished excluded areas from partially excluded areas.
(a) In excluded areas, the Governor functioned on his own discretion. In

partially excluded areas, he had t o seek the advice of the village
administrators.
(b) The expenditure with regard to excluded areas was not subject to vote
by the legislature, whereas in the case of partially excluded areas they
were subject to vote.
(c) Any discussion in the legislature on any matter concerning excluded

areas needed the prior approval of the Governor.
(d) In the partially excluded areas, people were allowed to elect

representatives to provincial legislature with a more limited franchise,
whereas in excluded areas the tribals were not given any representation.
However, the governor could nominate representative from excluded
areas. In fact, the tribals were not allowed to form any political parties.
The demonstration of these areas was more or less of an authoritarian-
paternalistic type. The Deputy Commissioners, who were mostly
drawn from I.C.S. were virtually the masters working under the direct
control of the Governor. However, the British allowed the tribals,
specially in excluded areas, to have their own native political
institutions like Siemship, the Lyngdoship, Sirdarship, the Doloship in
the Khasi Hills )of the present state of Meghalaya).
In the partially excluded areas, popular ministries in Bihar, Orissa, Bombay,

etc., appointed tribal enquiry Committees to go into the conditions of the tribals.
However, not much work could be done as the congress ministries resigned in the
wake of the Second World War.
Post-Independence Policy:
After independence, the national leaders decided to bring the tribal areas into
the national main stream. As a life step, the distinction between the excluded and
partially excluded areas was abolished. However, since the tribal areas in some
parts of the country needed protection and safeguards, the constituent assembly
appointed a sub-committee under the Chairmanship of Shri. Gopinath Bardoloi
to examine a set up for tribal areas. On the recommendation of Bardoloi
Committee, the Sixth Scheduled of the Constitution was incorporates providing
for special administrative set up for tribal areas of North-east (the working of the
district councils provided under the sixth Scheduled is discussed separately). The
government has now extended the concept, of district councils to tribal areas
outside the north-east as well, to Darjeeling hill district in west Bengal to Ladak
in Jammu and Kashmir
Scheduled Areas
In the wake of tribal rebellions in the nineteenth century, the British became
convinced of the vulnerability of tribal populations in the form of various
‘outsiders’ and assumed the role of paternalist protectors of tribals against the
non-tribal exploiters. This brand of protectionism, however, worked to justify
British presence in tribal areas as the guardian of their interests. Indeed, British
policy toward tribals followed a contradictory path: on the one hand, it advocated
protection of these areas through exclusion from the operation of general laws
and on the other hand, it facilitated assimilation with the larger social structures
through the market.
Even prior to the development of a delineation of the characteristic features

of a tribe, there existed a separate system of governance for predominantly tribal
areas marked by special legal provisions and the non-applicability of general laws
in these areas. Thus, the creation of distinctive tribal spaces in legal-
administrative terms preceded the classification of specific groups as tribes based
on established criteria. These areas are referred as Scheduled Areas in the post-
Independence period.
In the Singhbhum area, for example, the British introduced a system of

administration, similar to that already in place in Ramgarh and Jungle Mahals
through Regulation XIII of 1833. Wilkinson’s Rules meant the withdrawal of
regulations in force in other parts of British India and the assignment of all
governance in the district to the Political Agent to the Governor-General. These
areas came to be known as Non-Regulation Provinces and were to be governed
by special rules for civil and criminal justice, collection of land revenue, and so
on. In 1874, another law was passed which renamed the non-regulation tracts as
Scheduled Districts and defined their geographical boundaries. In the Northeast
region, in addition, the British put in force the Inner Line Regulation in 1873, as
the point beyond which general laws for the colony would not be applicable and
entry of subjects living outside the area was strictly prohibited.
The separation of these areas continued with the Government of India Act,
1919 which renamed the Scheduled Tracts as ‘Backward Tracts’ and also
distinguished between ‘really backward tracts’ wherein the Governor General
was exclusively responsible for law and administration and the ‘backward tracts’
wherein the Governor General could act through local officials. This
nomenclature was altered to ‘wholly excluded areas’ and ‘partially excluded
areas’ respectively by the Simon Commission according to the level of
backwardness. The Government of India Act, 1935 followed from this, stating
that the Governor could determine policy directly or through his agents in the
tribal areas and prohibited legislative Council members from asking any
questions about the administration of the excluded areas. Functionaries of the
colonial government were, therefore, singularly responsible for about 15 million
people in the sub-continent.
The role of the Agent of the Governor-General in these areas was two-fold:
to protect the tribal from the non-tribal populations and to exert a civilizing
influence on them through programmes of reform. The policy of exclusion came
from the belief of the colonial government that their government would be best
for the tribals and that the Indian government would only impose dominant
cultural values on them. Thus, a special class of areas with tribal-majority
populations was created, within which a distinctive legal framework would
operate with the following characteristics: rule by district officers under the
governor, simple procedures in dispute settlement, restriction of entry of non-
tribals, the exclusion of these areas from the operation of ordinary laws.
One of the primary features of the Partially Excluded areas was that no
general laws would apply to these areas, unless the Governor saw it fit to apply
these legislations.
In the post-1947 period, however, this feature was altered vis-à-vis the Fifth
Schedule areas since now all Central and State laws would automatically apply
to tribal areas unless the Governor took the decision to prevent application or
modify/amend the legislation in keeping with the circumstances of the Scheduled
Areas. Rarely do Governors invoke this power leading to a situation where in all
legislations, irrespective of their suitability in Scheduled Areas, are operational
without any amendment or alteration.
At the same time, one of the assumptions behind the creation of these spaces
was the idea that the tribes could not cope with the complexity of representative
institutions. The Montagu-Chelmsford Report which was to later form the basis
of the Government of India Act, 1919 even noted that “there was no political
material on which to found political institutions” in these areas.
The demand for political autonomy by tribals was overlooked, despite

several on-going agitations for political rights. Further, this view neatly separated
the related issues of social and economic well-being and political power. The
resultant policies were based on the economic integration of tribals through
development programmes while attempting to ensure that the cultural aspects of
their society such as language and customs were left untouched. This
understanding of the tribal question continued into the post-colonial period. The
Constitution of India continued with this system of governance through the
separate, but inter-linked categories of Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Areas.
Similar to Scheduled Tribes, the definition for Scheduled Areas (under the
Fifth Schedule of the Constitution) is “such areas as the President may by order
declare to be Scheduled Areas”. The criterion for the declaration of an area as a
Scheduled Area was identified by the first Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes
Commission (Dhebar Commission). The features of such an area were: the
preponderance of tribal population, compactness and reasonable size of the area,
under-developed nature of the area, and marked disparity in the economic
standard of the people. Several orders relating to Scheduled Areas have been
passed by the President over the years. The present Scheduled Areas follows the
pattern of the erstwhile Partially Excluded Areas, although more orders regarding
Scheduled Areas have been passed by the President in the post-Independence
period. Since 1976, there have been efforts to ensure that the Scheduled Areas
coincide with the Tribal Sub-Plan areas through several orders, although this task
is still not complete.
It is important to reiterate that there are several tribal-populated and tribal-

dominant areas across the country which are not Scheduled Areas and therefore,
are not covered by the protections offered under the Fifth Schedule. These include
tribals living in the nine States of India which have Scheduled Areas as well as
those living outside of these States – for example, in West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar
Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka and the Union
Territories of Daman and Diu, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Lakshadweep, and the
Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
For example, the southern region comprising Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil
Nadu comprise over five per cent of the total Scheduled Tribe population.
Karnataka alone has 50 recognised tribal groups within its State boundaries while
Tamil Nadu has 37 Scheduled Tribes and Kerala has 36 Scheduled Tribes. A large
proportion of the tribal population of South India belongs to the Nilgiri hills
region, covering all these three States. Although, a survey by the British in 1847
apparently revealed that about 78 per cent of the people in the Nilgiri plateau
region were tribal hunter-gatherers, pastoralists and shifting cultivators, these
areas were never scheduled, possibly due to British economic interests in the
emerging plantation economy. Tribals in this region face serious problems of
landlessness, land alienation, malnutrition, bonded labour, eviction from National
Parks and Sanctuaries, as well as displacement due to mines and hydroelectric
projects. However, by and large, discussions around tribal rights tend to focus on
Fifth and Sixth Schedule Areas to the neglect of other non-Scheduled regions
with substantial tribal populations.
On the question of Scheduled Areas, the Bhuria Commission (2002-2004)

requested the governments in the various States with sizeable tribal populations
to comment on the existing criteria for scheduling of areas through an assessment
of their validity within the contemporary context and through recommendations
that could make the given criteria more specific and precise. For example, it
remains unclear what exactly ‘preponderance’ of tribals means in terms of
percentages of the population. There is also the question of the size of the
administrative unit within which ‘preponderance’ is necessary – at the level of
the district or the block or the village. This is an especially important question
given that there has been considerable in-migration of non-tribals to Scheduled
Areas as well as non-Scheduled areas with large tribal populations. This influx
has changed the relative population of tribal and non-tribal communities in the
area, often worsening the disparity between the two groups.
The State Governments, in response to the Bhuria Commission, provided

several suggestions on this issue, with some calling for changes in the criteria
while others declaring their satisfaction with the status quo as regards their States.
The State Government of Chhattisgarh noted that while it has about 81,669 sq.
km as Scheduled Areas, there are 88,000 sq. km in the state under the Tribal Sub-
Plan (TSP), thus creating a disparity which must be addressed by making
Scheduled Areas coterminous with TSP areas. They further suggested the
condition of 50% Scheduled Tribe population for declaration of Scheduled Area
as well as the treatment of the Gram Sabha as a viable unit. Madhya Pradesh, on
the other hand, has suggested a norm of 40% tribal population in a block and
Gram Panchayat for eligibility. The government also argued that human
development indices may not be a viable standard for exclusion from Scheduled
Areas, since there is considerable economic and social differentiation between
and within tribal groups. The Rajasthan government recommended that the
backwardness of an area be assessed, according to the following parameters: ST
female literacy and availability of safe drinking water, healthcare, and electricity.
Based on these suggestions, the Bhuria Commission recommended:
that the notification of Scheduled Areas should include villages as well as towns
and cities in the blocks, tehsils and districts, including all forest and revenue
lands that all the Integrated Tribal Development Projects (ITDPs), Modified
Development Approach (MADA) pockets included in the Tribal Sub-Plan should
be considered for notification as Scheduled Areas subject to conformity with the
established standards.
The parameters for further inclusion of non-Scheduled Areas within the

ambit of the Fifth Schedule must be debated by the central and State Governments
and action must be taken in this regard immediately. The situation wherein a
substantial number of Scheduled Tribes reside outside of the Scheduled Areas
needs to be addressed to ensure that tribes are not denied the protections offered
by the Constitution and other legislations pertaining to Scheduled Areas. Given
the onslaught of global market forces on tribal lands, the extension of such
provisions is of the utmost importance and urgency.
Section II: Legal and Administrative Framework in Scheduled Areas

In the post-colonial period, the classification of an area (which may range in
size from a single village to a block to an entire district within a State) as a
Scheduled Area carries significant legal and political implications since it is on
this basis that the provisions of either the Fifth or the Sixth Schedule apply. 19
These constitutional arrangements for the Scheduled Tribes follow different
patterns and provide for both protections from non-tribals (particularly on land
alienation, money-lending and political representation) and provisions for
autonomous decision-making on various matters. These frameworks constitute
the recognition of the adverse inclusion of tribal communities within the global
political economy as well as the distinctiveness of tribal culture and identity
threatened by the cultural imperialism of the non-tribal majority. At the same
time, it must be noted that several of these provisions are paternalistic in nature
and are not entirely adequate to the onerous task of ensuring the protection of
tribal land and resources given the current context of liberalisation. Moreover, the
experience of the functioning of the institutions created under these constitutional
provisions demonstrates that stricter implementation and further strengthening of
laws is an urgent necessity. This section examines the various arrangements
instituted for the Scheduled Tribes and briefly analyses the strengths and
weaknesses of each. Such an analysis is essential in order to objectively assess
whether these provisions have fulfilled their stated goals over the last sixty years
and to begin a discussion on potential mechanisms to strengthen their functioning
in the future.
TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT
1. APPROACHES FOR TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT
Introduction:
The tribals are relatively isolated and live at various stages of economic,
technical and cultural development. The overall development of tribal
communities depends largely upon the consideration of their problems and
programmes carried accordingly. Considering the socio-economic conditions of
the tribals, geographical location of tribal areas, and keeping in mind socio-
political issues of the state, various approached by the religious missionaries,
social reformers and anthropologists have been evolved to develop the tribal
people in India.
Religious Approach
(a) The basic thrust of this approach is to assimilate tribals into a religious
culture which, in turn, helps breaking their isolation and passivity and
joining them with the national mainstream, the missionaries of various
denominations have been involved in the activities of conversion on while
undertaking certain reformative measures for tribal people. (b) The religious
agencies like Arya Samaj, the Ramakrishna Mission, the Luther Mission,
the catholic Mission, are worth mentioning. These agencies have been
carrying out massive conversion activities in central India and north-eastern
India. The missionaries have tried to understand tribal culture and language
for the sake of its assimilation to the culture of Christian Church. The Hindu
religious bodies have also attempted to assimilate tribal into a Hindu
framework.
Criticism
But the tribal religion is perceived as ‘animism’ in its various degrees of

manifestation within the tribal community. Tribals live in their own religious
world, practising some distinct and typical religious rituals and are considered is
having a separate religious identity. The conversion of tribes by religious
agencies generate a crisis of their identity and ethnicity, and it has often disrupted
the tribal cultural fabric or social solidarity.
Voluntary Agency Approach:
(a) This approach aims at the promotion of standard of living and social
awareness among the tribal people. The voluntary works in the tribal areas
are undertaken by social workers, reformers and other social movement
agencies.
(b) The notable voluntary social service organisations are: Indian Red Cross
Society, All India Backward Classes Federation, Indian Council for child
Welfare, Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh, Bharatiya Depressed Classes
League, Orissa Adivasi Congress, Bihar Adimjati seva Mandal, etc.
(c) These organisations claim that they have no vested interests in rendering
social services or extending economic benefits to the tribal people.
(d) They function in both official and non-official spheres.
Political Approach:
(a) This approach emphasizes the participatory role of tribals in various levels
of politics, administration and nation-building. This was considered
significant to improve the administrative situation in the country. The
[political approach has not only included policy-making and providing
suitable constitutional safeguards for the tribal people, but also a vast
administrative structure for tribal welfare. This can be understood in the
context of the pre-Independence and the post-Independence period.
The British demonstration dealt with the tribals as basically ‘law and order’
problem keeping them isolated from the maine stream of national life. After
Independence the Constitution of the tribal people in the national mainstream. To
promote the integration of tribal with fest or India, the Constitution provided
special safe guard and facilities to this section by way of protective discrimination
for a period of ten years. This time period has been extended subsequently.
Anthropological Approach:
The anthropologists have dealt with the problems of tribals in different ways
and tried to find out possible solutions. They happened to be concept about the
problems of integration and isolation. Elwin’s concept of ‘park land, brought
about a break through and initiated a debate,. His viewx was refuted by Ghurye
and others who argued for the assimilation of tribals into the Hindu fold. Elwin
changed his earlier version of cultural segregation and emphasized a careful
planning for tribal development. Applied anthropology in India seeks the co-
operations of social welfare workers, applied anthropologists and administrative
staff for the effective implementation of plans and programmes for the
development of tribals. Anthropologists have laid emphasis on the proper
understanding of tribal community, their social organisations and tribal culture.
They hold view that no meaningful development projects may be formulated
without a through knowledge of socio-cultural base and the physical
environmental of the people concerned. Above all, this approach looks for a
composite culture and greater area of integration of the tribes.
The above-mentioned approaches find support in the three important

theories, namely, (i) theory of isolation, (ii) theory of assimilation and (iii) theory
of integration. The protagonists of these theories look into the tribal problems in
their respective ways.
Theory of Isolation
This theory of isolationism is widely known as ‘National Park theory’

popularised by Elwin. He suggested that ‘the first necessity of the establishment
of National Park, in which not only the Baiga but thousands of simple Gonds in
their neighbourhood might take refuge. A fairly large area was to be marked out
for this purpose. The area should be under the direct control of tribe’s
commissioner who should be an expert standing between them and legislature”.
In short, the administration was to be ‘so adjusted as to allow the tribes-men to
live their lives with utmost possible happiness and freedom. No missionaries of
any religion were to be allowed to break up tribal life.
Verrier Elwin in his book, The Baiga (1939), advocates establishment of a

sort of 'National Park' in a wild and largely inaccessible part of country under
direct control of a tribal commissioner. Inside this area, administration should
allow tribesmen to live their live with utmost possible happiness and freedom.
Wide power would be given to old tribal council and authority of village headman
would be established. Non-tribal settlings in this area would be required to take
out license. No missionaries of any religion would be permitted to break up tribal
life. Everything possible would be done for the progress of tribals within this area,
provided the quality of tribal life would not be impaired. Tribal culture would not
be destroyed and tribal freedom would be restored and maintained. Tribe’s
contact with outsiders should be minimised. Economic development would be
given high priority. Simple and need oriented education would be given to tribal
people. Fishing and hunting would be freely permitted and dictatorship of
subordinate officials within the area should be eradicated.
Tribal population in India belongs to various stages of cultural development.

Verrier Elwin in his book ‘The Aboriginals’(1943) divides Indian tribes into four
classes according to their stage of cultural development.
1. Class I is the purest of pure tribal groups comprising about two or
three million persons. Elwin and a large section of missionary
reformers and anthropologists grow lyrical over the robust, vibrant
and healthy life of this tribal group. According to Elwin, these
highlanders do not merely exist like so many villagers, they really
live. Their religion is characteristic and alive, their tribal organisation
is un-impaired, their artistic and choreographic traditions are
unbroken, and their mythology still vitalises healthy organisation of
tribal life. Geographical conditions have largely protected them from
debasing contacts of the plains. It is said that the hoot of the motor-
horn would sound the knell of the aboriginal tribes.
2. A section of the above category of tribes has been experiencing
contact with plain and consequently undergoing change. This group
is coming under class II of Elwin’s classification. Though such group
retain its tribal mode of living it may exhibit many contrasting
characteristics with the first group. Instead of communal life this
group lives a village life which has become individualistic. Their
communal life and traditions are only preserved through their village
dormitories. They do not share things with one another. Axe
cultivation has ceased to be a way of life for them. Members of these
tribes are more contaminated by life outside. They come in contact
with groups living on periphery who live a more complex i.e. civilised
life. Members of these tribes are less simple and less honest than
members of tribes belonging to class I.
3. Tribe belonging to class III constitutes the largest section of total
tribal population, about four-fifth of it, i.e. nearly twenty millions.
Members of this class of tribal groups are in a peculiar state of
transition. They bare tribal in name but have become as like as Hindus
who belong to lower rung of Hindu society. One section of this class
has got converted into Christianity. This group of tribes has been
appreciably affected by external contacts. They have been exposed to
influence of economic and socio-cultural forces of Hindu society.
They have also subjected to missionary influences. But above all, they
have been most adversely affected by the economic and political
policies of the British which resulted in their being dragged into orbit
of colonial-capitalist system in India. Members belonging to this
category of tribal groups were uprooted from their mode of
production in same way as were millions of cultivators and artisans
living in the multitude of autarchic of villages of pre-British India
from their self-sufficient, self-contained village community setting.
During British period under impact of new economic and politico-
administrative measures these tribesmen lost their moorings from
their economy, social organization and cultural life. A large section
of this population was reduced to status of bond slaves or agrestic
serfs of money- lender, zamindar and contractor who emerged due to
political and economic policy pursued by British. Another section was
reduced to category of near to slave labourer working on plantation,
mine, railway or road construction or other enterprise. They were
uprooted from their habitat and condemned to a wretched existence.
A number of these tribes were branded as criminal tribes as their
members could survive only by criminal means. They lost their land
and occupation and had no alternative means to subsistence because
of economic and political exploitation of British.
4. Class IV tribals consists of old aristocracy of country, represented
today by great Bhil and Naga Chieftains, Gond Rajas, a few Binshevar
and Bhuyia landlords, korku noblemen, wealthy Santal and Uraon
leaders and some highly cultured Mundas. They retain their own tribal
names, clan and totem rules. They observe elements of tribal religion
despite of adopting full Hindu faith and live in modern or even
European style. According to Elwin, tribals of this class have won the
battle of cultural contacts. It seems that they have acquired aristocratic
traditions, economic stability, affluence, outside encouragement, a
certain arrogance and self-confidence characteristic alike ancient
families and modern enterprise. This class of tribals has secured
benefit of civilisation without injury to themselves.
Elwin observes, whole aboriginal problem is to how to enable tribesmen of the

first and second classes to advance direct into the fourth class without having to
suffer the despair and degradation of the third. For this purpose, Elwin advocates
policy of isolation. He feels it is important to give some protection to tribal people
in transition period during which they must learn to stand on their own feet and
become strong enough to resist those who exploit them. In his book ‘A
Philosophy of NEFA’ he advocates for development of tribes residing in remote
areas of North-East Frontier and suggests for spending a great deal of money to
eradicate their poverty, degradation and unhappiness.
This approach has been attacked by nationalist leaders and social workers.
According to them, tribals should not be kept isolated from the rest of the nation
like domestic cattle or zoo exhibits. They are equal citizens of free India. They
have contributed towards the country’s advancement they are entitled to share the
fruits of development.
Theory of Assimilation
Nationalist politicians and social workers like A.V. Thakkar advocated the
theory of assimilation. Ghurye is also a protagonist of this theory. Isolationists
aimed at keeping the aborigines in the areas untouched by the civilisation of the
plains, because they believed that the contact with the Hindus would break tribal
solidarity, and social evils of untouchability, early marriage, and purdah would
be introduced they characterised indigenous social workers and nationalist
politicians as ‘interventionists. Thakkar strongly objected it and pleaded for the
policy of assimilation. He wrote: “aborigines should form part of the civilized
communities of our country not for the purpose of swelling the figures of the
followers of this religion or that, but to share with the advanced communities the
privileges and duties on equal terms in the general social and political life of the
country. The protagonists of this theory advanced the view that tribes should be
assimilated with their neighbouring non-tribal cultures.
Govind Sadashiv Ghurye in book ‘The Scheduled Tribes’ 1959 describes

nature of assimilation of tribes in wider Hindu society. Like Elwin, Ghurye also
divides tribes into three sections.
1. First section is constituted of Rajgonds and others who have
successfully fought the battle and are organised as members of fairly
high status within Hindu society.
2. Second category is large mass that has been partially Hinduised and
has come to closer contact with Hindus
3. Third, the hill sections, which has exhibited the greater power of
resistance to the alien cultures that have passed upon their border.
A large number of tribes in India, according to Ghurye, Santal, Munda,

Oraon, Kond, Gond and Korku speak languages which either belong to Kherwari
or Mundari group of languages or to Dravidian family. These languages are, more
often than not, different from languages of plains people among whom tribals
have larger social intercourse. Languages of latter in most cases belong to Indo-
Aryan family. Many of these tribes, though they have preserved their tribal
languages, can and do employ Indo-Aryan languages of surrounding people in
their routine intercourse. Many of them thus are bi-lingual, having their own
mother-tongue and having more or less acquired languages of neighbouring
people. There are others, like Baigas, who have taken up Indo-Aryan tongue of
the locality in place of their own language. Others like Bhils speak languages
which are dialect of local languages. In all case language spoken by so-called
aborigine were till recently not spoken tongue and no script of their own. Tribal
solidarity, according to Ghurye, has been broken by two distinct agencies. One is
Hinduism and its assimilative process and other is British policy. Hindu
assimilation makes tribes not so absorbed rather weak and benumbed under
feeling of brokenness. If section of tribes gets assimilated in Hindu fold they are
ushered into an altogether strange social world. Hindu castes, at least many of
them, have characteristics of tribal society as regards to management of internal
affairs. Tribal sections on joining Hindu society develop an internal organisation
of caste pattern, and thus have been regulating and controlling power within them.
Many of tribes get smugly settled into Hindu fold. Moreover, Ghurye is of view
that British rule particularly its revenue collection pattern; its central police
system and judicial system have broken solidarity of tribal society in India.
According to G.S Ghurye tribal people in India are backward Hindu

differing only in degree from the other segment of Hindu society. Their
backwardness is due to their imperfect assimilation into Hindu society. Tribes of
India have slowly absorbed certain Hindu values and life style through contact
with Hindus. Under Hindu influence tribes have given up liquor drinking, they
received education and have changed their practices and habits and adopted
Hinduism as their religion.
The policy of assimilation was followed by various religious organisations

in order to spread values of their respective religions. The missionaries tried to
understand tribal culture and learnt their languages in order to raise their status in
terms of a Christian identity. A considerable effort has been undertaken to
assimilate the tribal people under the guidelines of social culture of caste Hindus.
Commercialisation of tribal economy, acculturation under excessive
politicisation of tribal people along the lines of regional chauvinism and
separatism are factors which inhibit their assimilation into the mainstream.
Assuming the position of tribe at various stages of development the

objective of tribal development policy is suggested to bring a progressive
advancement of the tribals with and accent on their integration and putting them
on an equal footing within a reasonable distance of time. L.P. Vidyarthi
recommends the integration of the tribes in regional and nation setting. The notion
of ‘unity in diversity’ is to be constituted as the base of the Indian culture for the
purpose of national setting. There are varieties of tribal culture in terms of tribal
customs, traditions and religions. Even the unity of tribal culture may be come
more difficult than the unity of diversity. It logically follows that the integration
of the tribals must be taken at regional levels before the integration takes place at
national setting.
Theory of integration
D.N. Majumdar has put forward a philosophy and programme of tribal welfare.
He called it as creative or generative adaptation. He says that it is not possible to
ignore the entire tribal population and leave them to their own lot. It is not also
possible to completely assimilate them in the Hindu culture.
Therefore, a gradual transformation of the tribal population is the best policy. We
should try to help them in assimilating in their own way of life the elements of
alien culture which they readily accept. This view was also supported by social
reformers and voluntary organisations.
Jawaharlal Nehru in his manuscript “Discovery of India” supported this

policy of integration. Though his concept is mainly influenced and drawn from
his Panchsheel principle, Nehru categorically rejected both isolation and
assimilation approach of tribe.
According to him isolation approach to treat tribal as ‘museum specimen to
be observed and written about’ signifies insult to them. Tribe cannot be left cut
off from world as they are. Isolation is in any case is impossible at this stage of
underdevelopment due to outsiders’ penetration.
To him, assimilation approach of allowing tribes ‘to be engulfed by masses
of Indian humanity’ is also wrong. This would lead to loss of their virtuous social
and cultural identity as well as there is possibility of capturing tribal land and
forest by unscrupulous outsiders. Life of tribal will be in threat in such a position.
Instead of these two approaches, Nehru favours policy of integrating tribal
people in Indian society and to make them an integral part of Indian nation
without hampering their distinct identity and culture. Policy of integration
consists of two types of measures for tribal development. These are Protective
measure and Promotional measure. After independence Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru laid down a Panchsheel principle for tribal development in
India.
Panchasheel Approach:
Nehru mentioned the following five fundamental principles for tribes.
(i) The tribal people should develop along the lines of their own genius and
we should avoid imposing anything on them.
(ii) Tribal rights in land and forests should be protected
(iii) We should try to train and build up a team of their own people to do the
work of administration and development. Some technical personnel
from outside will, no doubt, be needed, especially in the beginning. But
we should avoid too many outsiders into tribal territories.
(iv) We should not over-administer these areas or over whelm them with a
multiplicity of schemes. We should rather work through, and not in
rivalry to their own social and cultural institutions.
(v) We should judge results, not by statistics nr the amount of money spent,
but by the quality of human character that is evolved.
Comclusion:
G.S Ghurye’s makes well-known analysis of Scheduled Tribe problem. His

anthropological inclinations naturally brought tribes close to his heart. Inspired
by the work of his students, Ghurye writes on grand theme of 'Integration of
Tribals' in 1943 and it is essentially in reply to 'isolationist' approach of Verrier
Elwin, which forms basis of British colonial policy.
G.S Ghurye views that only solution to the problem is their progressive
assimilation with the farmers and peasants of the adjoining districts. He has vision
to conclude that the major problems of the tribals are never different from the
problems of poor rural people in general.
In subsequent editions of the book 'The Scheduled Tribes', G.S Ghurye

becomes critical of independent India's government policy which sows seeds of
disintegration by its internally contradicting step of laying down integrationist
approach in constitution and on other hand promoting fission by giving
importance to idea of Scheduled Areas.
Meanwhile, Nehru was appreciating the corporal and communal life among
tribes. But he failed to augment the process of planning which would have
expanded their community life. The activity of the welfare state destroys the value
of community. The philosophy of individualism and the politics of competition
weaken the vitality of progress and fellow-felling. After all, culture cannot
maintain its isolated entity for all the time to come. It has to be moulded by the
social and historical process of life. Nehru’s orientation cannot succeed to protect
communal life among tribal communities when the system of production is
leading towards the individualistic and mechanical form of social life?
The process of tribal development should generate the feeling of self-help in

the minds of tribal people. The process of development should ensure the self-
employment of the toiling tribal masses. It warrants the rigorous study of
evolution of tribal political economy in relation with the political economy of
India. An alternative policy is to be found out for the elimination of various
processes of domination and cultural hegemony of ruling social classes.
Otherwise, it is impossible to trace out the multiple structures of exploitation in
the tribal areas. The policy has to wipe out the structures of exploitation, which
block the progress and freedom. Out commitment must be directed against any
sort of activities which would destroy the aspirations of tribal masses for the
attainment of a society based on an egalitarian social order. They have a role to
play for the construction of a society based on equality, justice and freedom.
2. PLANS AND PROGRAMMES FOR TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT
After Independence, a series of developmental programmes and plans have

been undertaken for the all-round development of tribes. We discuss them below
chronologically.
The first attempt was made in 1954 when 43 special multipurpose

development projects were started to supplement the Community Development
Programmes which aimed at comprehensive development of rural areas. Since
these projects were in the areas which comprised sparsely populated hill and
forest regions, with poor for greater investment and personal attention by
extension workers. The efforts, therefore, did not achieve the desired success.
The situation was reviewed in 1956 by Elwin Committee which

recommended a cautious approach in the introduction of multiplicity of schemes
in tribal areas. On review, the projects were substituted by a less intensive model
of tribal development blocks in 1957. The norm for a tribal development block
was confined to an area of 150 to 200 sq. miles and a population of about 25000.
the blocks were supposed to work for tribal population under intensive
development programmes. They were to concentrate on the following four main
activities, viz, .economic development, education, health and communication and
were to have specific targets.
The tribal development policy was subjected to comprehensive review by

Dhebar Commission, in 1960. the Commission noted that the pace of
development in the tribal areas was slow. Investment and other protective
measures were also inadequate and needed urgent attention of the Government.
It called for comprehensive legislation to cover all tribals living within the
Scheduled Areas and outside, and simple administrative system for tribal areas.
It recommended a scheme of tribal development blocks for all area with more
than 50 per cent tribal population
The recommendations of the Commission were accepted and the block

approach was continued. By the end of Third Five Year Plan, the scheme was
implemented in about 500 blocks covering about 40 per cent of the total tribal
population. It precluded a large section of the tribal population from the
development programmes. The tr4ibal situation, as far as protective measures and
developmental programmes are concerned, remained almost unchanged. In 1969,
a Committee under the Chairmanship of Shilu Ao was appointed to review the
tribal development programmes. It observes that most of the recommendations of
the Dhebar Commission had remained unimplemented and urged that they should
be implemented without any further delay. It disapproved the block approach as
inadequate. The block was too small to function effectively as a basic unit of
planning and implementation. It pointed out that the main problem of the tribals
related to indebtedness, land alienation, economic backwardness and inadequate
communication and suggested that those should be tackled on priority basis by
formulating a comprehensive programme of development.
During the Fourth Plan, six tribal development agencies were started as pilot
schemes in four states, viz,. two in Madhya Pradesh two in Orissa and one each
in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh. Subsequently, two more agencies ere started in
Orissa by the end of the Fourth Plan. Each agency covered a group of blocks and
was expected to take up various programmes and protective measures on
integrated basis by pooling up the resource. In actual practice, however, the
agency approach practically remained an agricultural development programmes
and failed to achieve the desired results. This approach was not extended to other
areas and the blocks continued to be unit of development.
Tribal Sub-plan:
The tribal situation was again reviewed on the eve of the Fifth Five Year
Plan by a take force on “Development of Tribal Areas” constituted by the
Planning Commission. It opined that the deficiencies and shortcomings pointed
out by the earlier Commissions and Committees had generally remained
unattended. It observed that one of the important factors for the failure or the
development programmes, is that the Scheduled Tribes and tribal areas have been
looked upon as a ‘welfare’ problems as distinguished from “development”
problem. The Backward classes sector and not on general sector outlays. The
administrative structure in tribal areas lacks simplicity. It is beyond the
comprehension of the Tribals and therefore it does not evoke any response from
them. For carrying out integrated development of tribal areas. The task Force
recommended that to ensure balanced socio-economic development of the tribal
areas a policy of integrated development would be necessary for the Fifth and
subsequent Plans. Therefore, a Tribal sub plan strategy was evolved in 1974-75.
this strategy emphasized area development with a focus in improving the quality
of life of the tribal communities. Its immediate objectives were elimination of
exploitation in all forms, speeding up the process of social and economic
development. It observed that any developmental activity for benefiting the tribal
population will not succeed unless exploitation in various forms is prevented. For
protecting the tribals from exploitation it recommended integrated credit-cum-
marketing service, marketing of agricultural and minor forest produce, supply of
inputs and essential consumer commodities, credit for production purpose,
consumption of social needs, redemption of past debts through legislative and
executive measures etc.
For development of tribal economy, the tribal Sub-plan strategy
recommended giving high priority to agriculture, land reforms, irrigation,
improved methods of cultivation and completion of land records; special attention
tovulnerabl;e groups like shifting cultivators and forest villages; generation of
employment opportunities for better utilisation of available manpower through
programmes in the fields of horticulture, animal husbandry and allied
occupations; development of cottage industries based on the local raw material
so that the proportion of semi-processed and processed goods is maximised in the
export mix of the region and development of basic infrastructure including legal,
institution and physical aspects for speeding up the socio-economic development.
Focus
While preparing the Tribal sub-plan which aimed at area development with
a focus on tribal families, a through review of tribal problems was made which
included:
(i) Identification and demarcation of areas of tribal concentration;

(ii) Identification of socio-cultural barriers and promoters of change in
development;
(iii) Assessment of potentialities, special problems and felt-needs of the
tribal areas;
(iv) Assessment of resources available for Sub-Plan:
(v) Formulation of sectoral programmes and
(vi) Devising suitable administrative set-up.
Components:
The main components of Tribal Sub-Plan strategy are Integrated Tribal

Development projects (ITDPs), Modified Area Development Approach (MADA)
and Pockets and Primitive Tribal Group Projects. For implementation of Tribal
Sub-plan strategy, 194 Integrated states and Union Territories. Each ITDP
comprises blocks/ Taluks/ Tehsils or even whole district with 50 per cent or more
tribal population. In delineating the projects areas, the main factors viz.,
predominance of tribal population, contiguity of area and administrative viability
have been kept in view. In certain States like West Bengal, Karnataka, Kerala an
Tamil Nadu where concentration of tribal population is not in contiguous belts, a
flexible approach has been adopted in delineating ITDP areas.
Besides, 259 modifies Area Development Approach (MADA) pockets have
also been carved out in 9 states, covering about 50 lakh tribal population. These
areas comprise smaller pockets of tribal concentration having minimum
population of 1000 with Scheduled Tribe population of 50 per cent or more. In
these areas, the emphasis is on family development by taking up family-oriented
income generating programmes. By the end of the Sixth Plan, the Tribal Sub-Plan
approach covered about 75 per cent of the total Territories to which it was
applicable.
In 1974 the govt. set up Large-scale Multipurpose Cooperative Societies

(LAMPS) for the purpose of providing all the requirements of tribes under a
single roof. These Societies take care of their credit-cum-marketing requirements.
The National SC/ST Finance and Development Corporation was set up by

the Government of India in 1989 with of the objective of stimulating economic
development SC/ST and function as an apex institution for the agencies engaged
in the economic development of SC/ST.
Critical Appraisal of Tribal Sub-Plan
The Tribal Sub-Plan strategy is in operation since the Fifth Five Year Plan,
but it has not been to bring about any perceptive improvement in the situation in
tribal areas. It has remained a mere conglomeration of sectoral schemes under the
State Plan. The general schemes and programmes under the State Plan have been
applied to tribal areas some of which do mot cater to the needs and aspirations of
the local people. The sectoral flow of funds for the Tribal Sub-plan has not been
able to solve the problem of imbalance in the investments in tribal areas. In the
absence of area specific programmes, it is difficult to identify the physical
achievements of investments.
The basic information about the infrastructure development relating to

health education, drinking water, sanitation, communication, agriculture,
productivity, horticulture, industries, etc. in respect of all tribal area has not yet
been tabulated. Such information is basic to a planned strategy for development
of the tribal areas within a time frame.
Integrated tribal Development projects (ITDPs) were devised as viable

administrative units for accelerating the balanced development of tribal areas.
Each ITDP is headed by a senior officer but he has hardly any role to play wither
as an agent of development or as a co-ordinator. There is no uniformity
concerned. In some status the ITDP is a subordinate organisation to District Rural
Development Agency (DRDA). In some state no distinct ITDP administrative
set-up has been evolved.
The other weaknesses of the tribal developmental programmes are as

follows:- (a) non-durable, poor quality of assets, (b) manipulation in
identification beneficiaries, (c) communication gap between the administrators
tribals, (d) low or negligible participation of tribes, (e) non-utilisation of tribal
skills knowledge, (f) role of middlemen, (g) bureaucratic hurdles, (h) corruption,
(i) lack of follow-up, (j) lack of marketing facilities (j) apathy of lending
institutions paper-work, (k) poor motivation of staff and lack of properly trained
technical staff, (l) contractor-administrator-politician nexus and (m) non-feasible
schemes.
Response of The Tribes
Response:
The response of the tribes to developmental programmes and policies is

varied ranging from positive acceptance to indifference, if not rejection. The
response of a given tribe depends on its numbers, location, relation with non-
tribals, rapport with the demonstrative mechanism and also the nature of the
developmental programme or project in question. For example, the tribes of the
North-East are averse, if not hostile to any project or programme which is likely
to bring in outsiders like infrastructural projects. Keeping the above mind, we mat
sum up their response and reaction as below.
(i) Some of the developmental programmes in the fields of education,

health, horticulture and minor forest produce etc., have been accepted
positively. The Khasis, Mishings, Gonds are example of tribes
responding well.
(ii) It is seen that the more literate tribes like the Khasis and Meenas have
made better use of facilities and programmes.
(iii) The role of local community leaders and credibility of official are also
important in determining the response of the tribes to developmental
projects and programmes.
(iv) In the North, East, specially Nagaland and Monogram, the role of
Christian Missionaries in influencing the tribal’s response is to be taken
into account.
(v) Another factor is the past experience of the tribes with governmental
agencies.
(vi) It is generally seen that the tribes respond better to NGO/ Voluntary
organisations.
Tribal plans and programs
The Five-Year Plans of the Government too proposed many constructive plans
for the tribals.
The First Five Year Plan (1951- 1956) aimed at bringing development in the
rural and tribal areas by making an expenditure of Rs 1.03 crores.
The Second Five Year Plan (1956-61) set up the Special Multipurpose Tribal
Development Blocks (SMPT) in selected tribal areas on an experimental basis.
During this plan, priorities were given to development of education,
communication, agriculture, animal husbandry and medical care in the tribal
areas.
The Fourth Five Year Plan (1969- 74) initiated a series of development
programmes for a specific target group. The Tribal Development Agencies were
established on the pattern of the SFDA (Small Farmers Dev Agency) which
catered to the need of the individual tribals.
During the Fifth Five Year Plan (1974-1979), a comprehensive view of the
tribal problem was taken and a new strategy called the Tribal Sub-Plan approach
was evolved. The Tribal Sub-Plan Strategy envisages a provision of a minimum
amount of 20% of the total plan size of the state to be spent for the development
of the tribal areas. The plan also heralded the idea of an integrated Tribal
development Plan (ITDP) in which a number of specific projects for the tribals
would be given high priority.
During the Seventh Five Year Plan (1985-1989), several innovative steps were
followed. Efforts were made to alleviate the poverty of the tribals by promoting
agriculture, horticulture, forestry, cottage industries, small industry etc. The
tribals were given special training of using technology, marketing and advancing
monetary assistance.
The Ninth Five Year Plan (1997-2002) vowed to empower the tribal
communities who are striving for survival for centuries. Hence, the Plan took a
holistic vision of the empowerment process and approached. Both the
Government and Non-Governmental agencies to contribute in the development
of the tribals. The Plan adopted a three-point strategy for tribal development, viz.
social empowerment, economic empowerment and social justice. By the three
forms of empowerment, the fruits of development would "reach the unreached."
During Tenth Five Year Plan (2002-2007), development of the Primitive Tribal
Groups was given high on agenda. The Government of India allocated as much
as Rs. 105.03 crores for various activities viz. housing, land distribution, land
development, education, agriculture, horticulture development, health, etc. were
taken up through State Governments and NGOs.
In the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-2012) proposed different strategy for two
distinct primitive Tribal Groups. The approach of heritage group will emphasise
on preservation of eco-system and traditional skills along with an economic
component.
Legislative
1. Bonded labour
2. Migrant worker act
3. Minimum wages act
4. Land alienation act
5. Money lending regulation act
6. Forest rights act
7. Forest conservation act
8. Panchayat Extension to scheduled areas act (PESA)
Budgetary and government programs
1. Tribal sub plan
The Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) is a strategy for the rapid Socio-economic

development of tribal people. It forms a part of annual Plan of a State/UT.
The benefits given to the tribals and tribal areas of a State or UT from the
TSP are in addition to what percolates from the overall Plan of a State/UT.
The funds provided under the Tribal Sub Plan have to be at least in
proportion to the ST population of each State/UT. A total of 28 Central
Ministries/Departments are identified for differentiated earmarking of Plan
funds under TSP. The other Ministries/Departments also requested to make
efforts for providing allocation for TSP on voluntary basis. The TSP is
applicable in 22 States and 2 UTs which are: Andhra Pradesh, Assam,
Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Goa, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir,
Jharkhand, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Manipur,
Odisha, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Tamilnadu, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh,
Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Andaman & Nicobar Island and Daman & Diu.
From the Year 2011-12 onwards, the Planning Commission has made a
classification of Central Ministries/Departments for the purpose of TSP
and from the responses received so far, no Ministry/Department has
expressed any difficulty in segregation of TSP component during 2011-12.
2. Integrated tribal development project/area (ITDP/ITDA)
A detailed and comprehensive review of the tribal peoples' problem was

taken up on the eve of the Fifth Five Year Plan period. The main objective
of ITDA is socio-economic development of tribal communities through
income generating schemes allied with Infrastructure Development
programmes and protection of the tribal communities against exploitation.
The ITDA project areas are generally contiguous areas of the size of a
Tehsil or Block or more in which the ST population is 50&percent; or more
of the total. Due to the demographic profile of the tribal people in these
regions, however, the ITDPs in Assam, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and West
Bengal may be smaller or not contiguous. Andhra Pradesh and Orissa have
opted for an Agency model under the Registration of Societies Act and the
ITDPs there are known as ITD Agencies (ITDAs).
The objectives of ITDA are
1. Achievement of socio-economic development of the tribals

2. Narrowing down the disparities in the levels of development of
tribal and non-tribal areas;
3. Raising the productivity levels in the fields of agriculture,
horticulture, animal husbandry, forestry and so on to create
an economic impact which will enable the targeted number of
families in the Tribal Sub-plan to cross the poverty line and
4. Elimination of exploitation of tribals in respect of alienation of
land, money lending, debt bondage, forest, excise, etc.
So far, 194 ITDPs / ITDAs have been delineated in the country. In Jammu
and Kashmir though no ITDP has been delineated yet, the areas having ST
Population in the State are treated as covered under the TSP strategy. In
eight states having scheduled areas the ITDPs / ITDAs is generally co-
terminus with TSP areas. The ITDPs / ITDAs are headed by Project
Officers though they may be designated Project Administrators or Project
Directors
3. Modified area development approach (MADA)
MADA scheme has been operating since the Sixth Plan for the total
development of the dispersed tribal population residing outside TSP area,
which are contiguous smaller areas having a population of 10,000 or more,
with 50% tribal concentration. The total number of MADAs identified so
far in the various TSP States is 259. Generally, MADA pockets do not have
separate administrative structures to implement development programmes.
The line Departments of the State Govt. are expected to implement
development programmes in MADA pockets under the overall control of
the District authorities.
4. Clusters
The cluster approach has been introduced from the middle of the 7 th Five
Year Plan Period in order to bring smaller areas of tribal concentration
beyond the MADA pockets into the mainstream of development.
Contiguous areas having a population of 5,000 or more with at least 50%
tribal concentration are identified as clusters. As in the case of MADA
pockets, there are no separate administrative structures for Clusters. So far
82 Clusters have been identified in various T.S.P. states.
5. Large area multipurpose cooperative societies (LAMPS)
The collection and sale of minor forest products such as honey, tender
leaves, amla fruit, soapnut, lichen, tree gums etc., . had been a subsidiary
occupation of tribal communities right from the Pre-British period. As
shifting cultivation and hunting were banned and the tribals got pushed into
a monetised exchange economy, their dependence on minor forest products
for income increased, even as their access to forests declined. But they
were at the mercy of middlemen and MFP contractors, who controlled
access to markets, or forests, or both.
The Bawa Committee recommended that LAMPS should be organised in
tribal areas on the lines of Farmers' Service Societies (FSS) providing a
package of services such as credit for production and consumption needs,
technical guidance for agriculture and arranging for marketing of their
produce.
Historically, tribal communities were characterised by a lifestyle distinct
from agrarian communities. They subsisted on some combination of
shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering of forest products: all activities
closely linked with forests. Their cultures celebrated and fostered this close
bond with nature, while also emphasising communal ownership and
consumption, closely knit kinship structures, and minimal hierarchies.
Co-operation as a form of economic organisation is ideally suited to the
tribal life and the economy. Since the tribals are economically backward
and exploited, socially handicapped and have a greater sense of
homogenity, the cooperative form of organisation may by and large be the
most suitable agency for bringing about a thorough transformation in their
economic and social conditions.
LAMPS as instruments of tribal development were being organised in
India since 1974. Even before Bawa committee recommendations, some
cooperative societies on these lines were formed in some states particularly
since the First Five Year Plan. They were called 'Forest Labour Contract
Societies' and also 'Labour Contact Multipurpose Societies'. They had as
their main objective collection and sale of minor forest produces and
catering to the credit and marketing needs of the tribal people. But the
recommendations of the Bawa Committee gave new impetus to the
organisation of LAMPS as they enumerated the broad objectives with
which the LAMPS have to be established and the direction in which they
have to grow. By 1989, 2912 LAMPS had been established across the
country. Out of this more than 80 percent of the societies were in the five
states of Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Orissa that
have large tribal population.
The broad objectives with which the LAMPS have been organised are as
follows:
1) Promotion of subsidy-cum-loan production scheme in the fields of
agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry, irrigation, forestry, cottage and
village industries.
2) Liberating the tribals from the clutches of money lenders through supply
of production and consumption credit.
3) Purchase from tribals their surplus agricultural produce and forest
produce.
4) Supply of essential commodities and agricultural inputs to tribal people.
The LAMPS is a bigger society especially designed for tribal regions.

These bigger units were formed by assimilating all the scattered varieties
of primary credit, consumer and other co-operative societies working in the
area of block or in many cases even a bigger market place under a tribal
development project. In a large number of areas new LAMPS were
organised at the block level.
The Bawa Committee had proposed setting up of state level tribal
development co-operative Corporations/Federations. The primary level
societies were to be affiliated to the apex corporations for getting
organisational and financial support for their marketing, supply and
distributional functions. In accordance with these recommendations states
such as Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Manipur,
Rajasthan, Orissa and West Bengal have established Tribal Development
Corporations/Federations.
Co-operative institutions to cater to the needs exclusively of tribal areas
have much relevance. The history of man as a social being begins in small
tribal groups. It is generally said that if co-operation has to succeed it has
to first succeed among tribals. Because the very way of tribals' life is based
on leadership and participation. Since tribals are at a loss to avail credit
facilities and to procure necessaries of life and to have a suitable avenue to
sell their products, creation of Large-sized Adivasi Multipurpose co-
operative Societies to cater to the needs of those people under one roof has
acquired greater relevance.
6. Joint forest management program (JMFP)
The Indian Forest Policy of 1988 (MoEF, 1988) and the subsequent
government resolution on participatory forest management (MoEF, 1990)
emphasize the need for people's participation in natural forest
management. The policy document asserts that local communities should
be motivated to identify themselves with the development and protection
of the forests from which they derive benefits. Thus, the policy envisages
a process of joint management of forests by the state governments (which
have nominal responsibility) and the local people, which would share both
the responsibility for managing the resource and the benefits that accrue
from this management.
Under joint forest management (JFM), village communities are entrusted
with the protection and management of nearby forests. The areas
concerned are usually degraded or even deforested areas. However, in
Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh all village fringe forests can come
under JFM. The communities are required to organize forest protection
committees, village forest committees, village forest conservation and
development societies, etc. Each of these bodies has an executive
committee that manages its day-to-day affairs.
Non-wood forest products (NWFPs) have a key role in JFM efforts. With
the increasing awareness of their economic potential and growing concerns
for the sustainability of the resources and the distribution of the benefits
derived from them, various state governments have taken over control of a
number of NWFPs.
7. Tribal research institutes (TRI)
The tribal ministry is implementing central sector scheme of Support to

Tribal Research Institutes (TRIs).
TRIs have been set up in various States namely, Andhra Pradesh,
Assam, Chhattisgarh, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Himachal
Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Manipur,
Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Tripura, West Bengal, Uttar
Pradesh, Sikkim and in the Union Territory of Andaman & Nicobar
Islands.
These Institutes are engaged in the work of providing planning inputs
to the State Governments, conducting research and evaluation studies,
collection of data, identify challenges in the field of socio-economic
development of tribals and understanding promoting and preserving their
culture. Training and capacity building of stakeholders, and knowledge
advocacy that would help formulate evidence-based policy and planning
are also the thrust area for providing assistance under the scheme.
As part of the research activities of the TRIs, the Ministry also supports
construction of tribal museums within the premises of the TRIs to preserve
the tribal art, craft and culture.
FUNCTIONS of TRIs:-
(a) as body of knowledge and research
(b) support evidence-based policy, planning and legislations
(c) undertake capacity building of tribal people and personnel and
institution associated with tribal affairs and
(d) would be responsible for dissemination of information and creation of
awareness.
8. The Tribal Cooperative Marketing Development Federation of India
Limited (TRIFED)
In the spheres of tribal development, minor forest produces business and

activities of LAMPS, the role of Tribal Co-operative Marketing
Development Federation - TRIFED, finds a special and an important place.
TRIFED has been set up by the Government of India to pay specific
attention to the marketing requirements of tribal forest and agricultural
produce and to help speed up the process of assimilation of tribals into the
economic main stream of the country. It came into existence in 1987 and
is head quartered at New Delhi.
TRIFED is an apex level federation of the State Tribal Development
Co-operative Federations and the State Forest Corporations. It has its own
national network for procurement, processing and marketing of forest and
agricultural commodities produced in the tribal areas of the country.
TRIFED has opened zonal offices at Mumbai and Guwahati and Regional
Offices at Nasik, Ahmedabad, Udaipur, Jagdalpur, Bhopal, Chennai,
Hyderabad, Mysore, Bhubaneswar, Ranchi and Calcutta.
TRIFED like any other co-operative institution has adopted bye laws
for governance. Its broad objectives are full utilisation of natural produce
of the tribal areas by improving their marketability, ensuring higher
earnings and employment opportunities for the tribes, creation of
awareness of market forces among the tribal people, enabling them to
optimise their incomes and lending marketing support to state tribal co-
operative Federations and Forest Corporations engaged in procurement and
sale of agricultural and minor forest produces.
TRIFED procures and markets over 50 items of forest and agricultural
produce including spices, dry fruits, oil seeds, medicinal herbs and
processed foods. Since most of the tribal areas are remote regions and are
not accessible even by road, TRIFED has set up hundreds of procurement
centres all over the country. To ensure that the produce is not only collected
fresh but also stays that way, a chain of warehouses and refrigerated storage
facilities are established at strategic locations. The Federation has ensured
quality control of the highest international standards. For this, it has set up
two well-equipped research and development laboratories at Delhi and
Jagdalpur.
TRIFED is engaged also in exports of about 20 minor forest produces
in a very big way, important of which are Gum, Karaya, Cashew nuts,
Niger seed and Tendu leaves. It is making a breakthrough in procurement
and marketing of rare medicinal plants and herbs.
A remarkable achievement of TRIFED is that it has set up plantations
of commercial crops and industries based on tribal produce. Tribal
industrial complexes are established in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat,
Rajasthan, Orissa, Bihar, West Bengal and Meghalaya. These complexes
are entrusted with the responsibility of processing tribal produce which
helps in adding value to these commodities.
As said earlier, TRIFED is an apex level institution co-ordinating the
activities of state level federations and corporations engaged in
procurement and sale of tribal produce. In the way it has been giving a fillip
to the activities of LAMPS and has helped them undertake MFP business
on a large scale. Minor forest produce and surplus agricultural produce
collected by LAMPS are purchased by State level Federations and
Corporations. These institutions sell them to TRIFED, which in turn sells
them in the market in India and in other countries across the globe.
TRIFED was thought of as a customary agent of change. The results of
this have been quite evident. TRIFED's intervention helped in checking the
malpractice of short weighing and unfair bartering, generating substantial
employment for them and boosting the ruling price of tribal produces.
TRIFED has come a long way towards improving the lot of indigenous
people, those dependent upon forest produce for their livelihood, by
providing them with remunerative prices for their products on the one hand
and generating large number of employment opportunities on the other. Its
efforts in the field of tribal service are laudable.
9. Schemes for education and health
✓ Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRSs)

✓ Vocational Training Centres in Tribal Areas
✓ Establishment of Ashram Schools in Tribal Sub-Plan Areas
✓ Centrally Sponsored Scheme of Hostels for ST boys and ST Girls
Scholarships
✓ Revised Guidelines of Scheme "National Fellowship and

Scholarship for Higher Education of ST Students.
✓ Revised Scheme guidelines of National Overseas Scholarship for ST
candidates
✓ Pre-Matric Scholarship (Class IX and X)
✓ Post Matric Scholarship (PMS) for ST students
10.Support to NGOs
✓ Vocational Training Centres in Tribal Areas

✓ Scheme of Grant in Aid to Voluntary Organizations working for
welfare of
✓ Scheme of " Development of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups"
(PVTGs)
✓ Scheme of Strengthening education among ST Girls in a low literacy
Districts
11.PVTGs scheme
The Ministry of Tribal Affairs implements the Scheme of

“Development of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs)”
exclusively for them. Under the scheme, Conservation-cum-Development
(CCD)/Annual Plans are to be prepared by each State/UT for their PVTGs
based on their need assessment, which are then appraised and approved by
the Project Appraisal Committee of the Ministry. Activities for
development of PVTGs are undertaken in Sectors of Education, Health,
Livelihood and Skill Development, Agricultural Development, Housing &
Habitat, Conservation of Culture etc.
CAUSES OF TRIBALS UNREST AND DISCONTENT.
Tribals in India lead a comparatively and peaceful life prior to the coming
of the British. Along with the British rule there came in series of social changes.
Some of these changes affected tribal life also. Exposure of the tribals to the
modern civilisation also resulted in their exploitation at the hands of the non-
tribals. Conversion activities of the Christians missionaries encouraged by the
British, especially in the tribal areas, further added confusion to the tribals.
Tribals reached very strongly when their religious beliefs were mocked at, when
their rights over the forests were removed and when their very way of life was
disturbed.
Even now, tribals in India are not happy and are agitated over several things.
Ever since the days of the British rule they have been revolting against the
establishment, for various reasons. The important tribes involved in revolt in the
19th century were Mizos[1810], Kols[1795 and 1831], Mundas [1889],
Daflas[1875], Khasi and Garo [1829], Kacharis [1839], Santhals [1853], Muria
Gonds [1886], Nagas[1884 and 1879], Bhuiyas [1868] and Kondhs [1817]. After
independence also many tribal revolts took place. The continuing state of
discontent among the tribals is revealed through the contemporary tribal
movements. Some of the contemporary movements are-the Jharkhand movement,
Gond movement, Naga movements, Mizo movement, Bodoland movement, etc.
Some Major Types of Tribal Movements.
It is possible to identify some of the major types of tribals movements.

1. Religious and social reforms movements
2. Movements for statehood within the Indian Union, or for autonomy for
tribal areas.
3. Insurgent movements for independence from the Indian Union, and
4. Movements for asserting cultural rights.
It is significant to note that there are lost of variations in tribal movements

from region to region. In the North East, the tribals are in an overwhelming
majority in some of the states. Example: Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland. Their
tribal economy and social system are relatively stable. The tribal movements in
this areas are essentially political in nature Hence, some of the tribal groups[ Ex.
Nagas in Nagaland, Mizos in Mizoram] demended autonomy and for that sake
carried on continuous agitations some times back.
The situation in Middle India is far more complex. The tribals have been
reduced to a minority in many areas in which they were dominant numerically at
one time. Further, they have been exposed to the process of rapid social changes.
The tribal movements in this region have essentially and agrarian character and
are often related to the exploitation of forest resources.
In some regions the tribal movements have a cultural dimension in the sense
that they are related to language, tribal art religions. Tensions have often
prevailed in these regions on account of religious conversions and linguistic
tussles.
Tribals in South India are either too backward or too few number or widely
dispersed over a large area to organise any movements in spite of their
exploitation and discontent. “However, Mishra [1982] says that there is evidence
of incipient political mobilisation among the tribals in South India. In fact,
political consciousness among the tribals of Kerala may be the highest in the
country.”
The study of the tribal movements is relatively recent in the field of social
anthropology. Tribal movements may be seen as an aspect of social change. The
policy of the colonial administration regarding forest and land, later on alienation
of the tribal land, the immigration and settlement of an increasing number of non-
tribals for the emergence of various tribal movements in the North Eastern states
of Manipur, Mijoram, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.
According to A.R. Desai, the fundamental problems of the tribal population

are economic political such as the security of a job, a decent standard of living,
easy accessibility to the resources of civilised life, the acquiring of education,
which can enable them to decide what customs, what rituals, and what aesthetic
and cultural elements they should retain, or eliminate or absorb from their culture
and various other cultures. He is of the opinion that the violent and militant
struggles which are being launched by the tribal populations rehabilitation revolts
against various inhuman conditions to which they have been subjected and which
are being perpetuated even after independence. He points out:” The tribal
problems is problem which raises the fundamental issue- the issue of the
establishment of a social order founded on equality of opportunities and the
elimination of exploitation.
The Causes of Tribal Unrest.
Tribal unrest and discontent are a cumulative effect of a number of factors.

The factors or causes that led to he tribal revolt, unrest and discontent may be
listed here.
1. Governmental Failure
The failure of the Government to take appropriate measures to
rehabilitate the tribal population both before and after independence
had disappointed the tribals. Independent India’s Constitution
envisages a comprehensive and well-designed scheme of action for the
tribal protection and development. The State Governments are vested
with the responsibility of implementing the Constitutional provisions.
Unfortunately, these Constitutional provisions have remained non-
operational. Land continues to pass out of the tribals to non-tribals.
Money lenders continue to exploit them. There has been a heavy influx
of outsiders into the tribal areas and they have grabbed most of the
opportunities.
2. Irresponsibility and Lack of Accountability of the Agencies of Tribal

Development
Indifference irresponsibility, lethargy and lack of sympathy on the part
of the administrators and bureaucrats in dealing with the tribal
problems and grievances have been obvious. There are a number of
agencies to look after and supervise the implementation of the tribal
welfare programmes and schemes. Multiplicity of agencies divides the
responsibility and to irresponsibility and unaccountability.
3. Unjust Forest Policy

Inconsiderate unsympathetic forest laws and regulations damaged the
tribal emotionality. Lands traditionally owned and cultivated by the
tribals have been branded as “forest lands” under the new Forest Policy.
As a result, the tribals have become strangers and encroachers in their
own land.
4. Alienation of Tribal Land to the Non-Tribals

Lack of legislation to passing of the tribal land into the hands of non-
tribals had added to tribal unrest. Due to some loopholes in the existing
system of law the tribal land continues to be alienated to non-tribals for
their own exclusive uses. The state governments have also acquired
tribal land for industrial, irrigation, power, mining, and other projects.
As a result, the tribals have been deprived of their rights over the land.
5. Political Indifference
Lack of interest and dynamism among the political elite to solve the
tribal problems made them to become disgusted. National level
political parties have not paid due attention to the genuine problems of
the tribals. Tribals are remembered only at the tribal development and
the tribal welfare only for the name sake. Tribals are remembered only
at the time of elections. The political indifference ahs made the tribals
to organise their own political parties at local level. Because of their
groupism they have not been able to forge a unity to fight for their own
cause.
6. Absence of Efficient Tribal Leadership

Tribals should be able to develop their own leadership to fight against
exploitation and to secure justice. But unfortunately, various vested
interests have prevented the emergence of powerful tribal leadership.
There is virtually a vacuum of tribal leadership. This has very badly
affected their development.
7. Forceful Cultural Impositions

Tribals are trying to come in touch with civilised people. Leaders of
various religious communities such as the Hindu, Christian and the
Muslim, are trying to approach them and influence their way of life.
Tribals who want to retain their original culture are bewildered at this.
The Hinduisation, Christianisation and also Islamisation of the tribals
have caused lot of anxiety and a sense of insecurity for them.
8. Exploitation of tribals
Tribals face exploited in many ways. The minor forest produce collected
by tribals are brought at very low prices by the main land business men.
Money lenders charge usurious interest rates and push tribals into a
vicious cycle of poverty and indebtedness. The tribal women are being
sexually assaulted and young girls are being exploited.
9. Excise Policy
Excise policy has clashed with the interests of tribal communities.
Consumption of liquor plays a significant part in a tribal's life. Due to
ecological reasons the tribals depend to a considerable extent on the
forests. Indigenous beverage prepared by fermentation of rice and millets
is a part of their daily diet as these beverages have also some food value.
Births, marriages, deaths, panchayat meetings, the presence of guests,
festivals and festivities are considered suitable occasions for
drunkenness. It has been a symbol of hospitality and is offered to their
deities in all religious rites. Introduction of distilled liquor in tribal areas
by the British and its continuance has led to the economic exploitation of
the tribals. With the coming of contractors in tribal areas, the exploitation
of tribals increased as they were lured to consume more and more liquor.
With a view to checking such exploitation, Government of India had been
time and again impressing upon the States to keep in view the
recommendations (made by the Central Advisory Board on Prohibition)
regarding the exemption from excise policy to be given to tribal areas.
It is clear from the above, that various social, political, economic and legal
factors have contributed to the problem of tribal unrest.
ETHNICITY
1. CONCEPTS ASSOCIATED WITH ETHNIC RELATIONS
Across the world today, there is serious and growing concern over the issue
of ethnic relations and conflicts. India, too shares this concern, as ethnicity poses
a serious problem in Indian society. Before we describe the nature of ethnic
relations and conflicts in India, we must be clear in our minds as to what the term
ethnic and other terms associated with ethnic relations mean. So, our first task is
one of definition and clarification of terms associated with ethnic relations. In this
section we will define the following terms. (1) ethnic and ethnic groups, (2)
ethnicity, (3) ethnic identity, (4) ethnic boundary, (5) majority and minority
groups, and (6) conversions.
Ethnic and Ethnic Group:
The term ‘ethnic’ derived from the Greek word ‘ethno’ meaning ‘nation’. It
was originally used to denote primitive tribes or societies that formed a nation on
the basis of their simplistic forms of government and economy.
But sociologist and social anthropologist use the term ethnic in a wider
sense, based on their studies of precolonial and pluralistic societies. Their studies
revealed the co-existence of many groups that can termed ‘ethnic’ within a nation.
So in the course of time, ethnic has come to mean that which pertains to a group
of people who can be distinguished by certain features like race, language or any
other aspect of culture.
Ethnic Group, is, therefore, defined as a cultural group whose members

either share some or all of the following features- a common language, region,
religion, race, endogamy, customs and beliefs. Members may also share a belief
in common descent. On the basis of this definition we may say that the Jews,
Negros, Japanese, Muslims, Biharis all form distinct ethnic groups. Ethnic group,
thus refers to a group of people who share some common physical and /or socio-
cultural characteristics.
Here we may ask the question; why is it so important to understand the

concept of ethnic groups in the context, of our examination of ethnic relations?
We may say it is important because ethnic group defines an individual’s social
personality. It is formed on the basis of cultural and racial uniformity. The essence
of this group lies in the individual’s feeling of belongingness to it because of
cultural association shared with other members. Birth determines incorporation
into these groups, thereby making membership relatively restrictive, however,
exception to this rule exists, for instance, in the form of conversions. We shall
talk about conversion later on in this section.
Ethnicity
Ethnicity refers to the interrelationships between ethnic groups. Thus, the
phenomenon of ethnicity becomes more pronounced when viewed at a
interactional level. Cohen (1974) defines ethnicity as a process of “interaction
between culture” groups operating within common social contexts”. Though
ethnicity is manifest in intra-ethnic relations, it becomes more apparent in inter-
ethnic situations, as the very essence of ethnicity stems from the need to establish
ethnic identity.
Ethnic Identity.
Ethnic identity reflects both ‘likeness’ and ‘uniqueness’. On the one hand, it
reflects on what the members of an ethnic group hold in common, at the same
time differentiating them from other ethnic groups. The following is a
diagrammatical representation of some of the factors of ethnic identification as
arranged around the ‘self’.
NATIONALITY
LANGUAGE
RELIGION
REGION
RACE
CASTE
SELF
The order of arrangement may vary from one social context to another
depending on the issue. Also, some of these factors may vary in significance from
society to society. For example, in India, caste happens to be an important form
ethnic identification but it is of no significance when studying a European
community.
Ethnic Boundary
Ethnic boundary refers to a social boundary which does not always

correspond to territorial boundary. The individual defines himself through his
ethnic identity whereas ethnic boundary defines the social limit of the ethnic
group. A dichotomisation of “others” as strangers, as members of another ethnic
group, has two implications:
i) The recognition of one’s own social boundaries (ingroup& outgroup)

and
ii) The limitation of common understanding and mutual interest. People
outside the boundary are not expected to have a common understanding
and interest.
Majority and Minority Groups:
The study of ethnic groups incorporates both the majority and the minority
groups. The term ‘majority groups’ refer to the numerical representation of
persons is a group and its control over economic and political resources. Usually
it has been noticed that one ethnic group appears to be in dominance over other
ethnic groups. However, we cannot overlook the internal disparities that exist
within each ethnic group in terms of economic status. That is, certain sections in
the minority group may enjoy majority status and vice-versa, in which the group
may occupy either minority or majority status as a totality.
There exists a relationship of inequality between the majority and minority

groups. The dominant group or the group enjoys numerical strength and control
over economic and political resources. This group has all the privileges and
advantages. The minority group on the other hand consists of people who are
immigrants to the host society. Their numerical strength is low and they are in a
subordinate position to the majority groups, in relation to control over the limited
resources.
The co-relation between numerical strength over economic and political

resources is a point of argument. As history provides many evidence of minority
dominance over mass majority, for example, the British colonialism in India. In
the present times, we have the minority White domination of a Black majority in
South Africa, or the immigrant Bengal minority occupying higher offices in
Assam. These instances reveal that the myth surrounding the ‘minority group’
concept, as being a group, which is subjected to dominance and inferior status
because of its low numerical strength, is not true. As it is obvious that a group
control over political and economic resources irrespective of its numerical
strength become a ‘majority minority’.
Conversions:
In our earlier subsection we mentioned that membership into an ethnic group

is primarily determined by birth, though conversions constitute and exception to
this rule. Conversion, literally, means change into another form. The most popular
example of conversion is religious conversion.
Conversions pose a problem in group identification and boundary

maintenance. That is, in situations, where members of one group have become
members of another ethnic group, there develops a problem regarding the
allegiance of these converted members to either of these ethnic groups. The
process of conversion has gone on for centuries. For instance, Hindus have
converted themselves into either Islam or Christianity. Caste mobility has also
taken place, whereby using a higher caste as their reference group, the lower
castes have gradually claimed a higher caste status. Process of miscegenation has
taken place, whereby children have born from racial intermixture. These kinds of
conversions lead to a problem in the study of inter-ethnic relations. But in spite
of these conversions ethnic groups still persist as they are not affected by these
changing loyalties.
2. BASIC APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF ETHNIC

RELATIONS
In the previous section, we clarified the terms associated with ethnic

relations. We observed that ethnic groups refer primarily to categories of
ascription and identification by actors or individuals themselves. We said ethnic
identify constitutes the basic form of identity by which an individual defines
himself or herself and others. We undertook the task of definition and clarification
because this exercise provides a framework for understanding ethnic relations in
specific contexts. Before, we move on to examine ethnic in the Indian context,
we have to be clear about two more things. Firstly, what are the reasons behind
so much interest being shown in the study of ethnic relations and secondly what
are the basic approaches in sociology towards the study of ethnic relations.
Factors Associated with the Widespread Interest
Let us take the first question. What are the factors held responsible for the
spurt in focus on ethnic relations? Research has pointed out that there are several
inter-related factors that have promoted this widespread interest in study of ethnic
relations.
The important factors have been:
i) Migration: The movement of individuals from one place to another,

within a nation or between nations has led to multiplicity of groups
existing within an area.
ii) Culture contact: when people migrate, they take their culture along with
them. They come into contact with another type of culture existing in
the area to which they have migrated. This leads to the existence of
different kinds of culture groups within an area. The nature of
interaction between the groups varies from place to place and from time
to time depending on several factors.
iii) Development of technology: Technology especially improvement in
transport and communication has made the world a smaller place to live
in. It has facilitated both movement of people as well as ideas things
from one place to another.
iv) Emergence of thickly populated cities: The growth of cities along with
the opportunities provided for varied kinds of employment ahs attracted
many people from different socio-cultural and geographical
backgrounds to converge in a city. Cities host a plurality of ethnic
groups within it.
v) Conflict: The increased frequency if ethnic conflicts, specially between

different racial groups and religious groups ahs drawn world wide
attention.
Basic Approaches:
Now coming to the basic approach to the study of ethnic inter-relationship,

we can say that explanations regarding ethnic relations can be broadly classified
under two categories, namely the “Consensus Approach and the “Conflict
Approach”. Let us look at them separately
a) Consensus Approach
This approach views the phenomenon of ethnic inter-relationships from

Structural Functional perspective. Structural Functionalists believe that society,
like the human body, is a balanced system of institutions. Each unit or institution
in society serves a function in maintaining that society. Events outside or inside
the society may disrupt the social order of that society, but social institutions
make necessary adjustments to restore stability. The Consensus Approach is
based on the above-mentioned belief of Structural Functionalism. We will refer
to two theories which are based on the Consensus approach here. One theory is
based on the study of ethnic relations in American society. It is called the ‘cultural
Assimilation’ theory or the ‘Melting Pot’ theory. The other theory is based on the
study of precolonial societies. This theory as further developed by sociologists
like Barth in the 1960’s understands ethnic inter-relationships in a wider context.
i) Cultural Assimilation Theory or Melting Pot Theory
The theory of ‘Cultural Assimilation’ or the ‘Melting Pot Theory’ reflects

the Consensus approach. The theory is based on the study of American Society.
This theory assumes that the immigrant minority communities will get totally
assimilated into the host society to the extent that the imbibe all the values, norms
and attitudes of the host society. In other words, the ethnic identity of the minority
group will be merged into that of the host community. In the context of the
American society, this means that the identities of the immigrant communities
would get merged into the American identity and they would begin thinking from
the standpoint of the Americans in general. This theory did not meet with wide
acceptance of the reveal that the immigrant communities such as the Italians,
Chinese and others maintain their distinct identity.
ii) Theory Based on the Study of Pre-Colonial Societies
Another theory was put forward by sociologists is based on the study of pre-
colonial societies. The basic tent of this theory is that, though ethnic groups
coexisted within a nation, they each maintains separate identities through minimal
social contact. This is exemplified by the presence of ethnic division of labour,
which manes, the preferential treatment meted out to the members of one’s own
ethnic group during recruitment to jobs. This indicates an absence of shared
values and common will between members of diverse ethnic groups.
This theory was later developed further by sociologists like Barth (1969).
According to him ethnic groups are not “maintained due to an absence of mobility
and contact” but it entails the “social process of exclusion and incorporation”.
Stable social relations are maintained across ethnic boundaries like those of
occupational and neighbourhood relations. In fact, Barth says that, social
interaction between ethnic groups becomes the foundation for ethnic distinctions.
The very persistence of ethnic groups in contact implies not only criterion for
identification but also the structuring of interactions which allows the persistence
of cultural differences. For instance, in any social milieu we can observe the
coexistence of national institutes which cut across ethnic boundaries and at the
same time we have voluntary associations and institutions that are formed to
facilities the pursuit of cultural and educational activities of a particular
community.
b) Conflict Approach
In contrast to the above-mentioned Consensus Approach we have the

Conflict Approach to the study of ‘Ethnic relations’. Conflict Approach views
ethnic groups as interest groups, which are in relations of inequality, competing
for common goals which may led to a total change in the social system. The
protagonists of this theory argue that since conflict is ingrained in society, any
approach that overlooks this aspect is incomplete. The theorists view ethnic
conflict as a means of protect for either improvement of the existing social system
or a demand for total change in the system. In recent years there have been a spurt
in ethnic conflicts all over the world, for example, the racial discrimination of the
Blacks by the Whites in South Africa, religious conflicts between the local Sri
Lankans and the immigrant Tamils, and many others. The manifestations have
been in terms of riots, terrorism, demonstrations, wreckage, killing and burning
of property. Ethnic conflicts are said to arise between groups that are based on
unequal relationship, namely the ‘majority group’ and the ‘minority group’. The
attempts of the dominant group is to maintain their social status and authority
whereas the minority group tries to alter this position. Sometimes, these attempts
may take the shape of peaceful protests and endeavour to bring about change
through constitutional and democratic means. But mostly, it takes the shape of
deviant behaviour ranging from violent protects, riots and disturbances to crimes
against person and property, organised terrorism and overthrow of the existing
power.
3. DIMENSIONS OF ETHNIC RELATIONS IN INDIA
India is a country of immense diversity. Race, language, religion and caste

constitute the major forms of diversity in India. Groups of people in India differ
from each other not only in physical or demographic characteristics but also in
distinctive patterns of behaviour. These patterns of behaviour are determined by
social and cultural factors like language, region religion and caste. According to
Punekar (1974) the four major premises where ethnicity in India operates are
language, region, religion and caste. It may be argued that castes are divided into
sub castes, language into dialects, region into sub regions, religion into sects on
ethnic lines. However, ethnic diversity is less obvious at these sub levels when
compared to the larger levels of caste, language, religious and region.
Let us now examine each of the premises in detail. Language and region
have been combined, as in India the division of territory or states is on the basis
of language.
Language and Region
During the colonial rule, India was divided into several provinces for
administrative purpose. This division paved the way for the language
communities, in the post-colonial era, to make demand for a separate state of their
own. The formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1953, on the demand of Telugu
speakers in Madras Province opened doors for other language groups to make
similar demands. Further, these demands were endorsed by some of the
nationalist leaders. Thus today, each language group has State of its own, such
as, Gujarat for the Gujaratis, Bihar for the Biharis and so on. At the state level,
regional language is often used as the medium of instruction in schools, and
colleges. This affinity and allegiance felt towards one’s own language and region
is often reflected outside the State of origin, that is when migrants to a new setting
start their own voluntary associations to cater to their cultural needs. Thus
language, in India, has been an important premise on which people have
established their identities and have drawn social boundaries for defining their ‘in
group’ and the ‘out group’. Thus, it is not uncommon to find a Tamil Association
in northern belt like UP or Delhi or a Malayalee association in Middle East or a
Bengal association in U.S.
Religion
Another form of ethnic identification is religion. In India Hindu, Islam,

Christianity, Sikhism and Zoroastrianism are some of the religions practised by
its people. In terms of numerical strength, Hindus form the majority community
in India. A number of Hindu Gods and Goddesses are worshipped by different
linguistic groups spread across India. It is the numerical strength of the Hindus
that has been one of the factors which have led certain Hindu loyalists like the
RSS (Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh) to assert that India is a Hindu State. In
terms of economic dominance, there are disparities within a religious group and
between religious communities, there are disparities within a religious group and
between religious communities. For instance, the Zoroastrian community is
numerically very small in India. But their economic resources and status is much
better than many other communities.
There is historical evidence to prove that the various religious communities
in India have coexisted peacefully through time. Of course, there is also evidence
that reflects the conflict between religious communities. The most well known
clashes have been between Hindus and Muslims. One of the major social
problems of India in the 80s has been the communal divide problem. When one
group asserts its interests and identity at the cost of another group, the communal
divide emerges. For more information on the problem of communal divide, you
must listen to the audio program that has been specially prepared for this unit
relating to Block 8 at your Study Centre.
Caste: Caste is another very important premise for ethnicity in India. Caste
operates in different ways in the context of ethnic relations. Generally speaking
people belonging to the same caste of different linguistic states belong to one
ethnic group. However, they rarely intermarry or involve themselves in any other
close interactions. This has made some scholars to assert that there is no conscious
solidarity of caste across the language boundaries. Some others argue caste at the
same time causing fission within a particular ethnic group. For example, the
Kashmiris are divided into several caste groups, which causes fission within the
group, yet at the same time, a Kashmiri Brahman finds his counterparts in other
linguistic groups such as the Tamil and the Bengalis, this brings fusion to the
group in a broad sense. Further, in an otherwise unranked system of ethnic
dichotomy, this pan Indian system of stratification is the only factor that ranks
ethnic groups hierarchically. The following figure will make this explanation
clear. Under the varna system, the total Hindu population can be divided into four
categories –the Brahman, the Kshatriya, the Vaishya and the Shudra.
VARNA Tamil
Kashmiri
Brahman Bengal
Tamil
Kashmiri
Kshatriya Bengali
Tamil
Kashmiri
Vaishya Bengali
Tamil
Shudra Kashmiri
Bengali
The early Vedic literature and religious texts prescribed each of the castes
with their rightful occupation, rights and duties. The Brahmins, with their
occupation of priesthood and scholarly purists occupied the top of the social
ladder; the Kshatriyas, were the warriors, and were second in status, the third
were the Vaishyas, the traders and the last were the Shudras, who pursued menial
and lowly occupations. The ‘outcaste’ like that Chandalas were not included in
the varna scheme. There was restriction of social interaction between the three
“twice born” caste and Shudras, and no interaction with the outcastes. Thus
members of a caste group formed as in group and others who did not belong to it
formed the out-group. Caste identity was important for the individual and social
boundaries were drawn for interaction between castes.
The varna system, however, has provided flexibility in terms of social

mobility. Over the ages, several lower castes have used a higher caste status as a
reference group and have sanskritised their ways and formulated mythologists to
legitimise their claims. For instance, a tailor caste in Tamil Nadu, which claimed
the status of the Bhavsara Kshatriyas, went to the extent of organising and All
India Conference in order to legitimise their claims.
This social mobility when accompanied with economic and political power
automatically brought about and enhancement in the lower castes. But most of
the situations show the close association of ritual purity, economic and political
power and education, as echoed in the varna scheme. Thus the “twice born castes”
not only had ritual purity but also had greater access to economic and political
power and education. The Shudras and the outcastes, on the other hand, not only
suffered the sigma of ritual impurity but also lived in abject poverty, illiteracy
and had no political power.
Since the British rule, however, the political, economic power equation
between different castes has been altered. Both the British government and the
Constitution of free India tried to introduce legal provisions to reduce the
inequality between castes. The Backward Classes movements which emerged
significantly in the 19th and 20th centuries also contributed to upwards social
mobility of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other Backward Classes.
Group of cognates (related) castes, formed a large ethnic block and began to fight
for a shift in the traditional distribution of power. They became politically viable.
In the next unit, on social movements, we will be referring to the Backward
Classes movements. What is important to remember here is that the caste has
become an important basis of division between different groups of castes. In some
case, the cleavage has been between the Brahmin and the non-Brahmin upper
castes. For instance, the Satya Shodhak Samaj (Truth Seeks Society) founded in
1873 by Jotiba Phule was anti-Brahmin in its orientation. Phule fostered a sense
of identity among many middle level non-Brahmin castes like the Kunbis, Malis
and Dhangars in Maharashtra, Brahmins were identified as exploiters and the
non-Brahmins as the exploited
In some other cases the cleavage has been between upper non-Brahmin
castes and lower non-Brahmin castes as in many parts of north India. Lower non-
Brahmin castes have formed their own caste associations in order to gain access
to modern economic, educational and political benefits. Still another kind of
cleavage has been between certain untouchable castes and the clean Hindu castes.
The SNDP movements, which we will be describing in our next unit, is an
example of this type of conflict. Izhavas (toddy tappers of Kerala) organised
themselves in the late 19th century to fight the exploitation of clean Hindu castes
like the Nayars and Nambudiris of Kerala. The Scheduled Tribes have also
formed their own respective ethnic block in different parts of India in order to
fight the exploitation by the non-tribals.
4. ROLE OF THE BRITISH ADMINSTRATION AND THE

CONSTITUIONS OF INDIA IN RELATION TO ETHNIC GROUPS
So far, we have observed that language, religion and caste have been the
premises on which ethnicity operates in India. It would be interesting at this point,
to find out what has been the attitude or position at the governmental level
towards ethnic groups. In this section, we will briefly state the role of the British
administration and the Constitution of Independent India towards ethnic groups.
British Administration
It was during the British rule that ethnic groups like certain backward castes
and classes began to organise themselves into strong associations. The British
administration, on its part, provided its own source of legitimacy to the
awakening among the non-Brahmin and depressed castes. Several new avenues
were thrown open for claiming higher status. English education became the basis
of new employment opportunities which were free of caste consideration.
Education was made available to everyone, though in actuality only the Brahmin
and upper non-Brahmin Castes made use of it.
The British introduced a series of administrative reforms such as the Minto-

Morley Reforms of 1909, Montague Chelmsford Reforms of 1919 and the Govt.
of India Act of 1935 which gave the backward classes and minority groups
increased political power, economic benefits and educational opportunities. In
1850 the Caste Disabilities Removal Act was passed to provide liberty to all for
conversions at will from one religion or caste did not lose their rights of
inheritance, including property. Freedom to practise one’s own religion, language
and culture was bestowed on all.
The Constitution of India
After the advent of independence in 1947, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was

appointed Chairman of the Drafting Committee and Minister of Law in the
Government. For deliberations of important subjects’ different committees were
set up. The Minorities Committee was set up under the Chairmanship of Sardar
Vallabh Bhai Patel. Reservations in Legislature and Services was discussed by
this committee. After heated debates it was agreed that the Constitution that was
being drawn for India must contain adequate safeguards for those people who
have been hitherto discriminated and exploited. The constitution of India
conceived of equality in terms of equality of opportunity and equal protection
under the laws.
Certain groups were specifically singled out for special treatment namely:
(a) the Scheduled Castes, (b) The Scheduled Tribes, and (c) The socially and
educationally Backward Classes. The Constitution sanctioned reservation of seats
in the educational institutions, in public employment and in State legislatures
including the national Parliament in favour of members of the Scheduled Castes
and Tribes. It is also sanctioned reservations in educational institutions and public
employment in favour of socially and educationally backward classes of citizens.
The Constitutional provisions are arranged in five sections. The various
provisions relate to several aspects like right to equality, prohibitions of
discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth and right
to profess and practise religion. the Constitution through its article 17 abolishes
the inhuman practise of untouchability and forbids the practice of it in any form,
making it an offence punishable by law.
The Constitution has also made provisions for the minorities. Though the
Constitution has not specifically defined a minority, it has established the liberty
of the minorities by making freedom from disabilities a fundamental right.
According to the Constitution any group which constitutes numerically less than
50%of the population can be called a minority. But this leaves the term
ambiguous, as it does not explain whether this “less than 50% of the population”
is as compared to that of a region or State of India. The minority Acts however,
cover all regions excepting Hinduism, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
The following are some of the Acts passed in favour of the minorities.
Article 15, of the Constitution, explains the specific discriminatory situation on
religion, caste, race, sex and so on. It prohibits the subjection of any citizen to
any disability, liability, restriction or conditions on groups only of the above
mentioned factors. Article 29(1) endows the right to any citizen who possesses, a
district language, script or culture to conversion the same. Article 30(1), bestows
the right on the linguistic and religious minorities to establish and administer
educational institutions.
The intension of the Constitutional guarantee on minority rights, is mainly

to promote the distinctiveness of religious and linguistic minorities in the country.
Their distinctiveness was not seen as division by the founding fathers of Indian
Constitution. They felt that minorities were in a weaker position and that they
needed protection if they were to participate in national development. The
legislation on Scheduled Castes, Tribes and other Backward Classes was meant
to promote the advancement of socially and economically disadvantage groups.
Both minority reservation policy the Backward Classes are becoming

increasingly sensitive issues in Indian society. In several ways and at different
times both have been the focus of divisive debate and destructive violence. In our
next section, we will describe certain forms of conflicts that have emerged on
ethnic grounds.
5. ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN INDIA
The civil rights endowed with the minorities and the existence of social
relations across ethnic boundaries have not prevented the occurrence of violence
between ethnic groups. Over the years, form time to time, we have evidenced a
great show of violence and hostility breaking out between ethnic groups. This
surge of violence is a concerning issue for the government. The question arises
as to why people who have co-existed peacefully for decades, suddenly turn
hostile towards one another. The manifest issues are mostly religion and
language.
In the following pages we shall examine a few of these issues and analyse
the latent causes behind this violence.
Language Conflict
In recent years tension and conflict arose over the issues of language. The
government’s desire to create a wider national movement in an otherwise
segmental ethnic society, expedited tension in several parts of the country. The
Government selected Hindi as the national language to create a national
community by joining all the members of the different ethnic communities. This
attempt at ‘unity in diversity’ has adverse effect on the Indian population. We
have evidence of violence in the South like Tamil Nadu, where severe rioting
took place over the Hindi issue. According to the non-Hindi speakers, the
language policy of the government meant an advantage for the Hindi speakers,
who are perceived to dominate the economic institutions and have political
authority. To illustrate this type of conflict, we will describe the language conflict
in Assam.
In Assam too, riots broke out in 1972, between the immigrant Bengali
Hindus and the local Assamese population. The Assamese demand the
withdrawal of the option of answering in Bengali. Earlier, similar riots had
occurred after independence, when the Assamese had demanded their language
be made the regional language. These conflicts must be viewed within the
economic and political structure of Assam.
There are three communities that dominate the different sections of the
economic sphere of Assam. The Bengali Muslims, who are migrants from
Bangladesh, who either serve in the tea gardens or manage their own land; the
Marwaris, who monopolise trade; and the Bengali Hindus, who are migrants from
West Bengal, and dominate the administrative services. The Assamese were
unable to avail these opportunities as they lacked in skills and contacts to take up
banking activities of the Marwaris. Secondly, they lacked education to take up
the administrative jobs. Finally, they were unwilling to work in the estates at low
wages.
India’s Independence had two effects on Assam. The Congress party that
came to power in the State then, was dominated by Assamese and there was a
growing emergence of an Assamese middle class. This middle class with its
interest in the administrative services considered the Bengali Hindus an obstacle
to their economic advancement. Also an policy giving job preference to the
Assamese would have automatically applied to the Bengali Hindus who have
lived there for recruitment. These facts materialised in the growing fear of
economic domination amongst the Assamese middle class who wanted to prevent
the growing economic strength of the Bengali Hindus. The Assamese middle
class reacted through an assertive regional identity in order to claim their due
share in the economic development.
Religious Conflict
The genesis of religious conflicts in India, is often attributed to the advent

of Muslims to this country. But this kind of theorisation is erroneous, as
communalism, as a socio-political form is a modern phenomenon. Tensions had
prevailed between the Hindus and Muslims prior to the colonial rule, due to the
expropriation or dispossession of power of the Hindus and Muslims (Malabar).
But these tensions were accentuated later with the British introduction of electoral
policy and the imperialist divide-and-rule policy, this gave rise to the
competitiveness and hostility between the two communities. This later
materialised in the emergence of the Muslim League leading to later the
formation of Pakistan.
Though the nationalist leaders believed that the communal problems will be
resolved in the post-Independent period they were proved wrong. Let us look at
some examples of ethnic conflict based directly on region.
1) Hindu- Muslim Conflicts in Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh
The manifest cause behind the rioting of August 1980, was the entry of a pig
in a congregation during id. Some 50,000 persons were gathered to listen to the
qutbah or sermon, when the pig wandered inside violating the Muslim sense of
cleanliness and defining the sanctity of the prayer. This incident was followed by
looting, arson, rape by a frenzied mob. The rampaging and killing by one group
was retaliated by the other party.
This incident throws light on in the socio-political structure of the town. The
Muslims in this town had been traditional artisans engaged in making brassware
vessels. Recently, some of them have started manufacturing brassware and
exporting it to the West Asian countries. This has broken the existing monopoly
of the immigrant Punjabi Businessmen. These immigrant Hindu Punjabis were
originally from Pakistan who came to India after Partition. The relative success
and prosperity of the Muslim businessmen distributed their Hindi counterparts.
The Muslims were securing extensive orders from West Asian countries and their
commonality of region with these West Asian countries magnified and adverse
fears of the Hindu businessmen in communal lines. The Muslims were rapidly
acquiring sufficient capital to purchase sophisticated tools, to own property and
were expanding their business in a large scale. The Spectre of Muslims
dominance and Gulf money was raised. The political parties exploited these fears.
The trade interests and economic jealousies became instrumental in fanning the
fires of communalism aided by political parties and financed by traders. A climate
of hostility and suspicion was created, which resulted in violent rioting.
2) Hindu-Sikh Conflicts in Punjab
When viewing the Hindu-Sikh situation we are faced with a problem.

Compared to the previous cases of language and religious conflicts discussed
earlier, here we are confronted with people who are culturally well assimilated.
The Hindus and the Sikhs in Punjab often intermarried. The case of one of the
sons of a Punjab-Hindu family being converted to Sikhism is not uncommon.
Unlike the Hindu-Muslim relations, there have been no historical animosity
between the Sikhs and the Hindus. Yet sharp conflicts have arisen between the
two communities in recent times.
There has occurred a succession of violent happening. Starting with the

killing of innocent people in Punjab, followed by the army action in the Golden
Temple, and the subsequent assassination of the late Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira
Gandhi. This assassination was followed by a frenzy of mass killing of Sikhs in
Delhi and surrounding areas. There was a one-sided brutal assault on the Sikhs.
Their property was set on fire and goods stolen from their shops. The whole
community was made a scapegoat for the actions of a few co-religionists. The
intensity of the violence was more on the outskirts of the city than within.
The Punjab problem can be viewed in the light of the rivalry between one-
time ruling Congress party at the Centre and the Akali Dal in Punjab. This militant
political wing of the Sikh community demands not only religious autonomy but
economic and political autonomy as well.
The Akalis represent the aspirations of the Sikh upper class, who have come
in direct conflict with the Punjabi Hindu upper class. The difference in the
ideologies of the Hindus and the Sikhs can be traced to their social division. A
high proportion of the Sikhs reside in the rural areas and are engaged in rural
activities, where a high proportion of the Hindus live in the urban areas and follow
commercial and administrative services. In their inter-commercial rivalry, the
businessmen of the two communities find it to their advantage to mobilise their
respective communities. The Akalis on their part want to assert their religious
hold over the prosperous Jat Sikhs, who dominate the rural areas, and are getting
increasingly alienated from the traditional regions hold. Thus, both for the Akalis
and the affluent section of the Sikhs, the assertion of the communal identity by
way of religious channel has become most essential for mass support. This
growing need to alienate from the mainstream of Indian nationalism, derives its
support and finance from affluent Sikhs, especially those residing abroad. Today,
the Sikhs are divided into the terrorists, the supporter of the fundamentalist
ideology and those who do not support it, the moderates.
Common Features of Ethnic Conflicts
Certain general features can be observed from the study of ethnic conflicts
in India. These are:
Ethnic conflicts are a consequence of organised communal bodies. For the

conflict to become a public issue, usually the organised bodies which are backed
by political parties have to come to the fore. Thus communal bodies become
institutionalised
Ethnic conflicts indicate that whatever be the manifest cause-language,

region or religion-the latent cause is not rooted in cultural disparity. Conflicting
economic and political interests form the basis of the latent cause. The tensions
generally arise when a minority group feels deprived of an equal position in either
the economic or political sphere as compared to the majority group, uses the
primary ties to motivate and activate their ethnic group against the dominant
group. For instance, the Hindu-Sikh conflict is between peoples who are not
culturally different, but rather are well assimilated group. Thus, we may say, that
ethnic conflicts arise not because of mon common goals but because of
conflicting interests.
The allegiance or the basis of group loyalty depends on the principle of

mutual interest. For instance, during the 1972 Assam riots, the Bengali Muslims,
who share cultural similarities with Bengali Hindus did not side with them,
instead they supported the Assamese exchange of not being outside from their
land, by the politically active Assamese.
6. SOLUTIONS TO THE PROBLEM OF ETHNIC CONFLICTS
A coherent and effective response to ethnic conflicts has to keep in mind,

the common as well as the unique factors which account for clashes between
groups of people. Some insist that so long as economic inequalities exist, such
clashes are bound to persist. Since it is not easy to end economic disparities
between people, ethnic conflicts will also not be easy to stop.
Some others argue that before looking at the long-term solutions to these
problems, certain immediate steps can be taken. Those who favour this suggest
that the first step towards sustenance of communal harmony is to identify the
causes that flare up riots. These are: (a) rumours, (b) suspicion against the other
community, (c) building up sectarian feelings amongst people by religious heads,
local political party, and self-styled leaders. To overcome these, it is important to
induce encouragement in people to widen their perspectives, to keep an open
mind and to be tolerant towards others. This can be achieved by encouraging the
members of the different communities to have a dialogue, with each other. This
would help in understanding the other community and also reflect their own
limitations and the possibility of overcoming them. People favouring these
measures also insist that cross-cultural participation must be more frequent,
especially during festivities and ceremonies. The people in the riot prone areas
must be made to understand not to give ear to rumours unless it is followed with
evidence. Because of the absence of direct communications, politicians, self-
styled leaders and miscreants’ circular rumours which cannot be verified. This
aggravates tensions. The process of sustenance of communal harmony is most
essential in spite of it being slow and requiring a lot of patience and toil to reach
to the grassroot level of society in order to motivate and socialise people.
TRIBE AND NATION STATE
1. Concept of tribe- nation state
A tribe refers to a stage of social formation in an ablutionary scheme of

development of technology knowledge and capacity for centric of the forces of
nature method of transmission of the same perception of man’s relationship with
man and with nature and scale of organisation of social group further a tribe can
outgrow its primitive and maintain its social ground any and essential features of
identity
Historical process of formation of tribes has been the progressive

advancement towards asperity of entities called nation –states societies and enters
to indicate the dichotomy of tribal and non-tribal category more than a technology
or occupation it is a words view an identification and a scale of that matter in
catenations the people as an tribals a non-tribals organization in day there are
numerous nation states every nation state multiplicity of ethnic groups including
the tribals in almost all nation states expect Saudi Arabia the non-tribals comprise
the dominant ethnic group caustically and population the tribe is a peripheral
ethnic group in all nation states Saudi Arabia the nation- states like Russia. China
and Iran have developed out of an amalgamation of indigenous populations on
the entrant the nation –states such as of the colonization and domination of the
native population by an outside population the outside population the nation state
as its own after overrunning the indigenous population.
The term tribe has always been used in the context if primary ethnic groups
those, which are the native inhabitants of a territory
As tribe is no longer synonymous with primitiveness but only with identity

or ethnicity. The term ethnic group enchants all those groups “Who conceive
themselves as being alike by virtue of their common ancestry, real or fictitious
and those who are so regarded by others
Nation- states and tribals
In the earliest times the various ethnic groups, especially the tribals who
occupied the more inhospitable and marginal areas away from civilization were
largely ignored.
The two factors that have pushed the tribals and non-tribals in active
interaction have been the spread of European colonization and the emergence of
modern nation –states.
Russia, China, India and Middle East under the feudal rule maintained
various types of policies regarding their tribal populations the feudals did not go
beyond collections of revenues and maintenance of some semblance of order. The
income from tribal economies was not visualized as remunerative to the state
hence in China, India Russia and Iran, the state and tribal interactions were not
integrative.
The tribes, being by definition ethnically restrict and autonomous were
never integrated into any consolidated state machinery. The regions inhabited by
the tribals became important only when in the course of industrial development
and in the political content of the nation state their population and the mineral
reserves under their contract became important for adding to the political and
economic strength of the dominant ethnic group
2. TRIBE AND NATION –STATE IN CHINA
In China the term minorities have been used for all the Non –Han population
the 40- million Chinese Muslims who from 1/10th of Chinese population and are
known as here the total ministry population comprises of over 67 million and
covering over 62% of the country’s total land area including much of Chinas
border like Mongolia, Tibet, Hannah and Kwangsi
The China state is a communist state its ideology professed complete

political and social equality of all groups. The national self- determination policy
of supported this ideology as such the communists govt of China maintained
ethnic cultural identifies and upgraded the social and economic station of all
groups to the national level it become obvious that an increase in regional
autonomy as endanger both the security and the national identify as well as
deprive the state of extremely valuable in the compromise in the policies
formulated by the state.
The state policy towards the minorities comprises the following elements
1) Improved medical and economic care, which the state claims, has led to
a marked increase in the rate of growth of the minority population
2) An input of industry in minority areas, which has increased their rates

of urbanization. Today the rural /urban ratio in the same all over China
3) The government has adopted a policy of regional national autonomy in

areas where the minority people live in compact communities farther
the law on regional autonomy guaranteed and its general principles
policies and plans must be implemented the government the national
autonomous region the right of self- government, of adopting species
policies and flexible measures (but only as provided long as) they do
not contravene the constitution and the law they can nature their own
local economic contraction but under the guidance of state plans they
can also have locally administered projects for education science
encomer health and sports
While giving a number of conditions for independent use and exploitation

of local resources, it stipulated that self-government organization may
independently arrange for utilization of industrial agricultance and other local
products after fulfilling the planned goudas for state purchase of those products
communist China compromised its ideology in famous of a nation state
dominated by the Hams. The minorities are given only enough concessions to pay
lip service to equality but in real terms they are subordinated and their resources
us aped for the state or the dominant population.
3. TRIBE AND NATION STATE IN RUSSIA
The Russia mode was supposed to have been a glowing example of the
successful solution of multi-racial and multi-ethnic statehood. The Russia
claimed to have successfully delivered their people into a utopian co-existence
where each group is maintaining its regional, political and social autonomy under
the guidance of the benevolent Russia “Big Brother” the Russia unlike other
white seer did not have the kind of Rae ice prejudice that led them is segregate
themselves from non-white population from the earliest times of contact in the
middle of the 10th century, social inter marriage was a perceived solution of
integration and largely practised while Russians wanted that such marriages
slowed assimilate more and more people into the soviet communist flow but folk
ideology and popular folklores of the ethnic minorities stressed otherwise. The
strong Russia nationalism had farmed integration much before the ardent of the
communities
The erstwhile soviet continuations provided for fifteen fully-fledged soviet

republics sixteen autonomous republics, mine autonomous provided and ten
national areas, which can be disbanded if they any way violate the narrowly
defined interests of soviet, state as a whole
The economic policy of soviet union was directed towards homogenising

economic disparities which was to be done through industrialisation and general
economic development of previously neglected minority areas the coal
production and other related industrial activities increased in manifold
proportional this implied in reality a virtual colonization of the areas by the white
Russians between 1920’s and 30’s nearly 1.7 millions Europeans entered soviet
central Africa alone the picture clearly emerges that the minorities are to be
tolerated only if they how own to the paternalistic attitude of the soviet that is to
from dominate soviet nationalism.
In more of the indigenous areas was the local ethnic population ever
sufficiently represented in the industries the more resources were exploited in
their areas the more marginalized the local population became all decisions
regarding there minorities were always fulcen with communist interests without
ever considering the minorities themselves
Although USSR recognised the identity of other ethnic groups, a Russia

predominance which was both demographic (52% of total population and
political and cultural as a result of official policies existed
Ultimately the summering dissuasion led to the dissention the soviet socialist
republic in 1991, the political entity of soviet Russia dissolved
4. TRIBE AND NATION- STATE IN IRAN
The ethnically diverse people of Iran are constitution by
a) A number of very large nomadic pastoral groups the dominant character

of these groups is
b) Their a cephalous nature which refuses to bow down its any centralized
authorities Iran itself has entered through several historical regimes
from its early comoladition under Islamism rule to the present day
regime established by ayatoecah khomeini intervened by a along period
of dynastic rule by the pahearis
c) The dominant ethnic majority who have formed the state here are the
pesriam the nomadic and semi nomadic people of the vast descents were
earlier rarely attempted to be brought
d) The movements were brought Under rigid state control fill about the
mid twenties they were rules indirectly through their indigenous leaders
e) The state took advantage of their inter tribal wayfarer to keep them
divided and under control
f) Tribes like qashgai and bakhhtian were made targets of state

intervention only when they came in competition over strategic
resources one reason for this was their large population, control over
vital trade rotates and national resources like oil wells and well
organized tribal leadership
The political intervention over the qaswgar increased enormously due to

development of trade routes by the British through the rugged mountainous
between Shiraz and the Persian Gulf, part of Bushier
a) The first consolidated attempt to extent political control over the

qashgai was at the instance of the British who found them a constant
interference in their trade and communication links the game of power
between the Germans and the British in which each tried to play up
these tribes against the others made the qashgai powerful enough to the
state the British armed them against German factions
b) As a result the tribes became locally autonomous and powerful
c) The European interference and their own military and ultimately appear
as powerful enemies of their own state. The Iranian tribes have suffered
more because of foreign intervention where they have been used as
strategic political resources
d) The entry of the America capitalist made the situation more worse
e) In order to bring them politically under control in 1950, the shah made
an unsuccessful attempt is settle these nomadic pastorals the
government passed land reform laws which made no provision for the
seasonal use of pastures by there people these policies encomaged the
in dispreads expansion of settled cultivation at the expense of grazing
lands belonging to tribes
f) The deliberate policy of capitalization introduced under American

guidance was for the earlier policies of direct of their traditional pastoral
means of subsistence the tribes rapidly became enyrovished and were
deliberately converted by the state into laborers to work in the newly
founded industries in Iran in 1979, the collapse of the state led to a
resurgence of cultural identity which is stile held onto
In the history of various tribes especially in relation to the white colonialism
survival even demographically has not been possible in their greed to control the
resources of the world, the European powers in the part one or two centuries have
depleted and ravaged indigenous populations the prime examples of there are
Africa Australia and the united states
Russia, China, Iran, and other nation states dealing with their own ethnic
have atleast ideologically maintained a semblance of ethnic equality. But
misguided by their religions theology and scientific tenets of evolutionism and
social Darwinism, the European populations interaction and policies regarding
the socially different population of colonized territories has raved from treating
them as non-human, inferior humans, Irrational humans and so on.
5. TRIBE AND NATION –STATE IN AFRICA: COLONIALPOLICY

IN AFRICA
Two major interests dominated European colonial son the political

economic one of control over resources and the more altruistic one of humanizing
the pagan by proselytization both carried on with equal zeal the officially declared
objective of extending British interests in East Africa were
a) Establishment if political power or so-called sphere of influence

b) The conversion of Africa is Christianity
c) The development of trade and commerce for the provision of raw
materials is expanding endvotry in Great Britain.
In South Africa, the whiles (government) followed a four phased policy for
the natives namely 1) Foreign policy 2) Taffies phase 3) Paternalism 4)
Integration
The first phase of content had no social annotation to begin with the initial
aim was to establish trade relations this period ear led fill about 1909 but during
this time white political centric steadily increased British portage and Dubach
interests also played up blacks against each other in reality it was more like a
negotiation and power between the white colonists themselves using indigenous
political leaders as pawns
The second phase is marked by a derive, albeit unachieved on the part of the
whites and blacks, followed by a period of contact in which the whites gradually
arrowed supremacy. This period was also marked by widespread slave trading
the white economic interest was dominated by minerals the white government
attitude was purely economic and paternalistic, looking upon blacks in an attitude
of tolerance
The last phase antinessed almost total political economic centric by the
whites a system of integration was formulated, which was based on a doctrine of
racial compartmentalization by allotting each race a particular place in the
economic and political division of labour and keeping then apart by the policy of
strict racial segregation a system of integration based on inter dependence was
achieved.
There were extensive restriction on the geographically mobility of Africa

and India labour. The “less than human” ideology prevailed exactly as it was
during slave trading
6. TRIBE AND NATION STATE IN AUSTRALIA
The unabashed cultural and racial ethnocentrism as in the case of Africa was
followed in Australia also in the initial period of contact the policies were more
cautious and exploratory the grading ideology was an equation of human with
Christianity and with white culture
In Australia the first phase treated all nature as British subjects and as such
they were expected to behave according to the normative patterns of British
citizens the natives didn’t meekly submit to the policies of making human out of
them although official they were treated as English subject no white British
subject coned be hung for killing an Australia aborigine
Two recent became of the white and aboriginal contact were a) The creation
of a hybrid race by miscegenation b) The total extinction (like of Tasmanians) or
depopulation and cultural, economic pauperisation by the time the Australia
aborigines had abraded the full impact of white in them by way of competition
The Australia governments major policy at the end of the 19 th century was
one of protectionism this involved herding the remnants of various tribal groups
into the most essential items of survival like food and blankets up to 1957, to he
called a British citizen a person had to dissolve all tribal affiliation only after 1958
was the native welfare act amended a separate ethnic identity of a mixed
population was also evolved
The tribal policy or aboriginal policy of protectionism excluded

administratively those who lived close to Europeans and who could be treated as
disadvantaged people within the European community them in Australia the term
aborigine obtained a socio-economic connotation Ruther than a purely racial one.
They were viewed as people with a kind of liability and special legal
protection laws were made, making them totally dependant upon the state losing
what ever identity they had they were reduced to a state of passivity and not
deemed social adults in any sense of the texts the earlier policy of the Australia
government to keep the aboriginals away from the mainstream in reservation
underwent a national turnover by the discovery of valuable mining resources as
the Aboriginal land in 1968, the aborigines in yirrkala filed a petition to stop
mining altogether an it violated their seared lands they were total by the law court
that they were not legal owners if the land in 1977, the Aboriginal land right act
was passed by which some amount of land was transferred into aboriginal
ownership
The economic input from the royalties gave the aborigines the financial
backup to fight their cases simultaneously there has been a growth of outstation
movement under which the aborigines are increasingly moving away from
reservations into their own territories presumably to carry on their own way of
life the government has been sympathetic towards decentralization.
The government approval of policies of decentralization server to create

perhaps a much derived dichotomy between the whites and the aboriginals but
the catter in the process have developed a political commissioners which is
bringing than into continuous conflity with the capitalists over questions of
resource control the whites claim to land and resources is a hang up of the white
man’s original ideology of theirs being a natural or birth right over most territories
which they had luppened to wrusp by sheer force
7. TRIBE AND NATION –STATE IN AMERICA
The history of colonization of America unfolds a similar story the America

Indian and white contacts follow a long bloody line of negotiations and wercion
the aim of every white who lands on the new continent was to wrest its resources
from the original inhabitants in the initial period the military unguents were not
effective but a number of treaties totalling up to nearly from hundred were singed
with the tribal chiefs and ultimately each was broken to establish a forced
domination over land even the semblance of some sort of civilized negotiation
was discarded after the civil war
Food, clothing and shelter were destroyed, animals were seized and land was
devastated learning the Indian with the option of either surrendering or staring
the ecological effects of these wars was devastating the buffaloes of the plains
which was essential for Indian survival was almost totally and deliberately
eliminated an estimated 13 millions bison’s existed on the plains in 1867, by
1883, only 200 were left
The policy was one of clean extermination and control of resources it was
backed by racist ideology and nearly non-human view of the Indians the dominant
social Darwinism advocated by so called savage races were anyway deemed to
extinction.
The concentrated genocide still left behind some servings Indian population
the government took the option out by putting them into reservations of land
earmarked only for there are such territories obviously were the most unwanted
ones the creation of reservation took away all political making activities from
these people.
They were made totally dependant and subservient on the state the
government by 1865, negotiated with the protestant missionaries to educate the
Indian in English language to make them Christians and teach them the
agricultural out that is having completely was made to rerocialize them as white
Americans all things Indian were totally for hidden
After 1880, the public opinion became oriented to assimilation of Indian into
mainstream American life to make “yankee farmers “ out of them with this in
view the Daws act was formulated in 1887, according to which reservation land
was to be broken into each family of the native Indian. Citizenship right were first
granted in 1901 to fire civilized tribes of ohcahama and by 1924 extended to all
tribes till 1940, however seven states did not grant right of franchise to Indians
The reorganization but called for the return to tribal ownership of all surplus
lands not yet leaders the formation of an Indian civil service self- determination
of tribal governments on reservation and the guarantee of the exercise of religious
freedom and the use of Indian language the majority of American Indian viewed
this act as pluralistic and opposed it thus the American Indian were made to
vacillate between assimilation and pluralism
The Canadian tribes such as the cree Indians have through their traditional
made of substance hunting have established an economic viability through the
fun trade are stating claim to the back to homeland movement along with this a
concentrated move against government or outside encroachments on indigenous
resources
The red power movement composed largely of educated Indian was aimed
towards a pluralistic society under a successful protest from the American Indian
movement the government had to concede to the extent of raising the bureau of
Indian Affairs budget from 20 million to 593 million the success of this event
made 150 Indian in war paint to take over the village of wounded knee the
demand was a return of the Dakotas Montanans and Nebraska to the Indians. The
government put up a resistance and took recourse to military interventions, but
taking care not to involve a loss of life. However, the government is increasingly
becoming conscious of the civil rights movement.
Conclusion:
From the above account it becomes clear that the tribal policies have always
been conditioned by the tribe and non – tribe contact situation and have changed
or modified only according to the charging demands of the is equation.
From the non – tribal side, whether they have been white colonists usurping
native territories or indigenous ethnic population forming nation states, the
dominance has always been to establish a control over coveted resources quite
often conflict and a necessary demonstration of force has been necessary because
the acquisition of coreted resources may clash with he interests of native group,
not because both want he same things but because impossible to obtain in a
complementary fashion.
The European colonisation its accompanied brutality accepted European

superiority as the national order of things. In Russia, Russian superiority has been
advocated ideologically in the interests of the global spread of socialism. China
and other so called ethically pluralistic societies have perpetuated dominations in
he name of national interest whenever the relationship has been of equality or
perceived equality, direct conflict has occurred as in Iran and in the initial phase
of colonisation of Africa, America and Australia.
The last phase in historical terms or rather the current phase is an increasing
tendency for the dominated groups to reassert themselves. The move is, by and
large, to reclaim their lost assets and to come to a relationship of equality with
the dominant group. In political terms this would mean that many such
populations would want to succeed from the mother Nation.
To what extent self – determination by tribal and minority groups, endanger

the very existence of Nation states, is the crucial question, as an equitable global
distribution of resources is not possible with the existing structure of Nation and
the capital system. Ethically and morally one should stand-up for policies of self
– determination.
COMMUNALISM AND REGIONALISM
COMMUNALISM
Definition:
Communalism stands for the feeling of hatred, notice and animosity among
various religious or communities which disregard the benefits of other religious
groups or communities for their sake. In Indian sub-continent communism means
conflict between groups of people professing either different religion, speaking
different languages or belonging to distinct cultures.
Causes of Communalism:
On the basis of an analysis of several hundreds of communal riots and
struggles that took place in India in the past 100 years. Anthropologists,
Historians, Political Scientists in general have identified major causes of
communalism viz., Historical, geographical, psychological, cultural and
miscellaneous causes.
Historical Causes:
Historians have trace the origin of communal politics to the British times
and the demand of a separate Muslim country further consolidated the differences
between the communities.
The process of unification was subdued due to the process of segregation.
The bitter experiences of the partition further increased the cleavages between
different communities and the spirit of tolerance that had characterized various
communities gradually waned.
Economic reasons:
Several studies have isolated the Economic reasons as crucial for communal
violence.
i. The Muslims are not an economically prosperous group An
overwhelming majority of Muslims are at the lowest step of the
economic ladder. They are susceptible to exploitation by vested
interests.
ii The level of entrepreneur ship is not high in the Muslims as such there
are differences in economic achievements between Hindus and
Muslims. These differences are ignited by political ideological and
segregation factors. The first major riot after Independence was caused
by intense competition between Hindu and Muslim Beedi workers in
Jabalpur in 1962.
iii. The center for research in rural and Industrial development Chandigarh
pointed out with regard to communal sturrings in Jaipur increasing
religiosity, communication issues like the Urdu language and the
upcoming Arabic institute. Competition for jobs and the mere absence
of Musli9ms from the non-household industries provide sufficient
conditions for communal riots.
Psychological reasons:
The psychological conditions such as tendency of Hindu - Muslim discord

prejudice, hatred, malice etc. create communal tensions.
i. The partition of the Indian sub-continent on the basis of the ill-
conceived 2 nation theory not only lead to the biggest known uprooting
of humanity in history but created a psychological distance between
Hindus and Muslims.
ii. The formation of 2 Muslim nations in succession in 1947 and in 1971
as immediate neighbours of India, rendered Indian Muslims objects of
suspicion in the eyes of non-Muslim Indians in general and Hindus in
constantly prove the loyalty to India. In this process the Indian Muslim
faces double estrangement most of its erstwhile who were co-religious
neighbours became aliens in the sense (Pak and Bangladesh) and his
fellow Hindu citizens have become strange neighbours.
iii. There is identity crisis communities’ doubting each other for various
reason have lost the spirit of tolerance towards each other. In this
regard purist movements came up in different religions Agarwal (1966)
reports the case of the ‘Meos’ of Rajasthan who are converted to Islam
in the 15th century and for almost 4 centuries they have continued to
practice a combination of Hindu and Muslim rituals and values in the
same frame workout in the last 40 years the process of islamisation has
begun in them Agarwal writes it is not at all an exaggeration to say that
the ‘Meos’ (plains people in Rajasthan) have adopted more Muslim
practices in the last 21 years they had in the previous 450 years.
The solution to identity crisis is to revive the identity in their pure term
(Agarwal 1966).
Politico-religious reasons:
Numerous studies have shown that quite often politico religious factors and
forces triggered communalism in India.
i. Politicization of religion creates communalism the 1980’s saw the

highest degree of politicization of religion In India. The unfortunate
Sha Banu controversy lead to another controversy viz., the Ram Janm
Bhoomi - Babri masjid. Further, the Moradabad riots 1980. Bihari
Shariffi riot and Baroda 182 Muslim riots, the anti-Sikh riots, Bhiwandi
Bombay riots, Meerut riots 1987 and Bhagalpur riots 1989, the
communal riots in Hyderabad, Karnataka, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh,
Maharashtra, Rajasthan in 1990’s are all created on the basis of
politicization of religion.
ii. The political overtones of religious conversions have precipitated
several communal singles. Some lower castes like the Mahars of
Maharashtra embraced Buddhism to escape the scourge untouchability
and inequality tied the caste system under the guardianship of
Ambedkar 70,000 Mahars became Buddhists in 1956. Another case of
conversion to Buddhism are the ‘Jatavs’ of Agra. After religious
conversions with other religious groups anthropologically oriented to
the Hindus as a result of communal politics (Lynch, 1969), other
conversions to Islam by low caste Hindus occurred at Meenakshi prawn
in 1980) In Tamil nadu where more than 2000 people got converted, at
Ramanathpuram in 1984, 950 families from 10 villages decided to
embrace Islam. These conversions intern lead to Hindu revivalist
organization tried to win back the converts and intern clashing with the
other religious groups. The elite who were hitherto indifferent to
religious matter are now taking part in religious fundamentalism.
iii. The elite who were hitherto indifferent to religious matter take active
part in politicising religion and wooing the religious sentiment of the
people for political gains whenever a political leader in some status are
to be unpopularized, the opposition either within the leader party or in
another party creates Hindu Muslim riots on some ground or another.
The riots goon till the leader is unseated from the position or the leader
concedes to the demands of the troublemakers. Andhra Pradesh, Uttar
Pradesh and Bihar can be sited and examples in this content. Finally
of late terrorist agencies are also trying to foment communal troubles
if Osama Bin laden is organizing terrorism at International level,
Islamic countries like Lebanon and Libya are aiding and abetting the
terrorism, there are internal terrorist organizations like the mafia gangs
in Bombay. Al-Uma organizations at Coimbatore which create
communal troubles take the nearest opportunity to put Muslims against
Hindus and fan the flames of communal violence. Between 1990 and
1997 in India at least 5 clashes 2 in Hyderabad one in Maharashtra, one
in Kashmir and one in Tamil Nadu were aided by international or
internal terrorist organizations.
Cultural Reasons: -
Communication tension flared up due to cultural values, customs manners

standard of living of art and literature of Hindus and Muslims first Muslim are
socially enclosed in that they live in exclusive neighbourhood clutters. This is
partly due to cultural factors but party at least a product of insecurity faced by
them through the recurrent communal riots. Whatever the reason exclusive Hindu
neighbourhood which intern inhibit the interaction between the two communities
leading to reinforcement of prejudices and differences this can be seen in the old
and residential areas in luck now, Hyderabad Varanasi, Patna, Coimbatore,
Ahmadabad and other cities in India.
For a variety of reasons Urdu came to be associated with North Muslims
bestowing upon them the states of speech community, reinforcing a specific
Muslim cultural identity in this process millions of Hindus disowned Urdu as
their mother tongue as the Hindus of Punjab did vis a vis Punjabi. Muslim came
to perceive Hindus as destroyer of their language and culture. At least 2 major
communal classes in recent years, Bombay riots in 1970’can be attributed to the
linguistic factors and forces
Sometimes the communal clashes are on very clamps cultural grounds. An
exchange of heated argues between person of different communities’ lead to a
riot rationality of the rioters disappears in the irrational of violence. In 1998 a
Hindu girl eloped with a Muslim boy in Ahmadabad in Gujarat. this tri happening
has triggered off communal violence.
Thus, there are several cultural tractors and forces which have created the
communal clashes the cities in India however communalism is not a problem in
Indian villages at the local level, the communities, (which are communally
oriented) at some point of time interact appreciate the differences they have with
one another and these differences are respected
The day today interaction that goes between different religious communities
produce a composite culture old did not is a good example of such a cultural
integration
Consequences of communalism:-
1. One of the consequences of communalism is political instability. Communal

violence leans the community wounded, interpersonal relations strained,
economic development thwarted and political stability is affected.
2. Another consequence is irrationality. Irrationality touches its peak and
informational levels of society on change with irrational judgements and
misgivings for e.g. in Ahmedabad there was a feeling of jubilation amongst
some Hindus on their victory over Muslims. Other thought that they had
avenged Pruthvi raj Chauhan’s defeated against Mohammad ghori after 100
years.
REGIONALISM
Introduction
Expression ownership on attachment with one’s region and with the people
inhabiting in specific region, which is apparent in their common conduct, views
and beliefs, is called regionalism
Regionalism may be due to geographical differences, historical isolation,

political interests, psychological prejudices and predilections, linguistic
chauvinism, and cultural differences.
Eg: - In tribal areas the problem of regionalism has surfaced in certain areas
numerically big tribal groups have certain areas. Numerically big tribal
groups have taken up their cause, demanding a better deal from the govt
in these places the tribal societies have passed from an isolated folk
living to become an ethnic group in relation to the tribals of their
neighbourhood. And have finally demanded a separate region for
themselves. These may be illustrated with the following examples.
According to the 1991 census of India there are 15 tribal groups included in
the categories of Naga in Nagaland. However unofficial reports put their number
around 30 or more. Each Naga tribe has its icon distinct identity, territorial
distribution and speaks a different language. Now quite a few Naga languages
have acquired a roman script, thanks to the work of the Christian missionaries in
different parts of Nagaland. Each tribe is endogamous intertribal marriages are
negligible; because of hilly terrains and want of avenues of communication the
Naga villages were widely dispersed. Each village were divided into smaller units
called khels (It is an Assamese word) and in past each khel was a self-sufficient
village with its own barricades, walls and gates that were protective mechanism
against extraneous threats. Relations between different khels were organised in
terms of democratic lines
With the advent of the British in the Naga hill the structural relations
between different khels started changing. The then Naga was used for all the
inhabitants as the Naga. The opening of the Naga Hills facilitated inters tribal
relations against the external domination of the Assamese. All the Naga groups
united and formed a common platform for struggle. They innovated a pidgin
language. Once the group experiences exploitation at the hands of outsiders it
develops political machinery. The regional felling ultimately favoured a national
feeling, which ultimately resulted in the formation of separate state. In this regard
ethnicity and regionalism resulted from extraneous situations
Regionalism also comes into means when non-tribals exploit tribals for eg:
- ethnicity in the scheduled areas of Adilabad dt in A.P is an effect of the
exploitation perpetrated by the non-tribals as a protest against land alienation and
indebtedness, the Gonds formed the Gond Sabha with an accentuation of
exploitation the feeling of separateness and regionalism came to settle
The incident of 1981, which culminated in firing, was farther reinforcement
of Gond identity and their feeling of regionalism.
On April 20th 1981 the Gonds had planned to protest against land alienation
and indebtedness’. The local govt fearing problems from it imposed section 144
criminal penal code the Gonds were ignorant of it, and more over the particular
day happened to be hat day. The Gonds assembled in large number and started
protesting. The police opened fire and according to official estimate 400 Gonds
were killed.
Incidents of this type to which the tribe may be subjected are enough to
strengthen emotional integration of people to their group. The loyalty of the
people to their group already exists and it is cemented against the backdrop. India
has been a meeting pot of culture and races but neither racial discrimination nor
cultural unification has reached a level where all primordial loyalties of a group
are mitigated therefore there is every likelihood that an ethnic group and the
demand of a region is a natural outcome of such sentiments and solidarity.
A region has vertical solidarity. It is not a static category but a dynamic

category. Its boundaries are flexibly designed but its identification is dependent
on the concentration of a population having common cultural and linguistic
characteristic. There have been various cases where a region was demanded by
the tribal societies. The Gonds and the Bhils demanded a separate state but the
demand was turned down. Never the less these demands have come up. In 1941
a Gond called kumara Bhima in Adilabad demanded the formation of separate
states for Gonds (Haimendorf, 1945) The Raj Gond lead raja Naresh Singh
submitted a proposal for forming an adivasi region out of the tribal areas of
Chhattisgarh
In the late 1950’s a movement of the Gonds of lower strata developed under
the stewardship of a Gond Hira Singh are organisation called adivasi Kalyan
samithies was founded to safeguard the interest of the Gond in 1960 the
movement reached its peak. The objectives of the movement were to promote
development programmes for libels and aid their efficacious implementation
encourage cultivation among these Gonds who were more dependent on forest
products and receive Gond culture the confrontation of the movement with the
local govt began then Hira Singh advocated that the Gonds should be taxed to hill
govt although is the movement gained considerable following it began petering
out in the 1960’s after the leaders were arrested with the formation of
Chhattisgarh. The Gond regionalism subsided to some extent however the Gonds
demand their greater region not the lesser region. Thus, regionalism among the
Gonds still persist.
Bodo’s: - Similarly the udayachal movement started as a social-cultural and

economic movement among the Bodo kachari tribe, concentrated in the northern
parts Assam. It has developed into a socio-political movement for a separate state
within the Indian union. Initially the movement had a literary bend. The bodo
sahitya Sabha aimed at uniting the bodo on the language issue and work towards
developing the bodo language. Later the leaders of the movement believed that
for upliftment of their people an autonomous state was imperative. Thus,
ethnicity, language and regionalism are closely related to each other
The most powerful movement, which also gained representation in state and
central legislature, was the Jharkhand movement. It can be used as a good
example to understand transition from ethnicity to regionalism (Suresh Singh
1985). In1918 the educated Christian tribals organised the Chotanagpur
improvement society in the period from 1938 to 1937 the movement grew
militant under the name of adivasi Mahasabha. In 1949 the Mahasabha was
merged with a regional party, the Jharkhand party it was believed that political
action would be an alternative to social reforms it is a clear.
Case where it was believed that Sanskritization or evangelisation would not

succeed in raising the status of the tribals. The consolidation of the Jharkhand
party began under the leadership of Jaipal Singh a Munda, who had graduated
from on ford and party demanded a tribal state called Jharkhand to be earned out
of 20 districts in M.P, Bihar, Orissa and W. Bengal. It was stated when the tribal
state was formed in the period from 1952 to 1957 in the second general election
its influence was noticed in Orissa also but, by 1960the decline of Jharkhand party
began mainly because of several internal reasons. By 1967the Jharkhand party
lost its popularity. Its ranks were observed by the congress while the militant
sections joined the naxalbari movement where they got opportunity to adopt a
radial part for the realisation of their demands in 1973 the Jharkhand mukhthi
morcha was formed and demanded a separate Jharkhand state a change in agrarian
relations, recovery of land from the land lords and cultural revivalism. Its militant
phase began from Oct 1977 especially after Jayaprakash Narayan’s advice for the
formation of smaller status and favouring the reorganisation of status. The feeling
of ethnicity has been further reinforced because of urbanisation and the spread of
modernity. At long last the Jharkhand state has emerged but the presence of
dikkus (non-tribals) posed a constant threat to tribal identity. Now the Jharkhand
people want to purge their state or region from dikkus and make it a pure region
from dikkus and make it a pure region or state protecting the interest of tribals.
M.N.Srinivas suggests that natural regions must be formed to solved the

problem of regionalism be formed to solved the must be based on scientific
criteria rather than language or any other identity .The help of geographers
geologists and ethnographers should bf region must be administered by a council
responsible for its development on the basis of scientific criteria.
The rise of regionalism lies in imbalances between regions created by

economic development. In all regional movements the protest is against
inequality because all regions have not benefited equally from development and
modernisation. The promises of modernisation have not reached all on the
country. Development has deepened the already existing crisis. The problem can
be handled by distributing gains equally to all parts of the society. Evaluator
schemes must be strengthened to see whether the gains are reaching properly. It
has been seen from all these cases that when there is a spurt in development
activities and benefits come to the people there is a decline in their demands of a
state or region. Moreover, there is a need to spread national conscious to various
regions through several agencies.
Srinivas, 1976 suggests that for neutralising the regional movements,

various positive measures (both short and long-term) need to be taken. Srinivas
thinks that for certain categories of jobs especially semiskilled and un skilled the
local people should be allocated preferences there must be training course for
inculcating skills in the local people and preparing special qualifications should
be filled on merit and on all India basis in this way the principle of proportional
as well as compensatory equality can be combined for neutralising regional
movements.
Ethnicity, regionalism and integration
In the case of tribal societies, the problem of ethnicity and region has
surfaced in certain areas. Numerically big tribal groups have taken up their cause,
demanding a better deal from the govt in these cases the tribal societies have
passed from isolated folk living in to become an ethic group in relation to the
tribals of their neighbourhood and have finally demanded a separate region for
themselves (Nagas, Gonds) Bodo, Kachin, Jharkhand movements)
All these movements often called sons of the soil movements are supposed
to look of the native interest as well as removed the aliens from the native land.
The crux of regionalism lies in imbalances between regions created by

economic development. In all regional movements the protest is against
inequality because all region has not benefited equally from development and
modernisation. The promises of modernisation have not reached all on the
contrary development has deepened the crisis.
Srinivas suggest that natural regions must be formed to solve the problems of the
regionalism. These natural regions must be based on scientific criteria rather than
language or any other identity each region should be administers by a council
responsible for its development on the basis of scientific criteria more attention
shall be paid on less developed people. Positive measures may be taken to
neutralise regional movements once these regional disparities are overcome,
automatically. All people will be able to merge with the main cultural stream of
Indian there by achieving integration and unity.
SHIFTING CULTIVATION
Introduction:
Shifting cultivation is very popular among the tribes in India whose main
occupation is agriculture. It is primarily practised in all the North Eastern states
namely Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur. Meghalaya, Mijoram, Nagaland,
and Tripura. It is practised partially in Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya
Pradesh, Chattisgarh, Orissa, Kerala, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Sikkim.
Shifting cultivation is known by different names Jhum in the North-East, Padu in
Andhra Pradesh, Dahior Bewar in Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh, Kumri in
Karnataka, Bhurty in Tamil Nadu, Kurwa-Chos in Jharkhand, Panan or Ponun in
Kerala.
In India about 6.4 lakhs of tribals families are involved in the practice of
shifting cultivation over an approximate area of one million hectares every year.
The total area affected by this practice is about five million hectares in 15 states
of the country. Shifting cultivation basically consists of clearing the forest slopes
and setting fire to the trees and bushes so cleared and just broadcasting the seeds
in the soil. It is defined as an agricultural system in which fields are cleared by
firing and are cropped discontinuously.
Shifting cultivation starts normally before summer i.e., February-March,

when trees are felled and the place is left be dried during the first half of he
summer. Next, in the second half of the summer i.e., May-June, the trees and
bushes are set on fire. After they burn to ashes, seeds are sown at the
commencement of rainy season. No other agricultural operation is carried out and
the crop is harvested after the rains. The tribes sow on the plot for one or more
seasons (one to three years). They then move on to another plot of land and repeat
shifting cultivation.
Socio-economic implications:
Shifting cultivation is very popular in the Indian tribes whose main
occupations is agriculture. It is Known by different names Jhum in North East,
Podu in Andhra Pradesh, Bevar in Madhya Pradesh Shifting cultivation is more
prevalent in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh.
Shifting cultivation should be seen in the overall socio-economic and socio-

cultural context of the tribes. Shifting cultivation hardly requires any improved
inputs or farm management practices. It does not require high yielding variety
seeds, fertilisers, pesticides and irrigation nor does it require ploughing. There is
no expenditure involved in shifting cultivation. In view of these factors and the
availability of land in the forest, the method had got itself firmly entrenched
amongst the tribes. Some tribes like Baigas of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa believe
that shifting cultivation has a religious sanction. They believe that their god has
ordered them to do shifting cultivation. They also believe that the mother earth
should not be tortured by ploughing. As long as they do not plough, mother earth
will bless them.
Consequences of shifting cultivation:
Ecologists and agricultural scientists are unanimous in their view of the

harmful consequences of shifting cultivation which are:
(i) Denudation of forests with its chain of consequences like reduced rainfall.
(ii) Soil erosion.
(iii) Loss of fertility
(iv) Drying up of springs in the hills.
Apart from these harmful consequences to the environment, it is essentially

wasteful-the yields is very low. The effects of prolonged shifting cultivation ahs
reduced many forest areas infertile, particularly in Orissa.
There are others who do not condemn shifting cultivation totally. They
advocate that shifting cultivation is to be viewed in the total geo-physical and
socio-cultural context of the tribes. A correct approach would be to bring in a
changes gradually.
Remedial measures:
There is no single satisfactory solution to the problem of shifting cultivation.

However, the following measures are suggested for improving the situation.
Some of these measures have been suggested by the Debhar Commission in 1961.
i) Gradual regulation of shifting cultivation. (In Some states, shifting
cultivation has been banned, for example, Madhya Pradesh)
ii) Change to terraced cultivation wherever soil conditions permit. This
method has yielded some success in the North-East.
iii) Establishment of agricultural colonies so that the tribals can changed
over to settled cultivation. This experiment was tried out in Andhra
Pradesh, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh with limited success. The
establishment of colonies has to be supplemented with
communications, drinking water, agricultural inputs, etc.
iv) Setting up of demonstration farms
v) Distribution of improved agricultural implements manures and
fertilizers and high yielding varieties of seeds.
vi) Providing credit facilities.
A strategy has been evolved to deal with the problem. This was a result of
careful consideration of report and recommendations of various Committees and
Commissions, namely, the National Commission in Agriculture (1976), Working
Group on Tribal Development during Sixth Plan (October 1980), the National
Committee on the Development of Backward Areas (1981), ministry of Home
Affairs Committee on Forest and Tribals in India (1982), Research Highlights on
shifting Cultivation and its Alternatives of ICAR Research Complex for North
Eastern Hill Region, Shillong (1982), the Task Force on Shifting Cultivation in
India (October 1983), Working Group on Development of Scheduled Tribes
during the Seventh Five Year Plan of Ministry of Home Affairs (December,
1984), the Fifth Meeting of the Board on Shifting Cultivation held at Kohima on
13th February, 1985 and the Open House seminar to wean shifting cultivators held
at Aizawl on 4th and 5th August, 1986.
The strategy for control of shifting cultivation involves an integrated

programme of reclamation and development of land for settlement of Jhumias
under regular agriculture, animal husbandry, horticulture and forestry.
The problem of Jhum control programme are threefold viz., (1)

rehabilitation of Jhumia families, (2) development of their economy, (3)
provision of advance technology and capital investment. All these programmes
are capital intensive.
The Task Force on shifting cultivation (1983) has estimated that taking a
perspective of fifteen years, a package of measures for rehabilitation of a Jhumia
family would require an investment of Rs. 30,000/- per family on an average, in
addition to the fund allocated under other programmes of the State and Central
Government. On the basis of 1983 price norm, it would require an investment of
about Rs. 3,000 crores per annum to settle 50,000 Jhumia families. Keeping in
view the resource constraints it would be a difficult task to tackle this problem.
The selection of package measures and priority areas have to be done very
carefully. The measures have to be both long term and short term. A beginning
has been made by he Ministry of agriculture on a small scale by earmarking an
amount of Rs. 15 crores during 1988-89 as Central assistance to nine states of
Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mijoram,
Nagaland, Orissa and Tripura. About 27,000 families are to be rehabilitated under
various schemes. Rehabilitation of shifting cultivators would have to be closely
monitored by the administrative agencies and there should be a periodical review
of the progress at various levels.
DORMITORIES IN INDIAN TRIBES
Dormitories are named youth organisations prevalent in tribal societies.

The members of a dormitory generally fall in the age group if five to twenty-five
years. Dormitories are often bisexual, or rarely unisexual. An individual is a
member of the dormitory until his marriage. In most tribes, membership in the
dormitory is compulsory, and attendance is obligatory. The admission into a
dormitory is usually after the performance of some elaborate initiation ceremony.
The dormitory is housed in a distinct, special building which is generally
constructed a little away from the regular residential quarters of the people. This
is where the youth assamble, gossip, dance, sing and play together. However, life
in a dormitory is not mere fun and frolic, but is fraught with educational
implications. The members within a dormitory, by virtue of belonging to different
age groups, are generally divided into the seniors and juniors. The seniors being
well-versed in tribal lore and tradition impart these aspects, including training in
sexual acts, to their juniors, who in due course assume the role of seniors to their
understudies. Most seniors have a some juniors as their immediate assistants and
help-in-hands. The scope of training imparted in dormitories is very broad and
includes all the spheres in the life of an individual. Teaching involves not merely
verbal instructions but also practical demonstrations. The juniors are helped and
guided by their seniors in various communal endeavours which the seniors
indulge in such as house building, harvesting, marriage, festivals ,etc., while
families bestow upon their children primary socialisation and informal education,
the dormitories impart secondary socialisation and formal education. Thus, the
dormitories serve the crucial purpose of imparting educational instructions that
prepare youth for discharging their adult roles effectively and efficiently.
Dormitory Tribe
Murias, Gonds Gotul
Nagas Morung -Boys
Yo- Girls
Ho Gitiora
Oraon Dhumkuria or jonkerpa
Ao Naga Arichu
Angami Naga Kichuki
Bhuiyan Dhangar bhasa
Anthropologist Tribe
D.N. Majumdar Tribes of U.P
Verrier Elwin Muria Gonds

S.C. Roy Oraons
Sachidanda Tribes of Chotanagpur

Characteristics of dormitory
The following are the important characteristics of the youth dormitory:
1. While at some places there are separate dormitories for boys and girls, in other
tribes they live in a common dormitory. This is the custom in the Muria tribe. On
the other hand, among the Konayak Nagas of Assam, the boys live in the Morung
and the girls sleep at Yo.
2. Normally the dormitories are situated outside the village in the forest, but they
may also be near the fields as it is in the case of dormitories of the Nagas. In
Oraon tribe the dormitory is situated in the centre of the village.
3. The life in the dormitory is based on certain traditions and customs which are
invariably followed by all the members.
4. The age of membership of the dormitory differs from tribe to tribe. As a general
rule it is four or five years in most of the tribes.
5. The boys and girls live in the dormitory till they are married when their
membership is automatically dissolved.
6. If a girl becomes a widow she can again enter the dormitory as its member.
7. In the evening the members of the dormitory gather after taking their meals at
their homes. At the dormitory they gather after fire, sit around it, tell stories, sing,
dance and play and finally sleep.
8. The members of the dormitory are divided into two classes according to age-
seniors and juniors. The head of the dormitory is selected from the senior group.
It is his job to take care of all the members of the dormitory and maintain
discipline among them. The juniors follow the commands of the seniors and
receive different types of education from them.
9. It is the duty of every member of the dormitory to keep every-thing secret about
the dormitory.
10. The members of the dormitory carry out several functions together e.g.,
construction of a house on the occasion of marriage or helping the village folk in
harvesting the crop etc.
There are several ideas as to how and why tribes were created and relied heavily
on the use of dormitories:
✓ Safety - Since the dormitories are usually at the center of a tribal

community, it is thought they were created to have warriors organized,
together and ready at a moment's notice in times of battle.
✓ Community - The dormitories create a sense of community and help ensure
the longevity of the tribe and its culture.
✓ Tradition - Tribes in ancient India used to live in communal houses and
allowed for everyone to work together. With this tradition, the tribes may
have tried to recreate this on a smaller scale.
✓ Separation - Dormitories might have been created to segregate the genders,
so the males and females did not have access to each other, keeping them
pure. (Morality and sexuality is thought of differently in many Indian
tribes, so this may be less likely).
✓ D.N. Majumdar
Helping parents
Saving from wild animals
Social education
✓ S C Roy
Effective economic organization for purpose of food quest
Seminary for training young men in their social and other duties
As a place for the performance of magico-religious ceremonies
Decline of the dormitories
With the Christianity and church gaining a firm footing within the tribal areas the
Morung, Ghotul and Nokpantes met with a natural death. First the structure of the
Ghotul collapses due to disuse and non-maintenance. The church premises and
church activities taking away the major part of the time. At places it is turned into
a club which primarily caters to the sports need of the youth, however, also used
for organizing the youth to mobilise for certain socio-political goals. The
Independence movement in India set in motion various social reformatory
movement in our country and in different areas these were initiated by different
socio-political agencies. The prime objective of these were to inculcate, personal
hygiene, abandoning tribal belief pattern of nature worship, abstinence from
alcohol and of course general cleansing of Ghotuls and dangarbasa. The effect
seen in Ghotul was that of increase in masturbation and homosexuality, unknown
earlier. Gambling in various forms taking over the youth gradually.
And in most recent times the outsiders non-Gonds from urban areas try, to
vandalize the sanctity of the few Ghotuls left in the interior by debasing the
togetherness of the youth. A safe and secure shelter where they can spend some
time and discover themselves and shed all the curiosity regarding opposite sex.
All these revelations are made in stages along with the learning of various arts
and craft. During the community services and annual ceremonial dancing the
spirit of sharing, cooperation pervades over the general bonhomie bringing all of
them close together to uphold with pride the ethos and spirit of their community,
cherishing it unto death.
These Ashram, Pathshala, Gurukul and Morungs have survived the ravages
of time mainly because they are the institutions which strengthen and ensure the
survival of healthy community.
In recent years, it was revealed that Anganwadi, Prathamik shala, Ashram shala
and Samaj Bhawan were taking up the prime places in each village. The Ghotuls
were partially maintained, abandoned or left for self-decay. Yet some villages did
maintain the structure and used it frequently. The circular pattern of the Ghotul
structure at places was converted to barrack like rooms obviously girls’ room and
boys’ room with a window conjoining the two. They still sound the hakum to call
upon the youth to collect in these Ghotuls for work and entertainment. But the
governmental programmes under IRDP, TRISM and NGO’s educational
activities attract the children more to these schools. Not because of formal
education but because of the mid-day meals served at these centres. The
Anganwadi also provide meals to the pregnant mother which confirms presence
of her children in these institutions.
On reviewing the entire setup, it can be concluded that the youth get
acquainted with their own physiology and to the act of sexual intercourse within
the premises of the Ghotul. It should not be imagined that they practise all this,
rather, through dance, songs all the adult roles are enacted or mimicked. The
general belief of people regarding Ghotul as an institution to encourage premarital
promiscuity is totally untrue and biased with false morality and decorum. They
fail to see the immense purpose of Ghotul, where the youth power is channelized,
disciplined, regimentalised and educated for taking over the duties of an adult.
Instead the visitors and the people who matter, magnify the aspect of boys and
girls sleeping together at night. The most impressionistic period of youth is the
time when it is easy to divert the individual from the set pattern of societal norms
towards a directionless future. This malady exists in several societies, where
youth power is being wasted or misused for vested interest. Formal education,
lack of employment opportunities and crumbling traditional values are unable to
give anchorage to the youth who turn out to be menace for the family and society
where as the youth dormitory system within the confines of Ghotul is able to
propagate, channelize and utilize the youth power for the general benefit of the
village society. However, with the introduction of the formal education system
with in the village confines, the school curriculum not only made the children
aware of the three R’S in education. But the moral values and the standard pan
Indian social norms were introduced to them through the textbooks and the non-
tribal teaching staff. Along with education, they learnt to question themselves and
feel ashamed of their tribal heritage and culture. The sparse clothing of their
woman appeared as nakedness, the heavily tattooed body of the woman became
a sign of backward-ness. The colourful headgear and long hair of the unmarried
youth became rustic. The songs and dance were only subscribed for sexual
titillation. And Ghotul one of the prime village institutions was branded as vulgar
and cheap by the urbanized moral standards. Some of the social workers with
particular religious orientation preached against pre-marital interaction and
abstinence against drinking of alcohol. In the Gond family before their meals the
entire family relaxes with leaf cups full of sulphi, toddy, landa, mandia. All the
village gatherings had the tradition of the hostess of the Ghotul or Motiari serving
the drink to all the invitees. The outsiders viewed this with disapproval. The
constant ridicule of their way of life did affect and eroded the tribal wisdom of
long standing. Children became irregular to their Ghotul duties; parents insisted
that children remain at home and study for their examination. The tribal songs,
dances and tales were lost and no more repeated to the younger generation. Radio
and television took its place. Cheap Hindi lyrics replaced the soul touching words
and the rhythm of the tribal songs. With time and increased negligence, the
structure of Ghotul fell apart and the children flocked around TV sets or Cinema
halls if available. Outsider’s i.e. non-resident villagers started visiting the Ghotul
at night, which further deteriorated the functioning of the institution. The naxalite
dictates compelled the youths to desert the Ghotul. Instead of freedom the sense
of fear stalked the Ghotul youths. The parents of the school going girls stopped
sending their daughters to Ghotul even at the cost of paying Ghotul dand and not
being helped by Ghotul inmates when required. In Mahaka village the
dysfunctional Ghotul is almost reduced to a boys’ club. However, the programme
of adult literacy at least is the pretext of maintaining the structure of Ghotul. After
dinner the adult men and women collect here for learning to read and write. By
the light of petromax or hurricane the classes are being held, a youth who is
willing and has at least had primary education is given the responsibility for
conducting the classes. Black board, chalk, hurricane and kerosene oil are all
provided by the block office.
Introduction of formal education, government aids, tribal sub-plans and

intervention by beaurocrats, social reformers and NGO’s have left these people
disillusioned the dand imposed by the Ghotul for not sending the children which
ranged from 2-3 thousand rupees had not made any impact on families even at
the cost of social boycott. Added to beaurocratic indifference and exploitative
tendencies prevailing in this region, tribals are left with a sense of helplessness.
Though they had been garnered to achieve the statehood which they have, the
state of affairs of these people remain pathetic and doleful. The once happy,
healthy and contended people have expressed their feeling in dadariya folksong
lamenting over the state of affairs of Chattisgarh.
The youth energy is no more channelised and diverted towards constructive

aspect of society. Which ranged from helping the villagers for maintaining road,
defending the village boundary or helping the village destitute and arranging
communal dinner and festivities. These places were being used for proselytization
after which they were automatically abandoned on moral ground falling into
disuse and decayed. Revived in Independent India for adult education and for
dance practice and recitals for the visiting VIPs. Even the tribal parents feel that
their children should concentrate on school syllabus rather than Ghotul. Little
realizing that where they send their children for education and ahsram-shalas run
under tribal sub plan where the child stays in the school dormitory eats hostel
(non-tribal diet) food, dons tunic / salwar and recites, writes, speaks in a language
not his own. Further, the things taught to him are alien to his environment. The
current trend of teaching the three R’s to the tribal children has been to include
the culturo-ecological environment of the group in all the teaching aids. Recent
trends in India and abroad have revealed the importance and essentiality of the
institution of bachelor’s hut. IDEA – Integrated development through
Environmental Awakening is a non-governmental research and developmental
organization established in 1981 in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh. This had
been one of the pioneering institutions, which had started community
development education programme for the stability and sustainability of the tribal
traditional agro-eco-cultural knowledge systems and worldviews. In this the
dormitory education training programme was conducted with the tribal youth,
tribal traditional institutional functionaries and functionaries of modern
developmental agencies. Through dormitories, 1200 tribal youth have been given
training. Besides, village leaders, youth, farmers, women and traditional
institutional functionaries in subjects as Agro-ecological, health practices, eco-
developments, watershed management, mountain and land management. In some
of the interior tribal areas where opening of school and retaining the staff is a
challenging proposal. The Ghotuls are abundantly being used for extending
Literacy programme in the morning for the children and at night for their parents
under spread of adult literacy. One of the tribal youth of the village, itself is
engaged for imparting the training.
In countries outside India poverty, demoralization and rapid culture change

reduces the effective parenting. Resulting in increase of domestic violence,
spousal abuse, incest, drug abuse – i.e. instability of the family with negative
mental health effects. In these countries the government has provision to
immediately remove the children in care centres and foster homes. However, in
certain instance the authorities relied upon the cultural traditions like Whipper
Man a non-parental disciplinarian. These traditional systems proved to be
effective not only as a means of social control but also improved upon the
delinquent behaviour specifically in case of Navajo (Dinges et al., 1974). The
falling back on tradition helped the families not only in social survival but
prepared their children to cope with the rapidly changing world thereby giving
them cultural identification, strengthening of family ties improving the self image
of the child.
For the last fifty-five years in the socio-political arena, the central debate
has been how to bring these marginal communities within the mainstream. The
efforts had been centered around education. It is true that the basics of education
not at the cost of the character; the personality and character which takes shape
within the cultural milieu needs to be restored for overall development of the
youth in nation building.
Revival of Gotul
✓ Gond Adivasis are trying to revive gotuls.
✓ Gotuls are being developed as centres for skill development. Tribals have
become part of a movement to restart them in adivasi villages as centers of
alternative education where youth can learn from each other.
✓ Gotuls can also be linked with modern technological tools like mobiles,
internet and radio. Gotul Radio with the help of CGnet Swara is one such
intiative.
✓ Gandhian organisations like the Ekta Parishad are also trying to revive the
mating ritual. And pro-ghotul slogans have begun appearing on walls in
Bastar.
FORESTS & TRIBALS
Introduction:
Invariably, tribals in India are referred to as the people of the forests. They
are Vanyajati or Vanavasi –inhabitants of the forest. Forests played an important
part in the lives and economy of the tribals. The tribals had lived in the forest or
near the forest throughout history. The original place of living and the migration
pattern as exemplified in the scriptures and tribal myths support this conjecture.
Even now the largest concentration of tribals is in the forest region of Madhya
Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar and Orissa. The contribution of forests to the daily life
of the tribals and to their economic of forests to the habits, and their spiritual and
to their economic purists, their food laws and their operation from 1898 onwards
show how tribals were deprived of their natural rights in forest and forest produce.
Role of forest in tribal life:
The role of forest in tribal life is manifold:
(i) Forest is an important source of livelihood. It gives sustenance. It provides

materials to build their houses, provides edible stuffs like roots, tubers, fruits,
flowers, and leaves and provides fuel.
Forest is a source of game. Hunting is an important mode of supplementing

the food requirements of the tribals. In earlier days, hunting took place on a
regular basis. But not the scope of hunting has not been reduced considerably due
to the scarcity of game and peculiarity of forest rules. Even now tribals go hunting
in the forest mainly on festival occasions. Hunting is always collectively
organised by the members of one or more villages.
Forest is a source of cultivation. It provides for shifting cultivation and
agriculture.
(ii) Forest is a source of raw materials for the tribal crafts. Forests not only
supply woods, etc. but also provide a number of raw materials for crafts like rope-
making, basket-making and woodwork. The tribals sell these crafts in the market
for cash or food grain and thus supplement their daily earnings. Basketry is the
traditional occupation of some of the tribals. Almost all the tribals know carpentry
and rope-making.
(iii) Forest is a source of indigenous medicines. Forests provide the tribals with
a number of indigenous medicines which can cure many types of diseases. The
tribals have identified a number of roots and tubers and herbs with medicinal
values. There are expert persons in the village who have a thorough knowledge
about the utility of these plants and roots. The medicines for diseases like cold
and fever is effective. Some roots are used for keeping away the snakes. The
village nurse and the witch doctor are experts in identifying and collecting these
roots.
(iv) Forest is a source of marketing produce. The tribals exploit the minor forest
produce to supplement their meagre income. The tribals sell the forest produce to
the people in the neighbouring villages against cash a food stuff. Gathering from
the forest is a complementary economic activity in the life of the tribals who are
otherwise settled agriculturists.
(v) Forest is the source of employment. Forests provide employment for a large
number of tribals during the lean months. Especially the tribals get employment
in cutting, the wood or felling the trees, transporting the wood from the forest to
the plains areas.
(vi) Forest is the source of religious values. Forests and the tribals are
inextricably interwoven with each other. The gods and deities of the tribals live
in the forest. Tribals worship many trees. On account of this, the tribals are able
to protect the forests.
Forest management and tribals:
In the past, the tribals enjoyed considerable freedom in the use of forest
resources. They were virtually lords of forests. With the introduction of state
management of the forests, particularly since the close of the 19 th century, the
relationship between the tribals and the forest has undergone considerable
change.
(i) In 1855 Lord Dalhousie laid down a definite and farsighted forest policy.
Further progress was delayed for a time by the Mutiny, but in 1862, owing largely
to the increasing difficulty of adequate supply of timber for the unprecedented
expansion of railway lines then being undertaken, the Government of India was
forced to take steps to protect, the forest that still survived, and forest organisation
was rapidly expanded to all the provinces of India. Exploration, demarcation and
settlement, followed by efforts to introduce protection and some form a regular
management.
(ii) In 1864, the Imperial Forest Department was established mainly to ensure
the sustained availability of timber for railways sleepers. The government felt that
for effective functioning of the department, the previously exercised unlimited
rights of the forest dwellers should be restricted. A memorandum providing
guideline restricting the rights of the forest dwellers was issued in August 1855
and was later modified in 1884.
(iii) The Government Forest Act, 1865 empowered the government to declare
any land covered with trees, brushwood or jungle as government forest by
notification. Rules made in pursuance of this Act prohibited marketing, girdling,
felling, lopping off the branches of trees. It also prohibited collection of fruits,
dry leaves, grass, wood-oil, resin, wax, honey, stones, lime or any natural produce
of such forests.
(iv) Indian Forest Act, 1878 was more comprehensive than the earlier one and
defined several terms precisely and for the time. ‘Trees included palms, bamboo,
stumps, brushwood and canes; ‘Timber includes trees fallen or felled; and ‘forest
produce’ carried and exhaustive list of items from timber to charcoal, lac, flowers
etc.
Also, for the first time, forest was classified as “Reserved’ forests,
“Protected’ forests and ‘Village’ forests. The government could declare any class
of trees in a protected forest or any tree in any such forest, to be reserved from a
date fixed by notification.
Derecognition of Communal Ownership:
Derecognition of communal control of property was one of the instruments

government wielded to disorganise the tribal community. In the pre-British period
the Indian villages used to pay revenue to the results as a community rather than
individually. The British insisted on individual land settlement and payment of
revenue at an enhanced rate.
National Forest Policy, 1894:
The first national policy on forests was formulated in 1894. it is introduced

state control over forests in public interest which resulted in the curtailment of
rights and privileges of the tribals over the forest resources.
The aims of the policy emphasised: regulation of rights and the restriction
of the privileges of the user in the forest by the neighbouring populations”, along
with the preservation of forests on hills slopes and river-beds. It was also made
clear that the forests were to be managed on commercial lines as a source of
revenue.
For the implementation of the policy, forests were broadly classified into
following four categories:
(i) Forests, the preservation of which was essential on climatic or physical
grounds;
(ii) Forests which afford supply of valuable timber for commercial
purposes;
(iii) Minor forests:
(iv) Pasture land.
The policy gave maximum importance to the revenue aspect of forests and
commercialised supply of major forest produce needed in order to comply with
the general forest needs of the country.
The policy did more “harm than good” to the tribals. It was detrimental “to the
economic position of the tribals through ignorance and neglected of their rights
and customs”.
National Forest Policy, 1952
The exact impact the 1894 policy was not realised during the pre-
independence period as the forests were in plenty then. It was only after the
independence that the damage caused by the clearing of forests was realised and
efforts were made for their economic development. Accordingly, a new forest
policy was formulated in 1952 and it objectives were.
(ii) Evolution of a system of balanced and complementary land use,

(iii) Checking of soil erosion,
(iv) Stablemen of tree lands,
(v) Creation of small woods for grazing and collecting wood for
agricultural implements and fuel purposes.
(vi) Supply of timber for national needs, and
(vii) Realisation of maximum annual revenue.
The new policy classified the forests into four categories viz;
(i) the protected forests which are to be preserved for physical and climatic
conditions,
(ii) the national forests for meeting the needs of defence, communication,
industries, etc.,
(iii) the village forests for providing fuel, timber, grazing and agricultural
requirements, and
(iv) the tree lands for preservation of environment of the country.
The policy explained the Government’s view regarding local needs:

“Villages communities in the neighbourhood of a forest will naturally make
greater use of its products for the satisfaction of their domestic and agricultural
needs. Such use, however, should in no event be permitted at the cost of national
interests. The accident of a village being situated close to a forest does not
prejudice the right of the country as a whole to receive the benefits of a national
asset. The scientific conservation of a forest inevitably involved the regulation of
rights and the restriction of the privilege of user depending upon the value and
importance of the forest, however some such restraints may be to the
neighbouring areas. While, therefore, the needs of the local population must be
met to a reasonable extent, national interests should not be satisfied because they
are not directly discernible, nor show, the rights and interests of future
generations be subordinated to the improvidence of the present generation.” (The
National Forest Policy, Ministry of Food and agriculture, Government of India.
The policy of 1952 differed significantly from the old policy of 1894 as far
as the rights of use of tribals are concerned.:
(ii) While the old policy envisaged the release of forest land for cultivation
subject to certain conditions, the new policy completely denied this
concession.
(iii) The old policy left a margin for the supply of the villagers needs from
the outlying areas of the reserved forests. The new policy decided that
there should be village forests for this purpose.
(iv) The old policy did not touch the private forests of the tribals The
Neolithic policy had controlled the rights to use of this type of forests.
(v) While according to the old policy grazing was free, under the new
policy fees were introduced and grazing was to be kept to the minimum.
The Immediate objective of the forestry development is to attain self-

sufficiency in at industrial and commercial timber, in fuel woods and other forest
products for consumer and other ancillary industries. The objective was proposed
to be achieved by increasing the are under man-made forest, by increasing
productivity of existing forest through better legging techniques, by improvement
of communication so that hitherto unused resources can be exploited.
As a result of the new policy, the tribals who considered themselves the
masters of the forests became their subjects. They were under the control of the
forest Department. The traditional rights of the tribals were reduced to mere
concessions.
The emphasis in the new policy, on collection of maximum revenue from

forest resources had led to the involvement of the contractors in various forestry
operations. The damage caused by them in connivance with the forest personal
have not only devasted the forests but have also caused uncontrolled exploitation
of the tribals.
The tribals being ignorant of the laws are completely left at the mercy of the
contractors who dictate terms to them for purchase of forest produce.
New Forest Policy, 1988

The new forest policy was adopted on December 7, 1988. It can be termed
as the first attempt on the part of the government to completely change its attitude
towards forests and tribal. The policy accepts the important role of tribal
regarding forest protection and management.
Basic Objectives.
The basic objectives that should govern the National Forest Policy include
‘the requirements of fuelwood, fodder, minor forest produce and small timber of
the rural and tribal populations, along with the maintenance of environmental
stability conserving natural heritage etc. the policy also recognises the need to
encourage efficient utilisation of forest produce and maximise substitution of
wood.
The essential of forest management clearly mention that ‘Provision of
sufficient fodder, fuel and pasture especially in areas adjoining forest, is
necessary.’ It further adds that “the programmes of afforestation should be
intensified with special emphasis on augmenting fuelwood production to meet
the requirement of the rural people”
Ownership Rights over Tress

The policy suggests the village and community lands which are not required
for other productive uses, should be taken up for the development of tree crops
and fodder resources. Technical assistance and other inputs necessary for
initiating such programme is to be Government. More important is the fact that
the revenue generated through such programmes will belong to the panchayats
where the lands are vested in them.
In case of individuals, particularly from the weaker sections such as tribals,
landless labour etc., certain ownership rights over trees are to be created subject
to appropriate regulations where beneficiaries would be entitled to usufruct and
would in turn be responsible for their security and maintenance.
Rights and Concessions:

The document accepts the fact that the life of tribals revolves around forests.
Therefore, “The rights and concessions enjoyed by them should be fully
protected.” It asserts further that “the holders of customary rights and concessions
in forest areas should be motivated to identify themselves with the protection and
development of forests”.
Also, for the first time has the policy mentioned that to relieve the existing
pressure on forests substitution of wood needs to be taken resource to. Use of
fuel-efficient chullas and stall-feeding of cattle too have been taken into
consideration.
Tribal People and Forests:

Having regard to the symbolic relationship between the tribal people and
forests, policy emphasises that “the primary task of all agencies responsible for
forest management is that they should associate the tribal people closely in the
protection, regeneration and development of forest as well as provide gainful
employment to people living in and around the forests.”
Forest-based Industries.
The policy states that “as far as possible, a forest-based industry should raise
the raw material needed for meeting its own requirements”. It does not forget to
add that, “The fuel, fodder and timber requirements of the local people should not
be sacrificed.” It also sees to it that the forest-based industries not only provide
employment to local people on priority but also involve them fully in raising trees
and raw material.
The policy statement contains many more valuable suggestions regarding
forestry education, conservation programmes, training centres for farmers etc,
The scheduled tribes and other traditional forest dwellers (recognition of

forest rights) act, 2006
The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of
Forest Rights) Act, 2006 is a result of the protracted struggle by the marginal and
tribal communities of our country to assert their rights over the forestland over
which they were traditionally dependent. This Act is crucial to the rights of
millions of tribals and other forest dwellers in different parts of our country as it
provides for the restitution of deprived forest rights across India, including both
individual rights to cultivated land in forestland and community rights over
common property resources. The notification of Rules for the implementation of
the Forest Rights Act, 2006 on 1st Jan 2008, has finally paved the way to undo
the ‘historic injustice’ done to the tribals and other forest dwellers.
The livelihood of perhaps 100 million poorest of the poor (The Indian Forest
Rights Act 2006: Communing Enclosures) stands to improve if implementation
can succeed. The Act is significant as it provides scope and historic opportunity
of integrating conservation and livelihood rights of the people.
This Act is a potential tool
✓ To empower and strengthen the local self-governance

✓ To address the livelihood security of the people, leading to poverty
alleviation and pro poor growth
✓ To address the issues of Conservation and management of the Natural
Resources and conservation governance of India.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ACT
For the first time Forest Rights Act recognises and secures
✓ Community Rights or rights over common property resources of the
communities in addition to their individual rights
✓ Rights in and over disputed land Rights of settlement and conversion of all
forest villages, old habitation, un-surveyed villages and other villages in
forests into revenue villages
✓ Right to protect, regenerate or conserve or manage any community forest
resource which the communities have been traditionally protecting and
conserving for sustainable use.
✓ Right to intellectual property and traditional knowledge related to
biodiversity and cultural diversity
✓ Rights of displaced communities
✓ Rights over developmental activities
Forest dweller and rights
There are two stages to be eligible under this Act.

First, everyone has to satisfy two conditions:
a) Primarily residing in forests or forest lands;
b) Depends on forests and forest land for a livelihood (namely “bona fide
livelihood needs”)
Second, one has to prove:
✓ That the above conditions have been true for 75 years, in which case one
is another Traditional Forest Dweller or
✓ That you are a member of a Scheduled Tribe and

That you are residing in the area where they are Scheduled.
Rights of forest dwellers
The law recognises three types of rights:
1. Land Rights
No one gets rights to any land that they have not been cultivating prior to
December 13, 2005 and that they are not cultivating right now. Those who are
cultivating land but don’t have document can claim up to 4 hectares, as long as
they are cultivating the land themselves for a livelihood. Those who have a patta
or a government lease, but whose land has been illegally taken by the Forest
Department or whose land is the subject of a dispute between Forest and Revenue
Departments, can claim those lands.
There is no question of granting 4 hectares of land to every family. If one is

cultivating half a hectare on December 13, 2005, one receives title to that half a
hectare alone; and if one is cultivating nothing, one receives nothing. If one is
cultivating more than 4 hectares without documents or a dispute, one receives
title to only 4 hectares.
The land cannot be sold or transferred to anyone except by inheritance
2. Use Rights
The law secondly provides for rights to use and/or collect the following:
a. Minor forest produce things like tendu patta, herbs, medicinal plants etc
“that has been traditionally collected. This does not include timber.
b. Grazing grounds and water bodies
c. Traditional areas of use by nomadic or pastoralist communities i.e.
communities that move with their herds, as opposed to practicing settled
agriculture.
3. Right to Protect and Conserve
Though the forest is supposed to belong to all of us, till date no one except the
Forest Department had a right to protect it. If the Forest Department should decide
to destroy it, or to hand it over to someone who would, stopping them was a
criminal offence.
For the first time, this law also gives the community the right to protect and
manage the forest. Section 3(1) (i) provide a right and a power to conserve
community forest resources, while section 5 gives the community a general
power to protect wildlife, forests, etc. This is vital for the thousands of village
communities who are protecting their forests and wildlife against threats from
forest mafias, industries and land grabbers, most of whom operate in connivance
with the Forest Department.
Recognition of rights
Section 6 of the Act provides a transparent three step procedure for deciding on
who gets rights.
✓ First, the gram Sabha (full village assembly, NOT the gram panchayat)
makes a recommendation – i.e who has been cultivating land for how long,
which minor forest produce is collected, etc. The gram Sabha plays this
role because it is a public body where all people participate, and hence is
fully democratic and transparent. The gram Sabha’s recommendation goes
through two stages of screening committees at the taluka and district levels.
✓ The district level committee makes the final decision (see section 6(6)).
The Committees have six members – three government officers and three
elected persons. At both the taluka and the district levels, any person who
believes a claim is false can appeal to the Committees, and if they prove
their case the right is denied (sections 6(2) and 6(4)).
✓ Finally, land recognised under this Act cannot be sold or transferred.
Forest Rights Act
The enactment of the FRA has been a very important move in taking away
the burden of illegality from the shoulders of tribals, and forest dwelling
and dependent communities. The Indian Forest Act, 1927 and its
predecessor Act of 1878 vested control over the forest resources in the
state. Forest area covers 23 percent of land mass and over the years, forest
communities have been treated as encroachers and
their activities in forest areas as ‘forest offences’.
Implementation of the FRA
Implementation of the FRA has been weak. In 2010, the Ministry of Tribal
Affairs (MoTA) and Ministry of Environment and Forests jointly
constituted a committee to study the factors that aid or impede the
implementation of the law and recommend necessary policy changes
(hereinafter ‘2010 Joint Committee Report’). It appears that many of their
findings persist and recommendations remain relevant. These include:
The implementation of the FRA has been poor, and therefore it’s
potential to
achieve livelihood security and changes in forest governance along
with strengthening of forest conservation, has hardly been achieved.
There have been serious flaws in many states relating to the

constitution of the Forest Rights Committee (FRC) at the grassroots
level which has the crucial
role of assisting the Gram Sabha (GS) in determining the claims
from individuals by receiving, consolidating and verifying them on
the ground.
Several states have utilized GPS technology for plot delineation. It
is recommended that a special set of guidelines need to be worked
out for the proper use of spatial technology in the delineation,
location, and status
verification of claims filed, to ensure reliability, objectivity and
transparency.
The FRA stipulates that forest-dwelling Scheduled Tribes and Other
Traditional Forest Dwellers (OTFDs) are not to be evicted or
removed from forest land under their occupation till the process of
recognition and verification of their rights is complete. The
committee members found that this provision of the Act has been
violated such as in Thane, Maharashtra where FRA claimants were
evicted even as their claims were pending with no notice.
The relocation from Protected Areas including Tiger Reserves without
having
completed the procedures under the FRA was identified as a gross
violation of the FRA.
Though the FRA does not and should not provide any deadline for
completion
of the process, states should expedite recognition of rights
within an
appropriate time frame which is to be decided in consultation with
the forest dwellers and civil society, so that governments do not
slacken off on implementation.
The MoTA should issue a clarification that OTFDs as defined under

the FRA are all those who can prove seventy five years of residence
in the area (not necessarily on the plot being claimed), and
dependence on the forest land as of December, 2005. The MoTA
should also clarify what kinds of evidences may be used for such
proof and how these are to be made available to the villagers. MoTA
should also clarify that no disqualifications on the basis of
possession
of additional revenue land or jobs, or location of residence on
revenue land, etc. are permissible under the FRA.
State governments should review their State Level Management

Committees, District Level Committees, and Sub-Divisional Level
Committees, regarding their composition, functioning, public
interface, and transparency, and issue directions for necessary
correctives in each of these institutions.
Most states have concentrated almost entirely on implementing the

provisions for individual forest rights (IFR).
Claims are being rejected without assigning reasons, or based on

wrong interpretation of the ‘OTFD’ definition and the ‘dependence’
clause, or simply for lack of evidence or ‘absence of GPS survey’
(lacunae which only require the claim to be referred back to the
lower-level body), or because the land is wrongly considered as ‘not
forest land’, or because only forest offence receipts are considered
as adequate evidence. The rejections are not being
communicated to the claimants, and their right to appeal is not being
explained to them nor its exercise facilitated.
Section 3 (1) (m) of the FRA, regarding the rights of persons
illegally displaced or evicted by development projects without
proper compensation, has not been implemented at all.
While on one hand, we see an absence of the procedure stipulated in the

FRA, on the other, strict adherence to conditions not even required or
permitted under the Act are used to disregard claims.
The term “individual forest rights” isn’t actually used in the FRA, it has
found its way to official records and common parlance to denote rights to
forest land with individual tenure. Section 3 of the Act includes: “right to
hold and live in the forest land under the individual and common
occupation for habitation or for self- cultivation for livelihood by a member
or members of a forest dwelling Scheduled Tribe or other Traditional
Forest Dwellers”.
In addition to the findings from the Joint Committee Report, 2010, it ahs been
found that:
A common ground of rejection is that the person is not a Scheduled
Tribe (ST) even though the FRA unambiguously states that rights to
forest land are available to “Scheduled Tribe or other Traditional
Forest Dweller” Claims are
often rejected due to absence of ST community certificates. OTFD
claims in Andhra Pradesh have largely not been entertained due to
lack of evidence.
In Odisha, OTFD’s have mainly been discouraged from filing claims
and most of their claims have been rejected at the Gram Sabha level
itself or not
accepted by the FRC. Claims have also been rejected due to inability
to prove plot cultivation for seventy five years prior to 13th
December 2005.
There are reports of claims being rejected on the ground that the
claimed land is ‘disputed’. As per SCSTRTI Report, 2013: “In
Chhattisgarh, the issue of
Ghas zameen (revenue land) is disputed by villagers in many sites
which they consider as narangikshetra, something that is popularly
known as ‘orange areas’ in government parlance, an area,
ownership of which is disputed between the forest and revenue
department. It must be noted that these orange areas are recorded
in records of both forest and revenue department and so
long as the land is recorded as forest land, it comes under the ambit of
the
FRA. Thus, denying rights over such lands is in violation of the
law”A dispute between two departments cannot be a reason for
denying people their due under the law.
Community Forest Rights
The FRA recognizes various community forest rights which could

potentially operate as a powerful, and meaningful, way for forest dwelling
communities to protect their way of life. Till as late as 2012, however, these
rights were almost entirely ignored. Most often, they were confused with
the Section 3(2) provisions which provide communities with education and
health facilities and connectivity when there was diversion of forest land
for non-forest purposes.
Despite very poor implementation of community rights, the Joint
Committee Report, 2010 was quick to caution that “the current status of
community claims is not indicative of the potential of such claims. If the
various shortcomings in implementation described below are removed, the
claims could spread to several million hectares in the next few years.”
It is clear that unless enforcement of CFR is a community driven process,
its implementation will be incomplete. When it comes to community rights
awareness among claimants and FRC members is still abysmally low, even
when compared to awareness regarding individual claims. This is
corroborated by surveys conducted on the Status of level of Awareness
amongst Multiple Stakeholders (percent) by SCSTRTI in 2013.
In many cases, the Forest Department is actively impeding the process of
CFR rights and recognition. For example, as per a recent study conducted,
27 CFR titles have been claimed and even conferred in Sarguja district of
Madhya Pradesh but the Forest Department does not recognize them.
The general misunderstanding is that FRA is a “scheme for tribals” to the
exclusion of OTFDs and therefore, CFR titles will be granted to
“Scheduled Tribes only” villages. Right from its first phase of
implementation, it is noted that district administrations refuses to accept
oral evidence from elders although it is allowed as per the Act. Authorities
are also incorrectly requiring proof of “occupation” (and not proof of
“residence” as stipulated under the FRA and as clarified by the guidelines
issued by MoTA) of forest land for three generations prior to 13th
December, 2005. In the Nayagarh district of Odisha, CFRs have not been
recognized in villages with a mixed population of Scheduled Tribes and
OTFDs. In Jharkhand as well, 73 claims out of 47 claims filed by OTFDs,
have been rejected (i.e. 50 percent rejection).
In Chhattisgarh, there are continuing reports of Forest Rights Committees
(FRCs) being constituted at Panchayat level overseeing several villages. In
most cases, members of such FRCs are not aware of their membership and
their duties. Lack of awareness, information and training on filing CFR
claims in such FRCs prevents interested communities from filing claims.
There are also reports of such FRCs being manipulated by village elites
leading to conflicts.
In Tamil Nadu, it is the Court that has restricted recognition of these rights.
The Madras High Court order dated 30 th April 2008 restricted the issuance
of titles under Section 3(1) unless approved by the Court. The order
clarified that the process of verification of the claim shall continue but even
so implementing authorities interpreted the order to mean that no action is
to be taken on the claims, including the process of recognition of claims,
without the High Court order being vacated. On 2nd September 2008, the
Court clarified that the process of identity and recognition may go on and
only the final decision shall not be taken without leave of the Court.
Exercise of rights over the Minor Forest Produce (MFP), a community right
under the FRA, remains a big challenge across the states. There is no
institutional mechanism developed so far to support the rights holders in
the process of exercising the MFP rights particularly in the disposal and
marketing of the produce. The problem is seen more in case of nationalized
produce like Bamboo and Tendu leaves. Apart from these challenges in the
trade of MFP, the non-commercial values of such produce are of critical
importance to the lives of forest dwelling communities.
Joint Forest Management
In areas where Joint Forest Management (JFM) was in practice, there were
complaints that the FRA was sought to be kept out. Further, attempts were
to convert the village forest committees set up into forest rights committees
under the FRA, which is not in consonance with the law.
In Andhra Pradesh, the SCSTRTI study notes that “community forest
rights were generally understood as rights over areas of Vana Samrakhyan
Samiti (VSS), an institution created by the Forest Department under the
Joint Forest Management Program. Instead of conferring title to the Gram
Sabha, CFR titles have been found to have been issued in the name of
individuals like VSS chairperson or village elder or Sarpanch, which is a
clear violation of the law”.
In a letter addressed to the State Forest Department, dated 17 th August
2013, MoTA clarified that the grant of community rights titled in the name
of VSSs under the FRA was a violation of the Act and such JFM
committees could not be claimants under the FRA.
In Gadchiroli, Maharashtra a study reports “In almost all the villages we
visited in Gadchiroli, JFM has been implemented, even after the CFR titles
have been granted. The reason given by facilitators is that for works taken
up under JFM, funding is provided by the Forest Department. CFR rights
come with the responsibility of protecting, conserving and regenerating
their forests. However, there is no provision of funding for work related to
these responsibilities. Also, though the CFR titles have been granted, the
forests given under CFR to many villages do not have bamboo or any other
NTFPs, which could help communities earn livelihood.” In Tamil Nadu,
“they have not been allowing filing of CFRs (as in Madurai, Virudhunagar,
and Tirunelveli districts of Tamil Nadu) because forests rights like grazing
have been curtailed under former JFM programs.”
In Uttarakhand, “considering the historical background of Van Panchayats
and clash with JFM strongholds, there is poor awareness about FRA at the
village and administrative level and a negation of the hamlet level process
of FRC constitution and recognition of OTFDs and of community forest
rights.”
Women
Women’s participation in processes under the FRA remains low. Women

are dependent on forest and forestland for their livelihood and active
participants in the various forest activities. In a telling statement, the
women’s cooperative President in Panibhandar village in Odisha
reportedly said in an interview, “My land and forest is important for me,
what will I do with other things if there is no right over forest. Forest is the
only resource from which women are getting income.” The absence of their
voice at various levels (from Gram Sabhas to forest committees) means
that critical issues are often overlooked.
Empowering provisions for women under FRA include:
Section 2(g) of the Act provides for the full and unrestricted
participation of women in Gram Sabha
Rule 4 (2) provides that “The quorum of the Gram Sabha meeting
shall be not less than one-half of all members of such Gram Sabha:
Provided that at least one-third of the members present shall be
women
Rule 3 (1) provides that not less than 1/3rd of the members of the
FRC shall be women
Rule 5 (c) requires that at least one of the three PRI members
nominated to the SDLC shall be a woman.
Similarly, rule 7 (c) requires that out of the three members of the
district panchayat to be nominated to the DLC by the district
panchayat, at least one shall be a woman
Section 4 (4) A right conferred by sub-section (1) shall be heritable
but not alienable or transferable and shall be registered jointly in the
name of both the spouses in case of married persons and in the name
of the single head in the case of a household headed by a single
person.
There has been little perceptible effort to create awareness among women
regarding the process of claim making, verification and the rules relating
to it. However, according to the field study, most women gain awareness
through NGOs working in their area and through their cooperative
societies. A large majority (80 percent) are not aware of the amount of land
claimed by their husbands and how much land is recognized.
The field report reveals that although the population of women in villages
is often more than men, this is not reflected in their representation in the
Gram Sabha.
Even among the women who participate in the Gram Sabha, the study
points to lack of basic awareness. Single women and widows were a
majority of the women present. Others only come when their husbands are
unable to do so and stated that they were usually not allowed to air their
opinion and therefore preferred not to participate.
Representation in Forest Rights Committee (FRC): One third
representation of women in the FRC is mandated by law. Field studies in
Odisha revealed that in most places, there was only 20 percent
representation of women.
Joint titles: The law mandates that certificates for forest claims must be
issued jointly in the name of both the husband and wife; however studies
show that this provision has been largely ignored in Odisha, and the survey
shows low levels of awareness about this provision among women.
Forest Rights Act in Protected Areas

There are about 690 Protected Areas (PAs), i.e., National Parks and
Sanctuaries in India. These areas are established under the Wildlife
Protection Act, 1972 (as amended in 2006), and recognized under the
Forest Rights Act.
Protected Areas of India

Percent of Geographical
2
Protected Areas No. Area (km ) Area
of India
National Parks 102 40075 1.22
Wildlife Sanctuaries 526 124239 3.78
Conservation
Reserves 57 2017.94 0.06
Community Reserves 4 20.69 0.0
Protected Areas 689 166352.63 5.06
Geographical Area of India (FSI,

1999) = 32,87,263 km2
Recorded Forest Area of India
(FSI, 2001) = 768,436 km2
23.38 percent of Geographical
Forest Area = Area of India
Approximately, three million people in India, most of whom are tribals,

live inside PAs and are dependent on them for forest resources. However,
in the decades running into a century, forest dwelling and forest dependent
tribal communities were treated as encroachers and forest offenders even
when, for instance, they would be found collecting minor forest produce.
The FRA recognizes not only the right that the tribals and the Other
Traditional Forest Dwellers(OTFDs) have in relation to the forest, but it
also empowers the holders of any forest right, Gram Sabha and village level
institutions in areas where there are holders of any forest right under this
Act to:
“(a) Protect the wild life, forest and biodiversity;
Ensure that adjoining catchments area, water sources and other
ecological sensitive areas are adequately protected;
Ensure that the habitat of forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes and
other traditional forest dwellers is preserved from any form of
destructive practices affecting their cultural and natural heritage;
Ensure that the decisions taken in the Gram Sabha to regulate
access to community forest resources and stop any activity which
adversely affects the wild animals, forest and the biodiversity are
complied with.”
There have been situations where tribals and OTFDs have continued to be
viewed as communities who should be evicted from the forest so as to
pursue other conservation goals. Most states exclude PAs from the
application of the FRA due to a lack of understanding and awareness of the
law, and that the tribal population is a menace to wildlife in those areas.
Moreover, forced eviction, relocation and harassment by forest officials is
commonplace. Reports suggest that between 100,000 and 300,000 people
have been evicted from protected areas at different times. This is despite
the law stating that eviction before verification and settlement of claims
under the FRA is complete, is unlawful. Yet widespread displacement of
tribals continues to occur. This has caused a decline in their economic
status, as well as erosion of their customary forest practices. A detailed
issue-based analysis is provided below.
Critical Wildlife Habitats (CWH)

Critical Wildlife Habitats (CWH) are a specific kind of protected area,
defined under the FRA as, “areas of National Parks and Sanctuaries where
it has been specifically and clearly established, case by case, on the basis
of scientific and objective criteria, that such areas are required to be kept
as inviolate for the purposes of wildlife conservation as may be determined
and notified by the Central Government in the Ministry of Environment
and Forests after an open process of consultation by an Expert Committee,
which includes experts from the locality appointed by that Government
wherein a representative of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs shall also be
included, in determining such areas according to the procedural
requirements arising from sub-sections (1) and (2) of section 4.”
The following constitute the conditions laid down under the FRA, all of
which must be fulfilled, before declaring CWHs.
• The process of recognition of forest rights in PAs must be complete
• The impact caused by the presence of the rights holders must be sufficient
to cause irreversible damage to the species and their habitat
• The State government concludes that co-existence is not possible
• A resettlement package has been prepared and communicated to the
affected communities
• Free and informed consent of the Gram Sabha to the proposed
resettlement has been taken
• No resettlement to take place until land allocation according to the
promised package is complete.
•
Rushed notification of CWH by government agencies leads to a host of
problems that overlook the conditions required by FRA.
Non-recognition and rejection of Community Forest Rights claims

CFRs assume special importance in PAs as the FRA defines the use of
community forest resource to which the community had traditional access
within protected areas like national parks and sanctuaries. There are certain
incorrect assumptions regarding implementation of the FRA. At the Forest
Department level, it was believed that rights under FRA couldn’t be
claimed in PAs or when resettlement was already underway before the
FRA was enacted, and that FRA is not applicable in Tiger Reserves. In
Tamil Nadu’s State Action Plan, it is stated that Minor Forest Produce
collection in PAs is not affected by FRA because it is not a traditional right.
The Government of Sikkim via a notification dated 28.1.2008 constituted
an Expert Committee for identification of Critical Wildlife habitats in
Protected Areas. It has also constituted other Committees under the Act
namely SDLC, DLC and SLMC. However, the Government has remarked
that ‘In Sikkim, there are no Forest Dwelling Scheduled Tribes and Other
Traditional Forest Dwellers in the true sense of the terms. Most of the
Scheduled Tribes of Sikkim hold revenue land in their own name and they
are not solely dependent on the forests for their livelihood.’ This kind of
misinterpretation and non-implementation of the FRA makes recognizing
CFRs more problematic in PAs.
Pending claims are common in PAs, since officials incorrectly believe that
FRA is not applicable in these areas. In the Palamu Tiger Reserve in
Jharkhand, CFR claims have been pending since 2011. In Biligiri
Rangaswamy Temple Sanctuary (Karnataka), Soliga adivasis have applied
for CFRs with detailed documentation and maps, yet their claims have been
pending. In Wadala, in Tadoba Andhari Tiger Reserve, CFR claims were
rejected by the SDLC, because the villagers would have a negative impact
on the area. In Badrama Wild life Sanctuary in Sambalpur CFR rights are
not being recognized. The Raika tribe in Rajasthan are a pastoral
community. However, for grazing cattle in Kumbhalgarh Sanctuary of
Rajasthan, no permits have been issued to them since 2002, though higher
penalties are being imposed for grazing in the PAs. A possible reason for
rejection of claims is that the area claimed does not use new technology
like satellite imagery and instead relies on traditional methods of land
demarcation.
Consultation with and consent of the Gram Sabha

Both the FRA and the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972 amended in
2006(WLPA), require that the Gram Sabhas of the affected areas be
consulted before declaring CWHs or PAs. Examples indicate that this
provision remains in disuse. In Yawal Wildlife Sanctuary of Maharashtra,
a committee was formed for demarcation of a CWH minus participation
from the affected villagers. Often Gram Sabhas are neither sent notices for
consultation, nor are their consent signatures taken by the Government for
declaring CWHs. Further field visits to Sariska tiger reserve have indicated
that Gram Sabha Consent has not been taken, only individual families have
been approached by the Forest Department. Further, they have been
‘informed’ that they must consent to one of two options under the
compensation scheme-cash for land, or land for land. If they do not choose
either, they will have missed the opportunity.
Relocation without following process under WLPA and FRA

The FRA makes it abundantly clear that relocation cannot be undertaken
without rights recognition and consent of the Gram Sabha, among other
conditions. The focus remains on relocation instead of exploring co-
existence. Even so, there are examples of illegal relocation in the areas of
Bandipur and Nagarhole National Park in Karnataka, Simlipal in Odisha,
Sariska in Rajasthan, and Udanti and Achanakmar in Chhattisgarh. A letter
by the Additional Inspector General (FC), MoEF (FP Section) compelled
the Scheduled Tribes in the National Parks and Wildlife Sanctuaries to
leave the premises of National Parks and Wildlife Sanctuaries without
settling the rights under the provisions of the FRA. In 2012 the Ministry of
Tribal Affairs communicated to the Chief Ministers of State Governments
that tiger and wildlife habitats were being demarcated in violation of the
law, and affected tribals were being asked to relocate without settlement of
rights.
Tiger Reserves
There are 41 Tiger Reserves in India declared under the WLPA 2006. The
Tiger Reserve areas largely overlap with the Scheduled Areas where the
population is predominantly tribal. The WLPA defines critical tiger habitat
and ‘core’ or ‘buffer’ areas. The purpose of this Act was to attain the
objectives of ‘tiger conservation’ while ensuring that the rights of tribal
people living in and around Tiger Reserves are not impeded. Tiger
Reserves are to be notified by the State Governments on the
recommendations of National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA). Core
and buffer/peripheral areas must also be designated and included in the
tiger reserve, at the time of notification. As per explanation (i) of Section
38(v) (4) of Wildlife Protection Act:
“For the purposes of this section, the expression “Tiger Reserve” includes
Core or Critical Tiger Habitat (CTH) areas of national parks and wildlife
sanctuaries where it has been established on the basis of scientific and
objective criteria, that such areas are required to be kept as inviolate for
the purposes of tiger conservation, without affecting the rights of the
Scheduled Tribes or such other forest dwellers, and notified as such by
the State Government in consultation with an Expert Committee
constituted for the purpose”.(emphasis supplied)
Tiger Reserves have assumed greater complications in light of the judicial
intervention by the Supreme Court in a case that has been challenging tiger
tourism. On 24th July 2012, the Supreme Court issued an order, stating,
among other things that “till the final directions issued by this court with
reference to the guidelines submitted by the National Tiger Conservation
Authority (NTCA), core zone or core areas in the Tiger Reserved Areas
will not be used for tourism.” The Court had directed concerned state
governments with tiger reserve areas, to issue and submit their notifications
in relation to core and buffer areas, within 3 weeks from the date of the
order. On 3rd April 2012 the court had also ordered a time bound issuance
of notification viz. within 3 months from the date of that order.
The problem is the disproportionate haste with which state governments
have issued notifications of buffer areas, without following the processes
prescribed under the FRA and the Wildlife Protection Act, of rights
settlement, exploring coexistence and free and informed Gram Sabha
consent. The NTCA Relocation Committee Report, 2010, highlights the
following issues in connection with the FRA:
No rights recognition happening in Achankmar, Panna, Sariska reserves
Mostly individual consent, no evidence of ‘Gram Sabha consent’
and ‘informed’ consent. Field investigations of the Sariska reports
reveals a lack of
FRA information, while the Achanakmar report mentions only
individual consent
Land option and compensation for actual assets not being made
available, inconsistencies in resettlement package were reported
from Sariska, Panna, Ranthambore, Achanakmar, Panna and
Bandhavgarh Tiger Reserves
Insufficient water facilities leading to scarcity for drinking and
irrigation in the resettled land in Achanakmar and Panna.
The Supreme Court orders led the Ministry of Tribal Affairs to intervene.
In an affidavit before the Court, the MoTA stated that core areas and buffer
areas categories have been in existence for a long time. Any further
declaration of additional buffer areas will incorporate large areas of private
lands, revenue lands, or forest lands, on which Scheduled Tribes and other
traditional forest dwellers are exercising pre-
existing rights. Therefore, “declaration of further Buffer Areas by the State
Governments will cause enormous hardship to the Scheduled Tribes and
forest dwellers who eke out their livelihood in these areas.” It goes on to
say that consultation with the local communities, a prerequisite under
PESA and FRA, has been inadequate and non-existent, because of the time
bound nature of the orders of the Supreme Court, causing state
governments to respond hastily and without following the law.
Though, the MoEF has issued a multitude of circulars and guidelines
stating that relocation can only occur if processes under FRA and WLPA
are implemented, ground reality suggests otherwise.
Case study of Simlipal Tiger Reserve

Problems in connection with the notification of the Simlipal Tiger Reserve
include relocation and resettlement without following the process under
the FRA and WLPA, as well as tribals being restricted by forest guards
from using Non Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) within the reserve.
The Simlipal tiger reserve is located in the Mayurbhanj district of Odisha.
There are 65 villages situated inside the Sanctuary area of which 61
villages are in the buffer area and 4 villages are in the core area. According
to the 2001 Census, the Scheduled Tribe population in the Simlipal area is
around 11,520 (91.77per cent) and includes two particularly vulnerable
tribal groups (PVTGs), namely, Khadia and Mankidia, who depend
primarily on the forests of Simlipal. These communities are originally
nomadic tribes, known for making siali ropes, catching and eating
monkeys and live in areas, which are now part of the Simlipal Tiger
Reserve. Their nomadic pattern is seasonal and depends on availability of
non-timber forest products (NTFPs). In order to discourage this custom of
killing monkeys and to decrease their use of siali (which is one of the main
sources of food for elephants), many PVTGs in Mayurbhanj were relocated
by the State government from the Simlipal Tiger Reserve areas into
permanent colonies run by the Integrated Tribal Development Agency
(ITDA). These PVTGs are restricted by forest guards to enter into the
Similipal area to collect NTFPs such as the Siali Bark, amra, mahua, char
and sal leaves, which they have always traditionally collected.
Field studies indicate that 61 families belonging to the Khadia community
were relocated from the village of Jenabil within the Similipal reserve, to
Ambadiha colony in 2010. However, as per information shared by the
families, the relocation was carried out without recognition of their rights
under FRA and WLPA. Reportedly, individual land claims under the FRA
had been made by Jenabil residents, however, they were immediately
struck down by Forest Department officials, as they were in a Tiger reserve
area. Post-relocation facilities in Ambadiha are also poor. Land was
demarcated for them to cultivate but was not yet formally handed over to
the relocated families, neither were there irrigation facilities. Another
village, Kabataghai, which is a revenue village, in the Jashipur block is one
of the core villages to be relocated. The village consists of 35 households
of Scheduled Tribes. The villagers organized a Palli Sabha in June 2011 to
discuss the proposed relocation where they opposed it. They have also
submitted 23 individual forest rights claims which are yet to be recognized.
Petitions have been filed by the Kabatghai village with the State Level
Monitoring Committee in 2011 against the relocation process. About 32
families residing in both UparBarhakamuda and Bahaghara settlements
have been relocated from the core area in November 2013. As, in other
relocations, in this case, too the legal procedure under FRA and WLPA has
not been followed.
Elephant Corridor
In April 2011, the Madras High Court heard a case in which the Principal
Chief Conservator of Forest and the Chief Wildlife Warden had suggested
that the private/patta land forming the traditional movement corridors of
animals particularly the elephants, be brought under the control of the
Forest Department by acquiring the land and paying compensation to the
owners. The Expert Committee set up by the court, comprising five senior
forest officials, has stated in its report that “all revenue lands within the
elephant corridor area should be handed over to the Forest Department.”
The High Court had said that:
with regard to the forest dwellers whose interests are protected under the
FRA, the State government is directed to strictly adhere to and comply with
the Act (FRA) when dealing with forest dwellers and others who fall within
the ambit of the act and the case of any forest dweller who is evicted from
the identified elephant corridor, they be provided with best alternate and
suitable accommodation.’
This matter is now before the Supreme Court.
The local tribals were apprehensive that the order would be used to evict
them from areas that were being declared as part of the elephant corridor.
This anxiety is also reflected in the affidavit of the Ministry of
Environment and Forest in the Supreme Court, which speaks of 700
families mostly dalits and tribals, who are dependent on the land for their
livelihood. The affidavit filed in 2012, points out that the rights of the
occupants have not been settled yet under the FRA. The Elephant Task
Force in 2010 had categorically stated that “the Task Force is convinced
that local people resident in the reserve area should be partners and allies
for conservation and not be treated as adversaries.” This is in keeping with
the provisions of the FRA cited above.
Tribals whom the Committee spoke to near the Mudumalai Reserve in
Tamil Nadu spoke with a conviction that their eviction was a means for the
Forest Department to reassert control over their land. This was a common
refrain in places where the elephant corridor is seen as threatening to
dispossess tribals. It was also a sign of a breakdown of trust between the
tribals and the Forest Department which needs to be urgently addressed.
Both the Tiger Reserve and Elephant Corridor cases demonstrate the
deliberate circumvention of provisions of the PESA and the FRA by state
governments. It also shows how tribals find themselves caught between
conservationists and the forest bureaucracy.
Evictions: Letter dated May 3, 2002

The preamble of the FRA recognizes the rights of forest dwelling
communities evicted from their lands at the hands of the state: “and
whereas it has become necessary to address the long standing insecurity of
tenurial and access rights of forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes and other
traditional forest dwellers including those who were forced to relocate their
dwelling due to state development interventions”.
This recognition comes in light of a long history of arbitrary forced

evictions of these communities. The colonization of forest land took place,
first through the operation of the Indian Forest Act, by earmarking
‘reserved forests’, and thereafter evicting forest dwelling communities.
Evictions have continued in the post-colonial phase, sometimes for
“conservation” and at others for “scientific forestry”.
In a letter dated 28th May 1990, the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes highlighted how state government orders which
recognized the rights of tribal communities were being openly disregarded.
The MoEF in turn issued six circulars which also remained dead letter.
On 3rd May, 2002, the Inspector General of Forests (IGF) issued a letter to
the Chief Secretaries of all States, directing State authorities to prepare a
time bound program for summary eviction of all encroachments not
eligible for regularization. This was supposedly in a follow up to a
Supreme Court order in Godavarman Thirumulpad v. UOI dated 23 rd
November, 2001.
What this court order actually did was merely restrain the Central
government from regularizing encroachments in the country, without the
court’s permission. The IGF’s letter was, in effect, a misinterpretation of
this order of the court. What resulted was large scale forced evictions of
tribal communities by the state. The scale is indicated in the figures below:
In Bihar the area evicted appears to exceed the existing encroachments.
The evictions have not been reversed, and in most places those evicted
have not been able to access their rights under the FRA. This is a situation
where restorative justice and reparation must be given to those wrongfully
evicted.
Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, (PESA)

Scheduled Areas, because of their richness in natural resources, are, as a
letter from the Ministry of Panchayati Raj stated, historically characterized
as susceptible to pressure from “unscrupulous elements indulging in illegal
mining & forest felling” leading to land alienation, exploitation and
“dislocation of the communities and loss of major sources of livelihood.”
Therefore, it was vital that customs, rights and livelihoods of those living
in Scheduled Areas were protected.298 Accordingly, the Provisions of the
Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, (PESA), was
enacted, extending Part IX of the Constitution to the Schedule V Areas. In
enabling the Panchayats to ‘function as institutions of self-government’, a
state government is mandated to ensure that the Panchayats at various
levels and the Gram Sabha are endowed inter alia with:
power to prevent alienation of land in the Scheduled areas and to

take appropriate action
to restore any unlawfully alienated land of a Scheduled Tribe
ownership of minor forest produce
power to enforce prohibition, or to regulate or restrict the sale and
consumption of any intoxicant
power to exercise control over money lending to the Scheduled Tribes
power to exercise control over institutions and functionaries in all
social sectors
power to control local plans, and resources for such plans including
tribal sub-plans
power of prior recommendation in granting prospecting license or
mining leases for minor minerals as well as for grant of concessions
for the exploitation of minor minerals by auction
right to be consulted on matters of land acquisition
power to issue utilization certificates for government works
undertaken in their village.
PESA is an acronym for the Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to
Scheduled Areas) Act 1996. Article 243-M (4)(b) of the Constitution states
that “Parliament may, by law extend the provisions of this Part (Part IX
relating to Panchayats) to the Scheduled Areas…subject to such exceptions
and modifications as may be specified in such law”. And “no such law shall
be deemed to be an amendment of this Constitution…”. It bears reiteration
that the provisions of the 73rd Amendment relating to Panchayats do not
automatically apply in Scheduled Areas. They have to be extended to
Scheduled Areas by Parliament subject to “exceptions and modifications”.
[Article 243M (4)(b), Constitution of India] This was in recognition of "the
unique characteristics of tribal communities in the Scheduled Areas”[Union
of India v. Rakesh Kumar, (2001) 4 SCC 309, at Para 8]
While Parliament has enacted a law in relation to Panchayats, there is as yet

no law on Nagar Palikas in Scheduled Areas. Article 243-ZC (3) contains a
provision parallel to Section 243-M(4)(b). The committee had their
attention drawn to the proliferation of Nagar Palikas in Scheduled Areas and
to the expansion of already established towns and municipalities. This is
being done without the consent of Gram Sabhas which are affected by the
proposal to establish or extend a Nagar Palikas or to be merged with one
already in existence. This, as a report points out, creates pockets of
ùnscheduled areas’ [Shankar Gopalakrishnan, India and the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples: Illusion and Disillusion; Constitutional, Legislative
and Administrative Provisions Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples,
2010.] within Scheduled Areas, as cities and towns lose the dynamic that
animates villages and hamlets. In 2008, the Jharkhand High Court held that,
despite Article 243-ZC, the law relating to municipalities that pre-existed
the 74th amendment would continue to apply in Scheduled Areas too,
because that is what Article 243-ZF says should be done till the legislature
or other competent authority amends or repeals it. [Uday Shankar Ojha and
Ors vs. Jharkhand State Election Commission and Anr, judgment and order
dated 29.02.2008; High Court of Jharkhand; 2008 (2) JCR 249 (Jhr)
referred to in ibid.] This decision does not recognize that the 74th
Amendment makes a distinction between other municipalities and those in
Scheduled Areas, and that it is Parliament that has to make a law with `such
exceptions and modifications’ so as to ensure that the constitutional
protections that extend to Scheduled Areas do not get diluted or negated.
That Parliament has not performed the task of law making regarding
municipalities in Scheduled Areas cannot be a reason for denying the
protections to the tribals. This would be a way of defeating the purpose of
the special status that has been given constitutional recognition in Article
243-ZC. The law relating to municipalities, without setting out the
èxceptions and modifications’, cannot be constitutionally valid in
Scheduled Areas. Till Parliament makes a law that sets out the èxceptions
and modifications’ while extending the law relating to municipalities to
Scheduled Areas, or it makes a fresh legislation for municipalities in
Scheduled Areas, any extension of municipalities or the establishing of new
municipalities would be legally untenable.
It may be recalled that in 2001, the Municipalities (Extension to Scheduled

Areas) Act was introduced in the Rajya Sabha. This Bill was referred to the
Standing Committee of Parliament on Urban Development and Poverty
Alleviation which, in its fiftieth report in 2003, recommended its adoption
with some modifications. After being listed a few times in the list of
business of Parliament, the Bill has gone into oblivion, indicating a lack of
urgency that is contradictory to the constitutional requirement of a law on
municipalities in Scheduled Areas.
However, state wide incorporation of the PESA tenets has been largely
absent. Forest Departments in several states continue to have control over
forest produce, and deny access to the tribals. Further, Gram Sabha
consultations have to be merely ‘considered’ by government officials when
deciding land acquisition proposals. Though consideration is mandatory, the
choice of words indicates that the final say rests with the Land Acquisition
Officer and not the Gram Sabha. Forged and manipulated Gram Sabha
resolutions, lack of consent before land acquisition and other grave issues
still persist in the implementation of the PESA.
The Rules framed by state governments are not compliant with PESA
Definition of Village
Sec 4(b) of the PESA states that “a village shall ordinarily consist of a
habitation or a group of habitations or a hamlet or a group of hamlets
comprising a community and managing its affairs in accordance with
traditions and customs.” This is in keeping with the spirit behind the 73rd
constitutional amendment and the PESA, since takes into consideration the
smallest unit of democratic participation, i.e. a village. States have not
respected this provision.
In Orissa for example, the Orissa Gram Panchayat Act, 1964, stipulates that
the ‘Grama’ shall have a population of 2000-10000, which, in the case of
tribal habitations, is usually not the case since they have small populations.
The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Extension to the Scheduled Areas)
Rules, 2011 does not define village at all. It only states that the Gram Sabha
shall consist of persons, whose names are on electoral rolls in the Gram
Panchayat.
All these instances violate PESA and attack its very core of empowering
the Gram Sabha of the village at the habitation/hamlet or group of
habitations/hamlets.
Traditional System of Leadership

PESA also empowers the Gram Sabha under Sec.4 (d), “to be competent
to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the people, their
cultural identity, community resources and the customary mode of dispute
resolution.”
In Rajasthan, however, the meeting of the Gram Sabha is presided over by

the Sarpanch of the Gram Panchayat concerned and, in his absence, by the
Up-Sarpanch.
In Andhra Pradesh, the Sarpanch of the Gram Panchayat is to be the

President of the Gram Sabha and only in his absence can the traditional
village leader of the habitation preside. This is completely contrary to the
PESA that preserves traditional methods of leadership.
Consultation on Acquisition of Land, Resettlement and Rehabilitation

Section 4(i) of the PESA states that the “Gram Sabha or the Panchayats at
the appropriate level shall be consulted before making the acquisition of
land in the Scheduled Areas for development projects and before re-
settling or rehabilitating persons affected by such projects in the Scheduled
Areas; the actual planning and implementation of the projects in the
Scheduled Areas shall be coordinated at the State level.”
In Andhra Pradesh, such process is confined only to land owning displaced

persons. It also states that only Mandal Parishads would be informed of
such acquisition, displacement, rehabilitation and resettlement programs.
While PESA makes it mandatory for the government to follow
recommendations of Gram Sabha and Gram Panchayat before granting of
mining or prospective licenses and lease of exploration of minor minerals
by auction, the state act instead reduces it to mere consideration of these
recommendations at best and too as prescribed by the state.
In Himachal Pradesh, the rules in force vest power in the Land Acquisition
Officer to ‘consider’ the recommendation of the Gram Sabha regarding the
land acquisition proposal. Consultation and consent with the Gram Sabha
are virtually non-existent. In Rajasthan, the recommendation of Gram
Sabha shall be considered by the Government or the authority concerned.
If after a second consultation, the Government or the authority concerned
passes an order against the recommendations of the Gram Sabha, record
the reasons for doing so in writing. This is similar to the rules in Himachal
Pradesh.
Access to and ownership of Minor Forest Produce is not PESA

compliant under various state rules
The FRA defines minor forest produce as including “all non-timber forest
produce of plant origin including bamboo, brush wood, stumps, cane,
tussar, cocoons, honey, wax, lac, tendu or kendu leaves, medicinal plants
and herbs, roots, tubers and the like”. The PESA confers the ownership of
minor forest produce on the Gram Sabha. However, a Planning
Commission report acknowledges that “in absence of a comprehensive
national/central policy/approach, contradictory legal provisions still
prevail while differential state regimes create some of the biggest
limitations which constrain a healthy growth of the Non Timber Forest
Produce (NTFP) sector. Bamboo, for instance, is defined as a ‘minor forest
produce’ in the Forest Rights Act, 2006 whereas the Indian Forest Act,
1927 treats it at par with timber. PESA, 1996 gives ownership rights to
local communities over MFPs whereas the regime created under Wildlife
Protection Act doesn’t.” The report goes on to say that the then Minister
for Environment and Forests wrote letters to state Chief Ministers to
recognize bamboo as a minor forest produce and transfer ownership of the
same to local communities, but the state Forest Departments were
unwilling to accept that. Though monopoly rights of states are legally
questionable they continue with this practice.
Gadchiroli, Maharashtra is seen an example of how control over bamboo

was vested from the Forest Department and rightly handed over to the
Gram Sabha. However, in Andhra Pradesh a state-owned agency, Girijan
Cooperative Corporation (GCC), has obstructed tribals from taking away
their non-timber forest produce (hill brooms) from the Scheduled Areas of
East Godavari district. In response, the community submitted a
memorandum to the concerned officials under the FRA. The Andhra
Pradesh Rules on ownership and mode of disposal of minor forest produce
states that it “shall vest with the individual members of Gram Sabha subject
to monopoly rights of GCC … for procurement of MFP, except Bamboo
and Beedi leaf. In respect of Bamboo and Beedi leaf, management,
harvesting and disposal shall be done by the Forest Department…(which)
shall pass on the net revenue from such disposal of the Bamboo and Beedi
leaf harvesting from the area allotted to the Gram Sabha, to the respective
Gram Sabha.” While tribal communities may find support for marketing
and investment of proceeds of sales helpful, the erosion of their autonomy
is against the purpose for which PESA was enacted.
Gram Sabha consent is frequently overridden and forest land is

illegally diverted, as the examples below will indicate:
Example 1: Essel and Mining Company Ltd case in Keonjhar district,
Orissa
It appears that no recognition of rights under the FRA is taking place in the
mineral rich mining areas of districts like Keonjhar (under Schedule V).
Instead, the administration has been facilitating illegal diversion of forest
land to mining companies by engineering fraudulent Gram Sabhas of the
concerned villages. In a case concerning diversion of forest land for Essel
and Mining Company Ltd., an MLA from Jharsuguda, Naba Kishore Das,
wrote a complaint to the Union Tribal Affairs Secretary, MoTA. The Union
Secretary called for records pertaining to the alleged Gram Sabha approval
of the forest land diversion. During his visit to the area, the Secretary
examined Gram Sabha records and found that Gram Sabhas were held in
Jalahari, Bholbeda, Jajanga Jurudi, Banspani and Khuntpani villages
coming under Joda –Badbil Tahasil on 1st Nov 2013 for obtaining their
consent for the diversion of 342.602 ha of forest land out of the total area
of 456.1 ha for Essel Mining and Industries Ltd. It was found that in the
same meeting it was decided that the villagers had no forest rights and that
they had no objection to the diversion of the concerned forest land. His
observations were as follows:
“The notice which had been issued showed that a meeting had been
convened to obtain approval of Gram Sabha for transfer of forest land to
Essel Mining and Industries Limited. In the same meeting, forest rights
were to be ascertained. The minutes of the meeting show that in the same
meeting it was decided that the villagers have no forest rights. It was also
decided that they had no objection to transfer of forest land to the firm.
This is in complete violation of FRA. The process envisaged under FRA
has to be completed before the transfer of forest land for non-forest use is
considered under the Forest Conservation Act. Therefore, the transfer of
forest to the firm is invalid.”
Terming the procedure in violation of the FRA as completion of the

recognition of rights needs to be undertaken prior to any discussion on the
diversion of forest land, the Secretary termed the approval for diversion
invalid and advised the Collector to withdraw the approval.
On further investigation, the district administration has claimed that no
claims were received for forest rights during Gram Sabha meetings held
earlier and it is only after that that the Gram Sabhas seeking consent for
forest diversion were held. The matter is under further investigation as a
large number of the tribal families in the above villages have no titles for
the land they are cultivating yet none of them ostensibly filed any claims
for recognition of forest rights.
Example 2: Mahan Coal block in Singrauli district, Madhya Pradesh
The Mahan coal block was granted in-principle (Stage I) forest clearance
by the MoEF on 18th October 2012, after substantial pressure from the
Group of Ministers (GoM) on coal mining, after the MoEF had rejected it
on environmental and ecological grounds. This approval was for the
diversion of 1182.351 ha of forest land and was conditional on, among
others, completion of the recognition of forest rights.
Yet, not a single community forest right has been recognized in the
Singrauli district where there are a large number of forest land diversions
taking place for non-forest use. Several representations written by the
affected parties to the authorities on the issue of non-implementation of
FRA in this region have yielded no results whatsoever.
Villagers in Amelia and Suhira were not allowed to make their CFR claims
at the Gram Sabha meeting held on 15th August 2012 despite the fact that
300 people attended the meeting that day. Stage- I conditional forest
clearance was granted for mining of the Mahan Coal Block in Madhya
Pradesh on 30th October 2012 without detailed assessments of social and
ecological impacts or obtaining Gram Sabha consent required under
MoEF’s 2009 order.
Following this, the administration organized a special Gram Sabha on

March 6, 2013 which was attended by only 184 persons. However, over
11000 signatures were forged onto the resolution which included the
signatures of some dead people. Despite strong protests by the villagers,
including letters written in their support by the Minister of Tribal Affairs
to the Madhya Pradesh Governor and Chief Minister, MoEF granted final
forest clearance for the Mahan coal block in February 2014.
Example 3: Polavaram Project
The Polavaram Project has now been given national status. The Union
Cabinet has approved the setting up of the Polavaram Project Authority,
where the Centre will provide funds for the project and help in getting
environmental and forest clearances. The Environmental Impact
Assessment (EIA) of the project says 276 villages will be affected; an
estimated 177,275 people live in these villages. The Polavaram Project
Environmental Impact Appraisal Report of 1985 expected 150,697 people
to be displaced in 226 villages. But the population of these villages
according to the Census 2001 is much higher—236,834. State officials find
it hard to explain the difference of 59,559 while estimating the number of
people who will be displaced.According to a report by the Central
Empowered Committee the table below illustrates the number of affected
families.
Table 9.5: Number of settlements and people affected by Polavaram Project

No.of No. proje affect No. of
State settlements of ct ed population
famili
es affected
44,57
Andhra Pradesh 276 4 1,77,275
Chhattisgarh 4 2,335 11,766

The report also says that “out of the above, 14.94 percent are Scheduled
Castes, 48.67 percent Scheduled Tribes, 17.45 percent backward classes
and the balance 18.94 percent, fall in other categories.” However, this
report is dated 2006. The figures have not been updated since then. This is
contrary to the Draft National Tribal Policy that states,
“There shall be a threshold of displacement viz. the maximum number of

persons that can be displaced in one project. Projects involving
displacement of more than a fixed number, say 50000, would not be
considered, if the majority are Scheduled Tribes, or would be subjected to
more stringent appraisal norms.”
However, the project has acquired greater complexity in light of the

Andhra Pradesh Reorganization Bill, approved by the Union Government,
whereby the villages to be submerged are now located in Seemandhra,
originally in the Telangana region. The bill as passed by the Lok Sabha
States that:
“90. (1) The Polavaram Irrigation Project is hereby declared to be a national

project.
It is hereby declared that it is expedient in the public interest that
the Union should take under its control the regulation and
development of the Polavaram Irrigation Project for the purposes of
irrigation
The consent for Polavaram Irrigation Project shall be deemed to
have been given by the successor State of Telangana.
The Central Government shall execute the project and obtain all
requisite clearances including environmental, forests, and
rehabilitation and resettlement norms.”319
Though, the clearance of the project is subject to the settlement of claims
under the Forest Rights Act, a number of people have had their claims
rejected. The reason was that their villages were going to be submerged
anyway.A fact finding team comprising Dr. B.D. Sharma, Former National
Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Tribes, Dr. Jayashankar, former
Vice-chancellor, Kakatiya University, Dr. I. Thirumali, Reader in History,
Sri Venkateswara College, University of Delhi, G N Saibaba, Lecturer in
English, University of Delhi, Shirish Medhi, Social Activist from Mumbai,
Dr. Gopinath, Eminent Cardiologist, Andhra Pradesh, Rona Wilson,
Research Scholar, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Ajay Mishra, Reporter,
Sunday Post (Hindi), Suresh Kumar, Advocate, Hyderabad, Ch. Prabhakar,
Advocate, Hyderabad and Ravichandra, Teacher, AP Government
Residential Schools, toured nine mandals in the districts of Khammam,
East and West Godavari districts that are to be affected by the Polavaram
Dam Project between 3nd March and 6th March, 2007. They reached the
following conclusions:
In Maredubaka village in Kukunoor Mandal, people passed resolutions

against Polavaram dam and the Resettlement& Rehabilitation package
offered by the Government. Resolutions were ignored, suppressed and
manipulated. Some Mandal Praja Parishads (MPP) also have passed
resolutions against the construction of the dam but time and again over the
last one year the officials have not accepted or recorded the written
resolutions sent by the MPPs as told by Kantepale Raju, Sarpanch of
Maredubaka and also by the sarpanch of Amaravaram of Kukkunoor
mandal. They also noted that in Paidipakka village in Polavaram mandal,
the District Collector sat in the Gram Sabha along with armed police force.
There he told the people that the government can’t pay more than 1.3 lakhs
and the villagers had no other option but to leave. This is in keeping with
other reports that state an absence of public hearings and faulty clearances.
Example 4: Public hearings are mandated both under the

Environmental Impact Assessment Notification, 2006 as well as the
PESA
In an appeal before the National Green Tribunal (NGT) challenging the
Environmental Clearance (EC) granted to a Coal Mining Project by M/s
Jindal Steel and Power Limited at Raigarh District of Chhattisgarh State
by the Ministry of Environment and Forests, the NGT in an order dated
20th April, 2012 held that the public hearing conducted on 5.1.2008, was a
“farce” and a “mockery” of the procedure required to be followed.
The Tribunal went on to say that:

“the way in which the proceedings are conducted is nauseating and no
reasonable person would accept that it was conducted fairly and much
less properly. This is not a case where there are a few ignorable
procedural lapses in conducting the public hearing. This is a case of a
mockery of public hearing, one of the essential parts of the decision
making process, in the grant of Environmental Clearance. This is a
classic example of violation of the rules and the principles of natural
justice to its brim.”
Similarly, in Chhattisgarh, Korba district, villagers are resisting 36 coal-

fired power plants that seek to acquire close to 40,000 acres. In 2010,
after a Gram Sabha hearing to discuss the land acquisition proceedings,
the District Collector there reportedly recorded that there is no legal basis
for the Gram Sabha's objections and the issues raised.
Amendment to the PESA
The proposed PESA Amendment seeks to change the existing law by
providing for “prior informed consent” of the Gram Sabha to be
mandatory before any land acquisition, which will bring it in tune with
international developments where free prior informed consent has
evolved as a precondition to the location of projects, and its
consequences. The proposed amendment also mandates “prior informed
consent” of the Gram Sabhas before granting of prospecting license or
mining lease for minor minerals in the Scheduled Areas and before
granting of concession for the exploitation of minor minerals by auction.
Linear Projects
On 5 February 2013, a letter was issued from the MoEF exempting linear
projects from the requirement of obtaining consent from Gram Sabhas
under the Forest Rights
Act: ‘This ministry has received representations from various ministries to
exempt projects … where linear diversion of forest land in several villages
are involved, from the requirement of obtaining consent of Gram Sabha, as
stipulated in this ministry’s said letter dated 3-8-2009.’
The matter has also been examined by an inter-ministerial committee. The
committee, after examination of the matter had inter alia recommended that
a resolution of the Gram Sabha of the area based on full and prior
information of the project and a public hearing, endorsing that the project
is in the interest of the people living on forest land, use of which is proposed
to be diverted for non-forest purposes may not be required for the projects
like construction of roads, canals, laying of pipelines/optical fibres and
transmission lines etc. where linear diversion of use of forest land in several
villages are involved, unless recognized rights of Primitive Tribal Groups
(PTG) and Pre-Agricultural Communities (PAC) are being affected.”
The letter says that the Minister for Tribal Affairs had agreed with this
recommendation.
There were further circulars to this effect on 3 rd August, 2009 and 15th
January, 2014. On 7th March, 2014, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs had to
issue a notice to all Chief Secretaries clarifying ‘the correct position in
law’. It said:
The FRA “does not provide any exemption to any category of
projects”.
“Compliance with the provisions of FRA in no way counters
the provision of basic developmental initiatives, particularly
in less developed Scheduled Areas. In fact, Section 3(2) of the
Act expedites projects meant for forest dwellers”.
“The central role of the Gram Sabha in the developmental
initiatives is not unique to the FRA 2006. It also finds mention
in the PESA where consultation with Panchayats is a
necessary precondition for alienation of any land in the
Scheduled Areas for development projects. The Right of Fair
Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition,
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 also requires
consent of the Gram Sabha for acquisition of land in
Scheduled Areas for development”.
The Supreme Court, in its 2013 decision where the tribal hamlets
in Niyamgiri were asked to be consulted in their Gram Sabha, has
reiterated that the proper process has to be followed for the
determination of community forest resource rights and that the
decision has to be taken by the Gram Sabha.
“In view of the above, compliance with FRA is a mandatory requirement

before forest land can be diverted. Failure to do so would be a violation of
law.”
This was issued with the approval of the Minister, Tribal Affairs and
Panchayati Raj.
This instance is symptomatic of the disregard for laws that have been
enacted to protect the interests of Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional
Forest Dwellers. There is no answerability when this deliberate disrespect
for the law is manifest. It was pointed out to us that the Scheduled Caste
and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 prescribes
punishment where a person, not being a member of a Scheduled Caste or
Scheduled Tribe “wrongfully dispossesses a member of a Scheduled Caste
or a Scheduled Tribe from his land or premises or interferes with the
enjoyment of his rights over any land, premises or water”. The serious
consequences of depriving tribals of their land is recognized in the
Atrocities Act, 1989, and must inform public policy. Development projects
and infrastructure projects are being allowed to relegate laws made to
safeguard tribal interests to irrelevance.
Any land that may have been taken over by following the letters/notices of
the MoEF dated 5th February, 2013, 5th July, 2013 and 15th January, 2014
must be restored to the community.
Land Acquisition Law of 2013, Forest Rights Act, 2006 and PESA, 1996
The Land Acquisition Law, 2013 that replaced the Land Acquisition Act,
1894 brings the Scheduled Tribes and those covered by the Forest Rights
Act within this law, and considers the possibility of involuntary
displacement from land and habitat. Unlike the 1894 Act, this law
expressly provides for acquisition for private companies and for projects
to be executed through public-private partnership. There is an implicit
erosion of the principles relating to land alienation in the Fifth Schedule
areas which does not allow transfer of land from a tribal to a non-tribal.
Just by way of clarification, private companies are non-tribals.
The Land Acquisition Law, 2013 has been enacted at a time when the
potential of the Forest Rights Act to bring forest dwellers out of the
disabilities induced by illegality is still being worked out. There are
multiple hurdles that communities have been experiencing in having their
rights to the forest recognized. While there has been some movement on
recognition of individual rights, community rights and the rights of access
are still in the initial stages of being understood and implemented. The
2013 law, however, reveals an impatience to get forest and Fifth Schedule
land into the process of forcible acquisition. Although the 2013 law
acknowledges that there are special provisions in relation to land in
Scheduled Areas, and that the Forest Rights Act is a piece of legislation
that is about recognizing rights and not about opening up the land for
transactions, yet it speaks of involuntary displacement for a project. So, in
Section 41of the 2013 law, it says:
“(1) As far as possible, no acquisition of land shall be made in the

Scheduled Areas. (2) Where such acquisition does take place it shall be
done only as a demonstrable last resort.” The qualifying phrases leave the
field wide open to interpretation and use. In clause (3) the law speaks of
prior consent of the Gram Sabha or Panchayat or Autonomous District
Council. Yet, this is immediately followed with provision for “projects
involving land acquisition on behalf of a requiring body which involves
involuntary displacement of the Scheduled Castes' or the Scheduled
Tribes’ families…”
The Constitution does not treat eminent domain as a flat doctrine. It does
not apply equally or in an identical manner in all territory within India.
Scheduled Areas, forests, and the rights of tribal communities to land have
been specifically treated distinctly from other private holdings of land. The
Land Acquisition Law, 2013, in attempting to make more land available
for development projects, is still poised to defy the constitutional and legal
principles in relation to landholding, land ownership, land use and land
alienation in tribal areas.
Land alienation: Kerala

In 2001, landless tribal communities in Kerala, represented by their leader
Shri C.K. Janu, entered into an agreement with the Chief Minister under
which all landless tribal families in the State would get land not exceeding
5 acres. Two years on, and the land allotments promised were not
implemented at all. In a symbolic and strategic move, the community
decided to enter the Muthanga forests and occupy the land. The decision to
move to Muthanga evolved out of widespread consultative process across
the state’s tribal belt- where a 60 member tribal court declared that since
the agreement was being openly disregarded, the community should assert
their rights by occupying the land. A month later, a part of the forest area
occupied by the tribals including hutments were set on fire and property
destroyed allegedly by police and government officials. The tribals ‘took
captive’ about twenty state police and Forest Department officials.
Statements of these officials were recorded, and thereafter, they were
handed over, unharmed, to the District Collector. Meanwhile, 500 armed
policemen and forest officials descended on the area, and around 300
tribals were reportedly arrested. According to the People’s Judicial Enquiry
Commission headed by Justice Shamsher and Justice Shamshuddin, men
and women were rounded up and taken to the police station and many were
beaten ruthlessly. Though the government record states that there were two
deaths, a tribal and the other a policeman- many unofficial accounts point
to a higher number of deaths.
The intensity of conflict this demonstrates can be explained in the context

of a long history of marginalization, perpetual landlessness, laws that have
bypassed constitutional obligations, and High Court orders that have been
consistently ignored by the Government. In Kerala, more than 30 per cent
tribal households are landless and the highest proportions are from
Wayanad and Palakkad districts. Given the large influx of non-tribals,
large tracts of arable land have been encroached upon.
The sub-committee constituted by the Kerala state assembly in 1976
conducted a study on land alienation in the Wayanad district. The study
examined 298 cases and it was found that 71 were grabbed by force, 67
were grabbed for miniscule sums, while the rest for a very small amount.
In 1975, the State government passed the Kerala Scheduled Tribes Act
(Restriction on Transfer of Lands and Restoration of Alienated Lands),
later incorporated into the Ninth Schedule. The Act renders all transactions
of adivasi lands between 1960 and 1982 invalid and restores land to the
original owners. The Act also restricts transfer of adivasi lands to non-
adivasis from 1982, without the prior consent of the authorities.
The 1986 Rules finally operationalized the Act, but even so there were no
steps taken towards their implementation. Of the 8754 claims, filed by
adivasis for about 9910 hectares till 1991, only about 545 hectares were
restored. Acting on a petition filed in 1988, in October 1993, the High
Court passed an order directing the government to “dispose of the
applications pending before them within six months”.
Faced with pressure from the High Court, an amendment the ‘Scheduled
Tribes (Restriction on Transfer of Lands and Restoration of Alienated
Lands) Amendment Bill, was passed in 1996 to avoid contempt of court
proceedings. The President of India, however, rejected this amendment
which substituted restoration of original lands with providing ‘alternate
lands’ up to 5 acres only. Finally, in 1999, the state government replaced
the 1975 legislation with the Kerala Restriction on Transfer and
Restoration of Lands to Scheduled Tribes Act, 1999. The Act provided that
only land in excess of two hectares would be restored, and in all other cases
alternate land would be given to the extent of two hectares. The number of
applicants claiming more than two hectares was negligible, so in practical
terms, the stated intent of the law to provide for ‘restoration’ of land was
rendered meaningless.
It is pertinent to note that neither the 1975 Act nor its successor, the 1999
Act, were able to address the issues of lack of documentary proof to
establish past land ownerships.
The intention behind the 1975 Act was entirely negated, first, through
systematic refusal to implement and then through the enactment of the
1999 Act, which renders that intention meaningless. Judicial response has
been weak and unable to curb inaction and evasion by the State. Finally the
brutal repression of the occupation of the Muthanga forests by tribals has
only spurred a spate of such occupations- a demonstration of anger and loss
of faith in the state machinery.
Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs)

In recent years, state governments and corporations have been entering into
MoUs which impose a responsibility on the state to facilitate various
aspects of their projects.3 The proliferation of such MoUs is noticeable. For
instance, Chhattisgarh has reportedly entered into 121 MoUs for industries
relating to coal, sponge iron, railways, and electricity. Jharkhand has also
signed 74 MoUs for Mega Investment, indicating a total investment of Rs
2,93,360.33 crores in Project Cost. As on 2011, there are another 25 MoUs
Jharkhand has signed with a total investment cost of Rs78,871.83 Cr and
reportedly providing employment to 1,20,320 persons.
Many of these MoUs pertain to Fifth Schedule Areas. These are some
common clauses found in these MoUs:
“The Government agrees to acquire, the required land……and hand over the
required land
free from all encumbrances to SEL through Orissa Industrial Development
Corporation (IDCO) for the project and allied facilities.”
Source:MOU between Sterlite Energy(P) Ltd. And the Govt. of Orissa dated
29th Sept. 2006
“Government agree to assist BEL .in obtaining all
clearance/permits/approvals from the Central Government, State
Government departments or agencies, Regulatory Commissions and Local
Bodies(Municipal, Panchayat, etc.)”
Source:MOU between Bhusan Energy(P) Ltd. And the Govt. of Orissa dated
29th Sept. 2006
“(a) The Govt. of Jharkhand agrees to forward proposal of M/s Essar Steel
Jharkhand Ltd.(ESJL) in obtaining NOC through the State Pollution
Control Board for the construction of Plant, the housing colony, mines,
pipelines etc.
Government. of Jharkhand agrees to forward proposal of M/s Essar Steel
Jharkhand Ltd. In obtaining necessary clearances from the Central
Government M/s Essar Steel Jharkhand Ltd. Will arrange to conduct a
Rapid Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) an detailed EIA and prepare
an Environment management Plan(EMP) for the project. The Govt. of
Jharkhand agrees to extend any assistance in the shape of providing
data/information available with it during the time when the EIA is
conducted and EMP is prepared.”
Source: MOU between Essar Steel Jharkhand Ltd. and the Government of
Jharkhand dated 6th July 2007
These MoUs, it has been pointed out to us, change the relationship between
the state and the corporation, and the state and project affected people. For
instance, in Fifth Schedule Areas, it is the legal and constitutional
obligation of the state to ensure that tribal land alienation does not occur,
causing detriment to the interests of the tribals. The Samatha judgment of
the Supreme Court was a reflection of this understanding. The court in that
case held, “the State Government….stands prohibited
to transfer by way of lease or any other form known to law, the
Government land in Scheduled Area to non-tribal person, be it natural or
juristic person except to its instrumentality or a Co-operative Society
composed solely of tribes”. Yet, MoUs such as those described here, or the
one that the Orissa Mining Corporation entered into with Vedanta,
conveniently makes the transfer of land in Scheduled Areas into a
contractual arrangement, in a complete breakdown of constitutional
principles safeguarding tribal interests.
In 2005, when the Government of Orissa entered into a MoU with POSCO,
which is now a contentious project and where local people including tribals
have been protesting land acquisition for the project, it included a clause
that read:
“(i) The Government of Orissa agrees to facilitate and use its best efforts
to enable the Company to obtain a “No Objection Certificate” (NOC)
through the State Pollution Control Board in the minimum possible time
for the development and operation of the Project.
The Company will conduct a rapid Environment Impact Assessment
(“EIA”) and prepare a detailed EIA Report and an Environment
Management Plan (“EMP”) for the
Project. The Government of Orissa agrees to provide any assistance
requested by the Company during the time the EIA is conducted and
the EMP is prepared.
The Government of Orissa agrees to use its best efforts to procure the grant
of all
environmental approvals and forest clearances from the Central
Government within the minimum possible time for the Project.”
Again, environmental laws have been made to protect both the
environment and those depending on it. The onus that the state casts on
itself through such MoUs results in a
dilution of procedures such as EIA. This amounts to a clear overriding of
statutory provisions.
These MoUs have been criticized for prioritizing the interests of the
corporations over those of the tribals and local populations. The state is
expected to protect the tribal from losing land through land alienation,
preserve the environment and protect the forest. Even if the state’s
prerogative is ‘rapid industrialization’, the responsibilities it sets for itself
through the MoUs would dilute the law, and this is a disturbing trend that
has spread across states. For example, the MoU between the Government
of Orissa and POSCO (2005) includes these clauses:
“A dedicated High Powered Committee shall be constituted jointly by the
Government of Orissa and the Company to ensure that the Project
proceeds as per the planned schedule. The High Powered Committee shall
include as permanent members, senior officers of the departments of Steel
and Mines, Industries, Energy, Water Resources, Works, Commerce and
Transport, Environment and Forests and representatives from the
Company. The Government of Orissa shall arrange for representatives of
other departments to be present for each meeting as required.”
“Immediately following the execution of this MoU, the Government of
Orissa shall second (at its own cost) to the Company’s Project office in
Bhubaneswar, an Officer of the appropriate level to be dedicated to the
facilitation of the Project”
Source: MOU between Govt. of Odisha and M/s POSCO dated 22 nd June,
2005
The altered understanding of the role that government officials are
claiming for themselves, namely getting projects started, is setting at
naught, the responsibilities that they owe the tribals, and subverts the law.
There is a further clause that is found in recent MoUs, to which our
attention was drawn. It reads:
“The Government and its concerned departments or agencies will facilitate
and assist JSPL during various stages of the project as also of the captive
coal mine, in a smooth and unhampered manner by maintaining the law
and order in the Project area and its vicinity.”
Source: Copy of the MOU between Jindal Steel and Power Ltd. and the
Government of Orissa dated 7th February, 2009
“The Government of Orissa will take action to provide overall security as
per applicable law, as may be required to all parts of the Project during
the operation phase. All necessary steps in this regard including setting up
of police stations, if required, would be taken by Government of Orissa.”
Source: Copy of the MOU between POSCO and the Government of Orissa
dated 22nd June, 2005
The development paradigm adopted by states has raised questions from
many quarters, and is manifest as protest, resistance, dharnas and court
challenges. It is frequently seen that protestors are subjected to the heavy
hand of the law, and find themselves arrested, charged with a variety of
offences including even stringent provisions of the law such as sedition.
There have been many occurrences of crackdown on displaced people,
people from whom land has been taken for the project and on those
protesting the location of a project. These have been documented in a
variety of ways including video recordings, fact-finding reports, and in
national dailies and magazines. There is little to indicate that the concerns
of the local people which is expressed in the protests and movements of
resistance is being addressed. (see later section). This has had the effect of
criminalizing protest.
It appears that some MoUs have begun to take shape between the state and
civil society organizations. Its purpose is significantly different from that
seen in MoUs of the state with corporations. Where the latter sought to
ensure that the law would not be a hurdle to the progress of their project,
the former was to work for the implementation of the law. The draft MoU
that the committee saw was a memorandum to ensure that the Forests
Rights Act is properly implemented.
Cabinet Committee on Investment (CCI)

The Cabinet Committee on Investments was an institutional apparatus set
up to aid the government in pushing ahead with its agenda of growth and
project development, especially of large projects. The logic, and
functioning, of the CCI shows an impatience with what the law says, with
Gram Sabha autonomy, and with the FRA.
The CCI was constituted in 2013 specifically to expedite clearances of
projects worth Rs. 1000 crores or more. The CCI raison d’etre was the
expeditious clearance to be given to projects and to remove impediments
that the CCI saw as delaying projects. Disturbingly but not unexpectedly,
land acquisition, FRA implementation, environmental clearances and
Gram Sabha consent were in focus. Decisions made by the CCI allow the
FRA to be bypassed. The status report of the CCI dated 22.3.2013 stated
that since obtaining Gram Sabha consent for each linear projects is time
consuming, the MoEF issued an OM stating that this is not necessary
anymore. Further, the notification also says that “for one time capacity
expansion of 25 percent or less, coal mining projects have now been
exempted from public hearing provided that public hearing had taken place
at the time of obtaining the existing EC and the mining is confined to the
existing lease area. This would help boost production of coal which is in
short supply in the country.” This limit has now increased to 50 percent, as
per a MoEF OM, 2014 also exempt from public hearing. The CCI has
iterated that this is a good policy decision to avoid delays in projects.
This is a blatant instance of the flouting of laws, relating to Scheduled
Tribes, OTFD, forests and the environment. This is a case of expediency,
as defined by the executive government – over principle, law and the lives
of tribal communities. This deliberate subversion of the law is possible,
because there are no consequences for such breaches of law. It is necessary
both to review the decisions that have been made by the CCI to undo the
illegalities, which have resulted from its functioning; and to provide for
penalties in the law, for such defiance of the law.
Niyamgiri
The FRA recognizes individual, community, traditional and cultural rights
of Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers. This is a
definite shift away from the Indian Forest Act, 1927 and its preceding laws
which kept forest dwelling and forest dependent communities on the
margins of legality. In 2006, when the FRA was enacted, the preamble to
the Act acknowledged this when it said that this was “an Act to recognize
and vest the forest rights and occupation in forest land in forest dwelling
Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers who have been
residing in such forests for generations but whose rights could not be
recorded…”
The forest laws that culminated in the Forest Act of 1927 vested control
over the forests in the colonial state to assist it in its expansionist enterprise.
It was with the Forest Conservation Act, 1980 that the extent to which
forests were being lost to industrial and mining projects became a concern
that had to be addressed urgently. Yet, the FCA 1980 only shifted the
decision making from the states to the centre, even as ‘Environment and
Forests’ was moved from the state to the Concurrent legislative list in the
Seventh Schedule to the Constitution. While this may have provided pause
in the decisions made to divert forests to non-forest uses, the model of
development adopted, and the priorities of different governments, has
made relentless demands that conservation and protection agenda be put
aside and the interests of foreign direct investment, growth rate and
corporate involvement in the economy be given priority. As the state has
begun to enter into MoUs and agreements with corporations with promises
of land, water, clearances and law and order, the concerns of local
populations have been relegated to the periphery. This has also been a time
when, even as laws are made to protect tribals, forest dwellers, the
environment including forests, the law has been ignored and sidestepped.
It is in this context that the processes of decision-making in tribal areas
have not been adhered to in many instances. The Supreme Court’s decision
in the Lafarge case2is revealing about how procedures could get subverted
in the process of grant of permission for diversion of forest land for non-
forest purposes in places inhabited by tribal communities. Lafarge was
about quarrying for limestone in Meghalaya, and the forest clearance had
been sought on the basis of a report that said that there were no forests in
the area. This was later demonstrated that it is not an accurate statement of
fact. Although there were around 1800 tribals in the affected area, in the
first instance, it was recorded that 31 tribals had been consulted and, at a
later date when the matter was in court, the views of 200 of them were said
to have been heard. The spectrum of agencies had worked in ways that
revealed severe weaknesses in regulation.
Similarly, the government is also faced with a fait accompli kind of

situation, which in the ultimate analysis leads to grant of ex facto
clearance.” This is a severe indictment of how processes are violated and
the purpose of the law overturned.
The Niyamgiri experience is iconic, demonstrating a clear break from

before the time that the FRA was enacted. Niyamgiri hills is inhabited by
the Dongria Khond, a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group. Vedanta
Aluminium Ltd. approached the Supreme Court asking that the company
be allowed to mine bauxite in the Niyamgiri hills to feed their aluminium
plant located at the foothills. The Dongria Khonds opposed the mining,
After two rounds of consideration by the Supreme Court, a hearing before
the National Environment Appellate Authority, and two reports on the
effect the project may have on the Dongria Khonds, the Supreme Court
directed, on 18th April, 2013, that the Gram Sabha needed to consider the
rights that were being affected by the proposed mining. Excerpts:
“Many of the Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers are
totally unaware of their rights. They also experience lot of difficulties in
obtaining effective access to justice, because of their distinct culture and
limited contact with mainstream society. Many a times, they do not have
the financial resources to engage in any legal actions against development
projects undertaken in their abode or the forest in which they stay. They
have a vital role to play in the environmental management and
development because of their knowledge and traditional practices. State
has got a duty to recognize and duly support their identity, culture and
interest so that they can effectively participate in achieving sustainable
development.
Religious freedom guaranteed to Scheduled Tribes and the OTFDs under
Articles 25 and
of the Constitution is intended to be a guide to a community of life and
social demands. The above mentioned Articles guarantee them the right to
practice and propagate not only matters of faith or belief, but all those
rituals and observations which are regarded as integral part of their
religion. Their right to worship the deity Niyam-Raja has, therefore, to be
protected and preserved.
We are, therefore, of the view that the question whether Scheduled Tribes
and OTFDs, like Dongria Khond, Kutia Konds and others, have got any
religious rights, i.e. rights of worship over the Niyamgiri hills, known as
Nimagiri, near Hundaljali, which is the hill top known as Niyamraja, have
to be considered by the Gram Sabha. The Gram Sabha can also examine
whether the proposed mining area Niyama Danger, ten km away from the
peak, would in any way affect the abode of Niyam-Raja. Needless to say, if
the BMP, in any way, affects their religious rights, especially their right to
worship their deity, known as Niyam Raja, in the hills top of the Niyamgiri
range of hills, that right has to be preserved and protected. We find that
this aspect of the matter has not been placed before the Gram Sabha for
their active consideration, but only the individual claims and community
claims received from Rayagada and Kalahandi districts, most of which the
Gram Sabha has dealt with and settled.
The Gram Sabha is also free to consider all the community, individual as
well as cultural and religious claims, over and above the claims which
have already been received from Rayagada and Kalahandi districts. Any
such fresh claims should be filed before the Gram Sabha within six weeks
from the date of this judgment. State Government as well as the Ministry
of Tribal Affairs, Government of India, would assist the Gram Sabha for
settling of individual as well as community claims.”
The ‘Palli Sabhas’ were held in Niyamgiri between 18 thJuly and
19thAugust, 2013 in twelve hamlets in Rayagada and Kalahandi districts,
which the state government considered were likely to be affected by the
mining. The proposed mining was unequivocally rejected by all twelve
Palli Sabhas.
Salwa Judum
Salwa Judum, translated variously as peace march, people’s resistance
movement or as purification hunt, was a government initiative in Bastar
region. It was set up in 2005, to counter the naxalites presence in the area.
Its mainstay was the SPOs (Special Police Officers) who were local tribal
youth, some as young as 16 years, who were recruited, paid a stipend,
armed and handed the task of fighting the naxalites. What resulted was a
civil strife which displaced whole villages, rapes, excesses of power,
murders and the burning of houses. The SPOs were projected as an
essential part of the security apparatus of the state and they would act as
guides, spotters and translators, and work as a source of intelligence, and
firearms were provided to them, for their self-defense. The civil strife that
ensued resulted in the emptying out of villages, forced migration in many
cases into neighbouring states, and the abandoning of their agricultural
land, their livestock and other means of production and livelihood.
A report of the Planning Commission said:
“This involuntary displacement and migration has caused further distress
among the tribals…..Through this process of forced migration, large
mineral areas got vacated, where
the mining corporate lessees are starting operation. Often the displaced
people/villagers/tribals look on hopelessly and sometimes they seek
support of the naxalite groups. Such situations create space for naxalite
interventions.” Over the years, SPOs have turned into an institutionalised
category, with greater numbers of unemployed tribal youth signing up as
SPOs.
In a writ petition challenging the constitutionality of the Salwa Judum and

the situation of human rights violations, it was perpetrating in Chhattisgarh
in July, 2011, the court condemned the state of Chhattisgarh for allowing
such atrocities to continue and raised concerns about the manner of
recruitment, the qualifications and training of the SPOs. The judgment
unequivocally condemned the use of local untrained youth as SPOs,
arming them and giving them the task of becoming part of the security
establishment with no preparedness to perform the task.
Two important developments arose subsequent to the Salwa Judum

judgment. One, a clarification was issued by the Supreme Court stating
that: “Under the July 5 judgment we have asked the Union of India to cease
and desist from using any funds directly or indirectly for SPOs. The order
as passed was in the context of Chhattisgarh and (the) Solicitor-
General….has observed that it should be confined to Chhattisgarh,
otherwise it will create a great deal of law and order problem in other
States.” This order was issued pursuant to concerns expressed by the
Central Government that if the July 5th 2011 order was fully implemented,
the government would have severe difficulties in undertaking anti-
insurgency operations in the Northeast, Jammu and Kashmir, Andhra
Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar and other parts of the country. This modification is
likely to have consequences for other parts of the country which would
include the tribal dominated areas in the country that are victims of Maoist
and state excesses.
Secondly, two months after the July 5th 2011 judgment, the Chhattisgarh
Assembly passed the Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Act,
2011 (the Act) authorising an “auxiliary armed force to assist security
forces in prevention and control and combating maoist/naxal violence.”
The object of the Act is to “establish a trained armed force of persons
having knowledge of local area and topography and local language/dialect”
since inaccessible tribal areas in Chhattisgarh are affected by Naxal
violence. S. 11 of the Act regularises existing SPOs and inducts them into
the auxiliary armed force. S.14 grants them impunity in respect of any act
committed by them under the Act. This is despite the Supreme Court
ordering that, “The State of Chhattisgarh immediately cease and desist
from using SPOs in any manner or form in any activities, directly or
indirectly, aimed at controlling, countering, mitigating or otherwise
eliminating Maoist/Naxalite activities in the State of Chhattisgarh”.
Though the court has expressed shock, dismay and anger over the
Chhattisgarh Government’s abuse of power, the Act explicitly defies the
court order, continuing its earlier violent policies to combat extremism, the
very same that the court declared constitutionally impermissible and
abhorrent. Unless there is a conscious commitment by the state to move
away from this skewed notion of protecting its citizenry, the vicious circle
of violence and counter violence will continue.
Criminal Law
An extremely disturbing feature that we witnessed in Scheduled Areas,
where projects are being located, is the filing of cases against local people
and their supporters. Land acquisition, displacement and the
commencement of project work without settling issues that arise in the
context of the project have given rise to various forms of protest and
resistance. Local people complained that when they raised their voices
against a project proposal that was brought to them, they invariably found
themselves charged with criminal cases. Many of them spoke of attending
Court in relation to cases filed against them. They were not always aware
of what they were charged with, but they appeared to have an
understanding of what they had done which had provoked the
administration to bring the law down on them. For instance, in a village in
Orissa, a woman and her husband were having to attend Court because they
had led a resistance against the diversion of land for building a jail and a
courthouse in their village. In project areas, persons opposing land
acquisition or the location of projects in that area find themselves charged
with multiple offences.
It appears to have become commonplace to file cases against those
participating in these protests. The large numbers of FIRs include charges
under Section 147, 148, 149, 120B, 307, 506 of the Indian Penal Code and
Sections 25 and 26 of the Arms Act and under Goonda Act in states, as
well as the Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act. Often, arrests occur
and, it is not unusual to see further charges being added on in relation to
persons already charged. Persons charged with these offences are brought
within the entrails of the criminal justice system.
In Chhattisgarh, for instance, it was found that a large number of tribals
have been languishing in jails for long years without their trial concluding.
When the under-trial women in Jagdalpur jail were asked to explain with
what offences they had been charged, the answer almost invariably was
‘naxal offence’. There is of course, no such offence defined in law. Here
too, after the first FIR lodged against them, there would be further FIRs
filed over a period of time implicating them in various episodes of violence.
Persons charged with naxal offences find it extremely difficult to get bail,
and so end up spending long years in jail. Trials do not conclude in many
cases because official witnesses were absent. This may happen because a
member of paramilitary force cited as a prosecution witness had been
repatriated with his unit and was no longer in the state. The committee also
met with criminal lawyers in Dantewada courts. They assessed that over 95
percent of the cases were baseless and it was no surprise that the acquittal
rate in cases where trials ended, resulted in acquittal. In reply to an RTI
application, the court registers for all cases disposed of between 2005 and
2012 revealed that average rate of acquittal over these years was 95.7
percent.
The problem posed by this application of criminal law has, in fact, been
recognized by the State Government which, in May 2012 set up a
committee chaired by Ms. Nirmala Buch to review the delay in prosecution
of under trials in Chhattisgarh jails. It has applied itself to the question of
expediting bail applications. The committee has recommended grant of
bail, in most cases on the ground of poverty of the person and in some
others on the ground of ill-health.
The situation in various places of conflict between local communities and
the state and project authorities is grim. It is important to urgently establish
a judicial commission that will go into the cases pending against tribals and
their supporters where either they are charged with the expression of their
concerns about projects and project implementation, or where the tag of
naxal offences is sending people into prisons and courts. It is a significant
fact that tribals are getting caught in the conflict between the state and the
naxals. While the state may consider deploying various devices to deal with
the issue of naxalism, it should not lead to a situation of oppression of the
tribals.
There are, indeed, occasions when villagers are called upon by the
naxalites to attend meetings, and that they are often not in a position to
exercise a choice on whether or not to go. Merely attending these meetings,
they said, is being treated as support for naxalism. Where is the state to
protect us if we were in fact to refuse, they asked. The notion that tribals
are either with the state or with the naxalites has to be abandoned for a
wider and more real assessment of the situation.
Naxal attacks that have left large numbers dead has placed an enormous
burden on the state to address both the causes of the violence and the
violence itself, without adversely impacting local communities. The attacks
which took place on 25th May, 2013 in which 18 Congress leaders and
workers died in Bastar when they were returning from Sukma after an
election rally, and on 6th April, 2010, killing seventy four members of the
CRPF and two policemen from Chhattisgarh, has understandably shaken
the establishment.
The occurrence of encounter killings where state forces have shot and
killed villagers has also raised the pitch of the conflict and left a gulf
between the state and local communities. The Edasmeta killings in Bijapur
district where eight villagers including three children were shot dead on
17th May, 2013 was explained by the CRPF as having being caused by the
return of fire in an encounter with naxals. The villagers, however, have
been vehemently denying that such an encounter took place. In Sarkeguda,
seventeen people were shot dead by the CRPF on the night of 29th June,
2012. This was, again, attempted to be explained as based on intelligence
received on the presence of naxal leaders and a major naxal movement in
the area. Seventeen villagers, including seven minors, were declared dead.
A judicial commission is looking into this encounter.
In Orissa there are cases questioning the killing of persons in what were
termed encounters. Encounter killings do not have the sanction of the law
beyond the exercise of the right of self-defense. Èncounters' as a way of
dealing with the naxal issue needs to be done away with, and lawful ways
found to deal with it. Where encounters do occur, an FIR must be registered
and the incident investigated to make sure that it was a legitimate use of
force. This is the minimum that needs to be done in these circumstances.
Leadership emerging from tribal communities and public defenders
working for the tribal interest also have cases registered against them:
illustratively, Dayamani Barla, Lado Sikakaand, Ramesh Aggarwal.
Dayamani Barla has been at the forefront of land struggle in Jharkhand.
Since 2006, when she spearheaded a protest against Arcelor Mittal’s
proposed steel plant on 11,000 acres of land in Gumla and Khunti where
the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act prohibits the sale of tribal land to non-tribals,
she has been charged in connection with other protests in the region: for
having led a march demanding that villagers be given MGNREGS job
cards or given unemployment allowance in villages in Angada block in
Ranchi district, for “leading a group of over 100-150 farmers, who entered
the plot where NUSRL and IIM had already constructed boundary walls
and cultivated the land” in a place 25 kms from Ranchi where land had
been taken over for a Law University and an Indian Institute of
Management. Lado Sikakawas picked up by the police on 9thAugust, 2010
and released three days later following an outcry. The police said they had
picked him up because they thought he may be a Maoist and let him off
when they found he was not. Lado Sikaka is a Dongria Khond tribal who
has been leading the resistance against Vedanta’s plans to mine in
Niyamgiri.
Dayamani Barla has been awarded Cultural Survival’s Ellen L. Lutz
Indigenous Rights Award. Ramesh Aggarwal, who was shot at by gunmen,
disabling him, soon after he had led from the front in the closing down of
a coal mine in Raigarh was recently awarded the Goldman Environmental
Prize (commonly known as the 'Green Nobel'). This seems to indicate the
existence of two divergent world views in the understanding of offence and
protection.
In another case, Prof. Nandini Sundar was accused of links with the
Maoists. Prof Nandini Sundar was a lead petitioner in the case in the
Supreme Court that challenged the Salwa Judum policy, and is held in high
esteem in the region for having brought Salwa Judum to a close. Social
activists like Himanshu Kumar (who used to run the Vanvasi Chetna
Ashram NGO in Dantewada, before it was demolished by police), Swami
Agnivesh and writer Arundhati Roy have also been “branded” as having
links with Maoists. The Supreme Court has, in Nandini Sundar v. State of
Chhattisgarh, commented on this practice of the State:
“We must state that we were aghast at the blindness to constitutional
limitations of the State of Chhattisgarh, and some of its advocates, in
claiming that anyone who questions the conditions of inhumanity that are
rampant in many parts of that state ought to necessarily be treated as
Maoists, or their sympathizers, and yet in the same breath also claim that
it needs the constitutional sanction under our Constitution, to perpetrate
its policies of ruthless violence against the people of Chhattisgarh to
establish a Constitutional order.”
Soni Sori Case

Soni Sori was picked up from a marketplace in Dantewada district,
Chhattisgarh on 4thOctober, 2011. She, along with Lingaram Kodopi, was
accused of acting as a conduit between the naxalites and Essar for payment
of money from Essar. D.V.C.S Verma, the Essar general manager and B.K.
Lala, the company’s chief contractor, were also arrested in connection with
this charge in September, 2011. Two others, accused of being naxal
commanders, have been absconding. The Dantewada district court granted
bail to D.V.C.S. Verma in January, 2012, and to B.K. Lala in February,
2012. More than two years later, in an appeal against an order of the
Chhattisgarh High Court, on 7th February, 2014, the Supreme Court
directed that Soni Sori and Lingaram Kodopi be released on bail.
Soni Sori complained of severe torture and of being sexually assaulted
when she was held in police custody. On 19th October, 2011, the Supreme
Court directed that Soni Sori be examined by doctors in a Kolkata hospital
in connection with the injuries she sustained in police custody. The medical
report from the hospital found two stones in her private parts and rectum,
confirming her complaint of rape.
In a series of letters addressed to the Supreme Court, Soni Sori had charged
Ankit Garg, Superintendent of Police of Dantewada police station, of
verbally abusing her and directing police personnel to strip her naked and
administer electric shocks.Ankit Garg was given the Presidents Gallantry
Award soon after.
There are serious questions about each of these issues: Soni Sori’s father
was shot in his leg by the naxalites: why would anyone say that Soni would
support the naxalites, he asked, when the committee met him. Why was no
FIR filed and investigation done either, when Soni Sori complained of
torture, or when the Kolkata hospital found evidence of the torture,
including sexual torture? Why was Ankit Garg given the Gallantry Award,
when there were serious charges that had been made against him which had
not yet been investigated. The DGP (Home Guards) reportedly said, in
explanation: “The Police Medal for Gallantry is for a specific instance… it
is not like the award for Meritorious Service … Ankit Garg led one of the
teams in the Mahasamund [encounter].”
Narayanpatna
Narayanpatna block, Koraput district in Odisha has been the site of a
powerful movement on issues of bonded labour, a dominant liquor mafia
and land grabbing by non-tribals. Nachika Linga, the leader of the tribal
collective Chausi Mulia Adivasi Sangh (CMAS) was liberated from
bonded labour after five generations of his family had suffered under its
yoke. The CMAS was also at the forefront of resistance to mining
operations for bauxite in the Mali Parbat and Deomali areas.
Despite the non-violent nature of their activities, government and police
forces have branded them as Maoists and launched brutal operations
against them with this justification.
In the last few years, Narayanpatna has become a heavily militarized zone,
with three BSF camps in the block and several allegations against central
security forces for brutal attacks and repression of dissent. On
20thNovember, 2009, when hundreds of CMAS activists protested the acts
of the security forces outside the Narayanpatna police station, police
opened fire killed two leading figures of the movement, and arrested and
jailed several others. We were told that many had died in prison due to lack
of proper medical facilities. Widows of this incident had approached the
Odisha High Court for justice where the court directed payment of
compensation.
According to a press statement in 2010, the number of persons taken
into judicial custody from Narayanapatna block in Koraput district touched
104, including tribal children. There are around 15 children below the age
of 14 confined in Koraput District Jail. The children do not know the
language (Odia) which the jail authorities speak and are unaware about
why they are in jail.
In a press statement, several Panchayat functionaries of the block alleged
that the State government was not allowing them to function and was
unleashing a “reign of terror” in the area.
Narayanpatna seems caught in the crossfire between state agencies and
Maoist groups. On the one hand, many in the CMAS movements have been
labeled as Maoists and persecuted on that basis. Simultaneously, there have
been several attacks by Maoists on leaders of movements in the area as
well as those accused of being “informants” to the State. In 2010, there was
an IED blast that killed four civilian lives and another on 11th January 2011
that injured three government officials. Militarization has also made it
difficult for outsiders, including journalists and others, to go to the area.
This has led to the isolation of Narayanpatna and left its residents neglected
and beleaguered after years of conflict.
Andaman and Nicobar Islands

In May 2002, the Supreme Court ordered a closure of the Andaman Trunk
Road where it runs alongside or through the forests of the Jarawa reserve.
This order has not been implemented so far. The administration had
instead, in December 2004 produced a ‘Policy on Jarawa tribe of Andaman
Islands’ which spoke of ‘regulation of traffic on Andaman Trunk Road’
(ATR) and not of its closure. The consequences have been severe. It is now
widely reported that the ATR spawned a variety of tourism that makes a
spectacle of Jarawa tribals. In 2012, a Guardian report about tourists
escorted by a policeman through the ATR captured on camera naked
Jarawa women dancing for them, at the behest of the policeman. A video
clip accompanied the news report. The report, which is corroborated by
activists working in the Andamans, speaks of convoys of buses and cars,
which travel the ATR seeking this ‘safari’ as a tourist attraction. In January,
2013, the Supreme Court ordered that all commercial and tourism activities
within five km radius of the Jarawa Tribal Reserve be banned. A newspaper
reports; “Except 30 villages notified in the schedule, the notification
declares a buffer zone of an area up to a five-km radius, adjacent and
contiguous to the Jarawa Tribal Reserve Area, starting from the Constance
Bay in South Andaman to Lewis Inlet Bay in Middle Andaman. No person
shall operate any commercial or tourist establishment directly or indirectly
in the buffer zone. Furthermore, no one shall carry out any activity, which
may be prejudicial to the safety, security and interests of the Jarawas in any
of the settlement villages.” The Supreme Court directed further that only
government officials, persons residing in the reserve and vehicles carrying
essential commodities for the Jarawas would be allowed on the ATR.
The Calcutta High Court has adopted a different approach which was
contrary to the orders of the Supreme Court, and which now stands
overruled. In the case in the Calcutta High Court, a former director of the
Anthropological Survey of India argued; “ATR is like a public
thoroughfare through a private courtyard… In the whole of human history,
we find that the dominant group for their own advantage has always won
over the minorities, not always paying attention to the issue of ethics.
Closure of the ATR would perhaps be the first gesture of goodwill on part
of the dominant towards an acutely marginalized group, almost on the
verge of extinction”.
The situation has progressively deteriorated. In January, 2014, there was
apprehension of incidence of sexual exploitation of Jarawas. Eight Jarawa
women were abducted on January 15, allegedly by local poachers who, as
alleged, lure the Jarawa girls with food and drink and exploit them
sexually’. This episode has drawn a member of the tribe to contact the
outside world to protest about the sexual abuse of young women by
outsiders.
There is now discussion about integration of Jarawas with the outside
world. Such integration should not be forced on them and it must be only
when the Jarawas are ready to make the ecological shift. Until then, a
policy of integration should not be pursued.
In February 2010, the last member of the Bo tribe, a tribe that is believed
to have inhabited the Islands for 65,000 years, died. It is a somber reminder
of the fragility of indigenous communities, a loss that has not yet been
interpreted and understood.
Genetic studies have been expanding in the scientific community around
the world. In August 2013, it was reported that a geneticist from the Centre
for Cellular and Molecular Biology, Hyderabad had travelled to the
Andaman Islands to collect blood samples from Andamanese tribals. He
reportedly explained that this would ‘help him understand the pivotal
moment in India’s genetic history’. The report proceeds to say “the
tribesmen had never heard of a gene before or an academic study for that
matter, and the whole pitch struck them as an interesting diversion from
their usual routine of spearfishing.” “They mostly laughed,” the geneticist
reportedly said, and continues: “before they offered up their arms in
exchange for food. A few needle pricks later, they returned to their boats
to fling short wooden spears into the water with uncanny aim, while (the
geneticist) made the long journey home to Hyderabad. He deposited the
latest samples into a blood bank, alongside another 32,000 samples from
his countrymen.”
There is no mention of the protocols that they follow in collecting the blood
sample, and efforts by the committee to secure these protocols failed. The
question of consent, especially, is too serious to ignore. This report requires
further weight, when considered in the context of the draft Human DNA
Profiling Bill, 2012, which proposes to database the DNA of various
classes and groups of people.
Recommendations
The past twenty years have been dramatic in the changes in the
economy, and in the effect that economic policy has had on tribal
communities. This has also been the period when laws, notably the
Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996
and the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers
(Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, have been enacted which
recognize autonomy and rights of tribal communities.
The implementation of these laws is, however, sputtering and

reluctant. The FRA framework includes provisions for: (i)
recognition and vesting of rights (towards a secure tenure and
livelihood/food security of the Scheduled Tribes and Other
traditional forest dwellers), (ii) protection of the rights till the
recognition and vesting process is completed, and (iii) control over
forests of the local community and the Gram Sabhas. This
framework, however, is
missing from the process adopted for implementation of the law and
the implementation structure does not have the necessary
mechanisms and the vision to realize the objectives of the law. What
is needed foremost is to strengthen the institutional system to
support the process of implementation, including strengthening of
the Gram Sabhas and FRCs, streamlining functioning of the sub-
divisional and district level committees, strengthening the
functioning of the state level monitoring committees and a dedicated
structure within the nodal ministry (Ministry Of Tribal Affairs).
The implementation of the community forest rights has hardly taken

off. It needs to have a clear mechanism and plan for recognition of
various community forest rights and rights of vulnerable
communities such as PVTGs and pastoralist communities.
The implementation of the protective provisions in the law and the

process of recognition and assertion of forest rights is so far largely
affected (obstructed) by contradictory processes like: diversion of
forest land which, among other things, is displacing Scheduled
Tribes/OTFDs and alienating their rights, displacement from the
protected areas and Tiger Reserves, and displacement due to
intervention by the Forest Department through forceful plantation in
the forest lands. While the protective clause under FRA is meant to
prevent such cases of violation of forest rights, the implementation
process has almost entirely ignored the protective parts of the law.
The democratic structure in forests with the Gram Sabhas as laid out
in the FRA faces great resistance from the current forest regime and
the various forestry institutions and programs implemented by the
Forest Department and the MoEF. In the Joint Forest Management
program, for instance, the operation of working plans are found to
be obstructing the process of assertion of rights by the Gram Sabhas.
It is necessary to remodel the entire structure of forest
administration, the Forest Department, the MoEF and its programs
to complement and enable the control and management of forests by
Gram Sabhas and local communities.
The changed paradigm has not yet permeated administration, and

projects and plans continue to approach forests as the exclusive
domain of the state. This is resulting in multiple ways and situations
in which the laws are subverted, and the rights of tribal communities
denied. The exception to linear projects and the decisions of the
Cabinet Committee on Investment illustrate the point. Such
deliberate flouting of the law currently has no penalties attaching to
it. Such penalties that will deter the breaching of the FRA need to be
introduced.
The FRA mandates the representation of women in Gram Sabha and

in the other tiers prescribed by the law. Effective participation has,
however, been elusive. Given the close relationship between forests,
forest produce and women’s lives, there is work to be done to turn
this around.
The difference between states of poverty and of vulnerability has

been explored in the context of PVTGs. Access to resources in
forests makes a difference in the extent of their vulnerability. Where
there has been a depletion of forest cover, and the emphasis is on
timber trees, the effect is to add to the vulnerability of PVTGs.
Where, on the other hand, the resources are safeguarded and the
community has access, the ability to prevent nutritional distress can
be augmented.
Displacement for creating Tiger Reserves and Elephant Corridors

take away from the provisions that recognize that tribals need to be
asked to be displaced only if co-existence is impossible and with
Gram Sabha consent. The resettlement experience of those displaced
speaks to continued marginalization of affected communities. This
is a common tale, and that is the way it has largely been through the
years. Even where the decision to displace is taken reasonably and
according to the process prescribed, the inability displayed in
effecting rehabilitation has to be acknowledged. There is an urgent
need to review the ability of administrators who are responsible for
rehabilitation, and for revising the rehabilitation process. Failed
rehabilitation has consequences that have been ignored for far too
long.
The import of PESA has not been internalized into administrative

practice, and government officials including Forest Departments
continue to deny access to tribals to that which is their right.
Bureaucracies and judicial institutions need to be introduced to the
changes that PESA has brought into administration and control in
Fifth Schedule areas.
An exercise to bring rules made by state governments in conformity
with PESA needs to be undertaken.
Government officials who were the agencies to prevent tribal loss of

land are increasingly being seen to be negotiators on behalf of
project authorities. This is a very disturbing trend, where the very
authority who had been tasked with preventing land alienation from
a tribal to non-tribals becomes an agent for effecting such alienation.
This must be stopped.
There have been recorded cases of Gram Sabha consent being
fraudulently obtained or forged; such conduct must face penalties,
and projects that proceed on the basis of consent so obtained cannot
be allowed to proceed. If such consequences do not flow, there will
be no incentive to refrain from such actions.
Given the constitutional provision in Article 243-ZC, the creation of

new Nagar Palikas or the extension of those already in existence in
Fifth Schedule areas and tribal areas, as defined in the provision,
must be preceded by a law
made by Parliament, which sets out the exceptions and modifications
from the
chapter on Municipalities introduced by the 74thAmendment to the
Constitution.
The amendments proposed to PESA has an important component of

prior informed consent. This is a necessary condition for the
effective implementation of PESA.
There has been a proliferation of MoUs between states and

companies that imposes responsibility on the state to facilitate
various aspects of project clearances including in matters of
environmental and forest clearances. Increasingly, the state
undertakes to maintain law and order for the smooth execution of
the project. These MoUs make the state a party to an agreement and
take away the neutrality of the state. The idea such MoUs needs to
be reviewed. Institutions such as the Cabinet Committee on
Investment that set priorities and pursue them even where it is in
direct breach of the law amounts to deliberate flouting of the law and
such practices of expediency need be halted.
Public policy and practice must draw on the iconic experience of
Niyamgiri, and the adverse lessons from the Salwa Judum.
The encounter of the tribal with criminal law has been one of the
disturbing aspects in the past decade. Large numbers of tribals, men
and women, are in jails for what are termed ‘naxal offences’. There
is, of course, no legal basis for terming anything a ‘naxal offence’.
Others are charged in areas where there is resistance and protest
against projects, provoking the assessment that the criminal law is
being used as a tool of the state to suppress dissent. The acquittal
rate is extraordinarily high, raising doubts about the use of criminal
law. Yet, the years spent in jail, multiple charges that are imposed
on the tribals and the charges on tribal leadership and on supporters
have become the new normal. The committee is of the view that a
Judicial Commission needs to be appointed to investigate cases filed
against tribals and their supporters; only this will allay the concerns
that have risen about the misuse of criminal law by the state.
De-notified Tribes have been asking that steps be taken to remove

stigma and prejudice from their lives. More specifically, the Habitual
Offenders Act, which has served to continue to attach criminality to
them, be repealed. Anti-beggary laws render the talents that they
possess, such as juggling and acrobatics, into punishable conduct;
there are earnest demands for the repeal of these provisions in the
law. Women bear the brunt of this attribution of criminality, and
whole communities of women find themselves in prostitution
without a choice. Complaints about police brutality including
custodial rape were rife, speaking of lawlessness among the law
enforcers. Such lawlessness is unacceptable and action must be
taken in accordance with law.
The Andaman Trunk Road which the Supreme Court ordered to be

closed in 2002 still continues to be open to traffic. Although there
are formal directions against plying commercial traffic on the road,
these have been observed only in the breach. Tourist vehicles
including buses and taxis ply on this road. In the past few years, the
exploitation of Jarawas as a tourist attraction, and the sexual
exploitation of the Jarawas has been recorded and reported on. The
problem has however not abated. The Andaman Trunk Road will
have to be closed if the Jarawas are to be protected from such
unwelcome interest. DNA testing on Jarawas has been reported.
Efforts to get the protocols used to ensure the consent of the
indigenous population did not yield result. This becomes of especial
significance in the context of the Human DNA Bill, 2012 which
proposes the creation of DNA data bases. Informed consent is a
necessary part of such exercises, also among the indigenous
population.
The persistence of bonded labour, and the trafficking, in large

measure, of women from tribal areas needs a concerted effort to end
it. The state has to take primary responsibility to identify, release
and rehabilitate bonded labour, wherever they are found.
Nomadic, Semi nomadic and Denotified tribes
It has been estimated that South Asia has the world’s largest nomadic population.
In India, roughly 10 per cent of the population is Denotified and Nomadic. While
the number of Denotified Tribes is about 150, the population of Nomadic Tribes
consists of about 500 different communities. While the Denotified Tribes have
almost settled in various States of the country, the Nomadic Communities
continue to be largely nomadic in pursuit of their traditional professions.
The Indian Constitution does not mention the Denotified or Nomadic Tribes. It
confines itself to the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the Backward
Classes. The Denotified & Nomadic Tribes have thus been largely out of focus
of the social sector management except in a couple of States like Maharashtra and
Gujarat. It has also been painfully observed that even though a large number of
these Tribes and Communities are in the lists of SCs, STs and BCs/OBCs, they
have not been able to take advantage of the affirmative action programmes
launched by the Union and the States from time to time due to illiteracy and
ignorance. As a result, these Communities continue to be the most disadvantaged
and the most vulnerable section of the Indian society.
Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes- Historical Perspective
Denotified Tribes
The so-called Criminal Tribes were notified as such by the British by enacting
the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871 as a part of their misconceived strategy to control
crime in British India by branding a large number of Indian castes and
communities as criminal. This led to the creation of settlements of these tribes in
various parts of the country to enable the police to exercise constant surveillance
over the movement and behaviour of such tribes and thus prevent them from
committing crime. This arrangement caused considerable harassment and
hardships to these castes and communities and adversely affected their lifestyles
and sustenance. After India achieved independence in 1947, the Criminal Tribes
Act, 1871 was reviewed and eventually repealed in 1952. As a result, all the castes
and communities which were notified under the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871 were
denotified. Unfortunately, though the Act was repealed, its adverse impact
continued on both the castes and communities which were earlier branded as
criminal by the civil society at large. This antisocial legacy of the British Rule
persists even today and both the police and the civil society treat them with
suspicion and humiliation.
The media continues to brand these communities as ‘criminal tribes’. Even

educated members of these communities, who constitute a few first-generation
office-goers or professionals, are subjected to deep suspicion and insult by the
wider society when they set out to look for jobs, and at their workplaces. There
is constant, relentless humiliation they suffer at the hands of ‘respectable’ people.
Swimming against the tide each day, they struggle to enter the virtuous cycle of
education, work and respectability, which has eluded them and their children for
several generations. Since ‘criminal tribes’ continue to make sensational
headlines so frequently, the phenomenon needs to be examined historically.
To begin with, the Criminal Tribes Act was operational mainly in Punjab and
North West Frontier Provinces. Criminal Tribes Act, 1911, replaced this Act, and
was applied to the whole of British India. Compared to the 1871 Act, the new
CTA gave more powers to local governments to declare any tribe, section or class
of people as a Criminal Tribe; to order registration of members of the Criminal
Tribe and taking of their finger prints; to direct that every such registered member
would report himself at fixed intervals to a police officer of the village; report to
the police officer or the headman any change of residence; and to restrict the
movements of Criminal Tribe members to a particular area.
The Criminal Tribes Act denied members of the Criminal Tribe normal
rights under the common law and took away the jurisdiction of the courts to
question the validity of notifications issued under the most crucial sections of the
CTA by the Government. The registration of an individual or a community could
no longer be questioned under this section, nor could their restriction of
movements. It was not for any offence committed that all these punitive measures
were employed, but only for ‘preventive action’ which was the professed purpose,
albeit unofficially, of the Criminal Tribes Act. This could be done even though a
Criminal Tribe member had no convictions, had never been imprisoned or even
never sentenced to a fine. This was because all that was required for the
notification of a community as a Criminal Tribe was the ‘reason to believe’ that
the community was addicted to crime.
Another important feature of the CTA was that local governments were
authorized to establish industrial, agricultural or reformatory schools and
settlements for members of the Criminal Tribe. Under this scheme, employment
was to be given to the Criminal Tribes either on government agricultural land, or
in a private enterprise. The members were not allowed to go out without a pass,
which was issued at the discretion of the manager of the settlement. The local
government could subject them to further ‘discipline’, if any members tried to
escape from such settlements. Hours of work in a settlement, rate of payment,
disposal of products made by the settlers, all were decided by rules that the local
governments had made.
Most nomadic communities were declared criminal and put into these settlements
where they were forced to work without payment in British owned enterprises,
plantations, mills, quarries and factories. This measure was meant to reform them,
and surveillance of these supposed criminals was achieved through missionary
organizations. One of these organizations, Salvation Army, was extremely
influential with the British government, and considered these settlements to be an
experiment in ‘curing criminals’.
The communities which had already lost their means of livelihood suffered
grievously because of their having been notified as Criminal Tribes. Declaring
them criminal only worsened the situation as far as finding work was concerned
as they were feared and mistrusted. The British administration also admitted that
those who were registered under the Act were left at the mercy of subordinate
police officers.
The practical criteria that the administration came to apply for a community to be
notified were (i) blood relationship of individuals with members of the Criminal
Tribe who had conviction in their names; and (ii) blood relationship with those
who had already been notified. Administratively speaking, what this meant was
that once notification of a particular section of a community was done, it could
be an automatic basis for a number of fresh notifications.
There is historical evidence that a number of communities in the north of India

were involved in the rebellion against the British in 1857. These communities
were used by the rebel princes and rajahs either directly to fight against the British
or were indirectly involved in a variety of ways in assisting their armies. As a
result, these communities were brutally suppressed during 1857, and later
declared Criminal Tribes under the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871.
The 1857 war of independence convinced the British that it was time to sort out
the faithful from the rebellious, to differentiate between the loyal and the disloyal.
A number of communities that had sided with the rebels and mutineers in 1857
were declared Criminal Tribes in 1871. Similarly, those communities that not
only assisted Rana Pratap but also fought the British were declared Criminal
Tribes. Another set of communities which fell in the net had acquired a criminal
image with the Madras administration because of the resistance they put up to the
British attempts of annexing areas they had dominated.
To give an example of the broadness and flexibility of the term
‘criminal’, and the open-ended uses to which the Criminal Tribes Act was put, it
was suggested within the British administration that the Act could be used
profitably ‘for combating secret societies, political preachers who might create
unrest and so on’ for combating the newly emerging nationalist movement.
The forest laws put into force from mid-nineteenth century onwards
deprived a large number of communities of their traditional rights of grazing,
hunting and gathering, and shifting cultivation in specific areas. The affected
communities were ignorant of the new laws, and frequently found themselves on
the wrong side of the law because of the new legislation against their livelihoods.
Moreover, throughout the nineteenth century, the British government cleared the
forests for commercial use, and ordered the forest communities to provide the
labour for the newly established plantations. The communities which resisted this
move were declared criminal.
A large number of communities were nomadic and earned livelihood

through petty trade with local settled communities. They used to carry their
merchandise on the backs of their animals and moved around selling petty
articles. Such communities slowly lost their means of livelihood when the road
and railway networks began to connect villages and towns. Historical records
show that in any case the British administrators suspected all nomadic people. It
was also argued that once such communities had lost their legitimate means of
livelihood, they must have been living by indulging in criminal activities. There
is ample evidence to show that a very large number of communities that were
formerly nomadic fell in the net of the Criminal Tribes Act because of such an
argument. Communities forced to settle down were used in British owned
enterprises or were handed over to loyal landlords who were allowed to use them
on their land as free agricultural labourers.
The provisions of the CTA were such that they only required reasonable suspicion
on the part of the authorities, and not substantive proof of a community’s
criminality. If ‘respectable’ people of the village (landlords, high castes or those
who paid taxes to the British) testified that a community was criminal, it got
notified. As mentioned earlier, a criminal could be any one who resisted the
British. A community could also be declared a criminal tribe if it resisted a local
oppressive landlord or high caste member.
Indian society always had traditional groups which subsisted on alms and charity
or paid in kind for ‘spiritual’ services. Such groups had a low but legitimate place
in the social hierarchy of settled people. Many of them, sadhus, fakirs, religious
mendicants, fortune-tellers, genealogists, traditional healers, etc., were accepted
by the settled society for their services. There were groups that entertained the
public through performing arts. There were nomadic musicians, dancers,
storytellers, acrobats, gymnasts and tightrope walkers. The British declared a
number of these nomadic communities criminal tribes. Similarly, many nomadic
groups, which entertained the public with the help of performing animals and
birds (such as bears, monkeys, snakes, owls, birds) were also declared criminal
tribes.
A number of communities which used to work with iron, clay, bamboo, etc., made
and repaired a variety of domestic articles, implements and artefacts were also
notified as criminals.
As it will be seen from the above description, the Criminal Tribes Act was
extremely arbitrary and unjust and a large number of communities all over the
country suffered its impact. Though the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871 was repealed
in 1952, its legacy continues to socio-economically harm these tribes and their
proper settlement and rehabilitation continues to be a major challenge before the
Union and the State Governments even today.
Nomadic and Semi-nomadic Tribes
Hunting and Food-gathering Communities:
Hunting and gathering is said to be as old as the history of mankind. Mankind

all over the world practiced it for centuries as a source of subsistence and
livelihood. ‘Hunting’ is defined as catching or killing animals for food. Hunting
communities use arrows, traps and nets or similar other strategies to catch
animals. On the other hand, ‘food gathering’ (or simply, ‘gathering’) refers to the
collection and accumulation of food like tubers, roots, shoots, berries, nuts,
leaves, and fruit from plants for consumption. People practicing these forms of
livelihood are called hunters and food gatherers, or even the term ‘forager’ is used
for them. Hunting and gathering as a source of livelihood is different from hunting
for pleasure and sport and poaching, which may be a violation of laws in many
countries.
Some nomadic communities are in the process of settling down in permanent

villages but they still largely depend on hunting and gathering as livelihood
support and continue to traverse seasonally to forests for hunting and gathering.
Hunters and food-gatherers have always been nomads. These communities move
in search of forests for food according to a seasonal pattern. Eco-systems are
usually connected with migratory game species and hunter-gatherers tend to
adopt migratory settlement patterns. Hunter-gatherers have been described as
egalitarian, living in small community groups in forests, in social harmony with
each other, and in ecological tune with their forest environment. Some of these
communities are full-time nomadic foragers. They have been described as small,
autonomous and highly mobile communal units spread over large territories. The
policy of the colonial rulers towards hunting-gathering communities was biased.
The remarks of the colonial administrators about them were rooted in the values
of racism and ethnocentrism. The colonial rulers felt that while white people were
more refined, civilized and hence superior, the forest dwellers were ‘animal-like,
inferior, and un-human’. Braidwood sums up the colonial view of the forest
dwellers in the following words: ‘A man who spends his whole life following
animals just to kill them to eat, or moving from one berry patch to another, is
really living just like an animal.’
The colonial governments all over the world believed that hunting-gathering
people belonged to the natural world and not to the civilised society. An author
notes that in one country colonised by the whites, living aboriginal hunter-
gatherers until 1960 were counted in wildlife tallies for animals rather than in
population census. Often the hunter-gatherers were referred to as ‘primitive
people’ or ‘primitive race’ belonging to the ‘past’.
The advent of colonization had a disastrous bearing on the lives of hunting and
gathering communities. In colonial societies, the administrators saw the nomadic
lifestyle of hunting-gathering communities as a ‘problem’. Nomadism was seen
as an administrative obstacle that prevented the authorities to exercise their
control over these communities. They also could not collect revenue from hunter-
gatherers, as they were not settled at one place. The colonial rulers made all
efforts to ensure that the hunters and gatherers settled down rather than wandered
about.
Following the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871, some of the hunting communities were
declared as ‘criminal tribes’ by the British from time to time and this continued
to impinge on the lives of their descendents. Interestingly, the notification of these
communities as ‘criminal tribes’ was not resorted to because of the poaching
habits or any other disastrous ecological activities involved in by the British.
Many of these communities, including those in the princely states, were regularly
employed by both the British and the royal India gentlemen to hunt for pleasure.
The skills of these communities in hunting were explicitly recognized, and their
active assistance taken by hunting parties in precisely locating the game, to guide
them through the thick forests, and to attract the actual prey – frequently the now
endangered tiger.
The colonial administrators gradually asserted that hunter-gatherers were

responsible for the decline of wildlife. They did not realise that they indulged in
hunting for sport as a matter of right. The colonial rulers systematically exploited
the forest resources for its commercial and industrial ventures at home. Resources
were siphoned off from the colonies, and strict forest laws were enacted to stop
its use by natives, having traditional rights over them. All this led to a situation
where hunting-gathering communities lost their sources of food and livelihood.
The thinking of colonial rulers on the issue of the relationship between these
tribes and forests has continued even in independent India. The forest
administrators have gone a step forward. Their strategy for forest conservation is
not only continued with the earlier laws, but also to enact new, and stricter laws.
The result is that the forest laws have led to a large number of such communities
being subjected to intense hunger for the following reasons:
a. Lack of access to small games, like fowl, rabbits, deer, monkeys, which
used to be staple for a large number of hunting communities.
b. Lack of access to bark, roots, tubers, corns, leaves, flowers, seeds, fruits,
sap, honey, toddy and other forest products, which were a regular source
of nutrition for gathering communities.
c. Lack of access to fish in ponds and streams in the forest that used to be a
traditional source of protein.
d. Lack of access to pasture land for grazing animals has led to a decline in
the population of cattle which used to be the main source of milk and meat
for some hunting gathering communities.
The new forest policy of the Government of India has served to displace hunting
and gathering communities from the forests by creating National Parks, Wildlife
Sanctuaries, and protected areas. Hunting-gathering communities have lived
along with wildlife in the forests since ages.
Although this process has not been much documented in India, some cases
illustrating the marginalization and acute proletarianization of hunter-gatherers
may be culled from literature.
According to a survey done in 2003, more than seventy per cent of a particular
community in Rajasthan gave hunting as their main occupation. Because of
restrictions on hunting, a majority of this particular community has taken to
protecting agricultural fields against crop depredation by animals like the nilgai
(blue bull). Other communities living in the vicinity of forests are informally
using their skill at hunting animals. But as this utilization continues at an informal
level and there is no official recognition of their role as a protector of crops, the
community members merely get in return for their efforts some food-grains and
a piece of land to build temporary shelters on the farmers’ fields. Unlike the
earlier times when hunting was their major occupation, today they only resort to
hunting in the times of distress. As a result, the study shows that on an average,
more than seventy per cent of the families of this community interviewed faced
food shortage crises.
To conclude, today’s hunting-gathering communities are in a state of penury as

they have not only lost their traditional means of livelihood, but their very
survival is also in jeopardy.
2. Nomadic Pastoral and Non-Pastoral Communities

Nomadism, along with its different variants, is a perpetually changing social
formation. Communities which were always nomadic are slowly settling down,
and those which had settled in the past are being constrained to a peregrinating
existence. For instance, certain communities of displaced persons and project-
affected people usually become nomadic when their land is alienated and the
compensatory alternatives, which the state provides them, fall short of sustaining
them or their traditional lifestyles. Nomadism and sedentary living may be
approached as cultural alternatives to seeking livelihood. What one chooses, or is
forced to choose, depends upon the extraneous factors that are unremittingly
shaped by the history of the community and the political state that exercises
control over it.
Perhaps, as archaeologists remind us, in pre-historic times, all human

communities were nomadic and migratory. The search for better habitats, and
what is metaphorically called ‘green pastures’, drove people from one place to
another. Inter-community hostilities and scrimmages made people shift from the
comforts of a place, where they had happily settled down, to less secure, difficult,
and ecologically harsh lands. The folklore of many communities is replete with
the stories of migration undertaken perforce under the environments of acrimony.
The Gaddi of Bhanmore (in Himachal Pradesh), a Scheduled Tribe, attribute their
nomadic existence to migration from Lahore (in Pakistan), where at one time they
lived well until they were forced to move to their present location as a
consequence of the atrocities to which the dominant community (professing a
different religion) incessantly subjected them. When they reached the hills, they
had to take up an occupation in harmony with its ecological demands. The caste-
people, who came from Lahore, became ‘herdspersons’ (gadarīā), and came to
be known collectively as Gaddi (the corrupt form of the Hindi word gadarīā), a
community that comprises groups from different castes. The Gaddi offer a
classical example of a tribal community which is composed of different castes,
thus interrogating the distinction that anthropologists make between ‘tribe’ and
‘caste’ (Saberwal, 1999). A well-known saying in which the Gaddi sum up their
history is: ujadā Lahore, basā Bhanmore (‘Lahore was deserted, Bhanmore was
inhabited’). A lesson from this example is that for understanding the
contemporary state of a community, it is imperative to look into its history (and
also, ‘ethno-history’, which means the ‘past as the people construct it’).
Another example here could be of a well-known nomadic community of

blacksmiths of north India, originally from Chittorgarh in Rajasthan, called the
Gadulia Lohar (Misra, 1977, The Nomadic Gadulia Lohar of Eastern Rajasthan,
Anthropological Survey of India, Calcutta). These erstwhile sedentary people
were constrained to leave their ancestral homes in Chittorgarh as it came under
the control of the Mughal army in 1568. Along with the other great warriors, the
Gadulia Lohar vowed that until Chittorgarh was liberated, they would not go to
their fort, live in houses, sleep on cots, light lamps, and keep ropes for drawing
water from the well, and this marked the beginning of their nomadic existence on
bullock carts, moving from one place to another. Although in 1955, Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru led them in a procession into Chittorgarh fort, thereby
fulfilling their vows, they have continued to live nomadically perhaps because of
the nature of their occupation, and its adaptation to social as well as natural
environments.
Archaeologists tell us that with the Neolithic revolution (the age of food-
production, around 10,000 B.C.) came the gradual settlement of wandering
communities. The settled agriculturalists developed symbiotic relationships with
the other occupational communities (such as of the carpenters, basket-makers,
blacksmiths, potters, barbers, laundrymen, ethno-veterinarians, etc). Gradually,
multi-community villages came into existence. Although the process of
sedentarization of communities had begun, it did not imply that each community
was destined to settle down. As some communities were settling down, along side
were those that endured their nomadic way of life. For example, a study of the
literary compositions in Tamil, dating back to the first six hundred years after the
Christian era, points out that around two thousand years there were ‘wandering
people’ who served the other communities
as musicians, entertainers, fortune-tellers, and herbalists. They were also
entrusted with the task of carrying messages from one state to the other. Some of
them eked out their livelihood from beggary. These non-pastoral nomads, often
dwelling the fringe areas of a community, occupied a lowly place in social
hierarchy.
The relations of settled occupational communities with agricultural communities

were different from the relations they and the agricultural communities had with
nomadic people. The occupational communities served the agriculturists for the
entire year, providing the products (say baskets, ploughs, shares, etc.) they
produced, and were reciprocated in the form of grains at the end of the harvest
season. By comparison, the services the nomads (including the pastoral) provided
were not really a part of the agricultural operations or what the agricultural
communities regularly needed. The peasants often kept milch and traction
animals with them, and therefore, did not require an immediate dependence upon
pastoral nomads for a regular supply of their products.
In other words, nomadic communities were not a part of the patron-client

relations (what in north India are known as jajmānī ties) that usually characterized
peasant villages in India. A settled occupational caste, which is a part of the
jajmānī system, could remain dependent on a few peasant households, and meet
its survival needs, but the nomads, particularly the non-pastoral, require a large
number of clients dispersed over a large area for meeting their needs. The pastoral
nomads needed to traverse a vast tract of land in search of grazing grounds for
their flocks of animals. In that sense, a nomadic way of life was imperative for
certain communities.
Moreover, it seems that in the past, the state wanted to keep some communities
itinerant, for they would not only serve as ‘traditional postmen’,
carrying messages from one state to the other, but also act as spies. Although
appearing as bumpkin and rustic, the nomads were expected to bring in the
‘secrets’ of the other state. The role of peregrinators (not only of nomadic
communities but also of mendicants) was recommended (and even extolled) by
the Indological texts, including Arthasastra.
In addition, the policy of the ancient, and later on medieval, state with respect to
nomadic communities was that of non-intervention. The state permitted the
nomadic communities to wander and pursue an occupation they wished. Only
when indulging in serious violations of law were they strictly dealt with,
punished, and excommunicated. Interestingly, although the state was autocratic,
it did not try to homogenize its subjects. On the contrary, if a community tried to
usurp the occupation or the lifestyle of another community to which it objected,
the state intervened to keep the multi-cultural world of the people intact.
Obviously, against this backdrop, if a community desired to remain nomadic, it
could do so.
Some communities were not fully nomadic, for they (or some of their members)
returned to their villages during the months of monsoon for cultivation. Either
they owned some cultivable land, which they tilled with domestic labour, or they
worked on the land of others for wages. In the latter case, they returned to their
respective camps after receiving wages. This was viewed as additional income.
Those who had land and tilled it, kept the produce with them for domestic
consumption. However, in many cases, as it was difficult to transport the bags of
grains and cereals from one place to another, they were sold off to agricultural
castes, or even brought to the markets for disposal. Such communities, generally
called semi-nomadic, usually cultivated just one crop. Sometimes they left the
land fallow if the rains that year had been measly.
Agriculture was caste-free. Anyone, from any caste, could take up agriculture as
his occupation, either as a landlord or a tenant, or could render an agricultural
operation (such as of weeding, ploughing, guarding the fields, as a labourer) for
wages. Along side, each community also had a near monopoly on an occupation,
the services and products of which it supplied to other caste communities. While
pastoral nomads specialized in animal breeding and tending, thus contributing in
a significant manner to the village economy, the non-pastoral nomads rendered a
variety of services to a wide range of clients. They made and supplied a myriad
of little useful items, such as mats, baskets, brooms, toys, brushes, and
earthenwares. They also dealt with spices, honey, and plant and animal medicine.
For instance, moving through villages, the Vaidus (or traditional healers)
provided herbal medicines to their clients. Ghatiya Jogis made and repaired
grinding stones. Some communities (such as
Banjara, Lambadi) moved in caravans of packed animals with salt, while their
women bartered jewellery (in silver or any other metal) they themselves had
made. Gadulia Lohar arrived at the onset of the monsoon in peasant villages,
selling and repairing agricultural tools and implements. In all cases, there
obtained a relation of synergism between settled and nomadic communities, and
as noted earlier, the state (or the nobility), whether in ancient or medieval times,
did not force a community to follow a particular style of living. Each one was
free to live the way it did, provided it did not defy the rules that sustained the
autonomy of communities and communal harmony. We learn from historical
accounts that the condition of nomads in ancient and medieval days was good,
almost romantically eulogized.
But the condition of nomads began changing during the British times, and
gradually they lost their autonomy, peace and harmony. However, initially, the
British rulers found nomads extremely useful for their knowledge. The nomads
had established extensive communication networks with the communities to
which they provided their services and goods. Since they travelled far and wide,
they not only knew about different communities, their lifestyles and habits, but
also about the paths, routes, hidden passes, and could guide visitors in their travels
through deserts where a newcomer had the danger of being engulfed by a sand
dune. For exercising effective control over their colonies, the British needed
information about the people and their country, for which they took nomads under
their patronage. Furthermore, they relied upon the nomads to help them setting
up their trade routes and lead their armies through unknown terrains.
However, this period of honeymooning between the British and the nomads was
short-lived. Soon the diabolical policies of the British started precipitating. The
British gradually brought the areas where the nomads, shifting cultivators, and
forest-dependent people lived, under their control. They also took over the
common land. Intense demands were placed on the natural resources of the
country for obtaining raw material for factories back home. More and more land
was brought under cultivation, thus was not available for the flocks of animals.
New forest laws were imposed, the outcome of which was that the forests became
a public property, needing protection in name of the national interest. Shifting
cultivation was viewed as destructive to forests; that was the reason why it
deserved to be banned. Shifting cultivators – the ‘plunderers of forests’ – were
believed to be in a state of ‘wildness’ and urgently needed to be civilized.
The consequence of all these policies was that the people were suddenly deprived
of their life-support system. Thrown in a state of conundrum, they had no option
but to shift to those areas that were hitherto un-surveyed, but soon, as was to
happen, they also came under the control of the administration. Under these
circumstances, the people had no alternative but to take up a criminal style of
living that eventually alarmed the British, who went ahead with severely punitive
legal and corporeal measures to domesticate the deprived communities. What the
administration conveniently forgot was that it was solely responsible for making
people deviant and criminal.
We may take some examples to show that one of occupational alternatives before
nomadic and semi-nomadic communities as a result of the forces the British rule
unleashed on them was to take up crime as a way of life.
Take the case of the Lodha of West Bengal. These people of a pre-agricultural
economy, mainly dependent upon forest products, lost the control of their forests
to the Rajas and Zamindars, who secured it on fixed revenue from the British
administration. As a consequence, the forests were cleared and converted into
agricultural fields. Those who at one time were the ‘lords of the forests’, had the
freedom to move from one part to the other, became ‘encroachers’, greatly
restrained by forest guards from making use of the forest resources for their bare
minimal survival. A situation of haplessness through which they passed forced
them to adopt the ‘path of extra-legal activity’. From then on, they continued to
indulge in anti-social activities, with the result that in 1871 they were declared to
be a Criminal Tribe.
A sympathetic understanding of their history tells us that it was the outside

invasions into their area, leading to usurping of their resources and a marauding
of their life-support system, which led to these people opting for a criminal way
of life. The stigma of criminality has dwarfed their status and prestige and
thwarted their efforts to get a job and earn their livelihood. Suffering frequent
police oppression, arrest, and confinement in prisons, their self-esteem is
abysmally low. Under these circumstances, they have become incessantly
migratory, as a consequence of which their group cohesion and family bondage
grievously suffer, contributing to an atomistic (or individualistic) living.
The Kanjar is one of the widely distributed communities of north India. Like the
other foraging peoples, they have been living in the midst of settled communities
for at least two millennia. Gradually, more and more forests were cleared up for
agriculture. Settlements, roads, railway lines, and industries were laid out. In this
process, the original habitat of the Kanjar was steadily destroyed. Resources for
hunting and foraging were greatly reduced. Nagar (2008: 37) writes: ‘From being
totally nomadic, the Kanjar bands had to settle down in the vicinity of villages
and towns.’ Once their traditional sources of
livelihood were jeopardized, they made new adjustments in their subsistence
strategies, and one of them was to take crime as an alternative source of
livelihood. Whilst the Kanjar were not as notorious as were the other communities
of the plains (such as the Aheriyas, Haburas, and Sansi), they were known to
commit theft and highway robbery. Travellers were afraid of moving through
lonely or sparsely populated areas in the vicinity of Kanjar habitations.
The Pardhi of Madhya Pradesh are a semi-nomadic tribe, who have permanent
houses away from peasant villages, where they live during the rainy season.
During the dry months of the year, they are on the move, usually camping in
forests, trying to catch wild animals that they hunt. This has been their traditional
occupation. Beginning with the British rule, there has been a deterioration of
forests and a ban on hunting. Under the circumstances of not getting enough food
for their survival, at some point of time, the Pardhi perforce took crime as a way
of life. Enthoven) noted that though the Pardhi had peaceful habits, they often
lived by thieving. They often robbed standing crops. So much were the landlords
fearful of them that they tried to secure their goodwill by giving them gifts and a
part of the produce. In this way, they were able to save their crops, otherwise they
would have their total crops taken away or destroyed. Because of their proclivity
to crime, all members of their community were regarded as criminal, and were
rounded up by law-enforcing agencies whenever a case of crime occurred.
In addition to the colonial rule’s take over of the land and resources of nomadic
and semi-nomadic communities, there were some other factors responsible for
the degradation of their condition. Nomads loved the freedom of movement,
recognizing neither the national nor the international borders, which the
administration tried to curtail. The leaders of nomadic groups were irritated by
such moves. Many nomadic and semi-nomadic groups participated in the freedom
movement of 1857, which was also a cause of worry for the administration, for it
did not want it to snowball into a ‘national movement’. The nomads also carried
information from one part to the other, thereby linking different communities,
which made the British particularly nervous. Against this background the British
prepared a list of Criminal Tribes, in which nomads, shifting cultivators, and
forest-dwellers were classified, for the administration thought that this was the
best way to deal with these communities, and keep them isolated from rest of the
country.
The marginalization of nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes that began during the
British rule continued unabated even after independence. Land reforms, which
began in the 1950s, were a step towards the expansion of agriculture in the
country. The emphasis in these reform programmes was on generating the
maximum revenue. The public land was colonized for cultivation of crops. The
commons came to be grabbed by the influential villagers. In course of time, many
forests and permanent pastures became private. Under the policy of ‘grow more
food’, agriculture received the maximum attention to the neglect of pastoralism.
Areas that were earlier used as grazing sites came to be developed for agricultural
fields, and were acquired by the peasant communities. For instance, the Rajasthan
canal has brought vast tracts of land under cultivation, thus pushing the nomads
out, who earlier used it for grazing purposes. In Gujarat, in 1950s and 1960s, the
state supported land reforms known as Bhūdān movement, under which common
lands were given away to low caste landless people. In the south-central region
of Gujarat, known as Saurashtra, high tracts of commons were converted into
croplands. As a result, permanent pastures were heavily reduced; they were less
than twenty per cent of what they were at the time of independence.
Pastoral nomads chose those lands for grazing their animals that had water
sources nearby, but in course of time, they also started disappearing as the grazing
lands were taken over by peasants. As a result, the condition of the nomads has
worsened. At one time, there developed synergistic relations between the
pastoralists and peasants. After the harvest, the agricultural fields were free to
accommodate the migrating flocks of animals, which ate away what all was left
and deposited manure therein. The agriculturists in fact invited nomadic
pastoralists to their fields on the promise of some payment so that they could
receive manure.
However, with fields becoming double or triple cropped, the symbiotic relations
between peasants and pastoralists have broken down. Not only that, they are now
of hostility and conflict. Every year, physical conflicts take place between
migratory herds of animals and peasants, sometimes culminating in casualties on
both sides. As a consequence, some nomadic pastoralists – such as the Raika of
Rajasthan – have demanded the state to arm them so that they could protect them
from peasants who consider the visit of animal-breeders to their areas as a
nuisance and wish to deal with it strictly (Srivastava, 1999, in M.K. Bhasin and
Veena Bhasin (eds.), People of Rajasthan, Kamla-Raj Enterprises, Delhi).
Against this background, the nomadic pastoralists think that their occupation has
become a difficult proposition.
Recongnition of denotified, nomadic and semi nomadic tribes
Independent India envisioned building an egalitarian society in which

people with diverse socio-cultural and economic backgrounds can have equal
opportunities in different fields with dignity and honour. To achieve this society,
some sort of social engineering was imperative for bringing the historically
wronged and deprived communities at par with the historically favoured and
privileged. Positive discrimination along with developmental interventions, and
capacity and asset building, was considered essential to this social engineering.
For achieving a state of social and economic equality, the builders of modern
India have undertaken certain measures right from the time of Independence.
As a part of this process the people who had been historically wronged and
disadvantaged were put under different social categories, such as the Scheduled
Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
Each was accorded certain privileges to overcome its socio-economic disabilities.
In this categorisation, the communities that were earlier part of the Denotified,
Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes were also included in the lists of SC, ST, and
OBC categories. However, their categorisation was not logical or uniform. There
are still a number of Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes which have
not been included in any one of these categories. Instead, they are placed at par
with the communities of the general category. These communities have a long
history of marginalisation, neglect and oppression, first during the colonial rule,
and subsequently, in independent India.
Summary of Views of Different Committees and Commissions on Denotified
and Nomadic Communities:
a) The Criminal Tribes Inquiry Committee, 1947
The Criminal Tribes Inquiry Committee, 1947, was constituted in the United
Province. In its report, this Committee felt that till the Gypsies settled down, they
would continue with criminal tendencies. It proposed that ‘efforts should be made
under sanction of law (suitable provision may be made in the Habitual Offenders
andVagrants Act) to settle them and teach them a life of industry and honest
calling as against idleness, prostitution and crime to which their conditions of
existence make them prone’.
b) Ayyangar Committee
A Committee was established under the Chairmanship of Mr. Ananthsayanam

Ayyangar in 1949. After a detailed study of the working of the Criminal Tribes
Act throughout the country, it submitted its report in 1950, in which it made
several recommendations for the repeal of the Act and gave reasons for this. The
Committee also emphasized the need for allocation of adequate funds for their
welfare and rehabilitation. It recommended that the Central Government should
make a liberal contribution not exceeding 50 percent of the allocation to the State
Governments for the initiation and execution of the schemes for a period of ten
years in the first instance.
The Government of India accepted some of the recommendations of the
Ayyangar Committee. It repealed the Criminal Tribes Act with effect from 31
August 1952 by the Criminal Tribes (Repeal) Act, 1952 (Act No XXIV of 1952).
But, to keep effective control over the so-called hardened criminals, Habitual
Offenders Act was placed in the statute book.
c) Kalelkar Commission
The first Backward Class Commission was appointed on 29 January 1953

under the Chairmanship of Mr. Kakasaheb Kalelkar. This Commission in
paragraph 48 of its report suggested that the erstwhile ‘Criminal Tribes’ should
not be called ‘Tribes’ nor should the names ‘Criminal’ or ‘Ex-Criminal’ be
attached to them. They could be called ‘Denotified Communities’. The Kalelkar
Commission further recommended that “these groups may be distributed in small
groups in towns and villages where they would come in contact with other people
and get an opportunity for turning a new leaf. This would help in their eventual
assimilation in society”.
The first Backward Class Commission in paragraph 41 mentions that there were
as many as 127 groups aggregating 22.68 lakhs in 1949 and 24.64 lakhs in 1951
described in official records as Ex-Criminal Tribes. These groups could be
divided into two sections, i.e., (i) Nomadic; and (ii) Settled. The nomadic groups
included the gypsy-like tribes such as Sansis, Kanjars, etc., and ‘had an innate
preference for a life of adventure.’ The settled and semi-settled groups were
deemed to have descended from irregular fighting men or persons uprooted from
their original homes due to invasions and political upheavals.
The first Backward Class Commission took special note of the ‘wandering
communities’ separately in the later part of its report in paragraph no. 135. The
relevant portion is quoted below: ‘There are a large number of small communities
who eke out a precarious existence in the countryside. They have no fixed place
of residence and they move from place to place in search of food or employment.
They often rear pigs and poultry, hunt wild animals to satisfy their hunger and
collect forest produce to make a living. They live in thatched sheds or gunny tents
and move in groups. They believe in witchcraft. Because of the insecurity of their
life, some of these communities are given to crime. It should be the special
responsibility of Government to give them a settled life’.
d) Lokur Committee
In 1965, an Advisory Committee was constituted for the revision of the

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes list by the Government of India under
the Chairmanship of Mr B.N. Lokur. The pre-independence list of ‘Denotified
and Nomadic Tribes’ consequently got divided into the three constitutionally
recognized categories, i.e. Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other
Backward Classes.
Although the Lokur Committee in general followed the strict guideline for
entertaining the requests of revision of the Schedule Caste and Scheduled Tribes
lists, it had given quite favourable recommendations with regard to Denotified
and Nomadic Tribes.
The Committee was aware of the anomalous situation of the communities being
listed as SC in one State and as ST in another (and also OBC in another).
According to the Committee, ‘This anomalous classification appears to have had
its origin in the fact that members of the Denotified and nomadic communities
possess a complex combination of tribal characteristics, traditional
untouchability, nomadic traits, and anti-social heritage’.
The Lokur Committee observed that its ‘discussion with the State Governments,
however, revealed that the type of development schemes usually designed for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have not benefited the denotified and
nomadic tribes to any significant extent because of their relatively small numbers,
and their tendency to be constantly on the move. It is also clear that while these
communities may possess some characteristics usually associated with the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the dominant factors which govern their
life are their anti-social heritage and tendency to move from place to place in
small groups. We are inclined to feel that it would be in the best interest of these
communities if they are taken out from the lists of Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes and treated exclusively as distinct group, with development
schemes specially designed to suit their dominant characteristics’. Lokur
Committee further suggested that ‘the present anomalous position regarding the
denotified and nomadic tribes, who could more properly be identified as
communities rather than tribes, should be rectified as soon as possible after a
detailed investigation’
e) Mandal Commission
The Second Backward Class Commission under the Chairmanship of Mr. B.P.
Mandal (1980) criticized the government policy for emphasizing the economic
criteria and dismissing caste as a criterion to determine social and educational
backwardness.
Mr L. R. Naik wrote a separate minute of dissent with reference to the

categorization of the socially and educationally backward classes. He states that,
‘By way of clarity they would be hereinafter, called ‘Depressed Backward
Classes’ as distinct from the ‘Intermediate Backward Classes’…. The
intermediate backward classes, in my opinion, are those whose traditional
occupation had been agriculture, market, gardening, betel-leaves growers,
pastoral activities, village industries like artisans, tailors, dyers and weavers, petty
business-cum-agricultural activities, heralding, temple service, toddy selling, oil
mongering, combating, astrology, etc. etc., who have co-existed since times
immemorial with upper castes and had, therefore, some scope to imbibe better
association and what all it connotes than many unfortunate
‘Depressed Backward Classes’ whose intermingling with the Indian society was
either denied, prohibited and even segregated obviously on account of stigma of
nomadism, resulting in their abysmally low social status. They, generally, are ex-
criminal tribes, nomadic and wandering tribes, earth diggers, fishermen, boatmen
and palanquin bearers, salt makers, washermen, shepherds, barbers, scavengers,
basket makers, furriers and tanners, landless agricultural labourers, watermen,
toddy tapers, camel-herdsmen, pig-keepers, pack bullock carriers, collectors of
forest produce, hunters and fowlers, corn parchers, primitive tribes (not specified
as Scheduled Tribes), exterior classes (not specified as Scheduled Castes), and
begging communities etc. etc.… These very names amply connote their social
and educational backwardness and, therefore, should have been postulated
by the Founding Fathers of our Constitution as in the case of the Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes for the purpose of specification.… Liberty, Equality and
Fraternity so richly enshrined in the Constitution of our country have still to
acquire meaningful proposition for all of them’ (Pp. 229-230, emphasis added).
f) Justice Venkatachaliah Commission
The Report of the National Commission to Review the Working of the

Constitution under the Chairmanship of Justice M.N. Venkatachaliah, submitted
to Government of India on 31 March 2002, made a very focussed review on the
plight of Denotified and Nomadic Communities in Chapter 10 on ‘Pace of Socio-
Economic Change and Development’ under 10.12.1 and 10.12.2 and
recommended for the establishment of a Commission to review things related to
these communities.
The Report states that ‘The denotified tribes/communities have been wrongly
stigmatized as crime prone and subjected to high handed treatment as well as
exploitation by the representatives of law and order as well as by the general
society. Some of them are included in the list of Scheduled Tribes and others are
in the list of Scheduled Castes and list of backward classes.
It is further suggested in the Report of Justice Venkatachaliah Commission that,
‘The Commission also considered the representations made on behalf of the De-
notified and Nomadic Tribal Rights Action Group and decided to forward them
to the Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment with the suggestion that they
may examine the same preferably through a Commission’.
It is apparent from the observations of the above Committees or Commissions

that the conditions of the Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes or
Communities are deplorable and deserve a separate and special treatment so that
their lot can be improved. This is essential for bringing this very large section of
downtrodden citizens of India into the ambit of development and to confer upon
them the dignity of citizenship with all its appended social, cultural, economic
and political rights on par with the others. Otherwise, the words ‘constitution’ and
‘citizenship’ are hollow and irrelevant to them.
History
a) The Criminal Tribes Acts (CTA) of 1871

b) The Criminal Tribes Acts (CTA) 1911 under which between 150 and 200
communities were deemed to be ‘hereditary criminals’ and subject to
surveillance, confinement and gross discrimination.
c) Habitual offenders act, 1952
d) Denotified tribes act/ Vimukta Jati based on recommendations of Kaka
Kallelkar committee and All India Criminal Tribes Inquiry Committee
(1949)
Consists of
a) Nomadic, semi nomadic and gypsy like people

b) Trace descent from irregular fighting clans
c) They left their homes due to
Invasions
Political upheaval
Innate adventurous nature
d) Psychological and cultural belief
Problems
a) Poverty
b) Unemployment
c) Discrimination
d) Isolated in colonies
e) Dark cloak around neck
f) Automatic criminalisation due to birth
g) Creation of separate reformatory settlements for the children of these tribes
thus isolating children from their parents
h) Social stigma and alienation
i) Harassment and discrimination
j) Suspicion during crimes
k) Lack of provision of atrocities act
l) Lack of reservations
m) Economic hardships
Atrocities and Human right Violations
Denotified and Nomadic communities have always been on the receiving end, be
it in the arena of development, law enforcement, justice delivery or what have
you. Their situation is somewhat paradoxical. To put differently, if the fence eats
the crop who can save the crop and to whom the crop can complain? If the State,
which is supposed to look after the welfare of its citizens, becomes the tormentor,
who can rescue its subjects and to whom can they look up to for help. This is
exactly the dilemma that the Denotified and Nomadic communities have been
facing since the British rule. Prevailing situation today calls for an overhaul of
law enforcement and civil administration. It also requires educating the general
public/civil society about these communities to remove the false images that they
have developed about these communities. The following discussion would bring
to the fore the alarming situation concerning these communities today.
Human rights situation of Denotified and Nomadic communities, more so in case

of the former, is appalling and deplorable, to say the least. They are subjected to
atrocities everyday by the police, civic and revenue administration, and civil
society. Many of these atrocities go unnoticed as they are never reported or
reported wrongly. Unwittingly, media is one of the major enhancers of stigma
wrongly attributed to them and their relentless campaign against these hapless
communities day in and day out in their columns. While reporting crime in their
daily columns they report that these crimes are done by some Pardhi, Sansi,
Bavaria, etc., gangs. This makes the readers to believe that these communities are
criminal in nature.
There are varied reasons for the perpetuation of atrocities on these communities,
the major one being the colonial rule. In a way, they are the helpless victims of
the wronged past as well as the present due to deliberate orchestration of
falsehood by the dominant groups or interests. Today, law enforcement, revenue
and civic administration are the major culprits and colluders in perpetuating
atrocities and human rights violations on these communities. The mindset of these
perpetrators is one of arrogance, disrespect for law and human values. This is
more so in case of lower rung officials of different departments of government
and even judiciary who are steeped in corruption and debased values. They
behave as if they are the rule-makers and take law into their hands and harass
these helpless and poor members of the communities. The harassment is not
restricted to individuals only but is extended to the other members of the family
and their wider kin. These communities being poor, resource-less, homeless,
illiterate, naïve and ignorant, fatalistic, and scattered, consider these happenings
as their misfortune for being what they are. They lack organisation, political clout,
and resources. They are disadvantaged in all respects and hence, become an easy
prey. In this regard, no discrimination is made between men, women, children or
aged by the perpetrators of violence and abuse, be they the police, neighbouring
caste communities, wider civil society and visual and print media.
Denotified and Nomadic communities encounter many a humiliation, and both

verbal and physical abuse for meeting their basic needs, like food and shelter, and
in accessing amenities like drinking water, fuel, fodder, burial place for their
dead, etc. They are constantly hounded out, living in grip of fear and threat for
their existence. In light of this, one can easily understand the atrocities committed
by the police, village communities, local power-holders, revenue and civic
officials, who all form a cliché against these hapless Denotified and Nomadic
communities. Commission has witnessed this in many places across the country
that it had visited. Many a time, the complaints from the Denotified and Nomadic
communities are not even registered, leave aside their expediting. They prejudge
and regard them as bad elements, criminals and are always wrong. Police assert
that the Denotified and, in some cases, Nomadic communities, continue to be
criminal by birth and invariably are made liable to all crimes in their jurisdiction.
In a way, they are law unto themselves.
Justice is a mirage and unaffordable to these communities. They do not have any
one to stand in their support, except for a handful of civil rights activists. There
is a need for massive campaigning against the ill-conceived notions about these
hapless communities, sensitizing the police, officials, and civil society on the
lines of HIV/AIDS. In fact, this social malaise is no less dangerous than the
dreadful disease that the HIV/AIDS is.
Bala Krishna Renke committee
The National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes

(NCDNSNT) is a national commission set under Ministry of Social Justice and
Empowerment, Government of India, to study various developmental aspects of
Denotified and nomadic or semi-nomadic tribes in India.
The recommendations of the committee are:
a) Denotified tribes to be identified as a special group
b) Reservations in education, employment and other sectors
c) Special housing scheme for five years
d) Provision of land for agriculture
e) Scheme for skill development
f) Establishing a national commission and corporation for education and
health
g) Aadhar card for every person of DNT.
h) Union Government initiate steps to enumerate DNTs in the next census due
in 2011
i) For implementation of welfare Schemes for DNTs State-wise list of such
tribes should be prepared.
j) Advisory Committees may be made at District and State level to assist the
socio-economic condition of the DNTs, so that action plan can be drawn
for their welfare.
k) State Government may take special steps to issue Caste Certificates and
ration cards to every member of DNT, and BPL Certificates and to the
concerned members, expeditiously.
l) Union of India may take special campaign for issue of voter ID to the
eligible members of DNT.
m) Basic civic amenities be provided to the DNTs living in colonies and
clusters.
n) Ministry of SJ&E may earmark outlay for the welfare of DNTs.
o) Central should modify the existing Housing Schemes in urban/rural areas
and earmark specifically for DNTs.
p) Special drive be made for awareness of DNTs particularly among women
to avail the benefit of various schemes for educational empowerment.
Special Residential Schools for DNT Boys and Girls be made to encourage
education among them.
q) Skill Development Programmes be taken up for DNTs to improve their self
employability and wage employment, in collaboration with National Small
Industries Corporation (NSIC), Khadi & Village Industries Commission
(KVIC), the Central Cottage Industries Corporation of India Limited, the
Handicrafts and Handlooms Exports Corporations of India Limited.
r) States/UTs and Central Ministries should formulate and implement DNT
Sub-Plan for DNTs
s) Separate Finance and Development Corporation for DNTs, like National
Scheduled Castes Finance & Development Corporation, may be set up at
the centre.
t) Considering the gravity of their plight, there is a need for a separate
department for the welfare of DNTs at the State level and separate
Ministry/Department for the welfare of DNTs at the Centre.
u) It is necessary that the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 be, mutatis mutandis, made applicable
to DNTs, and the implementation of the same be reviewed and monitored
from time to time.
v) Constitution may be amended to include “Scheduled Communities” under
Article 330 and Article 332 to enable these communities to be eligible for
reservation of seats in the Houses of the People and in the Legislative
Assemblies of the States.
w) Seats may be reserved in Block/Taluka Panchayats and Zila
Panchayats/Zilla Parishad, and the Urban Local Bodies for DNTs wherever
their population is concentrated.
x) To mobilise additional resources to improve the socio-economic conditions
of DNTS, it is suggested that 10% of the funds earmarked for M.P. Local
Area Development Fund.
y) It is suggested that the DNTs be given 10% reservation in Government jobs
even if the total reservation exceeds 50%.
z) Research Institutes should be set up by the States/UTs for DNTs.
aa) A multicultural complex/Academy may be set up in every State/UT to
develop, preserve and exhibit the diverse and rich cultural heritage of
DNTs.
Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups
Tribal communities are often identified by some specific signs such as primitive
traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation, shyness to contact with the
community at large and backwardness. Along with these, some tribal groups have
some specific features such as dependency on hunting, gathering for food, having
(i) pre-agriculture level of technology,
(ii) zero or negative growth of population and
(iii) extremely low level of literacy.
These groups are called Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups.
The need for identification
PVTGs are more vulnerable among the tribal groups. Due to this factor, more
developed and assertive tribal groups take a major chunk of the tribal
development funds, because of which PVTGs need more funds directed for their
development. In this context, in 1975, the Government of India initiated to
identify the most vulnerable tribal groups as a separate category called PVTGs
and declared 52 such groups, while in 1993 an additional 23 groups were added
to the category, making it a total of 75 PVTGs out of 705 Scheduled Tribes,
spread over 17 states and one Union Territory (UT), in the country (2011 census).
How they are identified
Government of India designed a procedure to identify PVTGs. According to the

procedure, the state governments or UT governments submit proposals to the
Central Ministry of Tribal Welfare for identification of PVTGs. After ensuring
the criteria is fulfilled, the Central Ministry selects those groups as PVTGs.
State / UT Name PVTGs Name

Andhra Pradesh 1. Bodo Gadaba 2. Bondo Poroja 3. Chenchu 4. Dongria
and Telangana Khond 5. Gutob Gadaba 6. Khond Poroja 7. Kolam 8.
Kondareddis 9. Konda Savaras 10. Kutia Khond 11.
Parengi Poroja l2. Thoti
Bihar and 13. Asurs 14. Birhor 15. Birjia 16. Hill Kharia 17. Konvas
Jharkhand 18. Mal Paharia 19. Parhaiyas 20. Sauda Paharia 21. Savar
Gujarat 22. Kathodi 23. Kohvalia 24. Padhar 25. Siddi 26. Kolgha
Karnataka 27. Jenu Kuruba 28. Koraga
Kerala 29. Cholanaikayan (a section of Kattunaickans) 30. Kadar
31. Kattunayakan 32. Kurumbas 33. Koraga
Madhya Pradesh 34. Abujh Macias 35. Baigas 36. Bharias 37. Hill Korbas
and 38. Kamars 39. Saharias 40. Birhor
Chhattisgarh
Maharashtra 41. Katkaria (Kathodia) 42. Kolam 43. Maria Gond
Manipur 44. Marram Nagas
Odisha 45. Birhor 46. Bondo 47. Didayi 48. Dongria-Khond 49.
Juangs 50. Kharias 51. Kutia Kondh 52. Lanjia Sauras 53.
Lodhas 54. Mankidias 55. Paudi Bhuyans 56. Soura 57.
Chuktia Bhunjia
Rajasthan 58. Seharias
Tamil Nadu 59. Kattu Nayakans 60. Kotas 61. Kurumbas 62. Irulas 63.
Paniyans 64. Todas
Tripura 65. Reangs
Uttar Pradesh and 66. Buxas 67. Rajis
Uttarakhand
West Bengal 68. Birhor 69. Lodhas 70. Totos
Andaman & 71. Great Andamanese 72. Jarawas 73. Onges 74.
Nicobar Islands Sentinelese 75. Shorn Pens
The characteristics of PVTGs
In 1973, the Dhebar Commission created Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) as a

separate category, who are less developed among the tribal groups. In 2006, the
Government of India renamed the PTGs as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups
(PVTGs). PVTGs have some basic characteristics -they are mostly homogenous,
with a small population, relatively physically isolated, social institutes cast in a
simple mould, absence of written language, relatively simple technology and a
slower rate of change etc.
Population
In India, tribal population makes up for 8.6% of the total population. Tribal
people live in about 15% of the geographical area of the country. The places they
live vary from plains, forests, hills, inaccessible areas etc. PVTGs are scattered
in different geographical areas of the country. According to the 2001 census, the
PVTGs population is approximately. 27,68,322. There are 12 PVTGs having a
population above 50,000 and the remaining groups have a population of 1000 or
less. The PVTG of Sahariyas has the highest population of 4,50,217, while the
PVTGs of Sentinelese and Andamanese has a very small population of 39 and
43, respectively.
Social conditions and declining population

The cultural practices, systems, self governance and livelihood practices of
PVTGs have a lot of variations, depending on the group and locality. These tribal
groups are widely different culturally. The level of inequalities in social and
economical conditions is very high amongst PVTGs. Their problems are also very
different from group to group. The growth of PVTGs' population is either
stagnating or declining, compared to the general population growth, particularly
in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands where the declining rate is very high. There
are five PVTGs in the Andaman islands such as Great Andamanese, Jarawas,
Onges, Sentinelese and Shom Pens. In 1858, the Great Andamanese were
estimated at nearly 3500,in 1901 their number declined to 625. According to
the2001 Census, the Great Andamanese stood at just 43, Jarawas are 241, Onges
are 96, Sentineles are 39 and Shom Pens are 398.
Livelihoods
PVTGs depend on various livelihoods such as food gathering, non Timber Forest
Produce (NTFP), hunting, livestock rearing, shifting cultivation and artisan
works. Most of their livelihoods depend on the forest. The forest is their life and
livelihood. They collect various NTFP items such as honey, gum, amla, bamboo,
shrubs, fuel wood, dry leaves, nuts, sprouts, wax, medical plants,roots and tubes.
Most of the NTFP items they gather are for consumption and they sell the
remaining to middle men. But due to the shrinking forests, environmental changes
and new forest conservation policies, their NTFP collection is getting hampered.
Because of the lack of awareness about the value of NTFP produce, PVTGs have
been exploited by the middle men.
Health conditions
Health is a prerequisite for human development and it is an essential component

in well-being of humankind.Health problems of any community are influenced
by different factors such as social, economical and political factors. The health
status of PVTGs is in an awful condition because of multiple factors like
poverty,illiteracy, lack of safe drinking water, bad sanitary conditions, difficult
terrain, malnutrition, poor maternal and child health services, unavailability of
health and nutritional services, superstition and deforestation. The diseases like
anemia, upper respiratory problem, malaria; gastro-intestinal disorders like acute
diarrhea,Intestinal protozoan; micro nutrient deficiency and skin infection
diseases are common among PVTGs. Many of these diseases can be prevented
by providing nutrition food, timely medical facilities and health awareness. The
condition of education is also very poor, with an average literacy rate of 10% to
44% in PVTGs.
Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups: Food Security and Habitat Rights

The Right to Food Commissioner’s Report identifies Particularly Vulnerable
Tribal Groups (PVTGs) as most susceptible to malnutrition. The report
acknowledges that these communities derive their nutrition from the forest and
habitat they live in. Tribals are denied access to the forest and its produce, often
due to persistent lobbying by conservationists and environmentalists.
PVTGs inhabit areas that are inaccessible by road, and therefore cannot travel
easily to Anganwadi centers, where food is prepared. Moreover, their hamlets are
considered too small to open an Anganwadi centre. As far as the Midday Meal
Schemes are concerned, tribals are wary of their children attending mainstream
schools, either due to fear of stigmatization in school or physical distance.
A spate of infant deaths among the PVTG in Attapadi in the Palakkad district of
Kerala brought back the spectre of malnourishment, anaemia and extreme
poverty. The report of the advisor to the commissioners in the Right to Food
petition before the Supreme Court received information that 36 children had died
in the six months preceding his visit in May 2013.
Severe anemia, malnourishment, the lack of potable water, the absence of

specialized doctors and of equipment led to the precarious nature of health care
and protection in Attapadi, leading to the death of infants. At a public hearing in
Attapadi, speaker after speaker spoke of the distance between the dwellings of
Kurumba tribals and the ration shop, the paucity of minor irrigation projects that
could ensure drinking water and irrigation to the tribal community, the
inaccessibility to remote tribal villages and the problem brought on by drought.
One issue that was raised was about forest-dwelling communities which have had
a sudden shift in their nutrition status after rules that have been made which
prevent killing of animals without providing them with alternatives that would
make up for the loss of nourishment.
Attapadi has again highlighted the implications of extreme poverty and

inaccessibility. Attapadi is a stark reminder of how forgotten tribal communities
can become and what contexts of direness are produced by extreme poverty,
remoteness and the non-provision of services by an administration.
An ‘Attapadi package’ was put together “intended to improve the health services,
functioning of the Anganwadis and also revive traditional agricultural practices
in the region, along with implementation of the Kurumba package which itself
includes house construction, buying of land, electrical works, soil conservation,
drinking water program, road, health, poverty alleviation, community area
development, etc.” Although this was a response to an emergency, it reveals the
extent of systemic changes needed to deal with situations of extreme poverty and
vulnerability.
Years of deprivation has caused malnutrition rates to escalate. Control over forest
resources is, therefore, essential for the survival of PVTGs. In recognition of this
vulnerability, the FRA has a special provision for PVTGs for “rights including
community tenures of habitat and habitation” under Section 3(1) (e). Habitat is
defined as including the ‘area comprising the customary habitat and such other
habitats in Reserved Forests and Protected Forests’.
In the Orissa Mining Corporation. v. MoEF case, the Court pointed to the FRA
Rules, 2012 which state:
“In view of the differential vulnerability of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal

Groups (PTGs) amongst the forest dwellers, District Level Committee should
play a pro-active role in ensuring that all PTGs receive habitat rights in
consultation with the concerned PTGs’ traditional institutions and their claims
for habitat rights are filed before the concerned Gram Sabhas.”
The Rules further state that the DLC is also vested with the function of examining
whether claims filed by PVTGs have been addressed keeping in mind the
objectives of the FRA.
For PVTGs, the implementation of FRA has been poorest since their habitat rights
are not clearly defined or understood by the Forest Department. No disaggregated
information and data at the national level on status of the implementation of the
provision for rights of PVTGs particularly of habitat rights under the FRA. The
Joint Committee Report, 2010, found that “Orissa is the only state that has taken
some pro-active steps on PTGs and issued a number of circulars focusing their
rights, and entrusted the responsibility on the micro-project officers and project
administrators of ITDAs, but neither ‘habitat right’ nor CFRs in any case has been
finalized.” Out of the 75 PVTGs, there are hardly one or two examples of habitat
rights claims (claims by the Juangs in Keonjhar, Odisha and by Madia in
Bhamragarh of Maharashtra). The claims by the Juangs are still pending.
Some problems that arise for tribal communities in claiming habitat rights
include: lack of clarity over definition and interpretation of what is entailed in
habitat rights; multiple interpretations of habitat, especially if the user rights of
other, non-PVTG groups sharing the same territory are involved; or if the
traditional habitat boundaries of PVTGs overlap with wildlife habitats; and a lack
of awareness among such communities about the terms in which to articulate such
claims. The definition of ‘habitat’ among PVTGs is still evolving. One example
is the work being done in the Baigachak area of Dindori district, Madhya Pradesh
to document the traditional ‘garhs’ or places of origin of the Baigas, a forest-
dependent PVTG belonging to Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. Garhs are
sacred paces (villages, trees, rocks, or caves) that could extend much further than
the traditional village or forest boundaries of Baigas resident in one particular
area. Garhs are often in Reserved Forests, and are associated with deities, sacred
plants and totemic animal species revered and protected by particular clans of the
Baigas. The worship of garhs is a living tradition. Activists in Dindori are
attempting, through tracing the garhs of various Baiga clans, to establish a history
of the range and pattern of movement through which Baigas have settled in their
present habitations.
The difference between states of poverty and of vulnerability has been explored
in the context of PVTGs. It is doubtless true, that many communities of Scheduled
Tribes, and more particularly of PVTG, can be classified as being in poverty. Yet,
their access to resources in forests makes a difference to the extent of their
vulnerability. Where there has been a depletion of forest cover, and the emphasis
is on timber trees, it was pointed out that the effect was to add to the vulnerability
of PVTGs. Where, on the other hand, the resources are safeguarded and the
community has access, the ability to prevent nutritional distress can be
augmented.
There are attempts underway to document and give value to the resources which
are found in PVTG areas. The Jana Swasthya Sahyog in Chhattisgarh has, for
instance, identified the various food, fruits and flora in the region and explained
the nutritional value of the produce.
The depletion of these resources, or denial of access to the resources, threatens a

descent from poverty to vulnerability. This is a tangible loss and must be
accounted for, and averted, when any program or project is proposed.
Scheme for PVTGs
The Scheme for Development of Primitive Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs),

came into effect from April 1,2008. The Scheme defines PVTGs as the most
vulnerable among the Scheduled Tribes and the Scheme therefore seeks to
prioritise their protection and development. It identifies 75 PVTGs. The Scheme
seeks to adopt a holistic approach to the socio-economic development of PVTGs
and gives state governments flexibility in planning initiatives that are geared
towards the specific socio-cultural imperatives of the specific groups at hand.
Activities supported under the scheme include housing, land distribution, land
development, agricultural development, cattle development, construction of link
roads, installation of non-conventional sources of energy, social security, etc.
Funds are made available only for activities essential for the survival, protection
and development of PVTGs and not already funded by any other Scheme of the
central/state governments. Each state and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands’
administration, is required to prepare a long term Conservation-cum-
Development (CCD) plan, valid for a period of five years for each PVTG within
its territory, outlining the initiatives it will undertake, financial planning for the
same and the agencies charged with the responsibility of undertaking the same.
The CCD Plan is approved by an Expert Committee, appointed by the Ministry
of Tribal Affairs. The Scheme is then funded entirely by the Central government.
Pseudo tribalism
Tribalism is the state of being organized by, or advocating for, tribes or

tribal lifestyles. It has been defined as a "subjectivity" or "way of being" social
frame in which communities are bound socially beyond immediate birth ties by
the dominance of various modalities of face-to-face and object integration.
Tribalism implies the possession of a strong cultural or ethnic identity that
separates one member of a group from the members of another group. Based on
strong relations of proximity and kinship, members of a tribe tend to possess a
strong feeling of identity. Objectively, for a customary tribal society to form their
needs to be ongoing customary organization, enquiry and exchange. However,
intense feelings of common identity can lead people to feel tribally connected
Meanwhile, the word "tribe" can be defined to mean an extended kin group
or clan with a common ancestor or can also be described as a group with shared
interests, lifestyles and habits.
Tribe in Indian context
In India, the local equivalent of the term ‘tribe’ is often assumed to be
‘jana’ or ‘communities of people’ based on the usage of the term in ancient
Buddhist and puranic texts. In this conception, the term jana was used in
opposition to the term jati to indicate that these communities were outside the jati
or hierarchical caste system of social organisation. This view, however, was not
universally accepted, since other scholars point out that the categories of jana and
jati do not neatly overlap with that of tribe and caste respectively in the present
context.
It was largely following the various tribal rebellions during the colonial
period that tribes came to be seen as the region’s ‘original inhabitants’ who
existed outside of the caste system and had been marginalised by the more
advanced caste-Hindu society. The nineteenth-century ethnographic view of
tribes argued that the term referred to both a particular type of society based on
kinship ties and a stage of evolution. In the former view, standard definitions
describe the tribe as a social group with a definite area, dialect, cultural
homogeneity and unifying social organisation. An amalgam of the various traits
ascribed to tribal groups include: relative egalitarianism within the group, the
absence of complex political structures, strong and functional kinship bonds,
cooperation, territorial integrity, cultural and linguistic distinctiveness, and lower
levels of technology. In the case of the latter view, tribes are seen as ‘primitive’
societies in the sense of lacking all the traits of modern, Western society in that
they are non-literate, ‘uncivilised’, non-industrial, rural, and so on.
The two views are connected in that tribes were seen as having primitive
social organisation, implying that tribal people were at a lower stage in the
evolutionary social hierarchy in terms of their socio-cultural characteristics,
economy and political structures, often being described as simple as well as
insulated from changes in the larger regional polity. Tribes in the Indian context
have also been defined as groups remaining outside of the structures of State and
civilisation.
Fight for ST status
The Indian Constitution ensures certain protection for communities
deemed as having Scheduled Tribe (ST) status. However, which groups should
be accorded that status has been contentious. Getting ST status means that
members of the group have access to highly desired tangible benefits such as
political representation, reserved seats in schools, and government jobs. Over the
years, social and political mobilization has led to the number of STs growing from
225 in 1960 to 700 today (with overlapping communities in more than one state).
As the number of communities clamoring to be recognized as ST expands, so do
the number of people who question the legitimacy of awarding ST status, bringing
the criteria of this recognition under increasing scrutiny.
The Indian Constitution only states that STs are specified by the President
after consultation with the Governor; it does not specify specific criteria.
According to the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, the criterion—while not spelled out
in legislation— “is well established,” and includes indication of “primitive” traits,
distinctive culture, geographical isolation, “shyness of connect” with the
community at large, and “backwardness.”
These general standards were established following the definitions of the
1931 Census, the reports of the First Backward Classes Commission 1955,
Kalelkar Advisory Committee, and Revision of SC/ST lists by the Lokur
Committee. However, more than a half-century later, these broad criteria leave a
lot of discretion.
In order to avail of the protections and benefits of being accorded ST status,
communities in India try to prove themselves as meeting the criteria. This is being
done in order to gain the various benefits the tribal tag provides in terms of
reservation and other allied programs. Some of the major groups are
State Group
Assam Koch rajbongshi
Tai ahom
Morans
Mattack
Chutia
Adivasi (tea tribes)
Rajasthan Gujjar
Manipur Meitei
Jammu and Kashmit Pahari
Tamil nadu Badagas
Narrikurovar
Cause of the problem

The concept of Tribe varies from State to State or area to area depending
upon local socio-economic conditions of particular community and the
consequent inclusion of a particular group in the list of scheduled Tribes or
Scheduled Castes. A community may be Scheduled Tribe in one State and it may
be Scheduled Caste in another State and same may be backward class or forward
class in another State. For example, Lambadas or Banjaras or Sugalis are
Scheduled Tribes in Andhra Pradesh, but they are classified as Scheduled Castes
in Karnataka and Union Territory of Delhi and Backward Class in neighbouring
Maharashtra. Korcha community which is synonymous of Yerukula tribe is in the
list of Scheduled Castes in Karnataka State and in Andhra Pradesh, they are
Scheduled Tribes. Similarly, ‘Goudu’ is Scheduled Tribe within the Agency
tracts of Andhra Pradesh but they are not recognised as Scheduled Tribes in
adjoining State of Orissa even though they are predominantly found in tribal areas
of, Orissa State. This kind of anomalies lead to emigration of identical
communities from a State where they are not Scheduled to a State where the same
group is scheduled in order to utilise the benefits under the garb of Scheduled
Tribes.
Identical nomenclature of certain communities, sometimes based on
identical traditional occupations within the State also is leading to much
confusion and facilitating these non-tribal caste groups to claim Scheduled Tribe
social status. The Kammara caste group people (which is included in State B.C.
list) who are blacksmiths in the plain areas, are also claiming as Kammaras of
Agency tracts for the sake of cornering the reservation benefits of Scheduled
Tribes. These two are quite distinct communities and they differ widely in their
customs, traditions, habits and values. The social organisation of these two
communities and associated ritual practices are diametrically opposite to each
community. Likewise Goudu of Agency tracts (Pastorals) are included in
Scheduled Tribe list but Gowda, Gamalla, Goundla or Ediga of plain areas who
are traditional toddy tappers are included as Backward Classes. Both
communities are distinct and different. The High Court in its Writ Appeal No.439
of 1980 also clearly brought out this distinction between these two communities
and Gowda or Gamalla people even residing in Agency areas cannot be
recognised as Scheduled Tribes. In view of identical nomenclatures, - some of
the plain people belonging to Kapu, Reddi, Thoti, Bagata, Mannervarlu,
Samantha or Samantiya, Benatho Oriya or Bentho Oriya, Holva, Boya Valmiki,
Pala Ekiri etc. ommunities are managing to produce Scheduled Tribe Certificates.
Some of the people belonging to Pala Ekiri caste are styling themselves as
Erukula and are producing bogus tribal certificates. Some of the communities,
who even without any kind of identical nomenclature, are also fraudulently
claiming as if they belong to some of the sub-divisions mentioned under certain
generic names or main group. For example, Mannevarlu under Kolam, Bentho
Oriya under Kotia, Lingadhari Koya under Koya etc., eventhough they do not
actually belong to these sub-divisions. “Since these words enable parts of groups
of a tribal community to be specified under a single entry of the Scheduled Tribe
order, it follows that the communities mentioned against the entry are those which
have mutual affinities among them as being included in the same tribe. The entry
has to be interpreted accordingly”.
Badagas
Till the 1931 Census, the Badagas were classified as 'important primitive tribes'.
There was no census held in 1941 due to the world war. In 1950, post-
independence, the community was deleted from the ST list for reasons unknown.
The Badaga people woke up to the matter only in the late 1970s. Since then, they
have been fighting for lost ground but in vain. The state government sent two
recommendations to Centre for reinstating the community's tribal status but there
was no response.
Thus, it can be seen that there is mushroom growth of sham tribals to enjoy
the unintended concessions and privilege in the fields of education, employment
and developmental activities. Unless this process of pseudo tribalism is strictly
controlled the genuine tribals cannot be developed as envisaged in the
Constitution.
Tribes as Indigenous People of India

Virginius Xaxa
Defining 'tribe' has conceptual as well as empirical problems for the
academician. But this term of administrative convenience has now been adopted
by the tribals themselves to mean the dispossessed, deprived people of a region.
There is no claim to being the original inhabitants of that region, but a prior claim
to the natural resources is asserted vis-a-vis the outsiders and the dominant caste.
The tribal identity now gives the marginalised peoples self-esteem and pride.
THE idea of 'indigenous people' is an issue of considerable contention in

India today. This was hardly so till a few years ago. In fact, social workers,
administrators. politicians and even scholars widely used the term to refer to a
certain category of people. They hardly felt any unease in the use of native
equivalent of this term, viz, 'Adivasi. Ghurye had of course some reservation to
the use of such terms; the expression he used was 'so- called aborigines'. Again,
it is they who took the term along with all the prejudices and conjectures to the
masses. That is how the identity of Adivasis has entered into the consciousness
of the tribal people. The identity that was forced upon them from outside precisely
to mark out differences from the dominant community has now been internalised
by the people themselves. Not only has it become an important mark of social
differentiation and identity assertion but also an important tool of articulation for
empowerment.
The term tribe
The Anthropological Survey of India under the 'People of India Project' identifies
461 tribal communities in India.. The question of tribes in India is closely linked
with administrative and political considerations. Hence there has been increasing
demand by groups and communities for their inclusion in the list of scheduled
tribes of the Indian Constitution. That partly explains the steady increase in the
proportion of the scheduled tribe population in India especially in the period
between 1971 and 1981. There has been more concern with the identification of
tribes than with their definition. This does not mean that lists have been drawn
without any conception of tribe whatsoever. There did exist some conception.
This was obvious from the use of criteria that were adopted. These ranged from
such features as geographical isolation, simple technology and condition of
living, general backwardness to the practice of animism, tribal language, physical
features, etc. The problem however lay in the fact that they were neither clearly
formulated nor systematically applied. One set of criteria was used in one context
and quite another in another context. The result is that the list includes groups and
communities strikingly different from each other in respect of not only size of the
population but also the level of technology and other characteristics. Indian
anthropologists have been acutely aware of a certain lack of fit between what their
discipline defines as tribe and what they are obliged to describe as tribes. Yet they
have continued with the existing labels.
The early ethnographers were not very clear about the distinction between
caste and tribe in the 18th century writings, for example, showed synonymous
use of the term tribe with caste, later it was even used in a cognate manner as one
could see in the use of phrase 'caste and tribes of India' by Risley and many others
in their writings. Efforts to make a distinction between the two began to be made
after initiative was taken to collect detailed information about the people for the
census. The census officials were however far from clear with regard to the
criterion of distinction. It is with the 1901 census that one finds a mention of
criteria howsoever inadequate that may be. It defined tribes as those who
practised animism. In the subsequent censuses animism was replaced by the tribal
religion. Although the criterion no introduced was highly unsatisfactory, it
continued to be used widely and extensively.
It is only in the post- independence period that more systematic effort was
made towards distinguishing tribe from caste. Though the distinction between the
two was made in both colonial and post-colonial ethnography, the relation
between the two was differently conceived in the two ethnographies. In the
colonial ethnography, the concern shown by the British administrators-scholars
was to mark off tribe from caste. Hence tribes were shown to be living in complete
isolation from the rest of the population and therefore without any interaction or
interrelation with them. In contrast the main concern in the native ethnography
has been to show close interaction of the tribes with the larger society or the
civilisation. Both Ghurye (1963) and Bose (1475), for example. stressed the
nature of interaction between tribes and the larger-Hindu society and the ways in
which tribes have been drawn into the Hindu society. They stressed similarities
between the two societies. Sinha (1958) even goes to the extent of viewing tribes
as a dimension of little tradition that cannot be adequately understood unless it is
seen in relation to the great tradition.
In view of such conception, tribes have come to be primarily studied in
relation to features and characteristics of the larger society. The focus is on how
tribes are getting absorbed into the larger society, the so-called mainstream, by
becoming caste, peasant, class and so on. With such conceptualisation, the
identity of the tribal group or community is indeed put at risk. This is because of
the way tribes have been conceptualised in anthropological literature and the
reference with which tribal society in India is studied.
Tribes are primarily seen as a stage and type of society. They represent a
society that lacks positive traits of the modem society and thus constitutes a
simple, illiterate and backward society. With change in these features on account
of education, modem occupation, new technology. etc. tribal society is no longer
considered to be tribal if transformation is in the direction of caste society then it
is described as having become caste society, If the reference is peasant then it is
posited as the peasant society and if the general direction of transformation is
social differentiation, then it is described as differentiated or stratified, and thus
ceases to be tribal society. In the process it is forgotten that tribe besides being a
stage and type of society is also a society alike and similar many other kinds of
society. say the Oriya or the Bengali. But it is precisely this that comes to be
denied on account of the changed situation. Of course, it is true that the tribes are
not of the same stage and type as Bengali or Oriya societies. There is then
something clumsy about the use of the term tribe in describing the Indian social
reality.
Concept of indigenous
Such conceptual and empirical problems inherent in the use of the term tribe or
tribal society could to some extent be overcome by the use of the term indigenous
but not without giving rise to other problems. The term indigenous or its
equivalent has been used in anthropology to describe groups called tribes for quite
some time. Its use now has however gone beyond the discipline of anthropology.
The international agencies are increasingly and extensively making use of this
term and concept in their deliberations and discussions. With this the term has
come to occupy wide currency in general as well as in the other social sciences
literature. In the deliberations of the international agencies, the term was used for
the first time in 1957 [Roy-Burman undated]. It gained wide currency after 1993
with the declaration of the year 1993 as the international year of the indigenous
people. In 1957 the general conference of the ILO adopted a convention
concerning protection and integration of indigenous and other tribal and semi-
tribal population in independent countries. The convention framed general
international standards for facilitating government actions towards protecting and
promoting progressive integration of these people into the respective national
communities (Convention No 107). By 1985 the ILO felt the need to revise the
convention on account of changes in attitudes and approaches towards these
people worldwide. The ILO had earlier proposed integration as the desired
objective but this was no longer being seen as appropriate. This was so because
the international organisations and increasing number of governments were
moving toward greater recognition of the rights of indigenous and tribal people
to retain their specific identities and to participate fully in the planning and
execution of the activities affecting their way of life. Accordingly, the ILO
adopted a revised convention (No 169) in 1989 after the expert committee
appointed by the ILO gave its recommendation and the same was passed in
consultation with other international bodies.
The context of the discourse on the indigenous, initiated by the ILO and
later accepted by the UNO thus basically hinged on the twin concepts of 'need
right' and 'power right' of a certain social category of people all over the world.
This category of people was progressively being marginalised and dispossessed
from their sources of livelihood and were vulnerable to cultural shock and
decimation of their collective identity.
The ILO convention referred to above and the Working Group on
Indigenous Population set up by the Human Rights Commission of the UNO
speaks of the indigenous population as follows. They are those tribal and semi-
tribal population that are regarded as having their descent from the populations
which inhabited the country or the geographical region to which the country
belongs, at the time of the conquest or colonisation by Europe. They are in
addition also those who irrespective of their legal status live more in conformity
with their social, economic and cultural institutions than with the institution of
the nation to which they belong [Roy-Burman undated; Pathy 19924 The semi-
tribal population are defined as those who are in the process of losing their
identity but not yet integrated in the national community. Thus, there are three
aspects which are central to the conceptualisation of the indigenous people. First,
the indigenous are those people who lived in the country to which they belong
before colonisation or conquest by people from outside the country or the
geographical region. Secondly, they have become marginalised as an aftermath
of conquest and colonisation by the people from outside the region. Thirdly, such
people govern their life more in terms of their own social, economic and the
cultural institution than the laws applicable to the society or the country at large.
What is important here is that the notion of indigenous people, despite sharing
attributes in common with the people described as the tribal and semi-tribal
population, is seen as different from the latter in the sense that the indigenous are
invariably marked out as a distinct international entity. That is, the indigenous are
invariably seen as victims of conquest and colonisation from outside the region;
hence the outsiders are easily identifiable.
Tribes as indigenous
The term indigenous people, though of recent coinage at the international
level, has been in use in India for a long time. In fact, the social workers,
missionaries and political activists have been using the term 'Adivasi', the Indian-
language term for the indigenous people, freely to refer to the tribal people since
the tom of the present century. The term, in conjunction with other related terms
such as aborigines, autochthonous, etc, has also been extensively used by scholars
and administrators in their writings and reports. The term was used mainly as a
mark of identification and differentiation, that is, to mark out a group of people
different in physical features, language, religion, custom, social organisation, etc.
Even Ghurye (1963:12) who otherwise talks of tribes as backward Hindus and
has reservation about the use of the term 'Adivasi', refers to them as the
aborigines. He w rites. " when the history of internal movements of peoples is not
known, it is utterly un-scientific to regard some tribe or the other as the original
owner of the soil. It is possible to contend that even if the tribes are not aborigines
of the exact area they now occupy, they are the autochthonous of India and to that
extent they may be called the aborigines,"
Thus, hardly any unease was felt by scholars in the use of the term to refer
to these groups of people. No effort whatsoever was made to dispel the myth
associated with the term then. The term however did not remain confined to only
the scholars, administrators, politicians and social workers; it percolated down
also to the people. Indeed, it is social workers, political activists, administrators
who took the term and along with it all the prejudices and conjectures to the
masses [Sengupta 1988:1003). The term thus ca me to be widely used to refer to
the tribal people. It was hardly questioned, let alone debated. So long as it had
not assumed a political dimension, it had remained an accepted term of
description and designation of certain category of people. It is only with the
internationalisation of the rights and privileges associated with it that the use of
the term indigenous has come to be critically examined or even challenged in the
Indian context. The sense in which the term was used earlier and the sense in
which it has come to be used today are definitely not identical though they overlap
in some sense. Today, aspects of marginalisation are built into the definition of
indigenous people. Only those people that have been subjected to domination and
subjugation have come to constitute the component of the indigenous people. Yet
the use of the term Adivasi (indigenous) to designate certain category of people
and not the other category clearly reveals that these aspects were not altogether
lost sight of it may be noted that even earlier the term was used to delineate people
who were backward and cut off from the mainstream civilisation. The basic mark
of differentiation was between those who were part of the civilisation and those
who were not. Hence the use of the term Adivasi to describe tribe: people seems
to have some validity even in the sense of marginalisation. Historical antiquity
may have been a more distant criteria, but the most immediate and proximate
seemed to be the fact that they were not part of the civilisation. In a certain sense
then there was the aspect of marginalisation that was taken note of while
designating a group as Adivasi. This seems all the more obvious when we take
the other aspects of the Indian society. The corning of the Aryans has been
invariably taken as the decisive historical factor to determine the original people
of India. Yet not all the original people have been called the indigenous people.
The groups speaking languages belonging to the Dravidian linguistic stock no
doubt have been considered the inhabitants of India before the coming of the
Aryans. Yet they have never been de-scribed as the indigenous people, mainly
because they do not constitute the marginalised groups. The government of India
had in fact placed no objection to Meuse of the term when it was deliberated upon
in the ILO convention in 1957 and was tied to cotenant 107. This was so because
the term then had not raised such issues as empowerment and rights. rather it had
articulated the need of integrating the indigenous and tribal people into the larger
social and political system. By contrast the focus had shifted from integration to
one of rights and empowerment by 1989. And no sooner had the issue shifted
than the argument ensued that a category such as this does not hold in the Indian
context.
Arguments against
Much of the discussion questioning the indigenous people's status in India
has centred on the complex historical processes of the movement of the
population and their settlement in the subcontinent. It is said that unlike in the
Americas, Australia, New Zealand with a recent history of conquest. immigration
and colonisation in India identification of indigenous people is not easy. Rather
there have been in India waves of movement of populations with different
language. race, culture, religion dating back centuries and millennia. Even groups
or communities described as tribes have not been outside of this process. Given
this, how far back should one go in history to determine people who are natives
and who are immigrants. Indeed, any demarcation is going to be arbitrary and
hence extremely contentious. And indeed, so has been the case as we can see from
the discussion below. It is also maintained that the communities described as
tribes have been living in close proximity with the non-tribal people for over
centuries leading to much acculturation and even assimilation into the larger
Hindu society. The Indian experience, it is stated, is different from that of the new
world where it was marked by conquest, subjugation and even decimation. his
hence argued that it is not only the point of departure that is problematic but also
the Indian experience.
It is with the people described as tribes that the term indigenous people has
generally come to be associated in India. It is assumed that they have been the
original sealers of what geographically constitutes India today or at least people
who inhabited the region before the coming of the more dominant sections of the
Indian society, viz, the Aryans. They are said to belong to social groups other
than the Aryans and speak a variety of dialects belonging presumably to two main
linguistic families, viz, the Dravidian and the Austric. The plausibility of groups
speaking Tibeto-Burman languages is not altogether ruled out from the purview
of the status of the original inhabitants in India. These groups have generally been
described as Adivasis or the original people by social workers, missionaries,
political activist’s scholars and administrators since the beginning of the present
century. Ray t1973:124-2S) writes, "The communities of people of today whom
the anthropologists call Tribals, happen to be the indigenous, autochthonous
(Adivasis) people of the land, in the sense that they had long been settled in
different parts of the country before the Aryan-speaking peoples penetrated India
to settle down first, in the Kabul and Indus valleys and then within a millennium
and half, to spread out in slow stages, over large areas of the country and push
their way of life and civilisation over practically the entire area of the country
along the plains and the river valleys."
The question that is of central importance here is (1) whether groups designated
as tribes have been natives of India and non-tribes immigrants; and (2) if they
have not been natives whether their settlement is prior to that of the arrival of the
major social group. the Aryans. Most of the scholars are of the view that tribes
could hardly make legitimate claim that they are the only natives of India. They
cite observations made by scholars, how so ever conflicting they maybe, in
support of their position. Hutton for example is of the view that only the Negritos
may be considered as the original inhabitants of India though they do not have
any marked presence now. He considers groups belonging to the Austric.
Dravidian categories. etc. as much outsiders as the Aryans. Guha is also cited for
making similar observation in the context of Austric speaking people [Shah
1982]. But more authoritative sources on which such claim is questioned are the
traditions of the tribes themselves as they speak. Dube (1977.2) writes, “it is
difficult to speak of 'original' inhabitants, for tribal traditions themselves make
repeated mention of migration of their ancestors. There is considerable evidence
to suggest that several groups were pushed out of the areas where they were first
settled and had to seek shelter elsewhere. And there are several groups, now
absorbed in Hindu society, which can make an equally tenable claim to being
original or at any rate very, old inhabitants". Beteille (19913) makes similar
observation on the point under reference. There are two substantive points that
have been made here. One is whether one can speak of tribes as the original
people especially in view of their migratory movement. This is indeed an
important argument and cannot be brushed aside. The other makes reference to
tine claims that may be made by groups that have been absorbed into the Hindu
society. The latter suffers from a certain flaw. Firstly. it is hypothetical. The
second is that the groups lose the right to make such claim by virtue of their choice
to get absorbed into the dominant, viz, the Hindu society.
If the issue of tribes as natives is questionable, is it so also with the second
question? That is, areal! tribal groups the inhabitants that settled the territory
before the coming of the Aryans, the assumed cut-off points for demarcating the
indigenous people in India? Whereas this is more or less the case, it cannot be
said with certainty for all the groups described as tribes in India. It is said that
there are tribes in India especially in the north-east whose settlement in the
territories they inhabit today is an even later phenomenon than the settlement of
many non-tribes in other parts of India. The Nagar for example are stated to have
come to India around the middle of the first millennium BC first to Tibet and later
to the territory where they live now, as period later than the corning of the Aryans.
The Mizos are said to have settled in the territory where they live only in the 16th
century. The Kuki settlement is considered even later than that of the Mizos. In
contrast to this, the non-tribal groups like the Ben gal is, Gujaratis, Oriyas, etc,
have a much longer history of settlement than these tribes. Given this, it becomes
indeed problematic to say that all tribal people in India are earlier settlers than the
Aryans and therefore tribes are indigenous and non-tribes non-indigenous. There
is a need to make distinction between settlement in the context of country (India
being the reference point here) as a whole and settlement within its parts or
regions. In the discourse on indigenous people, the two aspects are either ignored
or mixed or even interchanged. An argument valid at one level, for ex-ample at
the local level, is often used to substantiate the argument at another level, such as
the co an try as a whole. The Santhals may have settled in the territory where they
live now, the Santhal Pargana or its adjacent areas, in the beginning of the 19th
century. They may have even settled there later than the Bengalis. But that in no
way negates the fact that their settlement in India is prior to that of the groups
commonly referred to as the Aryans such as the Bengalis or Gujaratis. But to
claim indigenous status on this ground is not so simple as one can see from the
discussion that follows. Conversely, the settlement of the Micas in the country
called India may have been a later development than those of the Gujaratis or
Bengalis, but the fact remains that they are the original settlers of the place where
they live now. It needs to be mentioned here that the tribal groups in India are not
solely comprised of the Dravidian and Austro-Asiatic speaking groups. A very
large number of the tribal groups in fact belong to the Tibeto-Burman speaking
groups, many of whom can hardly be considered indigenous if the arrival of the
Aryans is taken as the cut-off mark to decide who is indigenous and who is not
indigenous. To restrict the terms indigenous to refer to only those groups of
people who had entry prior to those of Indo-Aryan group would be to exclude
many tribal groups of the Tibeto-Burman family from the status of indigenous
people. There are also tribal groups like the Bhils that speak languages of the
Indo-Aryan family. This poses the problem of their identification as indigenous
people. Yet it is generally held that the groups no referred have been drawn into
the languages they speak through the process of interaction and acculturation with
the Indo-Aryan speaking groups. In terms of their culture and physical features,
they are however still considered different from the Indo-Aryan population.
What this means is that people identified and described as tribals are not to
be necessarily treated as indigenous and that there are tribal groups which could
be treated as indigenous and others which could not. In contrast many groups and
communities especially, those belonging to the Dravidian language speaking
group such as the Tamilians, Telugus, Malayali’s, could stake a claim of being
indigenous people by virtue of the fact they have been inhabitants of India prior
to the coming of the Aryans. They are however not recognised as tribals and share
few attributes in common with the tribals who stand dispossessed, exploited and
marginalised. Rather they constitute a part of the dominant national community.
In terms of other criteria that go to make up indigenous people, viz, marginalised
status, loss of control over resources, etc, they can hardly be considered for the
indigenous people status. The congruence between the term and the concept on
which the tribal activists defend the application of the term does not stand valid
in all situations. There is still another ground on which the indigenous claim is
contested in the Indian context. It is generally held that the Indian society is made
up of a number of castes and groups and that many of these have been formed out
of the process of fusion of various groups and communities including tribes. This
is all the truer in case of the regional linguistic communities such as Bengalis.
Gujaratis, Oriyas etc. In view of this, it may become necessary that a segment of
the same community be identified as indigenous and another as non-indigenous.
Arguments for
The extension of the term is however strongly defended by activists and
other scholars both tribal and non-tribals. This is done not so much on the basis
of original settlement as on some other consideration. They, of course, trace the
history of tribals in India much before the coming of the people who have been
described as Arians. They ask why tribals, whose ancestors lived here for some
thousands of years prior to the Aryan invasion, a fact that can hardly be disputed,
should not be considered indigenous people so that certain positive international
instruments are made applicable to these marginalised and deprived social
groups. But the case is made more forcefully on another ground. Pathy (1992'S),
for example, writes that tribals in a way have been victims of conquest and
colonisation and hence share all the attributes of the colonised people such as
ethnic identity, loss of control over customary territorial resources, cultural
annihilation and powerlessness. He makes the case despite his recognition that
insisting on original settlement in a territory is problematic and unreasonable.
But then even the issue of colonisation and colonised status remains far
from resolved. First of all, we do not have detailed and well researched historical
material on the nature of relations or encounter between groups that are
designated as the indigenous people and the other social groups for the periods
preceding the coming of the British. Hence it is difficult to my anything with
certainty about the nature of relations between the two types of social groups. In
general, the relation between tribes and non-tribes has been described as one of
mutual coexistence rather than one of subjugation and domination at least until
the advent of British rule. In fact, this is the other important ground on which the
term indigenous people are contested in the Indian context. It is said that most of
the studies of the history of Indian civilisation show that the growth and
expansion of Hindu society was a prolonged and complex process of assimilation.
And the nature of interaction between the two has been broadly described as one
of peaceful coexistence rather than one of conquest and subjugation [Bose 1941:
Beteille 1998:189]. Such a nature of interaction between tribe's and non-tribals
has also been endorsed by a scholar who otherwise talks of an aggressive
absorption into the Hindu society with the onset of the colonial rule [Desai
1977:24]. Pathy (1992a:51) himself elsewhere talks of a symbiotic relationship
between the tribals and the nontribal rather that one of colonisation and conquest.
He writes, "majority of the so-called tribals of India had developed class structure
over a long period of time and therefore had interactions with the other
communities. Up to the time of colonialism, it was largely not a relationship of
domination and subjugation." Not only is determining original settlement in the
territory problematic, but also the question of colonisation and subjugation as one
can see from Pathy's observation. This means that the question of indigenous
people could only be raised from the period of the arrival of the British and the
sub-sequent process of colonisation and subjugation in India. If these processes
are taken as the point of departure for demarcation of indigenous people, then the
issue of original settlement that is so central to the notion of indigenous people
becomes redundant in defining indigenous people. In fact, the whole exercise of
identification of groups and communities as tribes during the colonial period was
to a great extent contingent upon the differences tribes displayed in relation to the
larger society. Thus, tribes were by and large considered as those outside
civilisations. This means that they not only remained outside the politico-
administrative structure of the larger society or the kingdom, but also outside the
general social organisation and worldview of the larger society. In short, they
continued to be distinct because they escaped colonisation and subjugation.
Where people were subjugated they became part of the larger social organisation
and failed to maintain their distinctiveness. Whether they lived in hills, plateau or
forest and lived by hunting, food-gathering or practised slash and burn cultivation
followed from being outside civilisation. Beteille 11986:316) has forcefully
brought this out. He writes that where tribe and civilisation coexist as in India and
the Islamic world, being a tribe has been more a matter of remaining outside of
state and civilisation, whether by choice or necessity, than of attaining a definite
stage in the evolutionary advance from the simple to the complex. The Indian
practice of regarding as tribes a large assortment of communities, differing widely
in size. mode of livelihood and social organisation cannot therefore be dismissed
as anomalous. They are all tribes because they all stood more or less outside of
Hindu civilisation and not because they were all at exactly the same stage of
evolution. In short, they are described as tribes and therefore even as indigenous
people because they escaped colonisation and subjugation processes. The use of
the term indigenous people to refer to the tribal people is defended on yet another
ground. It is argued that unlike antagonists who tend to take note of only historical
realism, we have also to take note of critical realism. They state that irrespective
of the place and time of origin or their occupation or their present habitat in India,
there are certain communities, which until recently maintained practically
autogenous sources of legitimisation of cultural and social processes and were
accentuated by the ideology of a self-regulated economy and had only marginal
articulation with the external political structures. Their indigenous identity cannot
be brushed away by juxtaposition of non-meaningful occurrences in space and
time in systemic terms [Roy-Burman 1992:24].
Such claim is difficult to establish today. Not only have the tribal
communities been brought under uniform administrative and legal structures
under the British but they have also been drawn into the politico-economic
process of the larger society especially in the post-independence period of
economic development. There are very few tribes which have escaped such
processes. The actual empirical reality is then too complex. It is not at all
surprising then that elsewhere Roy-Bur-man (1983:1172-74) writes, "even many
of those with the simplest technology were integrated with the wider society". In
short, the use of the term indigenous to describe tribal people in India is fraught
with difficulties. It does not reflect an empirical reality but is more of a political
construction.
Though the question of indigenous people has been generally discussed in
the context of the country as a whole, the discussion in the Indian context has also
been drawn in relation to the regions or territories within the country. It has
generally been observed that there have been so many migrations in and out of
the region in the past centuries that no particular 'jati' can have genuine grounds
for making a claim to be the original inhabitants. In discussion of indigenous
people in India it is important that we do not mix the problems obtaining at two
Levels. Often the problem at the level of the country is used to make case against
tribes being indigenous at the regional/ local level and vice versa. Posing the
question of tribes as the indigenous people in relation to territories within the
country rather than the country as a whole indeed gives rise to problems of
somewhat different nature.
Movement of populations belonging to different race, ethnicity and
linguistic groups including those described as tribals from one place to another is
something that has been in process within India over the centuries. Thus, the
groups which may be indigenous with respect to the country as a whole may not
be indigenous in respect of their settlement in is given territory. It may. also
happen, that the same group is indigenous and not indigenous at the same time.
The Oraons, Munda as and many other tribes living in Jharkhand, for example,
may have legitimate claim to be called the indigenous people in respect of their
settlement in the country called India prior to that of the Aryans or even in respect
of their settlement in Jharkhand, but it is not certain if they can claim to be
indigenous in Assam or Bengal where they have moved in the course of last one
century or so. Indeed, their claim of being indigenous is strongly contested in
these places. Nowhere is this truer than in Assam where the migrant tribals' claim
to be the indigenous people is being disputed by such tribal communities as the
bodos, mishings and others who have a much longer history of settlement in the
region than the tribals from Bi har, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, etc. If, however one
takes India as a whole, then these migrant groups have a much longer record of
settlement than the tribes in the north-eastern region. The tribals from this region
have also moved in large numbers to Andaman Island and have settled there as
cultivators after reclaiming land from the forest and in the process dispossessing
the native Jarawas from their territories.
Adivasi consciousness
In the context of India as a whole. identification of indigenous peoples is
indeed problematic. The problem emanates from the fact that the population
movements and experiences in India have been different from those of the new
world. It is true that the movement of population even in the new world has been,
like in India, of different race, language, region. religion. culture, etc. In the new
world however, these groups did not come to establish or have special relations
with a given territory or region in the course of their movement. In India, the
movement of the population was somewhat different. Here different communities
came to develop distinct and definite association with certain territories in the
course of the history of their movement.
Whether those especially associated with a given territory are indigenous
to the territory or area they live in is a question that will always be contested.
What however has come to be accepted that they have developed special relations
with the territory in question. These territories, the communities in question have
considered as their own as against those of other communities. They considered
themselves to have prior and preferential if nor exclusive rights over the territory
where they lived either on account of their prior historical settlement or numerical
and other dominance. Following this they aspired to promote and protect the
interests and welfare of their community and confer on the members of their
community special rights and privileges. It was aspirations such as this among
the members of the community that led to the desire to have a state of their own_
And after having realised this, they tend to promote the interests of their members
by means of state patronage of various kinds.
The people living in their respective territories have thus come to see the
states to which they belong as the culmination of the yearning of the members of
a particular territory to have a homeland of their own. The Bengalis for example
have a very strong sense of attachment to Bengal as Tamilians to Tamil Nadu.
There is in this an indication of the recognition, implicit though it may be. that
certain people have prior right over others in the territory that they occupy. This
is almost like saying that they are the original inhabitants of the territory that they
inhabit. It is therefore not a coincidence that the dominant communities hardly
feel the need to articulate issues in terms of rights of indigenous people. They
have states of their own and therefore territories too. It surfaces only when they
feel threatened from the movement of the population from outside the
community. The threat is felt either on account of fear in the rise of number of
members from outside the community or loss of control of power. economic and
political. Nowhere is this identity with land or territory more crudely manifested
than in the son-of-the-soil theory that has been raised from time to time by the
dominant regional communities in India. In short, people of India representing
different languages, physical features, cultures, mode of social organisations, etc,
identify and relate themselves in a special way with a given territory or region in
the country. Attempts have been made to provide theoretical understanding to
such developments in India. In doing so scholars have invariably made use of
such concepts such as nation and nationality. In the context of India, the two
concepts refer essentially to the internal political arrangement of the Indian union
comprising a number of linguistic-territorial state units and components with a
variety of regional pressures. At the same time there has always been some kind
of checklist of the objective criteria whereby a motion or nationality could be
defined. And in both of these conceptions the element of territoriality assumes a
central place.
The paradox is that whereas such privileges and rights are freely recognised
in respect of the dominant communities in India, the same is denied to tribal
communities. In the process they are progressively getting dispossessed of their
control over land. forest, water, minerals and other resources in their own territory
and are increasingly subjected to inhuman misery, injustice and exploitation. If
their status as indigenous people of India are problematic, and the problem indeed
is both empirical and conceptual, the least the dominant regional communities
could do is to recognise the priorities of rights and privileges of these people in
the territories and regions they inhabit. It is the non-recognition of these rights
and privileges by the dominant sections of the Indian society that has led to
increasing articulation of the idea of indigenous people by the tribal people.
It is in the absence of such powers and rights that a new form of identity,
viz, identity of Adivasis or indigenous people is crystallising among the tribes of
different parts of India. The term that was initiated mainly a point of reference or
description has become an important marker of identity articulation and assertion
today. The designation or description of tribes as indigenous people had not
emerged from self-identification or description by tribals themselves. It was not
a pan of positive identification and evaluation by the tribes. Rather the outsiders
had imposed it on the tribes. The identity that was forced from outside has now
been internalised among the tribes. Today, it is an important mark of identity and
consciousness of the people, an identity that evokes a sense of self-esteem and
pride rather than a sense of lowly and inferior society that often goes with terms
like tribe or tribal. The people now use it to identify and define themselves. It is
in relation to the identity of Adivasi that tribes are increasingly differentiating
themselves from the non-tribal population at least at the grass roots level. The
declaration of the year 1993 as the international year of the indigenous people has
only sharpened this identity for identity, since then carries certain rights and
privileges with it.
Further, the identity being expressed now by the term adivasi is indeed an
expanded identity cutting across tribes bearing different names, speaking
different languages or dialects. 11 also goes beyond groups and communities or
parts thereof that are listed in the Constitution. It is to be noted that there is an
important gap in the sense in which the term tribe is used and understood by the
tribals and in the sense in which it is understood by others, especially the
administrators, lawyers and academicians. For the latter, communities are tribes
only if they are so listed in the Constitution. Tribes on the other hand do not view
tribes in the sense af politico-administrative category. Rather they view them in
the sense of belonging to the same community irrespective of whether a group or
segment of it is listed or not listed in the Constitution. And by virtue of this bond
of emotion they are also Adivasis or the indigenous people though the
Constitution does not recognise them as the tribes.
In many parts, the category has even taken political overtones. ln
Chotanagpur, for example, as early as 1939 it assumed the form of a demand for
a separate state of their own for the adivasis. Even the organisation formed to
spearhead this movement, viz, Adivasi Mahasabha. drew its inspiration from
being described as the original people. Such a political overtone is not confined
to Chotanagpur alone. It is catching up in other parts of India as well but more
prominently in the tribal regions of central and western India such as Madhya
Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan. It has already given rise to a number of organisations
at local and regional levels that have been articulating the issues of the tribes in
terms of the status of the indigenous people. There are org-an isations which are
actively articulating the issue of the indigenous people at the national and the
international levels,
The adivasi consciousness and the articulation of indigenous people status
is not so much about whether they are the original inhabitants of India as about
the fact that they have no power whatsoever over anything (land, forest, river.
resources) that lies in the territory they inhabit. This is despite being the original
inhabitants of India in relation to the others. The consciousness and the
articulation are basically an expression of the yearning to have or to establish a
special relation with the territory in which they live. It is the same kind of
yearning that the various dominant communities of India articulated in the period
before independence or after independence. That this is so becomes obvious if
one maps the tribes or regions where such sentiment is strongly articulated. It is
a fact that the issue of this identity is more strongly articulated in central, western
and southern India than in north-east India. This is because in the north-east
people exercise some power over their territory. The scenario is just the opposite
in other parts of tribal India. What this indicates is that the assertion of such
identity is stronger where there is greater degree of marginalisation and
powerlessness. There are however differences in the way this new identity is
being conceptualised at different levels. The social workers, administrators,
scholars and social scientists have generally used the term in the sense of only the
original inhabitants. The adivasi ideologues too primarily use this term in the
sense of the original settlement, as this was the sense in which the outsiders
described the tribal people. The aspect of the marginalised status that evolved in
course of historical development has been added into it now. There are others,
especially the radical scholars, who conceive it only in relation to particular
historical development, viz, that of the subjugation during the 19th century of a
wide variety of communities which before the colonial period had remained free,
or at least relatively free from the control of outside states. This process, it is
argued, was accompanied by an influx of traders, moneylenders and landlords
who established themselves under the protection of the colonial authorities and
took advantage of the new judicial system to deprive the adivasis of large tract of
their land. Adivasi is hence defined as groups, which have shared a common fate
in the past century and from this, has evolved a collective identity of being
adivasis. It is not meant to imply that adivasis are the original inhabitants. The
use of the term 'adivasi' in the sense in which it is used by radical scholars hardly
takes note of the sense in which people, either outsiders or the tribal themselves,
use it. Not all who shared a common fate in the past century. in fact, identify
themselves as the adivasis. The caste Hindu population howsoever deprived it
may be invariably avoided being called adivasi for it was tied to the loss of status.
Tribe definition and colonial construct

The Indian Constitution, and laws made under it, recognise the special status of
tribal communities. While sociologists and social anthropologists have debated
the defining characteristics of a tribe, the Constitution recognises that tribal
communities need and deserve special protections and that the politico-
administrative establishment must act to ensure that such protections are extended
to tribal communities. Accordingly, the device of scheduling has been adopted to
enable identification of tribal communities and tribal areas that are to come within
this dispensation.
It is necessary to examine the early origins of the concept of ‘tribe’ and its
transformation in various historical and political contexts, specifically during the
colonial period in the Indian sub-continent. In the Roman context, the term ‘tribe’
was used to refer to a state of barbarism, but also to indicate a tributary
relationship between a group and the imperial State, with whom gifts and tributes
were exchanged. Tribe, therefore, referred to a particular relationship between
centre and periphery, which was equally applicable to the tribal relationship with
the Mughal Empire in India. One of the other early meanings of tribe was also
that of a group claiming common ancestry. Later, the idea of the tribe as people
living in ‘primitive’ conditions became dominant. The reference to a particular
relationship with the State was pushed to the background by an emphasis on the
tribe as an autochthonous, homogeneous whole – an independent, self-contained
unit.
In India, the local equivalent of the term ‘tribe’ is often assumed to be ‘jana’ or
‘communities of people’ based on the usage of the term in ancient Buddhist and
puranic texts. In this conception, the term jana was used in opposition to the term
jati to indicate that these communities were outside the jati or hierarchical caste
system of social organisation. This view, however, was not universally accepted,
since other scholars point out that the categories of jana and jati do not neatly
overlap with that of tribe and caste respectively in the present context.
Tribe as a colonial construct
It was largely following the various tribal rebellions during the colonial period
that tribes came to be seen as the region’s ‘original inhabitants’ who existed
outside of the caste system and had been marginalised by the more advanced
caste-Hindu society. The nineteenth-century ethnographic view of tribes argued
that the term referred to both a particular type of society based on kinship ties and
a stage of evolution.
In the former view, standard definitions describe the tribe as a social group with
a definite area, dialect, cultural homogeneity and unifying social organisation. An
amalgam of the various traits ascribed to tribal groups include: relative
egalitarianism within the group, the absence of complex political structures,
strong and functional kinship bonds, cooperation, territorial integrity, cultural and
linguistic distinctiveness, and lower levels of technology.
In the case of the latter view, tribes are seen as ‘primitive’ societies in the sense
of lacking all the traits of modern, Western society in that they are non-literate,
‘uncivilised’, non-industrial, rural, and so on.
The two views are connected in that tribes were seen as having primitive social
organisation, implying that tribal people were at a lower stage in the evolutionary
social hierarchy in terms of their socio-cultural characteristics, economy and
political structures, often being described as simple as well as insulated from
changes in the larger regional polity. Tribes in the Indian context have also been
defined as groups remaining outside of the structures of State and civilisation.
Each definition of tribes stresses on a particular aspect of tribal life – their

relationship with the state, civilization and processes of development as well as
specific features of their culture, livelihood, and economy. However, the
dominant conception of tribe that developed during this period revolved around
notions of ‘backwardness’, indigeneity, and separation from the larger Hindu
civilization. Tribes were identified largely in terms of what they were not: they
did not practice Vedic Hinduism, they were not Muslim, their societies were
marked by the relative absence of economic and ritual stratification, and they
were not integrated into the “modern” economy or civilization.
The Census of India has also played a critical role in shaping the modern
understanding of tribe through its efforts at enumeration and classification. The
proper delineation of tribes began with the colonial census in the late nineteenth
century to provide detailed information about the population of the sub-continent.
Through this exercise, certain communities were labelled as tribes although the
criteria transformed over time.
✓ In the 1881 census, the term used was ‘forest tribes’, a sub-category within
the broader group of ‘agricultural and pastoral castes’.
✓ In the 1901 census, tribes were identified as those who ‘practiced animism’
thus placing religious practices at the centre. Therefore, those practising
Hinduism were viewed as castes, while those practising animism were
labelled tribes, although this criterion would change in the following
decades such that, at present, Scheduled Tribes can practise any religion,
including Hinduism and Christianity.
✓ In later censuses, additional references to territory were included,
producing the label of ‘hill and forest tribes’ in 1921 and ‘primitive tribes’
a decade later. The new descriptions laid emphasis on the isolation of tribes
within hill and forest areas as well as their ‘primitive’ way of life.
✓ One of the earliest attempts to create a list of tribes in the sub-continent
was during the 1931 census which identified ‘primitive tribes’.
✓ This was followed by a list of “backward tribes” for the provinces made
under the Government of India Act, 1935.
✓ In the 1941census, tribes were identified not in terms of their religion but
according to their ‘origin’, that is, tribes were those who have a ‘tribal
origin’.
Criticism
Subsequent ethnographers have contested these conceptualisations, arguing that
tribes have constantly been in interaction with other social groups, and that, terms
such as ‘primitive’ and ‘backward’ are based on the problematic assumption of
social evolutionism. Other scholars have argued that the conception of tribe as
isolated was based on their emergent marginalisation through unjust forest
policies, forced sedentarization and pacification during British colonial rule.
Large segments of the tribal population were integrated into the market economy
during this period through the appropriation of their lands as well as their labour
in commercial forestry, mines and plantations.
In the post-colonial period, therefore, certain anthropologists have tended

to view the ‘tribe’ as a colonial construction, rendering fixed and rigid those
identities which were earlier relatively fluid and contextual. Anthropological
accounts of tribal communities have largely provided working definitions of tribe
which have often been specific to their site of study given that tribes differ
considerably in terms of their population size, mode of livelihood and level of
integration within the capitalist economy. There is huge differentiation, for
example, in the range of occupations practiced among tribes – they may be:
hunters and gatherers, shifting cultivators, settled agriculturalists, pastoralists,
artisans, farm labourers, and plantation and industrial workers.
Tribe definition- Independent India

The 1950 Constitutional Amendment order with the full list of Scheduled
Tribes recognised at the time was largely based on the list of “backward tribes”
prepared by the colonial administration in 1936. At the time of the first census of
independent India in 1951, there were 212 recognised Scheduled Tribes in the
country. The term Scheduled Tribe itself is a politico-administrative category that
does not capture the enormous social complexity of the various tribes
encompassed within its fold. The Constitution of India categorised certain
sections of the population as Scheduled Tribes to make available special welfare
provisions to them – even though this category was never properly defined. In a
circular fashion, tribes are defined as those groups enumerated as tribes under the
Indian Constitution. Thus, Article 366(25) of the Constitution defines Scheduled
Tribes as follows:
“Scheduled Tribes means such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups

within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under article 342 to be
Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this Constitution.”
The list of tribes drawn up by the colonial and post-colonial government was
based on political and administrative considerations, given that State recognition
could be translated into important protective and developmental benefits.
However, the identification of such groups has been based on recommendations
made by the officials of the 1931 Census, the First Backward Classes
Commission 1955, and the Report of the Advisory Committee on the Revision of
the Lists of Scheduled Castes and Tribes, 1965. The currently followed criteria
for identification are: primitive traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation,
shyness of contact with the community at large, and general backwardness. As
can be seen from several of these identifying features, the idea of the tribe as the
‘primitive’ has clearly continued into the post-colonial period. The first Backward
Classes Commission (Kaka Kalelkar Commission) appointed by the President of
India under Article 340 argued that the tribes:
“lead a separate exclusive existence and are not fully assimilated in the main
body of the people. Scheduled Tribes may belong to any religion. They are listed
as Scheduled Tribes, because of the kind of life led by them.”
In 1951, the Tribal Welfare Committee comprising of anthropologists, social
workers and administrators met under the Indian Conference of Social Work in
Calcutta and recommended these criteria for differentiation of tribes: tribes are
those who are still confined to their original forest habitats and follow the old
pattern of life; semi-tribal communities are those who have settled down in rural
areas and practice agriculture and similar occupations; acculturated tribal
communities are those who have migrated to urban and semi-urban areas and are
working in industries and have modern cultural traits, and other tribal
communities who have been totally assimilated into the Indian population.
However, there are many forest-dwellers who are not tribals; settled agriculture
is practiced by many tribes (who are not semi-tribal in other respects) and
migration to urban areas does not necessarily lead to the shedding of all tribal
cultural traits.
In 1959, the Government of India appointed a Commission headed by Shri. U.N.

Dhebar to look into the welfare of the Scheduled Tribes and even this commission
failed to arrive at a satisfactory definition. The Commission concluded that
Scheduled Tribes can be identified by the fact that they live apart in the hills, and
even where they live on the plains, they lead a separate, excluded existence and
are not fully assimilated with the rest of society. As per its recommendations, it
reiterates the position that the technical definition of a tribe is any group listed as
a Scheduled Tribe under Article 342.
The granting of ST status to certain social groups is an on-going process,

indicating that there are groups which might identify themselves as tribes but
which remain outside of the official ST category. The First Backward Classes
Commission set up by the President of India in 1953, recommended the
declaration of additional communities as Scheduled. Thus, through another order
in 1956, the President notified a modification of the list of Scheduled Tribes. In
the 1961 census, the number of Scheduled Tribe communities increased to 427,
which was twice the number from the previous census. This increased to 432 by
the time of the 1971 census.
As the issue of anomalies within the ST list constantly arose, the government set
up the Advisory Committee on the Revision of the Lists of Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Lokur Committee Report) which was to advice on the
proposals received by the government on revision of these lists in a “rational and
scientific manner”. The committee was specifically asked for its
recommendations on whether communities listed as Scheduled Tribes in one area
of a particular State or Union Territory (UT) should be recognised in other parts
of the same State or UT as well as in other States.
A glance at the lists of tribes recommended for both inclusion and exclusion by
the Lokur Committee throws further light on their considerations while
determining the legal status of groups claiming tribal identity. Some of the
reasons cited for inclusion of new tribes within the list include ‘very isolated’,
‘still living in caves’, ‘living in forest areas’, or more vaguely, ‘are primitive
jungle tribes’, ‘having tribal characteristics’, ‘very backward tribe’, and
‘distinctive dress and customs’. Clearly, a mixture of geographical and locational
features as well as primitiveness and backwardness account for the suggested
Constitutional recognition of a range of tribes. On the other hand, the
explanations for suggested exclusion from the list were ‘not a tribe’, ‘do not
possess tribal characteristics’, ‘population insignificant’ and ‘assimilated with the
general population’.
On the question of enumeration, the Lokur Committee noted that in light of

several Supreme Court rulings on the matter, it would be necessary for the
government to list not simply the name of each tribe under the Schedule but to
create a compendium of all local synonyms, phonetic variations and sub-tribes
within each tribe in order to ensure that confusions over inclusion are avoided.
The committee held that, in light of this onerous task, it should henceforth be
assumed that any caste or tribe specified in the list would automatically include
all synonyms, variations and sub-groups.
The Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Areas Commission (Bhuria Commission)

Report (2002-2004) has pointed out that winds of change have been sweeping
through tribal society and this has resulted in the growth of individualism,
particularly among the youth. However, despite transformations in the internal
communitarian dynamics of tribal society which threaten to alter its very ‘tribal-
ness’ the Commission noted that tribal identity is likely to reassert itself in the
form of traditional norms and mores.
The Bhuria Commission Report further stated that:
“as an individual, individualism may be practised by a tribal when he is at large

and may be abroad, but even in facing the larger world his psyche looks
backwards to lean on the support of his own tribal community, thereby revealing
the profundity of bonds with his tribe”.
Beyond definitions of ‘tribes’, the Indian context has produced a situation in
which classification of communities as Scheduled Tribes is not uniform
throughout the country but varies based on often arbitrary administrative
boundaries. Several committees have taken note of this anomalous situation,
introduced through the Government of India Act, 1935, whereby members of the
same tribe from an ethnological or social point of view are recognised as
Scheduled Tribes in one State or one part of a State and not in others. That is, the
category of Scheduled Tribes, although distinct, was connected to an
understanding of ‘tribal areas’ in that, until 1976, area restrictions were in
operation with regard to recognition as a Scheduled Tribe. This meant that it was
possible for X tribe to be recognised in district Y of a particular State but not in
neighbouring district Z of the same State. Thus, ST status was linked to place,
although the place itself need not be a Scheduled Area.
According to the Lokur Committee, these territorial restrictions acted as a barrier

to spatial and social mobility, since moving out of the area in which their tribe is
recognised would imply the loss of all benefits and privileges. Such restrictions
were therefore, seen to be contrary to the goal of tribal integration which
advocates the end to tribal ‘isolation’ and the inter-mingling of populations.
Despite recognition of the often bizarre consequences of area restrictions, the
Lokur Committee refrained from recommending changes in the same since inter-
state movement of tribes was deemed to be negligible at the time. Their report
also dismissed the idea of an all-India Scheduled Tribes list, since the
Constitution provides for lists to be made only at the State or UT level. The Lokur
Committee recommended that the various tribes in the list should be
administratively differentiated, so as to ensure that priority in development
planning should be given to the more deprived, among the groups.
In 1976, the Removal of Area Restrictions (Amendment) Act was passed, which
removed area restrictions on the recognition of Scheduled Tribes, making lists
applicable to entire States rather than blocks and districts within States as was the
case earlier. This led to a substantial increase in the tribal population as recorded
in the census. Now, a tribe is included within the Scheduled Tribe list on a state-
wide basis although it is possible that the same tribe is not Scheduled Tribe in
other states. However, it has been noted that the sharp increase in recorded tribal
population between the 1971 and 1981 censuses was not only due to the removal
of area restrictions but due to misreporting to census officials by groups with
nomenclatures sounding similar to that of certain Scheduled Tribes. Between
1971 and 1981, the population of Scheduled Tribes, as recorded in the Census,
rose by 95 per cent in Maharashtra and 690 per cent in Karnataka. This occurred
despite the fact that reporting oneself as a Scheduled Tribe in the census does not
in any way support claims for Scheduled Tribe status under the Constitution.
Despite efforts made by various governments, there continue to be several

anomalies in the scheduling of tribes. The National Commission for Scheduled
Tribes (NCST) has noted that cases involving inclusion of communities which
are scheduled in one state and non-scheduled in a neighbouring state need to be
given priority in order that members are not denied benefits any further. The
Banjaras, for example, are a recognised Scheduled Tribe settling in various parts
of the country, including now in Delhi. However, the strong association between
the idea of a tribe and that of rurality has led to the refusal of the Government of
Delhi to list them as a Scheduled Tribe in the capital city – rather, they are
included within the list of Scheduled Castes. Another curious distinction in the
state of Assam is that between plains tribals and hill tribals, so the Garos, Karbis,
Hajongs, Dimasas, Mon-Tai speaking peoples, Singphos, Hmars, Nagas, hill
tribals, lose their scheduled status once they come down to the plains and the
Bodos, Lalungs, Mech-Kacharis, all plains tribals, lose their scheduled status if
they go to the hills.
There are also other anomalies in the process of scheduling such as instances of
increasing the communities within the Scheduled Tribes list in the state without
simultaneously reserving electoral constituencies for STs. There is also the
concern that some tribes classified under the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal
Groups (PVTGs) have not yet been notified as Scheduled Tribes, a situation that
the NCST has taken up. In recent years, commentators have questioned the
established criteria for inclusion as both outdated (since ‘isolated existence’ does
not hold true for most communities today, even those living in remote forest
areas) and derogatory to tribal groups (the idea of ‘primitivism’ is insulting to
tribal culture and identity).
Contribution of anthropologists to tribal development
Introduction :
Anthropology has a significant role in tribal development. First let us

understand the anthropological perspective towards development which is not the
same as those of the technocrat, the economist and the bureaucrat. The following
constitute the distinctly anthropological perspective on development:-
(a) Anthropology approaches the issue, of development in a holistic way.

it does not view development in a partial and piecemeal fashion nor
does it link development only to economic indicators. It takes it into
account factors like quality, of life, empowerment and preservation of
culture etc.
(b) The anthropological perspective emphasizes that development is an

interlinked and integrated process. A change in educational system of
the tribes may lead to changes in other parts of culture. Even a change
in feeding patterns may led to changes elsewhere.
(c) Anthropology approach development in a multi-disciplinary fashion. It

makes use of insights from other fields like biology, psychology and
sociology etc., in designing and evaluating developmental
programmes.
Anthropologists as already mentioned, look upon development in a totally

different way. they emphasize more on the qualitative aspects. For example,
Belshaw says development should be looked upon as an organised activity with
the aim of satisfying certain basic needs and to psychologically orient the tribals
to adopt new skill, attitudes and life-styles, so that they build up the inner strength,
and appropriate social and cultural infrastructure to stand the pressures of the new
situation and cultural infrastructure to stand the pressures of the new levels.
According to anthropologists tribal development consists of (i) a movement
emphasising upon building up organisational structures, (ii) a programme
emphasising on activities, (iii) a method emphasising certain achievable ends, (iv)
a process emphasising upon what happen to people not only economically and
socially but also, psychologically, and (v) institutionalisation of newly discovered
skills and procedures leading to social change without completely breaking away
from the past.
Contributions:
With this bread introduction to the anthropological perspective towards

development, let us examine the role of anthropology in tribal development more
specifically.
(i) The first major contribution of anthropology is the classification or

categorisation of tribals for development purpose. The point has been
repeatedly made that in view of regional variation of tribal problems
and different economic pursuits and population of tribal groups, there
cannot be a uniform policy and strategy towards their development.
L.P. Vidyarthi very forcibly argued that any affective tribal
development strategy should take into account ecological system, (b)
traditional economy, (c) supernatural beliefs and practices and (d)
recent influences on tribes. On the basis of these four factors. Vidyarthi
classified Indian tribes into. (a) The Forest Hunting Type (b) The
Primitive Hill-Cultivation Type (c) Plain Agriculture Type (d) The
Simple Artisan type (e) The Pastoral and Cattle Breeders Type (f)
Urban-Industrial Workers Type.
Even the Shilu Ao committee and later the Planning Commission’s Task
force on Tribal Development Emphasized the need for a multi pronged
approach towards tribes according to habitat and population. Following
these committees reports which consisted of Integrated Tribal
Development project for implementing the Tribal-sub plan for those
areas states where tribes are in good numbers but do not constitute an
overall majority, modified area Development Approach for dispersed
tribal population and special projects for primitive tribal communities
like the Chenchus, Kadars etc.
(ii) another are where anthropologists have role is in training of

administrators involved in tribal development, such training makes the
civil servants at the cutting edge sensitive to tribal way of life and their
special problems.
(iii) An important, is not, the most significant contribution of anthropology

has been in suggesting and working out an appropriate and suitable
administrative infrastructure for tribal development. Several
Committees have recommended setting up single line area
developmental agencies for tribal development rather than allocate the
task of development amongst several agencies as is the practice in the
districts. The Govt. of Indian accepted the idea and introduced and area
based single-line comprehensive tribal development agency in many
tribal area, the Integrated Tribal Development Projects (ITDP) in the
5th Plan.
(iv) another very useful contributed has been bridging the gap between the
experts and local communities. The anthropologists act as some sort of
go-between in the utilisation of the expert’s knowledge and the skills
of the indigenous people. An interesting example is the scheme of joint
forest management and social forestry in Karnataka.
(v) Anthropology has developed novel and innovative ways of assessing

the developmental needs of the local people by generating data and
suggestions from the rural tribal populations by techniques like Rapid
Rural Appraisal Participatory Rural appraisal which consists of
generating as much information as possible by the locals themselves.
The point is that the in any developmental programme, the people
themselves are the best Judges, of what they actually need in most
cases.
(vi) Anthropology also have acted as honest brokers in ushering change as

and when it is really needed and in the interests of the tribals, like in
cases of making them accept inoculation/ vaccintation. They have an
advantage in the sense that they enjoy greater credibility amongst the
tribals.
(vii) lastly, anthropology plays a vital role in an objective assessment of the

impact of any developmental programmes/project specially on the
culture and quality of life of tribals. It also helps in the evaluation of
these programmes.
(viii) Anthropologists also succeed in eliciting greater levels of

participation on the part of the beneficiaries by their close contacts with
community leaders and tribal folk. Greater levels of participation also
ensures effective feedback.
Roy Burman’s suggestions:
In this context, it will be very relevant to mention at length the strategy for
tribal development suggested by Dr. Roy Burman a noted anthropologists and ex-
Director-General of the Anthropological Survey of India former advisor to
Government of India, on tribal affairs.
1. Consideration of the strategies of tribal development should cover the

following aspects:
(i) Scope of tribal welfare and development activities.

(ii) Integration of tribal welfare and development activities in the national
development plan.
(iii) Role of government and statutory bodies.
(iv) Role of voluntary agencies
(v) Role of tribal institutions.
2. Welfare and development activities are excepted to be concerned with:
(i) Satisfaction of minimum needs

(ii) Control and management of productive resources.
(iii) Employment optimisation
(iv) Broad based participation of the population in development process.
(v) Socio-cultural and political aspects of national integration
Conclusion:
It may be noted in conclusion that of late, anthropology has adopted a very

activist and at times critical approach towards development in general.
Anthropologists advocated alternative strategies for development emphasizing
more on (a) small localised micro projects, (b) involvement of non-governmental
organisations. (c) sustainable development oriented programmes and (d) lastly
people-focussed and people-led development, not governmental led
development.
1. Classification of tribes as distinct from caste

2. Identification of tribes and detailed study of each tribe
3. Protection of tribes- approaches
4. Tribal Panchsheel
5. NMS complex and tribal resistance
6. Tribal struggle for autonomy
7. Tribal education and health
8. Tribal research institutes
9. Elwin committee
10.Roy Burman committee
11.Tribal languages
Anthropologist
1. Verrier Elwin
Tribal Panchsheel
Elwin committee
Isolationist and integrative approaches
2. D.N.Majumdar
Generative or creative adaptation
Ethnographic study of Khasas and Ho
3. L.P.Vidyarthi
NMS complex
Development of tribal areas
4. S C Dube
Tribal sub plan
Expert committee on tribal development
5. Roy Burman
National forest policy, 1980
Deputy registrar general of census
Concepts of bridge and buffer communities, infra-nationalism, proto-nationalism,
post primitive nationalism.
Work on Toto
Naga Kukis conflict
6. Haimendorf
Study of
1. The Chenchus (1943)
2. The Reddis of the Bison Hills (1945)
3. The Raj Gonds of Adilabad (1948)
4. Morals and merit (1967)
5. The Sherpas of Nepal (1964)
6. The Bagoria Bhil (1964)
7. The Konyak Nagas (1969)
8. Return to the naked Nagas: an anthropologist's view of Nagaland 1936–1970
(1976)
9. Tribes of India: The Struggle for Survival (1982)
Posts
Special officer of NEP
Advisor for tribes in Nizam
Study of culture change in Chenchus
Development of Gonds
During the eight years of his stay in the esrtwhile Nizam’s dominions,
Haimendorf not only made in-depth studies of the customs and traditions of the
Gond people, among other tribes, but he influenced the Nizam of Hyderabad to
bring in protective legislation to insulate them from exploitation by non-tribals.
His most significant contribution to the uplift of the tribes of Adilabad,
which is more relevant today, was the legislation of Hyderabad Tribal Areas
Regulation 1356 Fasli (1946) and establishment of teacher training schools in
1943 to deal with the debilitating illiteracy.
Haimendorf identified a zone encompassing tribal habitations and notified
it to bring protective legislation in the shape of the HTAR which among other
things favoured grant of permanent titles to lands traditionally cultivated by the
Gonds and empowering tribal panchayats besides barring transfer of land in
favour of non-tribals. In his capacity of advisor to the Nizam’s government on
tribal and backward classes affairs, Haimendorf persuaded the government to de-
reserve 1.6 lakh acres of forest land and allocate it to 12,000 tribal families, the
patta or title then known as Haimendorf Patta, according to a research paper C.
von. Furer-Haimendorf: Half a century of his imprint on Tribal welfare in AP
written by Hyderabad-based social anthropologist Urmila Pingle who was an
associate of his. Ms. Pingle’s research paper also notes that the number of Primary
Gond schools which was 30 in 1946 went up to 90 in 1949 and by 1951, the
Marlavai Teacher Training Institute produced 95 Gond teachers, five village
officers, one revenue inspector, five clerks and seven forest guards. This was
considered a splendid achievement until changes in laws governing the agency
areas changed subsequently
Anthropology and rural development

1. Community development programs
2. RRA and PRA
3. Family planning
4. Dominant caste
5. Scheduled castes and discrimination
6. Village studies
7. Settlement pattern
8. Social relations
VOLUNTARY AGENCIES IN TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT
The Scheduled tribes are at the lowest strata of the Indian society. For
generations, most of them tribes were neglected by the rest of the Nation. Since
Independence, however, the development of tribes has occupied the attention of
the central and State government in India but even could draw the attention of
many individuals and organisations to render valuable services to their cause.
These non-governmental and the business sector. They represent independent,
autonomous and not profit-seeking organisations of the country. They on social
and sense of commitment and concern that the profit-seeking business sector does
not much care for.
Role of NGOs
The prime objective of public cooperation is to enhance the reach of welfare
schemes of Government and fill the gaps in service deficient tribal areas in sectors
such as education, health, sanitation, drinking water, agro-horticultural
productivity, social security, etc., through the efforts of Voluntary Organizations
(VOs) and Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and to provide an
environment for socio economic upliftment and overall development of the
Scheduled Tribes (STs). Any other innovative activity having direct impact on
the socio-economic development or livelihood generation of STs may also be
taken up through partnership with VOs/NGOs. While the ultimate objective is
delivery of services to remote and unreached tribal areas, the standard of services
provided is equally important. Each partner VO/NGO is, therefore, expected to
strive towards delivery of quality services
The NGOs concentrate on diverse issues of contemporary importance like

ecology, human rights, women empowerment, tribal development and so on.
They mobilize the people and encourage them to raise their voice against arbitrary
government policies. The increased visibility of the NGOs is synchronized with
the growing role of the civil society as well. The duo has generated a new equation
in the development perspective. Some NGOs implement concrete development
activities while others play the role of conscientization, sensitization, promoting
awareness of the people's rights and justice. Some try to replicate one
programme, which has been successful in one area to another while some NGOs
prefer to experiment and come up with new programmes. It is seen that the NGOs
are renowned for their flexibility, enterprise, spirit of public action, expertise and
capable of bringing about development in a decentralized manner.
In comparison to government, GOs are in a relatively better position to
personalize the provision of services they offer to the people.
Flexibility in approach helps NGOs invent appropriate solutions to the issues
they handle. They can adjust to the need of the clients. Moreover, the small size
is advantageous, for it gives the NGOs the capacity for innovations rarely seen in
government and business. Since the constituencies of NGOs are smaller, they
can define their positions clearly, press for innovative solutions, and experiment
in ways governments may not find it easy to do. The NGO is' the bed hub of
new ideas and techniques play an important agent in the process of nation
building. They serve as an institutional mechanism for channelling the initiatives,
enthusiasm and resources of the grassroots people in the development process.
The NGOs play a significant role of catalysts of social change, educators,
informers, enablers, project planners, administrators, experimenters, innovators,
awareness builders, motivators, impact evaluators, harbingers of silent
revolution, national instructors, conscientizers, and a friend, philosopher and
guide of the weak, poor and downtrodden.
They are excellent, inexpensive trouble-shooters who are armed with robust
information. Moreover, the micro-level operations help the NGO to tailor
services to the needs of the beneficiaries. NGOs at grassroot level employ
different strategies for creating awareness among ·the target population and earn
their support. The support of the concerned local people helps to implement their
policies in an effective way and make them aware of several bottlenecks, which
they might face in the course of implementation.
In order to create a rapport with the target group and a conducive
environment of working, the NGOs often organize street plays, cultural shows,
puppet shows, use folk and popular songs, audio-visual shows, debates on
relevant themes in schools, panchayat bodies and local institutions, arrange
workshops and earn support from the media.
All these awareness and confidence building mechanisms brings the local
people and the NGOs in a face-to-face interaction and generates a good deal of
enthusiasm among the people as they too can come up with their suggestions and
solutions for any given problem. Their traditional knowledge, wisdom and
expertise are harnessed by the NGOs to a significant extent. The potential of
creative talent in them facilitates a necessary opportunity to design, experiment
with, and amend their strategies to suit the needs of the people for whom the
programs are intended. An approach characterized by informal, personal and
human elements enhances the quality of service they render. This has been a
universal feature of NGO all over the world.
The government identified certain areas where the voluntary organizations
might work. The areas were forestry and formation of renewable energy
association at the block level, family welfare, health and nutrition, education,
organizing community programmes, implementing social welfare programmes
for weaker sections, minimum needs programme, disaster management,
promotion of ecology, tribal development, environmental protection etc.
Tribal Development
The inability as well as the failure of the government provides the NGO a
fertile ground to work upon.
The role of the Voluntary or Non-Governmental Organization, with their
local roots and sense of service has become increasingly important in the arena
of the development of the tribals in our country. The NGOs can contribute to the
tribals on a positive note in the field of education, health, employment generation,
livelihood security, relief and rehabilitation, activism, protecting their tradition,
art, culture, environment etc. They try to protect the indigenous knowledge base
of the tribals, which are either ignored or exploited. We all know that the tribals
have keys to the biologically diverse areas. The tribal homeland is the hub of
natural resources like oil, minerals, silvicultural and other biotic objects, which
are the important factors of production. These hubs make the tribal and
indigenous territories targets of the greed of the global hegemons and their
compradors that are extending their tentacles to squeeze the resources as much as
possible. The globalized economy has depleted the resources beyond repair. The
tribal territories have become arenas of the global ‘free' market economy and
there is a gradual process of monopolization of resources by the dominant
economic forces. This exploitation has alarmed the tribal and indigenous elites,
tribal leaders and a large number of tribal commoners who are conscious of this
emerging global scenario and getting agitated by the same. The rise of such
political consciousness among the marginalised socio-political category that
constitutes four percent of the global population has a considerable implication
for the geo-politics of the 21st century. Moreover, the invasion of tribal areas by
Multinational Corporations were accompanied by migrant populations, big
townships, tertiary sectors like trade and related activities, new forms of
economic activity, large scale destruction which displaced and pushed the tribals
into fringes. The tribals have thus become unskilled labour like construction
work, dams, service, vending etc. Dispossession of age-old right to access,
control, manage resources, marginalization in the decision-making process
creates enormous problems for the tribals which can be taken care by these Non-
Governmental Organizations to a considerable extent.
Secondly, by collaborating with the Government, Donor agencies and local
beneficiaries, the NGOs can play a very important role in making an impact on
policy making and change at the micro, meso and macro level. The public policy
is a combination of goals, laws, rules which are formulated by the key decision
makers. If the NGOs press for any cause to a tantalizing effect aJ\d gather a
support from the public and the key stakeholders then the policy makers are
bow1d to react and keep the specific issue to the fore.
Thirdly, the NGOs in India can struggle and launch a crusade for upholding
of human rights and the establishment of a society based on justice and social
equity.
Fourthly, the NGOs can play a crucial role in documenting tribal knowledge,
language and culture. The tribals have profound knowledge of the flora and fauna/
the appropriate plant species with medical purpose, their location, parts to be
used, or time of collection, preparation and administration of the same. The
knowledge of ethno-medicine is very important for their existence. Moreover,
there is a growing inclination all over the world for herbal drugs, nature-based
products instead of synthetic ones. But there are certain threats to this indigenous
asset of the tribals. Deforestation, environmental degradation, lack of initiative of
the younger generation to learn and adopt the medical practices of the tribal
medicine men known as 'Dishari', lack of proper dissemination and transmission
of knowledge, piracy of knowledge are some of them. The healing traditions and
techniques are transmitted orally from generation to generation which means that
slowly but steadily some part of it may be forgotten for good. Here the GOs can
play a very important role in documenting such important knowledge base for
protecting the knowledge of the tribals in the form of community knowledge
register. This is the most difficult and intellectually challenging task as it involves
gearing the support of the knowledgeable people, village elders, tribal chiefs,
traditional health practitioners and seeking their cooperation. The participation
and support of local communities are considered essential in these programmes.
The data should be catalogued and analysed in such a way that the communities
that provide information should receive benefits from any commercial use of the
community. Good planning depends on good data. The most important of all is
that the communities should have complete control over the process and they
should have the right to access the register.
Fifthly, the NGOs invest time to build awareness within the local community
regarding their rights and entitlements provided by the government, facilitate
people's access to those rights and also put forward grievances when their
entitlements are not met with. The NGOs strengthen village committees by
providing them with trainings, workshops, capacity building, leadership skill
development and many other practical supports. Hence, all these are the most
significant roles that the NGOs can perform for the development of the tribals.
Therefore, increasing participation of the voluntary organizations in nation and
society building is not only desirable but also crucial.
However, although the government acknowledges the contribution of the
NGO to the cause of development and admits its own limitation in terms of
manpower and other resources, it looks at the activities of the NGO sector with
suspicion and mistrust.
The government accepts that the presence and activities of the Voluntary
organizations are not uniform throughout the country. In addition to that, there
are certain spheres of activities and areas of action that attract greater participation
by voluntary organizations. The disparity in presence and action results in a lop-
sided development of the region and the community. Hence, the government
encourages the voluntary sector to work in those areas, which are neglected and
have been comparatively drawn little attention in the panorama of development.
Advantages of NGOs
✓ Innovative
✓ Informal
✓ Flexibility
✓ Filling gaps
✓ Service orientation
Issues of NGOs
✓ Continuity of service
✓ Organising and training
✓ Finance
✓ Coordination with government
✓ Accountability and transparency
✓ Support to tribal movements
✓ Limited area
Objectives of voluntary agencies

Whatever the nature of voluntary agencies may be, they play a key role in
the upliftment of the weaker sections of the society. The objectives of voluntary
or non-governmental agencies include some or all of the following:
(i) to create awareness regarding participation in socio-economic
development,
(ii) to create and able and efficient local leadership,
(iii) to assist in the planned efforts to create socio-economic infrastructural
facilities,
(iv) to facilitate the process of expanding employment opportunities,
(v) to induce appropriate persons to set up small scale productions, units
and
(vi) to induce the tribals to give up the pre-agricultural technology and to
seek more and more education.
Christian missionaries.
The Christian missionaries of various denomination may be the oldest

among the various agencies responsible for the development of tribals. They have
been active in almost all parts of tribal India. The old Christians of Malabar Coast
trace their conversion to Apostle Thomas as early as the first century A.D. Its real
expansion began in south Indian with the arrival of St. Francis Xavier in 1541. in
Chotanagpur, The Lutheran Mission started its activities as early as 1845 under
the guidance of Father Gossner. They were exclusively interested in preaching of
the Gospel and at least their early history in Chotanagpur comprises primarily of
evangelistic campaign
Since then, the missionaries have been active in Tribal India. They have also
been primarily keen in evangelisation. Still, welfare work-educational, economic,
hygienic and social-called work of mercy invariably followed. The missionaries
also realised the importance of understanding the tribal culture and their language
in order to communicate with them effectively in carrying out both types of work-
spiritual and material
Elwin commented that the missionaries were anxious to see the primitives
become civilised, their inferior social customs and ideas eliminated and their
identify assimilated into the Christian Church (Elwin, 1968: 125). The above
analysis reveals their feelings of cultural and religious superiority. By way of
conversion and assimilation, they were responsible for disturbing their cultural
integration and inculcating feelings of inferiority among the aboriginals. But, it
was true that after the entry of the missionaries into the isolated and inaccessible
tribal areas in the remote hills, a cultural contact between the primitive people
and the Plainsmen could be established and the government started paying some
attention to these tribals.
Missionaries, after coming to this country, started to evangelise the people
specially those of the lower rungs but their work in the field of conversion
remained localised. They faced stiff opposition from a formidable section of the
society. Even their welfare activities were looked with fear and suspicion by the
Hindus. Soon, the missionaries realised that the untouchables and aboriginals
could provide a better field for their philanthropic activities. They anticipated less
or no opposition from the caste Hindus who were not in a position to accept
anything from outside and who regarded the tribals as outside the pale of
Hinduism (Sahay, 1984:2892-319). Panikar holds that when their failure with the
higher classes of the people became more and more evident, they diverted their
activities to the conversion of these low communities of the Indian population
(Panikar, 1984:291).
Whatever maybe the motive behind proselytization of the Indian tribals, the
welfare activities of the missionaries have gone a long way in advancing and
educating the mountain and forest dwellers or one-time forgotten people. The
intensity of their voluntary services can be traced out in the tribal belts of Assam,
Orissa, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh. Various welfare schemes such as opening of
schools, dispensaries, hospitals comforts to the people were undertaken by the
Christian missionaries for improving their social and economic conditions. Sahay
holds that such welfare activities, popularly known as work of mercy were
considered as an inseparable part of the evangelisation and then they must be
carried together even if this approach has attracted criticism from different
sections of the non-Christians (Sahay, op. cit: 315).
Missionaries activities had been a subject of both criticism and admiration.

They had created a strong sense of dissatisfaction among some sections of non-
Christians. That is why the Niyogi Committee was set up by the Madhya Pradesh
Government in 1954 to investigate the allegation that Christian missionaries
converted the tribals either forcibly or through fraud and temptations of monetary
and other gain. Srinivas had also stated that the opening of the schools, hospitals,
and other welfare agencies by the missionaries in the areas where Harijans and
other tribals lived, appear to the Hindus as only baits in the trap of conversion.
The linking up of humanitarianism with proselytization had made the former
suspect (Srinivas, 1962:107)
Looking into the above analysis on missionaries’ activities, it may be

suggested that in order to make their development activities in both the spiritual
and material sphere, they should carry on their welfare services and religious
propagation separately. There is nothing wrong in conversion if it happened out
of strong will of the tribals to embrace a new faith. Besides Christians
missionaries, there were many other voluntary organisations working for the
tribals cause.
Adimjati Seva Mandal

A Seva Kendra was started in the isolated tribal sub divisional town of
Gumla of Ranchi district as early as 1940. Mahatma Gandhi was the inspiring
leader of the Kendra. Initially, the running of the night school and the production
of Khadi were met by the Kendra. The colonial government imprisoned the
freedom fighters who were the Kendras workers till 1945. Then again Rajendra
Babu and Narayanjee established a new centre in the shape of an ashram at village
Phori about 13 miles away from Gumla. Besides Khadi production, the
distribution of medicines to the patients, village cleanliness and training
programmes were the expanded activities of the Ashram. With the expansion of
the programmes, Seva Kendra was renamed as Adimjati Seva Mandal in 1946.
the Mandal spread its programmes of tribal welfare in the different parts of tribal
belts of Chotanagpur.
The Mandal formulated two categories of programmes: the first to

implement plans on tribal education and the second to encourage the scheme of
Khadi production, cottage industries, distribution of Ayurvedic medicines and to
form the Gram Panchayat and Co-operative Societies. The tribal boys and girls
from the illiterate families needed additional incentives for their education.
Residential schools and hostels for them ere established by the Mandal. Under
the influence of Gandhian economy the Mandal established Khadi centres, centre
for paddy- husking and oil pressing, bee-keeping, distribution of Ayurvedic
medicines and also carried on a crusade against alcoholism. Thus, the Mandal
functioned not only as a serving agency for ameliorating social and economic
conditions of the tribals but also improved the general quality of life( Vidyarthi,
1978:651-660)
Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh
A federation of non-official agencies for doing tribal welfare work in

different parts of the country was called Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh. It was
started in 1948 under the president ship of Dr. Rajendra Prasad. These
organisations began to publish newsletters, magazines, pamphlets and books
dealing with tribal people, their problems and the welfare activities among them.
In the administrative committees and conferences on tribal problems the social
welfare workers acted as experts. They also represented the government in
national and international conferences on tribal problems (Vidyarthi, 1968: 124-
125).
Ramakrishna Mission Ashrams
Sri Ramakrishna’s message, “To serve Jiva is to serve Shiva”, inspired

Swami Vivekananda to form an association, Ramakrishna Mission which is
engaged in the worship of God in man through various activities, such as relief
and rehabilitation, medical services, educational work, work in rural and tribal
areas, etc. Ramakrishna Mission Ashram, Puri, is running a Student’s Home for
the students belonging to Scheduled Castes/Tribes. It provides the inmates type
writing training special coaching in studies, practical demonstration in cattle
rearing, etc. The Ramakrishna Mission Ashram, Ranchi is running Divyayan
(meaning the Divine way) which was started in 1969 with a three-fold objective:
economic, social and spiritual. It works at the grass root levels. It has now grown
into full-fledged training institute with a poultry, a dairy, a three-storeyed hostel,
a separate carpentry section, etc. most of its beneficiaries belong to the backward
communities of Chotanagpur. Since Divyayan is imparting skill oriented training
to the grass roots level farmers, the Indian Council of Agricultural Research had
recognised it as a Krishi Vigyan Kendra since 1977. Ramakrishna Mission
Ashram, Cherrapunji was assisted by the Government of India for maintenance
of technical, middle, primary and J.B. schools for the uplift of the tribals living
in the remote areas of Meghalaya. Under the Dairy and Poultry Farming Scheme,
the Ashram is imparting training in modern dairy and poultry farming to the tribal
youth (ibid).
Thus, these institutions have been directing their energies towards the
economic progress and educational development of the tribes. The development
of the tribal communities in India socially, economically, culturally and
educationally is the main concern of the different voluntary agencies working for
their cause. Whereas the administrative system in a highly responsible and
responsive democratic government is impersonal in character by its very nature,
the voluntary agencies provide the personal touch to the people in need and
through this personal touch utilize the latent energies of the masses into fruitful
channels of their development.

Ethnography of Tribes in India

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Chapter - I

Ethnography of tribes in India

1. Geographical distribution of the tribals in India

1. Problems of the tribals created by culture contact

1. Definitions of scheduled castes

1. Tribal administration-tribal areas, tribal policies.

1. Concepts associated with ethnic relations

1. Concept of tribe- nation state

ETHNOGRAPHY OF TRIBES IN INDIA

1. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBALS IN INDIA.

(i) Himalayan Region, with three sub-regions, viz.

The North-Eastern Himalayan region includes the following tribes:

✓ Assam: Bodo, Kachari, Miri, Rabha and Meeh

The Central Himalayan region includes the following tribes:

✓ Tarai are of Uttar Pradesh: Bhotia, Khasas or Jaunsari

The North-Western Himalayan region includes the following tribes:

The tribes found in this region are as follows:

✓ Bihar: Asur, Bhumiji, Birhor, Chero, Chik-Baraik, Gond, Kharia, Kharwar,

(iii) Western India Region.: It includes Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa,

✓ Rajasthan: Bhil, Mina, Dhanka, Garacia, Kathodi, Koli, Nayak and

The tribes in this region are distributed as follows:

✓ Andhra Pradesh: Andh, Bagata, Chenchu, Gadaba, Gond, Goudu, Jatapu,

The tribes living in this region are as follows:

✓ Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Andamanese, Jarawa, Nicobarese, Onges,

2. POPULATION AND NUMBERS OF INDIAN TRIBES

There are many differences between these regions as well as differences

Scheduled Tribes communities live in about 15% of the country’s area, in

Population of Scheduled Tribes across States

S. Name of the Total ST % of STs % of STs

Top 5 States/Union Bottom 5 States/Union

States and percentage of ST population

S.No. State % of national ST

State-wise percentage of Scheduled Tribes to total population (rural and

State Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban

State-wise Number of Scheduled Tribes

S.No. State/UT No. of Tribes

Fifteen most populous tribes in India

Name of Tribe Population States in which members are residing

PVTGs with a population of less than 1000 persons

3. RACIAL ELEMENTS AMONG THE TRIBES IN INDIA

H.H. Risley’s Classification (1915):

B.S. Guha’s classification (1937)

Ex: Pulayans women of Travancore, Urali of Travancore Baiga of Rewa, Maler,

(b) Broad-Headed Mongoloid: Broad-head, Round face, Dark skin colour,

Ex: Lepchas of Kalinpong

Ex: Tibetans of Sikkim.

4. LANGUAGES OF THE TRIBES IN INDIA

The tribal languages in India belong to several families. Among these

G.A Grierson’s classification (1903-1922):

According to Grierson, the tribal languages in India belong to Dravidian,

The Tibeto-Chinese family includes several small speeches. Some of the

S.K. Chatterjee’s Classification (1945)

According to S.K. Chatterjee the tribal languages in India belong to three

(a) Mon-Khmer Branch: Khasi and Nicobari

(b) Munda Branch-Santhali, Kharwari, Ho, Mundari, Gondi, Kharia, Savara,

II. Tibeto-Chinese sub-family:

(ii) Western sub-group of Pronominalized Himalayan group-Chamba,

(iii) Non-Pronominalized Himalayan Group-Rong or Lepcha, Toto, etc.

(iv) Arunachal Branch-Aka or Hrusso, Abor, Miri, Dafla, Mishmi, etc.