SOC101 Updated
SOC101 Updated
Introduction to Sociology
(SOC101)
Lesson-01
Lesson Overview
Meaning of Sociology
August Comte
Herbert Spencer
Karl Marx
Emile Durkheim
Sociology is the systematic and scientific study of society, social structures, and human
behaviour. Sociologists examine how these social structures and institutions come into being as
well as the structural and institutional influences that impact our daily lives, behaviours, and
societal values. The fact that sociology is an academic field of study does not, however, imply
that it is merely "a thing to be studied... sociology is, first and foremost, a thing lived" (Lemert,
2008: xv). The sociologist Peter Berger (1963:4) may have been correct when he stated that
"Sociology is not a practise but an attempt to understand." This necessitates that sociologists
approach routine events in a slightly different way than the majority of people do (Thomson and
Hickey, 2016).
The scientific revolution of the 17th century opened the way for a fresh perspective on the
universe. Systematic observation and empirical data were highly valued components of the
scientific method. This approach challenged conventional wisdom and notions. It led to the
development of new academic specialties like sociology. Sociology was developed as a result of
the social problems and changes of the contemporary era. It made an effort to use science to
investigate social problems. Sociology sought to provide a logical and ordered understanding of
society and human behaviour. It challenged established ways of thinking and offered new
perspectives on the social environment.
Major Sociologists
According to Blumberg (1974), Auguste Comte had a science education while being raised as a
Catholic nobleman. He was Claude Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825)'s (1760–1825) private
secretary and partner for a long time. Saint-Simon promoted an observational, positivist social
scientific technique. The word "sociology," which Comte popularized, was used to convey his
idea that a social physics, or science that would mimic the natural sciences, might reveal general
principles characterizing society. Comte is recognized for creating a "Positive Philosophy" for
the study of humanity (Dillon 2014).
According to Comte, sociology should only consider observable evidence and approach its
subject with the same objectivity and impartiality, as well as the same systematic attention to
processes and causes, that physical scientists employ, as demonstrated, for instance, in the study
of plants by biologists. Comte felt that social life could be researched in a manner comparable to
how we don't anticipate a biologist's actual findings of plant life to be influenced by his or her
values or social background (Dillon 2014).
Positivism
Auguste Comte is credited with being the first to advocate positive thinking, or the application
of the scientific method to the social context. Comte's views on the French Revolution's
upheavals and the changes he experienced when he moved to Paris from the little hamlet where
he had grown up led him to become interested in the links that bind society. He began to wonder
what causes social order, as opposed to chaos or anarchy. He wondered what causes society to
change once it has set itself on a certain course. Comte came to the conclusion that these
problems required the application of the scientific method. Just as the scientific approach had
revealed the law of gravity, the laws underpinning society will be revealed. Comte first used the
term "sociology" to refer to this novel area of research, which he called "the study of society"
(from the Greek logos, "study of," and the Latin socius, "companion," or "being with others").
He asserted that the objective of this new science was to identify social principles and then use
them to promote social improvement. Comte developed the lofty expectation that sociologists
can fundamentally alter society and improve conditions for everybody (Henslin 2010).
According to Comte, sociology is the end result of a three-stage historical progression. People
held the religious belief that society is how God's will is manifested from the beginning of
human history until the end of the European Middle Ages about 1350 C.E. The theological
perspective gave way to a metaphysical period of history when people began to see society as a
natural system rather than a supernatural one with the advent of the Renaissance in the fifteenth
century. Early scientists like the Polish astronomer Copernicus (1473–1543), the Italian
astronomer and physicist Galileo (1564–1642), and the English physicist and mathematician
Isaac Newton (1642–1727) contributed to what Comte called the scientific stage of history.
Comte made a contribution by extending the scientific method—first employed to explore the
physical world—to the study of society. in 2012 (Macionis).
Spencer was born on April 27, 1820, in England. He is frequently referred to as the second
founder of sociology and is regarded as the British counterpart to Aristotle. His thoughts had a
significant influence on subsequent writers. It is impossible to separate the name of Spencer
from the introduction of sociology to England. He might be thought of as an original and
independent thinker. The fields of philosophy, biology, psychology, anthropology, and
sociology have all benefited greatly from his contributions. The following is a list of Herbert
Spencer's major works.
He asserted that cultures evolve naturally from more primitive ("barbarian") to more
sophisticated ("civilised") forms. This natural process improves civilization. The strongest and
smartest members of a society—often referred to as "the fittest"—survive while the less capable
and intelligent individuals perish. The fittest people will create a more advanced civilisation,
unless misguided good people get in the way and let the less fit (the lower classes) survive.
Spencer referred to this idea as "survival of the fittest." Charles Darwin is widely credited with
having proposed that species evolve over time as they adapt to their environment (Henslin 2010),
despite the fact that Spencer coined the phrase. Spencer and Social Darwinism Darwin
discusses the evolution of species, while Spencer discusses the evolution of society. Because
Darwin is more well-known, Spencer's thesis is known as social Darwinism. (If the situation had
been different, we might be discussing "biological Spencerism."). Others felt Spencer's assertion
that helping the needy was improper offensive. Many wealthy merchants of the day, however,
supported the theory of the survival of the fittest because they thought they were "the fittest" and,
therefore, superior. Thanks to Spencer's perspectives, I'm positive some of them were able to
avoid feeling bad about living opulently while those around them were hungry (Henslin, 2010).
Spencer argues that morality was formed by people, even though God decides what is good and
bad. The failure of a civilization to adapt to its surroundings was the root of evil, which would
have lessened in a properly evolved society. Spencer's opposition to government meddling in
private concerns, especially economic ones, can be characterized as libertarian politics. He also
disapproved of organizations, schools, and other services run by the government, such as
rubbish collection. Additionally, he was against private altruism since he adhered to the idea that
only the strongest would survive. Whether it came from the government or an individual, he
thought charitable giving benefited the ill and underutilized elements of society.
He was a political philosopher and economist from Germany who was born in Prussia in 1818.
In Europe, 1848 was known as the "Year of Revolutions" because workers' and commoners'
uprisings against the monarchs in Germany, Italy, Austria, Hungary, and France. The
Communist Manifesto was written that year by Marx and Friedrich Engels, who had both
participated in the German revolutionary movement. Marx's revolutionary beliefs led to his
expulsion from Germany and later France. 1883 saw his passing (Dillon 2014).
Wage labor
Although wage workers may believe they are only attempting to make ends meet, in reality,
their labour power is a commodity that is bought and sold on the market for the benefit of others'
profit-seeking (Dillon 2014).
Alienation
It could seem that the division of labour is necessary in order to assign responsibility and
expertise for the many complex activities that must be completed in society and to ensure that
labour is used efficiently to produce the large amount of commodities needed to meet consumer
demand. Marx wants us to see it otherwise, as dehumanizing to the individual and to society.
According to Marx, commercialization of labour culminates in the reduction of employees to
commodities (with exchange- and use-value), which leads to alienation, or alienated labour. Due
Contrary to state ownership in socialist states, such as North Korea, capitalism is a form of
production based on unequal private ownership of the means of production. The proletariat, who
must toil hard to meet production demands in factories, farms, mines, corporate offices, and
hotels, and who through their work transform raw materials into commodities (including
services and information), is the class of capitalists known as the bourgeoisie who own and
control the means of production, i.e., property, such as land, oil wells, railroads, factories, and
corporations. The property-less workers, such as hotel housekeepers, continue to toil for low
wages, maintaining, as Marx argued, the ever-widening economic and social gap between
capitalists and workers (Dillon 2014). As a result, capitalists use this profit to increase their
ownership of private property.
Dialectical Materialism
Marx believed that history wasn't a smooth process. It is demonstrated that there are conflicts or
tensions in each historical-economic age (such as capitalism, feudalism, and slave societies).
Change only happens when social revolution—"revolution is the driving force of history"—
makes these contradictions, as well as the social forces and ties that reproduce them, public and
shatters them. Marx's historical perspective holds that particular economic and social practices
are the outcome of the economic conditions that people have developed and put in place at a
specific historical epoch. These behaviours motivate some groups to challenge the unfair living
conditions they are forced to endure, which opens the door for the development of new social
and material (economic) conditions. Dialectical materialism was the term Marx used to describe
this historical process. The word "dialectic" is derived from the Greek verb dialegein, which
means "to argue," and was used by philosophers from Plato to Hegel to highlight the errors in
the logical justification for philosophical notions. Instead than following a linear framework,
this approach frequently uses a thesis-antithesis-synthesis structure. Marx put more emphasis on
"the production of material life itself" than on the development of ideas, which he believed to be
the real history (Dillon 2014).
In April 1858, Emile Durkheim was born in France to a traditional middle-class family. Given
that he lived through a period of significant social, economic, and political upheaval, it is not
unexpected that he, like Marx, focused on social change and industrial civilization. However,
Durkheim was more concerned with the topic of social order than Marx, who focused on the
structural problems with capitalism (such as class inequality). He had a similar curiosity to
Saint-Simon, Comte, and Rousseau in how social order might be produced and maintained as
social evolution took place (Bellah 1973: xviii).
Social Structures
Durkheim still has an impact on sociology as it is used today. This is true, especially in
American sociology. Even though many contemporary sociologists might dispute any debt to
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Durkheim, his method of analysis has had a profound impact on how sociologists examine the
world today. He provided a scientific sociological approach in The Rules of Sociological
Method, which was first published in 1895. He presented the scientific technique that has
affected what sociologists undertake when undertaking quantitative research in a ground-
breaking study of suicide rates in nineteenth-century Europe (published in Suicide, 1897). This
comprises investigating the statistical correlations between independent and dependent variables
as well as defining and measuring social variables. Durkheim used the phrase "social facts" to
refer to all of the collective and external ways that society shapes, structures, and controls the
behaviour of its members. According to Durkheim, the first and most important rule is to
approach social facts as objects, as entities that exist in society objectively and that can be
investigated objectively. Since social facts are things that objectively exist outside of ourselves
and can be objectively quantified using a number of indicators, we can study social phenomena
regardless of our personal thoughts or attitudes towards the topic. Consider religion. There are
many unresolved issues with religion. Is there a God? Does God hear our prayers? Is there an
afterlife? These questions cannot be experimentally answered by any researcher, not even the
most fervent follower of their faith. But many sociologists, following Durkheim, look at religion
as a social fact, an objective thing in society, using signs of its thingness, such as how regularly
individuals attend church. The sociologists then investigate how various social activities, such as
voting, drinking alcohol, and doing community service, can affect or be affected by how
frequently people attend church.
Even though all of these statistics are social facts because they establish social norms, cultural
expectations, and individual choices, they should not be confused with "statistical facts," such as
divorce or birth rates, or the proportions of girls and boys who attend college. Social facts,
which go well beyond statistical data (Dillon 2014), include how social institutions, social
norms, and society expectations govern social behaviour.
Nature of Society
According to Durkheim, society is a collectivity with its own qualities and characteristics rather
than just a group of people. Society is more than the sum of the individuals that make it up; it
consists of social relationships (such as family, friends, and community), social patterns (such as
demographic trends), and social organization structures (such as occupational divisions,
bureaucracy, marriage, and the church), all of which independently control how people behave
both individually and in groups. Although a marriage is a contract between two people, marriage
as a social fact predates and outlives the lifetime of any couple, and people's propensity to marry
is itself limited by a variety of social facts, such as the state of the economy, religious
expectations and prohibitions, divorce laws, and cultural expectations (such as those regarding
age of marriage/cohabitation). So, according to Durkheim, society has its own reality, or what
he refers to as a sui generis reality, which is a collective reality that acts independently of
individual actors. Therefore, society limits our thoughts, feelings, and behaviours by the
numerous social structures, common practices, and standards that it has established. These
external restraints are external to the self; they have a separate existence in society and are not
reducible by the will of the person (Dillon 2014).
According to Durkheim, seeing phenomena as objects entails treating them as data, and thus
serves as the foundation for science. The entire social reality is up for empirical inquiry in this
scientific process, and "the conventional character of a practise or an institution should never be
assumed in advance," according to the scientific method. As a result, even though we study
topics like friendship, crime, and families that may seem obvious or that we assume we already
know, by studying these social phenomena scientifically - using data and drawing conclusions
from data - we are likely to discover or clarify aspects of the phenomenon. He did an empirical
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research, Suicide (1897), where he looked at suicide rates in 19th-century Europe, to show this.
He investigates how social integration or regulation differs by a number of independent
(predictor) characteristics to increase the chance of suicide using suicide as the dependent
(outcome) variable (Dillon 2014).
Despite being a personal decision, suicide is a social phenomenon. Even though we could view
suicide as a "social problem," Durkheim thought that every civilization deals with some level of
suicide. Harriet Martineau defined suicide as "the voluntary surrender of life from any cause" as
early as the seventeenth century, and like Durkheim, she acknowledged it as a common social
fact that was a symptom of varied social integration and regulation. Therefore, independent of
the precise personal circumstances in which individuals commit suicide, Durkheim believed that
suicide may - and should, in his opinion - be explored in terms of its antecedent social
environment, particularly, its relationship to social integration. From his analysis of suicide rates
in Western Europe, Durkheim concluded that "suicide varies inversely with the degree of
integration of the social groups of which the individual forms a part" (Su 209). The social
groups a person belongs to and how tightly they are integrated into those groups determine how
free they can be. He distinguished between four major categories of suicide (Dillon 2014).
Altruistic Suicide
Altruistic suicide, according to Dillon (2014), is the kind of suicide that happens when a person
integrates too much with his social group. When there is great social integration, people are so
focused on living up to the expectations of the community or group that when they fall short of
those goals, suicide becomes the only honourable course of action (Su 221).
Egoistic Suicide
Egoistic suicide, as the name implies, refers to suicide in social contexts where people are overly
self-centered and, as a result, only weakly connected to other people and social groupings.
Individualism is strongly appreciated in contemporary western culture; nevertheless, as
Durkheim stressed, the sophisticated division of labour brought about by industrialization
necessitates individual specialization. The communal conscience really honors individual
freedom and ambition rather than curbing each person's egoistic desires. Therefore, it should
come as no surprise that some people become so self-centered that they have fewer
opportunities and outlets for social relationships (family, friends, community) (Dillon 2014).
Anomic Suicide
The French word "anomie," which means "the absence of norms or established standards,"
describes situations in which the typical social patterns are abruptly disrupted. It is challenging
for today's communities to act as a socially integrating anchor for individuals and families
because many people now reside in what could be aptly described as "places without roots,"
communities that draw transients and people on the move for a variety of economic and personal
reasons. We would anticipate significant suicide rates in these dark environments (Dillon 2014).
Mechanical Solidarity
The ideas and social ties that define traditional societies' structural and cultural sameness result
in what Durkheim refers to as mechanical solidarity; social bonds are formed and maintained in
this way because they are part of the community's fundamental structure. It is extremely simple
to create social cohesion when members of a community share overlapping social relationships,
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comparable family histories, vocations, experiences, and beliefs. The mechanical solidarity that
Durkheim assigns to traditional communities is well-illustrated by Vacherie, Louisiana, the most
rooted town in the most rooted state in America. A mechanical maintenance of the community's
social ties, order, and cohesion is ensured by its closely bound and overlapping family and
neighbourhood relationships, the force of its collective expectations on social habits (such as
Sunday dinner with the extended family), and long-established shared occupational histories and
leisure routines (Dillon 2014).
Organic Solidarity
The highly specialised division of labour necessitates and produces interdependence, which
results in what Durkheim refers to as "organic solidarity." This solidarity is comparable to that
seen in higher animals. While it is true that each organ has unique qualities and a degree of
autonomy all its own, the more the organism functions as a whole, the more distinct the
individualization of its parts becomes. Using this comparison, we suggest designating the
solidarity that comes from the division of labour as "organic" (Dillon 2014).
Collective Conscience
Durkheim uses this phrase (which is translated from the French conscience collective) to refer to
a society's or community's collectively held sentiments, values, and ideals. The collective
conscience exercises great control over the entire community, upholding social harmony and
order by stringently policing individual expectations and conduct. For instance, it would be
challenging for a woman to refuse the expectation that she assist in making the Sunday supper
for the extended family in Vacherie, Louisiana. The individual rather "is absorbed into the
collective" in traditional communities where there is minimal independence, no personal
freedom, and little anonymity. This creates a strong sense of social belonging but also limits an
individual's ability to deviate from the rules and authorities of the group. Anyone who grew up
in a small town can relate to this sentiment; it can be difficult to escape your neighbor's prying
eyes, and especially as you navigate your adolescent years in search of adventure, you might
find the "social horizon" of the neighbourhood to be too restrictive, too limiting, and
overwhelming of your personal desires (Dillon 2014).
Durkheim understood that the dogmatic hold of conventional religious systems would dissolve
with the development of modern society, particularly the emergence of individualism (needed
by the specialized division of labour) and the expansion of science as the base of knowledge.
Durkheim, however, also thought that bringing people together through science was not enough.
He did not view science and religion as being in opposition to one another, but rather as serving
related purposes. Religion (and its functional analogues, such as baseball, soccer, etc.) gives
action — the "moral remaking" and social bonding that centre around its rituals. Science
supplies information. Therefore, "science cannot take the place of religion. Because even while
science may express life, it cannot create it. It does not strengthen social ties. So, according to
Durkheim, religion would continue to exist as an enduring social truth and would change and
adapt rather than dwindle. As we can see, traditional religion continues to play an important role
in social integration in many societies, particularly in the US, but there are also a variety of other
sacred activities that bring people together and strengthen social cohesion and solidarity, such as
sporting events, knitting circles, and book clubs (Dillon 2014).
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
Lesson Overview
Sociological Imagination
Understanding causality
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE
A interesting glimpse of social life is provided by sociology. The sociological viewpoint (or
imagination) provides a portal into unfamiliar environments and a new perspective on ones that
are already well-known. The social surroundings in which people live are important from a
sociological standpoint. It looks into the effects these circumstances have on people's lives. The
topic of how individuals are impacted by groups, particularly by their society—a group of
people who share a culture and a territory—lies at the core of the sociological approach.
Sociologists examine social location—the spaces in life that people occupy as a result of their
social position—to learn why people behave in certain ways. Sociologists study how people's
beliefs and actions are influenced by their jobs, income, education, gender, race, and ethnicity.
Think about how, for instance, growing up and being associated with a group called males or
females shaped your ideas of who you are today. Growing up as a male or female also shaped
your ideas of what you should achieve in life and how you should interact with others.
According to sociology C. Wright Mills, "the sociological imagination enables us to grasp the
connection between history and biography." According to Mills, each culture is a part of a vast
stream of historical events. This provides each community unique traits, such its views on the
appropriate roles for men and women. Mills defined biography as our experiences within these
historical contexts, which shape our worldviews. In other words, people don't act in certain ways
because of internal mechanisms they inherited, like instincts. The society in which we grow up,
and our placement in that society, lie at the centre of what we do and how we think; rather,
external influences—our experiences—become part of our drive. (2011) Henslin.
How things have evolved! Our ancestors resided in sleepy towns and remote fields. They
produced their own clothing and farmed their own food. Only sugar, coffee, and a few other
non-producible commodities were purchased. A world that they could only dimly perceive lay
beyond the boundaries of their little settlements. Contrarily, the labels on our apparel (from
Hong Kong to Italy) and the numerous other imported goods that have entered our daily lives
scream that our world has become a little, interconnected community. We continue to live in our
own little worlds despite the fact that we have access to instant communication with everyone
on the earth via phone or the Internet. Our worlds are also characterised by differences in family
background, religion, gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic class, just as those of our
forebears. We continue to discover new perspectives on the world in these nooks. one of the
lovely—and
Social Problems
Who or what inspires sociologists to study social phenomena? Why, for instance, do they
research obesity as a social phenomenon? The fact that a subject is studied by sociologists is
significant when considering whether or not it is a social problem. But what exactly are social
issues? An issue that (Mills, 2000): i. Goes beyond the individual (it impacts many people); ii. Is
an issue about which many people are concerned (it is in conflict with particular principles).
As more people are impacted (criterion 1) and as they are in greater conflict with prevailing
ideals (criterion 2), social problems become more serious.
We can perceive how society and ourselves relate to one another more clearly by applying our
social imaginations. This, according to sociologist C. Wright Mills (1959), necessitates our
understanding of the relationship between biography (a person's life experiences within a
particular community) and history (events that have molded an entire society's values and
beliefs). Although it is sometimes disregarded, this crucial connection is crucial for sociological
understanding because it sets individual behaviour in a broader societal framework. It serves as
a reminder that we are, in part, products of the particular society and historical era in which we
currently reside, but it also recognizes that we are history makers who shape society via our
deeds (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Personal Issues vs. Social Problems: The relationship between personal problems that impact an
individual (such as becoming an alcoholic) and social problems that represent a problem for the
entire society (such as alcoholism) can be seen as being significant when using a sociological
imagination (Mills, 1959). Because it allows us to recognize the general in the specific, this
distinction is essential to sociology (Berger, 1963). Sociologists examine behavioral patterns to
make general judgements about a social issue that go beyond the impact of the problem or issue
on any particular person. For instance, sociology concentrates on the bigger issue of alcoholism
and its effects on society, despite the fact that it may have catastrophic effects on the alcoholic
and his or her immediate family. This larger sociological perspective may cover topics like
trans-cultural values and attitudes towards alcohol use, alcohol abuse and use on college
campuses, drinking and driving, the distinctions and overlaps between alcoholism and other
types of drug abuse, as well as other sociological concerns. This is not to argue that sociologists
don't care about people and their lives; rather, sociology focuses on how people interact with
one another, how they fit into society, and how society and people are intertwined (Thompson
and Hickey 2016).
What are the institutions and social structures that influence how people behave?
How do social norms, values, and beliefs affect how people act and interact with one
another?
What effects do social movements and societal transformation have on people and society
as a whole?
How may sociological understanding be applied to advance social justice and transform
society?
Using Pakistani society as an example, consider how caste and religion influence social
stratification and inequality.
Sociology ought to make common sense, right? This topic may be brought up with you by a
friend, a member of your family, or someone else you chatted to about sociology. Sociology is
a very new topic of study, having only just started in earnest about 1900, as compared to other
academic fields like physics and biology. In a little more than 100 years, during which time
there has been a significant improvement in scientific observations and interpretations, it has
evolved into a renowned social science with evident societal value. However, oftentimes people
are unable to see the advances made in sociology and think that it is only another sort of
received wisdom. Why do individuals sometimes think in this way?
In his book Why Everything is Obvious—Once You Know the Facts, sociologist Duncan Watts
argues that common sense helps us to find solutions to the challenges we encounter every day.
To provide a few examples, how should we conduct ourselves when engaging with others, how
do we navigate the traffic to work, and how do we keep up good relationships. We typically use
common sense automatically to solve a range of little issues. He also makes it clear that when it
comes to understanding social phenomena, this method of thinking is frequently wholly
inaccurate. What's worse is that common sense mistakes can happen to anyone; individuals
frequently mistakenly feel that only other people make them. Watts was a mathematician and
physicist before he developed an interest in sociology. He adds the intriguing point that many
individuals still do so when it comes to social phenomena, yet few people today would dare to
do so when it comes to physics, which regularly produces paradoxical findings. Being human
makes it easier to explain human behaviour than it would be to put oneself in the position of, say,
an electron and describe how electrons behave. Watts claims that people put too much trust in
their common sense while trying to understand such social behaviours.
Expertise in sociology regularly challenges common sense, or peoples' perceptions of reality and
their descriptions of it. Indeed, one of the most important tasks for sociologists is debunking
myths and spotting society trends, some of which can be unexpected and unreasonable. We are
all private sociologists because we engage in social interactions and generate our own, unique
judgments about social phenomena, including what's happening and why. For the majority of
everyday situations, our common sense is typically sufficient, but there is a big difference
between the common sense of private sociologists and academic sociology. One difference is
that knowledge is made available to others, is made public, is seen as "objective," and is
therefore the subject of intense scrutiny and study.
Realizing that a variety of factors, such as social, cultural, and psychological influences,
have an impact on how people behave
Appreciating the diversity and complexity of human experience and behaviour; Examining
the interaction between individual and societal factors in shaping behaviour; Recognizing
the influence of power and inequality on individual and group behaviour; Using various
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theoretical perspectives to analyse human behaviour, such as functionalism, conflict theory,
and symbolic interactionism; Applying the findings to real-world situations
Analyzing the influence of the honour culture on people's behaviour and social interactions
is an example from Pakistani society.
To prove causality, three conditions must be met: temporal order, empirical association, and the
exclusion of reasonable alternatives. The fact that the causal relationship makes sense or
accords with more general presumptions or a theoretical framework is an implied fourth
requirement. Let's look at the three fundamental conditions. A complete explanation must
additionally define the causal mechanism and lay out a causal chain in addition to these three
elements.
1. Temporal order states that a cause must occur before an effect. The direction of causality is
established by this commonsense presumption: from the cause to the result. You might wonder
how the cause can occur after the effect. However, temporal order is only one of the
prerequisites for causality, therefore it cannot. Although necessary, temporal order alone does
not prove causality.
2. To associate two phenomena is to say that they routinely occur together or seem to act in
concert. Frequently, people conflate the terms connection and correlation. Technically speaking,
correlation has a definite meaning, and it has certain prerequisites in terms of statistics. The
broader concept is that of association.
3. By excluding alternatives, we must demonstrate that the effect is caused by the causative
variable and not by another factor. It is also known as no spuriousness since a spurious link is
one that appears to be causal but is actually caused by a different, unknown source. We are able
to see temporal order and relationships, but we are unable to objectively rule out all logical
possibilities. It is best to rule out any potential alternatives. This means that we can either rule
out the more obvious alternative explanations or only indirectly demonstrate this.
4. Identifying the mechanism in a causal link necessitates the use of more than two correlated
variables when developing a causal explanation, and "a satisfactory explanation requires that we
also identify the social 'cogs and wheels. We go beyond merely asserting a relationship between
an independent and a dependent variable, as if there were some mysterious "black box"
underlying the relationship. A complete causal explanation specifies a causal mechanism as well
as a causal relationship (Neuman 2014).
Lesson Overview
Never let the facts speak for themselves. We integrate our experiences—our "facts"—into a
framework of roughly comparable concepts in order to make sense of existence. This enables us
to interpret them in a certain way. Additionally, sociologists accomplish this, but they do so by
integrating their findings into a theoretical framework known as a theory. A theory is a broad
assertion about how certain elements of the world fit together and function. It explains the
connections between a pair of "facts" or more. The three main theories used by sociologists are
conflict theory, symbolic interactionism, and functional analysis. According to Henslin (2011),
each theory acts as a lens through which we can perceive social existence.
The depth of analysis used by these three theoretical approaches is one of their main
differences. Focusing on the macro level, functionalists and conflict theorists look at societal
trends on a big scale. Symbolic internationalists, in contrast, frequently concentrate on the
micro level, on social interaction—what individuals do when they are around one another. An
illustration can help to clarify this difference.
For instance, symbolic internationalists would concentrate on the micro level when studying
homeless individuals. They would examine what homeless individuals do both on the streets
and in shelters. They would also evaluate their verbal and nonverbal communication, including
their utilization of space and gesticulations. Functionalists and conflict theorists, however,
wouldn't be interested in this micro level. Instead of the micro level, they would concentrate on
how changes in specific societal segments create homelessness. Functionalists may examine
the fact that employment has declined, that there is less need for unskilled labour, and that
millions of jobs have been outsourced to workers in other countries. Or they can concentrate on
how the family has changed, how many unemployed individuals have no one to turn to because
of divorce and smaller families. Conflict theorists, on the other hand, would emphasis the
conflict between socioeconomic classes. They would be curious about how decisions made by
global elites impact local job markets, unemployment rates, and homelessness in addition to
global production and trade.
The fundamental tenet of functional analysis is that society functions as a cohesive whole
composed of interconnected pieces. The foundations of functional analysis, sometimes referred
to as functionalism and structural functionalism, may be found in sociology. Both August Comte
and Herbert Spencer thought of society as a living thing. They claimed that society operates in a
similar manner to how a person or animal's organs work in concert. And just like an organism,
for society to run well, all of its components must get along. Emile Durkheim shared the idea
that society is made up of various components, each serving a certain purpose. A "normal"
condition of society is one in which every component of it is carrying out its duties. If they fail
to carry out their duties, society is said to be in a "abnormal" or "pathological" state.
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Functionalists contend that in order to comprehend society, we must consider both its
structure—how its constituent pieces come together to form the whole—and its function—what
each component accomplishes and how it contributes to society (Henslin 2011).
Robert Merton and Functionalism: The biological analogy was rejected by Robert Merton
(1910–2003), but he upheld the core of functionalism—the idea that society is made up of
interdependent pieces. Merton coined the word "functions" to describe how people's actions
have positive outcomes: A group's (society's, social system's) functions help maintain
equilibrium. Dis functions, on the other hand, are negative effects of people's behaviour. They
threaten the stability of a system. Functions might be latent or apparent. A manifest function is
when an action is meant to benefit a particular component of a system. Imagine, for instance,
that authorities from the government start to worry about how few children women are having.
Every kid born to a married couple receives a $10,000 bonus from Congress. The bonus's
manifest function is to encourage more pregnancies within the household. Merton emphasized
that human behaviour can also have hidden functions, or unexpected results that aid in system
adjustment. Assume the bonus is effective. Diapers and baby furnishings sales increase in
tandem with the rise in birth rates. The advantages to these businesses are latent functions of the
bonus because they were not the planned outcomes. Of course, human behaviour can harm a
system as well. Merton referred to these effects as latent dysfunctions because they are typically
unplanned. Assume for the moment that the government hasn't defined a "stopping point" for its
bonus programme. Some folks keep having children in order to accrue extra bonuses. But the
more kids they have, the more they depend on the next bonus to get by. As poverty rises, large
families become more typical. Taxes rise, welfare is reinstated, and a national outcry results.
These outcomes would represent latent dysfunctions of the bonus programme because they were
not intended and were detrimental to the social system.
In conclusion, society is seen through the lens of functional analysis as a working whole, with
each component connected to the others. Every time we analyse a smaller component, we must
search for its features and flaws to understand how it relates to the larger unit. Any social group,
whether an entire civilization, a college, or even a tiny group like a family, can use this
fundamental methodology (Henslin 2011).
A third perspective on social life is provided by conflict theory. Conflict theorists emphasis that
society is made up of groups that are vying with one another for limited resources, in contrast to
functionalists who see society as a harmonious whole with its parts cooperating. While
cooperation may appear to be present on the surface, digging beneath reveals a power struggle.
Conflict theory's creator, Karl Marx, saw how the Industrial Revolution changed Europe. He
observed that farmers who moved to the cities to find work made hardly enough money to eat.
According to Edgerton (1992:87), conditions were so poor that the average worker passed
away at age 30 and the average wealthy person at age 50. Marx started to study society and
history after being horrified by this misery and exploitation. He built conflict theory as he went
along. Class antagonism, he reasoned, is the key to understanding human history. Every society
has a small clique that controls the means of production and takes advantage of the people who
don't have power. The proletariat, the vast majority of workers who are exploited by the
bourgeoisie, and the bourgeoisie, the small group of capitalists who control the means to
produce wealth, are at odds in industrialized nations. If the workers revolt, the capitalists will
use the state's power to put an end to it because they control the legal and political systems.
Marx made his views during a time when capitalism was still developing and employees were
mostly at the mercy of their employers. Employees had
None of the modern conveniences we've grown accustomed to, such as minimum salaries,
eight-hour workdays, coffee breaks, five-day workweeks, paid holidays and vacations, health
insurance, sick leave, unemployment insurance, Social Security, and, for unionised workers,
the ability to strike. Marx's critique serves as a reminder that these rewards were not the result
of bosses making kind gestures, but rather of employees pressuring them into doing so.
Many sociologists go beyond the interaction between capitalists and workers to use conflict
theory. They look at how conflicting interests permeate every level of society, whether it is a
single person, a single organization, a single community, or the entire social structure. For
instance, resistance and anger are produced when authorities such as the police, teachers, and
parents attempt to impose conformity. The similar thing happens when a teen tries to "change
the rules" in order to become more independent. So, there is a perpetual struggle going on in
society to decide who has power or influence and to what extent that domination extends
(Turner 1978; Piven 2008; Manza and McCarthy 2011). Lewis Coser, a sociologist who lived
from 1913 to 2003, noted that persons in close connections are more likely to experience
conflict. These people have figured out how to divide up authority, privilege, tasks, and
incentives. Any modification to this arrangement has the risk of causing resentment,
disagreement, and hurt feelings. People balance their lives constantly, even in close
relationships, with conflict lurking uncomfortably just below the surface.
Conflict theory and feminists: Many feminists study the antagonism between males and women
in the same way that Marx analyzed the conflict between capitalists and workers. Their main
concern is the disparities between men and women in history, today, and around the world, as
well as how to end traditional male domination and achieve gender equality. However, the
conflict perspective does not unite feminists. They cover a wide range of subjects while using
the relevant theories (Henslin 2011).
The fundamental tenet of symbolic interactionism is that comprehending how we see the
environment and interact with one another depends on symbols, or objects to which we
attribute meaning. Charles Horton Cooley (1864-1929) and George Herbert Mead (1863-1931)
are two prominent sociologists who created this viewpoint. Let's examine this theory's primary
components.
Signs We See Everyday: Our social existence wouldn't be any more complex than that of
animals without symbols. Without symbols, for instance, we wouldn't have brothers and sisters,
employers, teachers, or even aunts and uncles. Although it may sound unusual, our
relationships are defined by symbols. Naturally, reproduction would continue, but there would
be no signals to indicate our family relationships. Without knowing who we owe respect and
duties to, or who we can anticipate privileges from, human relationships would not be what
they are.
Relationships and society as a whole both rely on symbols. We couldn't coordinate our actions
with others' without symbols. We were unable to make plans for an upcoming day, time, or
location. We were unable to construct bridges and roadways because we were unable to
establish deadlines, materials, sizes, or objectives. We wouldn't have hospitals, musical
instruments, films, the government, or religion without symbols. Both the course you are
enrolled in and this book are impossibilities. The absence of war would be a benefit (Henslin
2011).
Lesson-04
SOCIOLOGY AS SCIENCE
Lesson Overview
What is Science?
Theory Building Process: Inductive vs. Deductive
Theory Building Process: Concepts and Variables
Theory Building Process: Causation vs Correlation
Is Sociology a Science?
Verifiable evidence is the foundation of science. By evidence, we mean factual observations that
can be verified by other observers through weighting, counting, and accuracy checks. Simply
"looking at things" is not the same as conducting a scientific observation. Although we have all
spent our entire lives looking at things, this does not equate to becoming scientific observers,
any more than a lifetime of swatting flies equates to being entomologists. The following are
some ways that scientific observation varies from regular observation.
Scientific observation avoids making assumptions and checks that things are exactly as they are
presented. While novelists and politicians may embellish, scientists must strive for accuracy.
Each science starts out by attempting to explain why something occurs. The second objective is
to generalist, which means to go beyond the specific instance and create claims that apply to a
larger population or circumstance. For instance, a sociologist would seek to explain not only
why Mary attended college or turned into an armed robber, but also why others who have her
traits are more likely than others to do so. Sociologists search for patterns, recurrent traits, or
occurrences in order to make generalizations. Predicting or defining what will happen in the
future in light of current knowledge is the third scientific goal. Scientists conduct methodical
study rather than relying on magic, superstition, or widespread beliefs to achieve these goals.
They detail their methodology in detail so that others can review their work. Secretiveness,
bigotry, and other prejudices are incompatible with science. In addition to going beyond
common sense, or what "everyone knows" to be true, sociologists and other sciences do the
same. Like when everyone believed that the globe was flat or that humans could never walk on
the moon, "everyone" can be mistaken today. The results of sociologists' research may support
or refute widely held beliefs about how society functions (Horton and Hunt 2004).
1. A science is a body of organized, verified knowledge which has been secured through
scientific investigation.
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2. A science is a method of study whereby a body of organized, verified knowledge is
discovered.
Of fact, these are really two ways of saying the same thing. According to the first definition,
sociology is a science to the extent that it creates a corpus of categorized, validated knowledge
that is founded on scientific research. Sociology is a science to the extent that it rejects myth,
folklore, and wishful thinking in favour of basing its conclusions on empirical research.
Sociology is a science to the extent that it employs scientific methods of inquiry, if science is
defined as a method of study. If one is willing to apply scientific procedures, all natural
occurrences can be explored in a scientific manner. Any type of behaviour, whether it be that of
atoms, animals, or teenagers, is an appropriate topic for scientific investigation. Few decisions
made by humans throughout history have been supported by facts; instead, individuals have
mostly relied on mythology, habits, and educated guesswork. Before a few centuries ago,
relatively few people agreed that the best way to learn about the natural world was through
careful study of it, as opposed to consulting oracles, ancestors, and intuition. The contemporary
world was spawned by this novel idea. We started acting on the presumption that this same
methodology may provide insightful knowledge about human social behaviour a few decades
ago (Horton and Hunt 2004).
Inductive process
Reasoning through inductive logic involves converting particular data into universal theories.
This method of thought involves moving from the particular to the universal, as in "I have some
interesting data here; I wonder what they mean."
Deductive Process
Deductive logical thought is reasoning that turns general theory into specific hypotheses that can
be tested. This second type of logical thought travels "downward," in the opposite direction. The
researcher's thought process shifts from the broad to the specific: "I have this suspicion about
human behaviour; let's gather some data and test it." Working deductively, the researcher first
formulates the idea as a hypothesis before deciding on a strategy to test it. A researcher comes to
the conclusion that the theory is true to the extent that the data support it; yet, when the data
contradict the theory, it may need to be updated or even dismissed outright. Researchers
frequently use both types of logical thought, just as they frequently use a variety of procedures
within a single study.
Concepts are the Building Blocks of Theory. A theoretical notion is an idea that can be
expressed verbally or symbolically. In natural science and mathematics, we frequently describe
theoretical concepts in symbolic forms, such as Greek letters or formulas (for example, s=d/t).
Let's examine a straightforward example idea that you are already familiar with: height. Height
can be written as the letter h or uttered out loud. In your mind, the word's letter combination or
sound represents or stands for a notion. Outside of social science theory, concepts exist. We
frequently utilised them, and they are all around us. What does the simple concept of height
entail in everyday life? The concept of height may be simple to use, yet it can be challenging to
explain or describe. This is frequently the case: Despite the fact that we may employ concepts, it
might be challenging to fully understand their significance and provide accurate definitions. The
idea of height is a vague one concerning a physical connection. It serves as a measurement of a
physical object's height from top to bottom. Typically, when defining a topic, examples and
similar concepts are used. With the aid of the ideas of top, bottom, and distance, we are able to
define height and provide countless examples from the real world.
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Concepts have Two Parts
A definition and a sign (a word, phrase, or written character). We acquire definitions in a variety
of ways. Our parents are most likely where we first learnt the meaning of the word height as
well as the concept it stands for. As we learn to speak a language and become socialized to a
culture, we pick up a lot of concepts. Most likely, our parents did not provide us with a
dictionary definition. Instead, they used a subtle, nonverbal, and informal method to teach us.
They gave us numerous instances, and we heard and watched how other people used the phrase.
When we used the word wrong, we either received confused looks or were corrected. Others
could understand us because we used it properly. We eventually grasped the idea. Most common
language concepts are learned in this way. We would have had trouble interacting with others if
our parents had kept us away from television and other people while also teaching us that the
word for the concept of distance from top to bottom is zodige. People must communicate the
meanings of idea symbols and phrases in order for them to be useful. Most of the terms we use
on a daily basis have ambiguous, hazy definitions. Similar to how a culture's ideals and
experiences can expand or contract common notions. People from preindustrial times who never
used a telephone and lived in a rural region without electricity have a hard time understanding
what a computer or the Internet is. Additionally, some commonplace ideas (such bad spirits and
demons) have their origins in myths from the past, folklore, or misinterpretation. Social
scientific ideas and common conceptions have different meanings, although the differences are
not strict or obvious. A few ideas from the social sciences that were initially formed in research
studies and had specific technical definitions have filtered through to the larger culture and
language. They have either lost their accuracy over time or changed their significance. Social
theories originally used terms like "sexism," "lifestyle," "peer group," "urban sprawl," and
"social class" as technical notions (Neuman 2014).
Sociology investigates social phenomena using scientific approaches. To comprehend the social
world, it makes use of empirical observation, data analysis, and theory development. It seeks to
create explanations for social phenomena that can be tested and refuted. Peer review and
replication are used to guarantee the accuracy and dependability of the results. However, some
contend that because of the complexity and subjectivity of social processes, sociology cannot be
a science. Others contend that sociology can qualify as a science provided it follows sound
scientific ideas and practises. Sociological illustration: Investigating the connection between
religion and mental health using rational means.
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Lesson-05
Lesson Overview
Specifying the study's problem and question. creating a theoretical framework and study
hypothesis. choosing the right research design and research techniques. gathering information
from primary or secondary sources. applying quantitative or qualitative techniques to the data
analysis and interpretation. based on the data, making inferences and generalizations.
presenting or publishing study findings for dissemination. An example would be conducting
research on how social media affects Pakistani youth's mental health.
First, why is sociological study necessary? Why are we unable to just rely on "what everyone
knows"? We must go beyond speculation and common sense in order to provide an answer.
We are curious to learn the truth. Sociologists do study on nearly every facet of social life to
find out (Henslin 2011).
A Research Model
Scientific research follows eight basic steps which are presented as follows:
Selecting a Topic
Choosing a theme comes first. What are your specific research interests? Many sociologists just
go along with their natural interest and desire to understand social life. They develop an interest
in a particular subject and work towards it. Some sociologists choose a topic because funding is
available research that area, while others do so because a social issue—like domestic
violence—is in the news and they want to educate others about it in order to help find solutions.
The second stage is to characterize the issue and state your learning objectives for the subject.
My interest in the homeless grew to the point where I was curious about homelessness across
the country. Sociologists typically have considerably more narrow interests; they look at a
particular facet of the subject, like how homeless people live on the streets. Sociologists may be
interested in learning whether violent and nonviolent men have distinct job experiences when it
comes to domestic violence. Or they might be interested in finding out how to lessen partner
abuse. Sociologists investigate a wide variety of subjects. In reality, sociologists conduct
research on any societal topic that captures their attention.
You must review the literature on your subject. This aids in problem-narrowing, locating areas
of existing knowledge, and figuring out what needs more study. You might be able to focus your
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questions by reviewing the literature. You might possibly discover that the issue has already
been resolved. You don't want to waste time discovering things that have already been
discovered.
Formulating a Hypothesis
The fourth stage is to create a hypothesis, which is a declaration of what you anticipate
discovering in accordance with a theory's predictions. A hypothesis suggests a connection
between or among variables, which are elements that differ from one person or circumstance to
another. As an illustration, the idea that "Men who are more socially isolated are more likely to
abuse their wives than are men who are more socially integrated" You will need operational
definitions for your hypothesis, which are accurate ways to measure the variables. Three
variables—social isolation, social integration, and spouse abuse—need operational definitions in
this scenario.
The next step is to choose your data collection strategy. The following section lists the seven
fundamental research techniques that sociologists employ. You should select the research
strategy that will best address your research questions.
You must be careful to ensure the validity of your data when you collect them, which means
that your operational definitions must measure the things that they are meant to measure. Make
sure you are assessing social isolation, social integration, and spouse abuse in this situation and
not anything else. Abuse of one's spouse, for instance, appears evident. However, what some
people view as abuse is not considered abuse by others. Which definition are you going to pick?
In other words, there should be no doubt about what you are measuring because your
operational definitions must be stated precisely.
To assess the data you collect, you can use a variety of strategies. If your research included
testing any hypotheses, this is the time to do it. (Some research lacks a hypothesis, particularly
case studies and participant observation. It's possible that you don't even know enough about the
environment to specify the variables in advance.) Today's software allows you to run tests on
your data that used to take days or even weeks to complete in just a few short seconds. The
Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) and Micro case are two fundamental
programmes that sociologists and many undergraduates utilize. Some software, like the
Meteorologist's Toolchest, offers guidance on data collection and even on moral dilemmas.
To communicate your research to the scientific community and provide a summary of your
findings, you will write a report. You'll talk about your research design and operational
definitions. You must also show how your findings align with earlier research on the subject and
if they support or defy prevalent ideas. Once research has been published, usually in a book or
scholarly magazine, it "belongs" to the scientific community. Replication of your findings will
be possible, enabling other researchers to do similar research and contrast their findings with
yours.
Topic-024: Surveys
Take "spousal abuse" as an example. Let's say you're interested in learning how many women
are mistreated annually. Of course, there are some abusive husbands as well, but let's suppose
that you're going to concentrate on women. A survey in which you ask people a series of
questions would be a good technique for this goal. However, before you start your research,
you must take care of the following issues that are common to all researchers:
Choosing a sample In an ideal world, you might wish to learn about all spouses in order to
investigate marital abuse. Naturally, your resources won't allow for such research, therefore
you'll need to focus on a smaller population as your target audience. Assume for the moment
that your time, money, and assistants only allow you to look into domestic violence on your
campus. Consider the possibility that there are many students enrolled at your campus, making
it impossible for you to survey every married woman there. You must now choose a sample of
people from your target population. It is important to carefully consider your sample selection
because it will influence the findings of your study. The experiences of married women
enrolled in basic sociology and engineering courses, for instance, can be very dissimilar. If this
is the case, surveying just one or the other would result in biased results. You need a sample
that fairly depicts the campus because you want to generalize your results to the whole school.
How can you collect a sample that is representative? A random sampling is the most effective
approach. This does not imply that you approach every woman who happens to be walking by
on a campus corner and start asking her questions. Everyone in your population (the target
group) has an equal chance of getting chosen for the study when using a random sample. In this
instance, all married women—whether first-year or graduate students, full- or part-time
students,—must have the same chance of being included in your sample because your
population is every married woman enrolled in your college. How can a random sample be
obtained? A list of all the married ladies enrolled at your college is necessary first. After that,
you give each name on the list a number. Then you choose which of these women will be
included in your sample using a table of random numbers. Random number tables can be
generated by computers or found in statistics books and online.
Even if you have a representative sample and ask neutral questions, you can still end up with
biased findings.
Questionnaires
Take "spousal abuse" as an example. Let's say you're interested in learning how many women
are mistreated annually. Of course, there are some abusive husbands as well, but let's suppose
that you're going to concentrate on women. A survey in which you ask people a series of
questions would be a good technique for this goal. However, before you start your research,
you must take care of the following issues that are common to all researchers: Choosing a
sample In an ideal world, you might wish to learn about all spouses in order to investigate
marital abuse. Naturally, your resources won't allow for such research, therefore you'll need to
focus on a smaller population as your target audience. Assume for the moment that your time,
money, and assistants only allow you to look into domestic violence on your campus. Consider
the possibility that there are many students enrolled at your campus, making it impossible for
you to survey every married woman there. You must now choose a sample of people from your
target population. It is important to carefully consider your sample selection because it will
influence the findings of your study. The experiences of married women enrolled in basic
sociology and engineering courses, for instance, can be very dissimilar. If this is the case,
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surveying just one or the other would result in biassed results. You need a sample that fairly
depicts the campus because you want to generalise your results to the whole school.
How can you collect a sample that is representative? A random sampling is the most effective
approach. This does not imply that you approach every woman who happens to be walking by
on a campus corner and start asking her questions. Everyone in your population (the target
group) has an equal chance of getting chosen for the study when using a random sample. In this
instance, all married women—whether first-year or graduate students, full- or part-time
students,—must have the same chance of being included in your sample because your
population is every married woman enrolled in your college. How can a random sample be
obtained? A list of all the married ladies enrolled at your college is necessary first. After that,
you give each name on the list a number. Then you choose which of these women will be
included in your sample using a table of random numbers. Random number tables can be
generated by computers or found in statistics books and online.
When doing a case study, the researcher concentrates on a single occasion, circumstance, or
even person. Understanding interpersonal dynamics, power dynamics, or even the thinking
processes that contributed to an incident is the goal. For instance, sociologist Ken Levi (2009)
was interested in studying hit males. He wished he had access to more hit men to interview, but
he only had access to one. He constantly spoke with this man, which helped us to grasp how
someone might murder someone else for money. Sociologist Kai Erikson (1978), who was
fascinated by the West Virginia dam tragedy that killed several hundred people, concentrated on
the circumstances leading up to and following the catastrophe. A case study on spouse abuse
would centre on a single wife and husband and examine the couple's relationship and history. As
you can see, the case study provides a tonne of information on a specific circumstance, but it is
usually unclear how much of this information is applicable to other circumstances. Few
sociologists adopt this approach, mostly due to the generalization issue that bedevils case studies
(Henslin 2011).
Topic-026: Observation
To experiment is to change something in a situation and then compare the results to what was
true before the change, according to common sense. The links between variables' causes and
effects can be ascertained through experiments. The foundation of experimental research is a
positivist strategy. Experiments are carried out by natural scientists (such as chemists or
biologists) and researchers in related applied fields (such as agriculture, engineering, and
medicine). To study a variety of social issues and theories, we conduct experiments in the fields
of education, criminal justice, journalism, marketing, nursing, political science, psychology,
social work, and sociology.
Three crucial steps make up an experiment: Starting with a causative hypothesis, changing a
specific circumstance that is directly related to the cause, then comparing the results. An
experiment can be a helpful tool for focusing and testing causality evidence. It has advantages
and limitations in comparison to other research methods, and they allow us to choose when and
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when it should be used. The experiment is frequently unnatural. It is a deliberate simplification
of the complicated social universe. Artificial means that the experimenter deliberately
manipulates the study environment, including theoretically pertinent variables while
purposefully omitting variables without a causal relationship to a hypothesis. Artificial also
refers to a narrower focus and impacts that may be harder to find in the natural environment
(Henslin 2011).
Unobtrusive Measures
Researchers occasionally take covert actions to observe subjects' conduct when they are
unaware that they are being observed. By counting empty bottles in trashcans, for instance,
social scientists examined the level of whisky consumption in a community that was officially
"dry" (Lee 2000). Researchers have also adopted high-tech covert procedures. They fasten
infrared surveillance equipment to shopping carts in order to track clients' movements through
stores.
These findings are used by grocery chains to position higher-profit items in more advantageous
places (McCarthy 1993). The usage of radio frequency-transmitting chips by casino operators
allows them to monitor the stakes that their high rollers are placing on each hand of poker or
blackjack (Sanders 2005; Grossman 2007). A chip in your car key has information that
billboards can read. The billboard features your name and a customised message as you pass by
(Feder 2007). The same tool can gather data while you're moving through it. In sidewalk
billboards, cameras scan the faces of passersby who stop to take in the advertisement, recording
their sex, race, and the length of their gaze (Clifford 2008). The billboards, which generate
moral concerns about privacy invasion, are a commercial tool and not a tool for sociological
research (Henslin 2011).
‘Secondary Analysis
Researchers examine information that has already been gathered by others through secondary
analysis, a fourth research approach. You would perform secondary analysis, for instance, if
you looked at the initial interviews from a study of women who had been assaulted by their
spouses. In the normal course of things, researchers would rather collect their own data, but a
lack of resources, particularly money, may make this impractical. Additionally, you can study
the current data for your own reasons and find a wealth of information that wasn't relevant to
the original researchers' objectives. Similar to the other techniques, secondary analysis has
drawbacks of its own. How can a researcher who was not involved in the first study be certain
that bias-free, methodical data collection and recording took place? Researchers that conduct
secondary analysis are plagued by this issue, particularly if the initial data were acquired by a
group of researchers who were not all equally qualified (Henslin 2011).
Documents
Documents Studying documents and other documented sources is the sixth strategy sociologists
employ. Sociologists look at a wide range of materials, including books, newspapers, diaries,
bank records, police reports, immigration files, and records kept by organisations, to explore
social life. The definition of "documents" is broad and encompasses both audio and video files.
You could look through court documents and police reports to research domestic violence.
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These might show the percentage of complaints that result in an arrest as well as the percentage
of men who are detained who are later charged, found guilty, or sentenced to probation. Police
statistics would be helpful if these were your inquiries (Kingsnorth and MacIntosh 2007).
Another ethical rule emphasizes that research subjects should never be injured by the study and
that they should typically be informed that they are being examined. Sociologists must uphold
data contributors' confidentiality as a matter of ethics. People occasionally divulge information
that could be humiliating, hurtful, or intimate. Last but not least, although not all sociologists
concur, it is widely thought that researchers should not misrepresent themselves (Henslin 2011).
SOCIAL INTERACTION
Lesson Overview
Social interaction refers to how individuals behave and respond to one another as well as group
behaviour. Micro sociology is the study of social interaction. Sociologists who adopt this
strategy are likely to examine the men's social norms, or "codes," as well as their survival
techniques (or "hustles"), how they allocate their resources (such as money, wine, and other
resources), relationships with their girlfriends, families, and friends, as well as their
environments and activities. The main area of interest for symbolic interventionists is micro
sociology.
Topic-031: Non-Verbal
Nonverbal communication refers to the expression of meaning and emotion through body
language, facial expressions, and gestures. Intentional or unintentional nonverbal
communication can have a big impact on social interaction and relationships. Different cultures
have different nonverbal communication styles, which can occasionally result in
misunderstandings and disputes. Using Pakistan as an example, consider how nonverbal cues
are used in social interactions and romantic relationships in that country.
Topic-032:
Exchange and Cooperation:
The most fundamental type of social contact is probably exchange (Blau, 1963, 1964).
According to proponents of social exchange theory, we always want to maximize rewards and
minimize costs in our relationships with others. This is known as the "profit motive" (Homans,
1961). According to the principle of reciprocity, we should aid and not hurt people who have
benefited us in the past (Gouldner, 1960). The idea that gifts, praise, love, and other favour will
be repaid is established by this standard. Every day, people greet each other with smiles, waves,
and other small formalities. Most of the time, we take exchanges of this nature for granted—at
least until others fall short of our expectations. The assumption that hostilities, threats, social
slights, and other actions intended to cause harm will be returned is one of the negative aspects
of the reciprocity norm. Exchange theorists contend that individuals, societies, businesses, and
governments continuously record their debts and obligations. Relationships with those who
offer the most advantages at the lowest costs—be they commercial partners, political allies,
friends, family, or lovers—are given first attention. Relationships are always altering because
people are motivated to find the best cost-benefit ratios while interacting with others. However,
interactions and bonds of obligation are essential forms of social glue (Thomson and Hickey
2016).
Competition and collaboration are similar in that both people and groups work to accomplish a
common objective. Competition, however, differs from cooperation in that individuals or
organizations compete for societal rewards, acknowledging that there is a finite number of
them and that only one person or entity can win them. In capitalist economies, competitive
connections are highly prevalent and permeate practically every area of peoples' lives. For
instance, businesses compete for customers, professional athletes compete for awards, students
compete for grades, political opponents compete for votes, and even pastors must convert rivals
(Thomson and Hickey 2016).
Conflict is a type of interaction when individuals or groups compete to get a "commonly prized
object or goal" (Nisbet, 1970:75). Conflict is more likely to occur when rivals break the law
and use any means necessary to achieve their goals. According to Robert Nisbet (1970:76),
"There is no group or relationship, however small and intimate, in which conflict does not
occasionally occur." Conflict is most frequently seen as being against human interests,
detrimental to the social order, and something that needs to be avoided or addressed as soon as
feasible. Conflict does, however, have a good side, as conflict theorists emphasise. Nothing
lessens tensions and strains within a relationship (whether marital or between nations) than an
external threat (Simmel [1908] 1955; Coser, 1956; Nisbet, 1970). As a result, it might increase
societal cohesion. It may also act as a catalyst for social transformation, as noted by Robert
Nisbet in 1970:76, releasing people from previous tyrannies and enabling them to pursue newer,
loftier objectives (Thomson and Hickey, 2016).
Coercion
Coercion is the substance that holds individuals or groups together when they are required to
engage with one another. Coercion is the actualization of the threat of force that persons in
positions of authority occasionally employ to further their goals. For instance, education is
required in the United States; regardless of their desire, children are required to attend school.
The relative power of coercion as a unifying factor lies not so much in overt displays of power
and authority as it does in the many forms it might take in daily life. Only a few of the coercive
techniques used by people in daily encounters with others include ridicule, gossip, the silent
treatment, and loss of affection. A person or group that dominates another, known as the
superordinate, and a person or group that is dominated, known as the subordinate, are both
involved in coercion. The behaviour of one is conditioned by the other, as highlighted by Georg
Simmel ([1908] 1955), hence one cannot exist without the other (Thomson and Hickey 2016).
Status: Every society uses the concept of status—a position in society—to shape how people
conduct their daily lives. The word "status" in common usage usually refers to "prestige," as in
Status S et
We all have multiple statuses active at once. A person's current set of statuses is referred to as
their status set. Teenage girls might be their parents' daughters, their brother's sisters, students
at their schools, and goalies of their soccer teams. As people age, their status sets alter. A child
matures to become a parent, a student completes their education to become a lawyer, a single
person marries to become a husband or wife, occasionally being single once more due to death
or divorce. Our status set expands when we join organisations or secure employment; it
contracts when we stop participating in activities. Numerous statuses are acquired and lost over
a person's lifetime (Macionis 2012).
Statuses are categorized by sociologists based on how individuals get them. An attributed
status is a social position that a person either acquires at birth or unwittingly adopts later in life.
For instance, being a daughter, a Cuban, a teenager, or a widower are examples of attributed
statuses. There are issues with which we have little or no control called "ascribed statuses." An
accomplished status, on the other hand, is a social position that a person deliberately assumes
and that is a reflection of their own talent and effort. In the United States, accomplishments
include becoming an honour student, an Olympian, a nurse, a software developer, and a thief.
Of course, most statuses in the real world combine ascription with success. In other words, the
statuses people attain are influenced by the statuses they are assigned. The benefit of being
born into a somewhat wealthy family is sometimes attributed to people who succeed in
becoming lawyers, for example. In addition, persons who are born into poverty are more likely
to hold undesirable positions like that of criminal, drug user, or unemployed worker(Macionis
2012).
Master Status
Certain statuses are more important than others. A master status is a status that is very
significant for social identity and frequently shapes an individual's entire life. A person's
profession typically serves as a master status because it provides extensive information about
their social background, level of education, and level of money. Name can also be a status
symbol; belonging to the Bush or Kennedy families draws attention and opens doors. Both
good and negative master statuses are possible. Consider a serious disease as an example. those
will occasionally avoid cancer patients or those with AIDS due to their ailments, even lifelong
friends. Another illustration is the notion that gender is a master status because all societies
restrict the chances for women. When we just consider someone in terms of their physical
disability, we can sometimes dehumanise them (Macionis 2012).
Role
A crucial social structure is the role system, or the behaviour expected of someone in a
particular position. A person has a status and a role to play (Linton, 1937b). For instance, being
a student entails accepting the obligations of attending class and completing your assignments.
Roles and statuses vary among cultures. In America, a mother or father's sibling is referred to
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as a "uncle". Vietnamese has a different word for "uncle" on the mother's and father's sides of
the family, and the two men have different responsibilities. Some communities permit greater
individual expression of a role than others, and each group has unique personality qualities that
determine how a function is actually performed (Macionis 2012).
Role Set
Everyday life is a mash-up of numerous roles because we hold multiple statuses
simultaneously—a status set. To describe a number of responsibilities connected to a particular
status, Robert Merton (1968) used the phrase "role set" (Macionis 2012).
Accommodation
Adapting to cultural differences and commonalities in order to cohabit and work with others is
referred to as accommodation. Cultural variety, social integration, and social change can all be
significantly impacted by accommodation and assimilation.
Analysing the impact of the process of accommodation and assimilation on the social identity of
Pakistani diaspora populations.
Assimilation
A minority group may be required or pushed by powerful ethnic groups to alter its way of life
in order to blend in with the majority group. Through the process of assimilation, minority
groups lose their particular identities and take on the cultural norms of the dominant group.
Milton Gordon (1964, 1978) identified three main types of assimilation: cultural assimilation,
which involves encouraging or requiring a minority to adopt the host group's culture; structural
assimilation, which involves encouraging or requiring members of the minority group to
participate in the dominant group's social organizations, schools, and churches; and marital
assimilation, which involves encouraging or permitting a minority to marry members of the
dominant group (Thomson).
The term "amalgamation" describes the process of fusing or combining various ethnic or
cultural groups to produce a fresh and unique cultural identity. The term "diffusion" describes
how cultural practise or qualities move from one group to another through trade,
communication, or migration. The term "amalgamation" describes the process of fusing or
combining various ethnic or cultural groups to produce a fresh and unique cultural identity. The
term "diffusion" describes how cultural practise or qualities move from one group to another
through trade, communication, or migration.
SOCIAL GROUPS
Lesson Overview
Since belonging is the core of group life, almost everyone desires it. A social group is made up
of two or more individuals who interact and share common interests. Couples, families, groups
of friends, churches, clubs, workplaces, neighbourhoods, and huge organizations are just a few
of the settings in which people congregate. Whatever its shape, a group is made up of
individuals who have common interests, loyalties, and experiences. Members of social groups,
in other words, maintain their uniqueness while yet thinking of themselves as a unique "we."
Not every group of people constitutes a group. Women, homeowners, soldiers, millionaires,
college graduates, and Roman Catholics, for example, are not a group but rather a category of
people who share a status across the nation. Most of them are strangers to one another, while
knowing that others share the same status. Similar to how little interaction occurs among
students in a vast stadium. When a group of individuals is so haphazardly arranged in one
location, it is called a crowd. But under the appropriate conditions, a throng can transform into
a group very fast. Unexpected occurrences, such as blackouts or terrorist attacks, might cause
people to fast become friends with total strangers.
Primary G roup: People who regularly contact and form enduring bonds together constitute a
main group. Charles Horton Cooley (1909:23), who first introduced the phrase, called tiny,
close-knit groups "fundamental in forming the social nature and ideas of the individual." People
connect with one another informally in primary groupings, where ties are adaptable and long-
lasting. People are also viewed as complete social beings rather than only in terms of specific
social identities like student or client. Relationships are valued in primary groups not for what
they can achieve for the members but rather for the relationships themselves. People typically
attach great emotional value and meaning to these expressive partnerships. People form close
bonds with their major groupings and frequently refer to them as "we" (Cooley, 1909). Primary
groupings include couples, families, close friends, and neighbour who often interact and are
concerned for one anther's welfare. The majority of contacts take place in main groups of kin,
friends, and neighbour in simple, preindustrial societies (Thomson and Hickey 2016).
Secondary Group
A secondary group is made up of two or more individuals who work together in a formal,
impersonal setting to achieve a single goal. Sociologists refer to these behaviours as
instrumental behaviour since people engage with one another for purposes other than their own
satisfaction. In the majority of secondary relationships, there are few and frequently brief
interactions, norms are significant, and people relate to one another in terms of particular
responsibilities. For instance, during a semester, teachers and students may grow to know one
another quite well, but only in terms of their respective duties. Rarely do either of them know
the other's home address, the names of their spouses and kids, or their preferred pastimes.
Secondary groups can range in size from tiny to enormous, but all large groups that regularly
engage in face-to-face
The group in our life gives us a sense of belonging. This can bring positive consequences for
others, such as our tendency to excuse the faults of people we love and to encourage them to do
better.
Primary groups were referred to by Cooley as "springs of life." This is what he meant when he
said that our emotional health depends on our core social networks, such our families and
friends. Humans have a strong urge for face-to-face interaction since it makes us feel more
confident. Primary groups are ideally suited to satisfy this fundamental need because they
provide a sense of community and a sense of being valued—and occasionally, even loved.
Primary groups are important because our identity is shaped by their values and attitudes. We
adopt their opinions as our own, and they eventually come to define how we see the world. No
matter how far we go from our childhood origins as adults, early primary groupings continue to
exist "inside" us. They continue to contribute to the viewpoint from which we view the outside
world there. Therefore, it is ultimately challenging, if not impossible, for us to distinguish
between the self and our main groupings since they combine to form a "we."
Because modern civilization would not function without secondary groupings, secondary groups
are crucial. They play a role in how we obtain education, earn a living, spend money, and enjoy
our free time (Henslin 2011). Presenting chances for social interaction and collaboration.
assisting in the accomplishment of shared aims and objectives. establishing social networks and
contacts that may open you further chances. encouraging social movements and change.
Professional associations or labour unions are two examples of organizations in Pakistan that
encourage social interaction and cooperation, whilst political parties can support social
movements and societal change.
In-groups are organizations to which we feel a sense of loyalty and belonging, whereas out-
groups are organizations to which we feel an opposition or rivalry.
Formal groups formal groups have a set structure, objectives, and regulations, whereas
informal groups are formed based on common interests or social links.
Virtual groups groups that communicate mostly online, such as social media networks or
online communities.
In Pakistan, political parties or sports teams can serve as instances of in-groups, whilst
competing political parties or sports teams can serve as examples of out-groups. Virtual groups
can include online forums or social media groups.
Reference Group
Each of us has a preference for some groups over another, whether it be due to political beliefs,
social standing, or even just clothing choices. On a college campus, for instance, left-leaning
student activists may despise fraternity members because they are too conservative, and
fraternity members may reject "nerds" because they put in too much effort. In every social
environment, people judge other groups' members favorably and unfavorably. The conflict
between in-groups and out-groups, another crucial aspect of group dynamics, is illustrated by
such judgments. A social group that a member respects and feels devoted to is known as an in-
group. An out-group is a social group that a person feels competition with or hostility from, and
an Ingroup exists in response to it. The foundation of in-groups and out-groups is the notion that
"we" possess desirable attributes that "they" do not. Conflict between groups accentuates the
borders between the groups and helps people define their social identities. Members of in-
groups, however, frequently have exaggeratedly positive opinions of themselves and unduly
disparaging opinions of other out-groups. Inter group relations are influenced by power as well.
Others may be classified as a lower-status outgroup by a strong Ingroup. People of colour have
historically been treated unfairly on the social, political, and economic levels in innumerable
American towns and cities by many white people who saw them as an inferior race. People of
colour who internalize these harmful ideas frequently struggle to overcome low self-esteem. In
this sense, in-groups and out-groups encourage loyalty but also lead to conflict, according to
Tajfel (1982) and Bobo & Hutchings (1996) (Macionis 2012).
Georg Simmel (1858–1918), a German sociologist, investigated social processes in the smallest
groupings. A social group with two members is referred to as a dyad (Greek for "pair") by
Simmel (1950, original 1902). Because neither partner shares the other's attention with anyone
else, social interaction in a dyad is typically more intense than in larger groupings, according to
Simmel. Love relationships, marriages, and the closest friendships are frequently dyadic in the
United States. But dyads are shaky, like a stool with only two legs. A dyad's relationship
depends on both participants; if either withholds, the group disintegrates. The married dyad is
sustained by legal, financial, and frequently religious links since marriage stability is crucial to
society (Macionis 2012).
The Triad
Simmel also researched the triad, a three-person social group that is comprised of three
relationships that each link two of the three individuals. Because one member of a trio can serve
as a mediator if the relationships of the other two members become strained, a triad is more
stable than a dyad. These group dynamics assist to explain why a married couple, for example,
may frequently seek out a third party (like a counsellor) to talk about their conflicts. On the
FORMAL ORGANIZATIONS
Lesson Overview
Formal Organizations
Bureaucracy: Characteristics
Bureaucracy: Dysfunctions
Mass media Organizations
Formal Organizations: Present and Future
Topic-041:Formal Organization
4. Written communications and records are kept: A bureaucracy keeps records of the majority of
its activities. Some employees must provide written reports outlining their operations. For
instance, my university mandates that faculty members create a summary of the amount of hours
Although bureaucracies are ultimately the most effective type of social organisation, as Weber
acknowledged, they nevertheless have a negative side. Examine a few of their dysfunctions now.
"Red tape"
Rule is rule, period. When officials implement their rules, bureaucracies can be so constrained
by red tape that the outcomes can defy all sense (Henslin 2011).
A bureaucracy's several units all carry out specialised duties that support the organization's
objectives. Units can occasionally fail to communicate with one another and work in opposition
to one another (Henslin 2011).
Bureaucratic Alienation
Many employees start to feel more like things than people since they are seen as jobs, rules, and
functions rather than as unique individuals. Marx referred to these responses as alienation,
which he claimed was the result of workers being cut off from the product of their labour. He
emphasised that prior to industrialization, people produced complete goods like chairs and tables
using their own equipment. The capitalists now own the equipment (machines, desks,
computers), and they only give each employee one or two steps to do in the full production
process. Workers lose identity with what they produce when they are forced to carry out
monotonous duties that seem disconnected from the finished output. They start to feel alienated
from both their workplace and the outcomes of their labour (Henslin, 2011).
Resisting Alienation
Employees fight off alienation because they need to feel appreciated and like they have some
control over their work. At work, forming primary groups is a significant manifestation of that
opposition. Workers gather in casual settings, such as during lunch, at their desks, or over drinks
after work. There, they compliment each other on a job well done and commiserate over having
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to put up with the same obnoxious supervisors, pointless rituals, and interminable restrictions.
They relate to one another in these situations as humans who value one another rather than
merely as coworkers. They joke around, flirt, laugh, and discuss their families and objectives.
Their sense of being unique persons rather than merely gears in a machine is maintained by
adding this multidimensional to their working interactions (Henslin 2011).
Not all employees are able to stave off alienation. Some departed after being alienated. Others
were resentful but persisted in their employment because they could see no other suitable
option or because they had "only so many years until retirement." Their attitudes towards
clients, coworkers, and managers all reflect how much they detest their jobs. The disgruntled
bureaucrat lacks initiative, does not go above and beyond what is actually necessary for the
organisation, and justifies their actions by using business policies. Even when they act poorly
and perform poorly, disengaged employees frequently keep their jobs. Others threaten to take
expensive, time-consuming, and embarrassing legal action if anyone tries to fire them. Some
people keep their positions due to seniority. Some disgruntled employees are relegated to
insignificant bureaucratic nooks, where they spend the day performing menial duties and have
little opportunity to interact with the general public. Of fact, this treatment simply serves to
further alienate them (Henslin 2011).
Bureaucratic Incompetence
Laurence Peter proposed what is now referred regarded as the Peter principle in a mock analysis
of bureaucracies: According to Peter and Hull (1969), every bureaucrat gets promoted to the
level of incompetence at which they now operate. Those higher up the chain of command notice
those who do well in a bureaucracy and promote them. They are given another promotion if they
keep up their good work. This cycle continues until they reach the point of incompetence—the
level at which they are no longer able to handle the obligations well. There they conceal
themselves behind the labour of others and claim credit for the successes of those who work for
them. The worker who delivered the incorrect mail in our opening vignette has already attained
that level of stupidity. The Peter principle has some validity, but if it were typically true, inept
people would work in bureaucracies, which would result in failure. Bureaucracies are incredibly
effective. Peter Evans and James Rauch, sociologists, investigated the bureaucracies of 35
developing nations in their 1999 study. They discovered that nations with central bureaucracies
and merit-based hiring practises enjoy more prosperity (Henslin 2011).
Face-to-face engagement and mass communication differ significantly in many aspects. The
communicator (medium) and the receiver (audience) are not the same individual, to start. The
recipient is typically a sizable, diverse, mass audience whose members are anonymous to one
another, while the sender is typically a formal organisation with a professional communicator
serving as its spokesperson (Dominick, 1987). Second, the communication is unidirectional,
with the sender transmitting a standardised message and thousands or even millions of people
receiving it, rather than being bidirectional with spontaneous and unpredictable aspects. This
enables broad influence and, as Denis McQuail (1983:35) noted, "much less variability of
response than occurs with slow and sequential person-to-person diffusion of information." The
role of the media as an organisational system has received considerable attention from
sociologists. Sociologists define the majority of media organisations as utilitarian in accordance
with Etzioni's (1975) typology of organisations because they typically operate for profit and
their audience members willingly choose to hear their messages. To generate a profit as well as
to advance specific values and beliefs, many media organisations, however, work for both
Despite their track record of accomplishment and success during the twentieth century, many
authors and academics believe that the era of massive bureaucratic organisations is practically
ended. For instance, Warren Bennis and Philip Slater (1968) predicted that smaller, more
egalitarian groups and organisations would replace bureaucracies, which are designed for
relatively stable and routine conditions, as a result of future technological changes becoming so
rapid and unpredictable. Periodically, highly competent workers would come together, solve an
issue, and then separate until their skills were required somewhere else. These forecasts have
come true for a tiny group of highly talented and educated workers.
Bureaucratic organisations have also changed as a result of the growth and merger of
international firms, which now routinely cross political and cultural barriers to make a profit. In
the 1990s, mergers gave rise to enormous corporations with globalized bureaucracies. At the
same time, both small and large enterprises have started to use an organizational pattern of
decentralization and flexibility more frequently. In particular, worldwide labour and money
markets, according to many company CEOs, flexibility will be necessary to respond to fast
changing and varied global marketplaces. A "network society," according to one sociologist, is
one where work, employment, and a large portion of social life are distinguished by constant
change.
The success of Japanese and other Pacific Rim firms is another significant trend that has altered
industrial organisation and work practices. Worldwide bureaucratic organizations have already
undergone major social and cultural changes as a result of their bureaucratic architecture and
decision-making procedures (Hickson, 1987). Many of the competitive advantages of teams,
consensus, collective decision making, and employee devotion and dedication have been
observed by the more than 1 million Americans who work for Japanese companies, along with
American business executives. According to a number of British sociologists, emerging
technologies are giving rise to brand-new "hybrid organizational forms." They are "more
responsive to a constantly shifting and unpredictable market" than matrix organisations built on
project teams, according to Heath et al. (2000:303).
Sociologists will also pay attention to the growing interconnection of bureaucratic organizations
as a trend. For instance, rather than being carried out by a single organisation, scientific research
is now carried out by a group of interdependent organisations that includes universities,
businesses, and the federal government. Sociologist Stanley Aronowitz noted in 2000 that these
organisations had collaborated for years as a component of a massive military-industrial
complex. Today, however, they are required to provide a business or profit-making justification
for their existence (Thomson and Hickey 2016).
Lesson-09
CULTURE-I
Lesson Overview
What is Culture and its Types?
What is Society and its Relationship with Culture
Is the Foundation of Culture Biological or Social?
Components of Culture
A group's taught collection of beliefs, values, traditions, and material possessions are referred to
as its culture. From early childhood to old age, we learn everything in groups that makes up
culture. As a result, culture encompasses beliefs about what is real and what isn't, as well as
what we may and cannot eat, wear, listen to, and play. Our perceptions of right and wrong,
health and illness, and life and death are influenced by culture. It establishes norms for
significant social issues as well as principles for daily living. But culture is much more than just
beliefs and norms. It gives our lives purpose and explains why we should get out of bed every
morning, follow the law, and live a long life. According to Thomson and Hickey (2016), culture
offers rewards for good behaviour and may even imply that these rewards will last beyond this
world.
Types of Culture
Artefacts, works of architecture, and other tangible objects that people produce and give
meaning to comprise material culture. In modern industrial nations, material culture includes
things like technology, art, architecture, apparel, televisions, and consumer items from malls and
supermarkets. Nonmaterial culture is the term used to describe the mental blueprints that serve
as rules for social interaction. They consist of the group's collective presumptions, lingo, beliefs,
values, conventions, and attitudes. Humans have achieved the most with symbols. Following
closely is the application of symbols to the physical world, specifically the development of
material culture and technology. Because all societies convey their beliefs, values, and
understandings through artefacts, architecture, and other physical manifestations, material and
nonmaterial cultures are intertwined (Thomson and Hickey 2016).
Social class is a factor in the diversity of cultures. High culture, as used by sociologists, refers to
cultural traits that differentiate a society's elite, whereas popular culture refers to traits that are
prevalent among the general populace. Even while common sense could lead one to believe that
high culture is superior than popular culture, sociologists are uncomfortable making such claims
for two reasons. First off, neither elites nor commoners share all the same preferences and
interests; both groups of individuals differ greatly. Second, do we value high culture more
because it is intrinsically superior to popular culture or just because those who support it enjoy
greater wealth, influence, and status? A violin and a fiddle, for instance, are identical
instruments that are used to produce music that is typically enjoyed by people of higher social
status. However, we refer to the instrument as a violin when it is used to perform classical music
and as a fiddle when it is used to perform country music (Macionis 2012).
People who interact and share a culture are said to be in a society. Though the two words have
distinct meanings, culture and society are frequently used interchangeably. While a society is a
generally autonomous, autonomous, self-perpetuating human group that occupies a territory,
shares a culture, and has the majority of its associations within this group, a culture is a system
of rules and values. A society is a group of individuals who have relationships with one another.
A culture is a structured system of values and standards that people adhere to. The plains
Indians comprised a variety of organisations (which we refer to as tribes), but they shared a lot
of cultural traits. The cultures of adjacent societies can be very different, as in the case of the
United States and Mexico, or very similar, as in the case of the United States and Canada. The
distinctions between society and culture are hazy concepts. Most societies interact with their
local communities in some way. In several instances throughout history, two communities
became so entwined that they merged into one. As a result, the roman society absorbed many
other societies. A single civilization may also have groups of people from different cultural
backgrounds, such as the French, German, and Italian-speaking populations of Switzerland or
the French and English-speaking populations.
We are aware that culture is a product of human activity, but does human biology affect how
this process takes place? Socio-biology is a third theoretical school of thought that examines
how human biology influences how humans produce culture. It stands on one leg in sociology
and one in biology. The foundation of sociobiology is the evolution idea put out by Charles
Darwin in On the Origin of Species (1859). Darwin claimed that natural selection, which is
based on four straightforward principles, causes living species to change over very long periods
of time. To begin with, all living things exist to reproduce. Second, the genes—the fundamental
building blocks of life that pass qualities from one generation to the next—contain the
instructions for reproduction. Thirdly, a species can "test out" novel life behaviours in a given
habitat thanks to some random variation in its DNA. Because of this variety, some species are
able to outlive others and pass on their favourable genes to their progeny. The genetic patterns
that encourage reproduction survive and take over after hundreds of generations, which brings
us to our final point. This is how a species adapts to its environment, according to biologists,
and dominant qualities become the "nature" of the creature. According to sociobiologists, the
abundance of cultural universals is a reflection of the fact that all people are descended from a
single biological species (Macionis 2012).
Even while cultures differ widely, they all share certain traits, such as symbols, languages,
customs, and values. We start our talk with the concept that underlies all others:
There are symbols. Humans utilise their senses to observe the world around them, just like all
other creatures do, but unlike other creatures, we also attempt to give it meaning. Symbols are
created by humans from elements of the world. Anything with a specific meaning that is
understood by people from the same culture is a symbol. Symbols can be a word, a whistle, a
wall covered in graffiti, a flashing red light, or a raised fist. The various different meanings
attached to the seemingly simple act of winking an eye, which can indicate curiosity,
understanding, or disrespect, show how symbolically capable humans are. Every day, societies
produce new symbols. We take the symbols of our society for granted because we are so reliant
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on them. However, when a symbol is used in an unexpected way, such as when someone burns
the American flag during a protest, we are acutely aware of its significance. Entering a foreign
culture also serves as a reminder of the significance of symbols; culture shock is essentially the
inability to interpret meaning in a foreign setting. Lack of familiarity with a culture's symbols
can make a person feel alone and lost, unclear of how to behave, and occasionally afraid.
Culture shock involves both parties. On the one hand, experiencing people with a different way
of life might cause culture shock in travellers. For instance, the Masai of eastern Africa, who
disdain dogs and never feed them, may frighten North Americans who view dogs as valued
household pets. The same traveller might be appalled to learn that people roast dogs for dinner
in some regions of Indonesia and the People's Republic of China. On the other side, a visitor
may shock the locals by acting in ways that are offensive to them. When ordering a steak in an
Indian restaurant, a North American may unintentionally insult Hindus who believe that cows
are sacrosanct and should never be eaten. There are countless potential for this kind of
miscommunication when travelling internationally. Symbolic meanings might differ even within
one civilization. An expensive status symbol for some Americans, a fur coat is associated with
cruel treatment of animals for others in the United States. Some individuals viewed the
Confederate flag as a symbol of local pride during the fight over flying it over the South
Carolina statehouse a few years ago, while others regarded it as a representation of racial
oppression (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Language
Language is a system of symbols that enables communication between people and is the key to
the world of culture. In order to express the hundreds of languages we speak, humans have
developed numerous alphabets. In addition to facilitating communication, language is essential
for cultural transmission—the process by which one generation passes on its culture to the
following.
Our culture is filled with many reminders of those who came before us, just as our bodies hold
the genes of our predecessors. The key to unlocking centuries' worth of accumulated
knowledge is language. Every society in human history has passed culture down orally, a
practise sociologists refer to as the "oral cultural tradition." Humans first created writing some
5,000 years ago, but only a select few were able to read and write at that time. High-income
countries could not boast of practically universal literacy until the 20th century. However,
roughly 14% of
More than 30 million adults in the United States are functionally illiterate, unable to read and
write in a society that is becoming more and more reliant on those abilities. According to the
Population Reference Bureau (2011) and the US Department of Education (2008), 15% of men
and 24% of women worldwide are illiterate. Language abilities may help us connect with the
past, but they also encourage human imagination, which leads to new connections between
symbols and virtually endless possibilities for the future. According to Thompson and Hickey
(2016), language distinguishes humans as the only species capable of self-awareness,
understanding our limitations and eventual mortality, as well as dreaming and hoping for a
future that is better than the present.
Values
Values are generally accepted norms for social behaviour that are based on culturally
determined criteria for what is desirable, honourable, and attractive. When deciding how to live,
members of the same culture employ shared ideals. Values are overarching principles that
underpin the convictions, particular notions, or concepts that people regard to be true. In other
words, while beliefs are specific things that people believe to be true or incorrect, values are
abstract criteria of quality. For instance, the majority of Americans feel that a qualified woman
Norms are expectations and rules for proper conduct that guide the behavior of group members.
Among all groups, norms provide guidelines that tell members how they should think and act
in any given social situation.
Types of Norms: There are four major kinds of norms: folkways, mores, laws, and taboos.
Folkways: Informal expectations and guidelines that govern people's daily behaviour are the
most prevalent norms. They cover etiquette, table manners, appropriate attire, and many other
commonplace behaviours that, in American culture, are signs of "self-control." People generally
tolerate transgressions of folkways, despite the fact that they find them bothersome. In addition,
punishments are frequently imposed by individuals rather than by a recognised social body and
are typically informal, loosely defined, and implemented. A parent may reward good behaviour
by praising it when a youngster holds a fork in the appropriate hand. On the other hand, if a
youngster spreads butter on bread with their fingers rather than a knife, negative consequences
may be used, such as ridicule, threats, or ejection from the table (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Mores
Laws
Important mores frequently find their way into laws. Laws are written guidelines that apply to
all members of society and are enacted and upheld by the state's authority. Most individuals
agree that laws that codify mores are essential to society and that public order would not be
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possible without them. But the connection between laws and mores is nuanced. Laws and
mores can sometimes be closely related; for instance, stealing someone else's property is both
wrong and against the law. Other times, laws may represent the dominance of one group or
section of society over another, and opposition interests or groups may contest its legitimacy
(Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Taboos
Taboos are rules forbidding actions that the majority of a group's members deem to be so
abhorrent they are unimaginable. In most communities, the taboo against engaging in certain
behaviors—such as eating human flesh—can be observed without the necessity for penalties or
regulations (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Sanctions
Sanctions, which the social system employs as rewards or penalties to promote conformity and
penalise deviation, are used to enforce social norms. For instance, parents are required to take
care of, feed, and clothe their children. If they don't, they risk losing custody of the kids in
addition to being penalised for their neglect. In some circumstances, certain norms apply,
whereas in others they do not (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
CULTURE-II
Lesson Overview
Cultural Relativism and Culture Shock
Cultural Diversity (in Pakistani Context)
Sub-Cultures and Counter Cultures
Ideal vs. Real Culture
Cultural relativism is defined as the viewpoint that cultural beliefs, values, and practises should
be evaluated in the context of their own culture rather than in comparison to those of other
cultures. The process of psychological disorientation experienced by persons who interact with a
culture that is different from their own is known as cultural shock. Language barrier, differing
customs and beliefs, food and lifestyle, and communication style are all factors that contribute to
culture shock. Students studying abroad, visitors to Pakistan, expatriates residing there, etc. are
some examples of people experiencing culture shock in a Pakistani context. Effects of culture
shock include anxiety, homesickness, confusion, sadness, and other negative emotions. Building
a support network, remaining open-minded, keeping a good outlook, and learning about the new
culture are effective ways to combat culture shock.
Culture Shock
Culture shock refers to the uncertainty and disorientation that a person experiences when they
are exposed to a significantly different culture. But if we pay close attention to another culture,
we see that the same elements that surprise and perplex us actually give its citizens order,
security, identity, and significance. Do foreign visitors to the US face culture shock? The
author of this essay came across the solution while acting as a tour guide for a tourist from rural
China who was horrified by the abundance of items and luxurious lives she saw in malls and
suburban areas that most Americans would consider "ordinary." A few years later, the author
had the opposite experience when she travelled to rural China and was astounded by the sheer
number of people living in what she had previously thought of as "small" villages—often over
a million. (2016) Thompson and Hickey.
We can engage in cultural relativism, which entails attempting to comprehend each culture on
its own terms, in order to combat our propensity to use our own culture as the yardstick by
which we measure other civilizations. This entails examining how a culture's components work
together without comparing them to or equating them with our own way of life. However,
because our own culture is so strongly ingrained in us, embracing cultural relativism might be
difficult for us to do. Applying cultural relativism is an effort to shift that lens so that we may
respect other people's perspectives rather than just claiming that "our way is right."
Cultural relativism has come under fire, despite the fact that it prevents us from being
complacent about our own culture. Anthropologist Robert Edgerton makes the bold suggestion
in his 1992 book Sick Societies that we create a scale to rank cultures according to their "quality
of life," similar to how we rank American cities. He also questions the morality of comparing
societies that engage in the sale of young girls in prostitution, gang rape, or wife beating to those
who do not. He asserts that cultural ideals that lead to exploitation are inferior to those that
improve people's lives. Does it follow that if practically any behaviour is the norm anywhere in
the world, then everything is equally correct? Does having children work long hours for some
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Indian and Moroccan families make it acceptable? Since we are all part of the same species,
there must be some universally accepted codes of conduct. What are they, though? How can we
avoid putting our own standards on others while attempting to enhance them? These questions
don't have straightforward solutions. But when confronted with a strange cultural practise, it is
preferable to hold off on passing judgement until you have a firm understanding of how that
culture views the situation. Remember to consider how others might see your way of life as well.
After all, gaining a greater understanding of ourselves is what we learn the most from studying
others.
Adopting cultural relativism can be challenging for tourists since it demands not only being
receptive to different values and conventions but also having the flexibility to let go of cultural
norms we have grown accustomed to. Nevertheless, as more individuals from different parts of
the world interact with one another, the significance of understanding other cultures grows
(Henslin 2011).
The existence of various cultural beliefs, values, and practises within a society is the definition
of cultural diversity. Pakistan is a country with a diversified culture that includes a variety of
ethnic, linguistic, and religious groupings. Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtun, Balochi, and other cultural
groups are examples of Pakistan's variety. The advantages of cultural diversity include: fostering
tolerance and understanding, increasing creativity and innovation, and providing a rich cultural
history. The difficulties posed by Pakistan's diverse cultures include cultural disputes, linguistic
obstacles, and economic inequality.
Subculture: The term "subculture" refers to cultural practices that distinguish a particular
population group within a society. People who specialize in a profession—from politicians to
cab drivers—often create a subculture that exists within the greater world of the prevailing
culture. Subcultures are not just related to professions but they encompass all areas of life where
people's experiences have given rise to unique worldviews. Since practically everyone engages
in multiple subcultures without necessarily having a strong commitment to any of them, it is
simple but frequently erroneous to classify people according to their sub cultural affiliation.
However, there are times when cultural differences can tragically separate people from one
another. For instance, tremendous cultural diversity contributed to the civil war in the former
Yugoslavia in the 1990s (Henslin 2011).
Sociologists refer to these groupings as "counterculture" when describing them. Think about
motorcycle fans and motorcycle gangs to further understand this disparity. Motorcycle fans
belong to a subculture that emphasises individual freedom and speed while upholding societal
values of achievement through employment or education. In contrast, the Hell's Angels, Pagans,
and Bandidos value dirtiness and disdain for labour, education, and women in addition to
freedom and speed. They are a counterculture as a result. However, countercultures don't always
have to be bad. The Mormons were a subculture in the 1800s that questioned monogamy as the
fundamental value of the dominant culture. Resistance is always shown in response to an attack
on essential principles. Members of the dominant culture may mock, exclude, or even harm
counterculture individuals in order to uphold their own beliefs (Henslin, 2011).
Many cultural value-related conventions are only loosely adhered to. There are usually
discrepancies between what an organisation believes in and what its members actually do.
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Therefore, sociologists use the word "ideal culture" to describe the principles, standards, and
objectives that a group regards as ideal and deserving of pursuit. For instance, success is a
component of an ideal culture. American culture exalts hard effort, academic achievement, and
the display of material possessions as markers of personal success. However, the reality
frequently deviates from the cultural ideal. For instance, most people don't study as hard or get
as far in school as they could given their abilities. Real culture is what sociologists refer to as the
rules and values that people genuinely uphold (Henslin 2011).
CULTURE-III
Are there any cultural universals—values, rules, or other cultural qualities that are present throughout the
incredible diversity of human cultures on the planet? George Murdock, an anthropologist, searched through
the information anthropologists had acquired on hundreds of communities throughout the world to find an
answer to this question in 1945. He contrasted the ways in which they performed courting, marriage,
funerals, games, legislation, music, taboos against incest, and even potty training. All societies engage in
these behaviours, he discovered, but different ethnic groups have unique practises. There is no uniform
family structure, no worldwide method for teaching kids to use the bathroom, and no universal method for
burying the dead. A striking example is incest. George Murdock (1945) found dozens of cultural universals
by contrasting hundreds of cultures. The family is one aspect that unites all societies in that it regulates
sexual reproduction and is responsible for the upbringing of offspring. In order to deal with the fact of death,
all human cultures have funeral customs. Another culturally universal tool for releasing social tensions is
humour. (2011) Henslin.
Culture changes in several ways, some more quickly than others. According to William Ogburn
(1964), technology advances quickly, creating new aspects of material culture (items) more
quickly than Nonmaterial culture (ideas) can catch up. The reality that some cultural elements
change more quickly than others, upsetting a cultural system, is what Ogburn named this
inconsistency "cultural lag" (Macionis 2012).
The phrase "cultural lag" was first used by sociologist William Ogburn (1922–1938) about three
generations ago. Ogburn meant by this that not every aspect of a culture changes at the same
rate. Another aspect of a culture lags behind when one aspect changes. Ogburn brought up a
group's
The Nonmaterial culture typically lags behind the material culture when it undergoes
transformation. The Nonmaterial (or symbolic) culture is now forced to play catch-up. For
instance, if we become ill, we can enter our symptoms into a computer and receive a prompt
diagnosis and suggested course of action. In some examinations, software applications do better
than doctors. Yet we still go to the doctor's office because our traditions have not kept up with
our technology (Henslin 2011).
Cultural diversity was represented in the various aesthetic standards and tastes of socioeconomic
classes during a large portion of the twentieth century, which is indicative of the contemporary
culture previously mentioned. The three main categories of "taste cultures" during this time,
according to Herbert Gans (1975), were high culture, folk culture, and popular culture.
High Culture: High culture encompasses the tastes and creations that the upper classes and
intelligentsia encourage and employ to set themselves apart from those who are lower on the
social hierarchy and to draw fine distinctions within their ranks. High culture requires extensive
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education, technical know-how, and ample resources. As a result, it has long been seen by the
affluent as a social sign of sophistication, learning, and fashion. Examples from Western
cultures include classical music, opera, ballet, works by "great authors," and creations by artists
who are regarded as having exceptional abilities and creative qualities. According to conflict
theorists, the idea that high culture is much better than folk and popular culture reflects elite
interpretations of the conflict. As an example, one English researcher claimed that "the
differences between trash culture and high culture show only that storytelling adapts to changing
economic, social, and political conditions" (Simon, 1999:2). Shrum (1991: 373) argues that
aesthetic gatekeepers, such as critics, reviewers, tastemakers, and opinion leaders, are crucial in
limiting artistic diversity and maintaining the separation of highbrow genres from folk and
popular tastes. Their reviews are often shared through the media and "may be more widely
experienced than the artwork itself" (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
The painting, dancing, music, and other creations of working-class and minority group members
in their homes are included in the category of folk culture, which is in many respects the
antithesis of high culture. Folk culture encompasses activities like dance, low-rider car
customization, quilting, doll making, and tube art. Produced for and by common people, folk
culture is impulsive, fami-liar, and useful (Real, 1977). In addition, many
In her book Wallbangin', Susan Phillips (1999) divided graffiti into three categories: gang
graffiti, political graffiti, and hip-hop graffiti, which she referred to as "subway art." the year
2016 (Thompson and Hickey).
Popular Culture: Items that appeal to the population as a whole are considered popular culture.
A bewildering variety of items that critics claim favour "vulgarity," "the commonplace," and the
"lowest common denominator" are a part of popular culture since they are produced for leisure,
pleasure, and mass consumption (Bogart, 1991:63). According to Thompson and Hickey (2016),
popular culture includes things like prime-time television, popular artist live performances,
tractor-pulling competitions, mud wrestling, baseball cards, NASCAR, and mall Santa and the
Easter Bunny.
All things shall pass is perhaps the most fundamental human lesson we can learn from this
world. Even the dinosaurs, which lived for 160 million years on this planet, are only represented
by fossils now. Will there be a human race after millions of years? The only thing we can be
assured of is that, given our dependency on culture, human history will continue to alter as long
as humans exist. Usually, when one aspect of a culture changes, others follow. For instance,
because women are now far more likely to be employed than their moms or grandmothers were,
today's college students are much more interested in producing money. Working for a living
may not alter a person's desire to raise a family, but it does raise the average age of first
marriage and divorce. These connections serve as examples of the idea of cultural integration, or
the intimate ties between diverse components of a cultural system.
SOCIALIZATION
Lesson overview
Society makes us Humans: Feral children
Society makes us Human: Isolated children
The role of socialization (Nature vs Nurture)
Primary and secondary socialization
Society within us: the self and emotion as social control
The term "socialization" is used by sociologists to describe the lifetime social experiences that
help people reach their full potential as individuals and acquire cultural knowledge. Humans
require social experience to learn their culture and to thrive, in contrast to other living species,
whose behaviour is largely or fully determined by biology. The foundation of personality, or a
person's enduring tendencies of acting, thinking, and feeling, is social experience. We develop
our personalities by internalizing—absorbing—our environment. However, personality hardly
ever develops without social experience (Henslin 2010).
What do you mean that society transforms us into people? is likely the question you are posing.
"That sounds absurd. I am a human being. As we continue reading the chapter, it will become
clearer what this phrase means. First, let's explore what is uniquely human about human nature.
How much of a person's traits are influenced by "nature" (heredity) and how much are
influenced by "nurture" (the surrounding social environment and interactions with others)? By
examining identical twins who were split apart at birth and raised in different environments,
experts are attempting to address the nature vs. nurture debate. Examining young youngsters
who haven't interacted with people much is another option. Let's think about such kids.
Feral children
The toddler was discovered wandering through the forest on all fours, munching grass and
drinking water from a nearby river. He jumped on a little animal when he saw it. He ripped at
it with his teeth while growling. He tore pieces from the body and ravenously consumed them.
This is a fitting summary of the reports that have been received over the years. These feral
(wild) kids were said to be mute and walked on all fours while biting, scratching, and growling.
They consumed grass, lapped water, tore mercilessly at raw meat, and exhibited an indifference
to pain and cold. As a result, children who are thought to have been reared by animals alone in
the wilderness are known as feral children (Henslin 2010).
Youngsters that have grown up in severe social isolation are referred to as isolated youngsters.
Examples of isolated children throughout history include the girl named Anna, who spent the
majority of her childhood in a dark room, and the Austrian Fritzl family, whose father
imprisoned his daughter in the basement for 24 years. There have been a few isolated incidents
of children being held in Pakistan. Insights regarding the value of socialization and the effects of
severe social isolation on human development can be gained through research on solitary
children. Children who are isolated frequently experience developmental delays and lack
fundamental social skills. Additionally, isolated children show how environmental conditions
affect human development.
Biological explanations for human behaviour came under assault in the 20th century.
Behaviourism, a hypothesis put out by the psychologist John B. Watson (1878–1958), maintains
that behaviour is acquired rather than instinctive. Because of this, all people are equal and only
their cultural practises make them different. Watson concluded that human behaviour was not
rooted in nature but rather in nurture. Social scientists are wary of labelling any human
behaviour as instinctive in the modern day. This does not imply that biology has no influence on
how people behave. The ability of the body to function is ultimately what allows for human life.
We also know that children frequently inherit biological characteristics from their parents, such
as height and hair colour, and that genes contribute to attributes like intelligence, musical and
creative skill as well as psychological factors like how you handle frustration. However, how
you are raised will determine whether you reach your inherited potential. For instance, children's
brains do not fully develop unless they use them from an early age (Goldsmith, 1983; Begley,
1995). So, while nature plays a significant role, we can legitimately assert that nurture plays a
larger role in determining how people behave. Our nature is actually nurtured (Henslin 2010).
Primary socialization is the term used to describe the early stages of socialization, which
usually take place during childhood and within the context of the family. The term "secondary
socialization" describes the subsequent stages of socialization, which usually take place apart
from the family. In Pakistan, family and religious traditions frequently have an impact on
primary socialization, whilst exposure to technology and international media has an increasing
impact on secondary socialization.
Understanding the many means through which cultural norms and values are passed down and
reinforced requires research on primary and secondary socialization. Our sense of self, our
attitudes, and our behaviours are all influenced by socialization. Socialization can also
exacerbate social injustices and keep prejudice and discrimination alive.
Topic-064: Society Within Us: The Self and Emotions as Social Control
A large part of our socialization aims to make us into obedient members of society. This process
requires socialization into the self and emotions because both the self and our emotions shape
our actions. Are feelings universal? Is their mode of expression common to all people? The
expectations of friends and parents, of neighbour and teachers, of classroom standards and
college rules, as well as local state and federal laws, are just a few examples of the influences
that might affect how you behave. What would stop you, for instance, if you wanted to rip off
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your clothing and run naked down the street in a fit of extreme rage or out of a diabolical desire
to shock people? Your socialization—the society inside of you—is the solution. You now have
a self that thinks in certain ways and feels in specific ways as a result of your experiences in
society. This helps to discipline you. Awareness of the self in relation to others is reflected in
questions like "Would I get kicked out of school?" and "What would my friends (parents) think
if they found out?" The desire to stay away from embarrassment and shame goes hand in hand.
Therefore, as a result of developing a self and emotions through socialization, your social mirror
establishes reliable restraints on your behaviour. In fact, socialization into one's body and
emotions is so powerful that for some people, the mere thought of running in the open while
naked makes them feel ashamed.
In a nutshell: Socialization is crucial for our human growth. We develop our ability to think,
reason, and feel through interaction with others. The end effect is that our behaviour, as well as
our thoughts and feelings, are shaped in accordance with cultural norms. Sociologists mean this
when they talk about "society within us." 2010 (Henslin)
Lesson Overview
Theoretical perspective on socialization: functional approach
Theoretical perspective on socialization: conflict approach
Theoretical perspective on socialization: Feminist approach
Socialization into the self and mind
Socialization into the self and mind: Cooley and the looking glass self
Socialization into the self and mind: G.H. Mead and role taking
Learning personality, morality, and emotions
Resocialization is crucial from a functionalist point of view since it assists a person in letting
go of one role and assuming another, which is a crucial task. This method is thought to be
necessary for smooth transitions from home to school, from work to education, from civilian
life to military life, from the "free world" to prison, and so forth. According to functionalists,
when socialization breaks down, the social system as a whole also breaks down. The failure to
internalize social standards and poor socialization are thus blamed by functionalists for a
variety of aberrant behaviours. In light of this, resocialization is seen as a means of
rehabilitating criminals and promoting the survival of civilization. This is a sharp contrast to
the conflict perspective's viewpoint. In 2010 (Henslin).
Socialisation is one of the most potent and useful tactics used by individuals in positions of
authority to uphold the status quo and justify preexisting social inequities, according to a
conflict viewpoint. On a very basic level, socialisation gets people ready for the lower class may
be socialised from birth to show deference to those above them in the social hierarchy and may
be trained in skills that will boost their chances of serving those who are higher on the social
ladder.
We are aware that preconceptions are frequently picked up through socialisation, and the media
has a significant impact on this process. The media encourages racial, gender, and age
stereotypes and teaches people how to see and treat the elderly, women, and people of colour.
Additionally, they frequently present a binary picture of society that reduces complicated
problems to battles between good and bad, moral and immoral, and right and wrong. In most
media situations, the moral, just, and righteous side wins out in the end. The government, the
police, the wealthy, and the powerful are frequently shown as these, which the conflict theorists
argue is not a coincidence because they are all seen as legitimate sources of power and control
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over others. The media frequently portrays criminals, drug addicts, crazy people, and other
threats to the status quo as being from lower social classes, other planets, or foreign wicked
empires (Parenti, 1992).
They will spend the rest of their lives playing roles tied to class. For instance, upper-class people
are socialised from an early age to assume leadership and authority responsibilities. They
receive training on how to communicate with people of the same class as well as how to interact
with workers, servants, and those from lower social classes.
The conflict viewpoint emphasises the fact that socialisation is a multifaceted process. People
experience a constant barrage of contradictory and competing attitudes, values, beliefs, and
behaviours throughout their lives, but this is especially true throughout adolescence. The
majority of us recall being instructed to "Do as I say, and not as I do" at some point by a higher-
up after we may have been found breaking one of the rules that person had taught us. We may
all probably recall hearing from our parents, teachers, and religious leaders that certain
behaviours were undesirable and possibly even prohibited, only to discover that our peers
insisted they were not only acceptable but also required. For instance, most adolescent guys are
taught that fighting is wrong, but if they leave a fight, their friends view them as cowards.
Similar to teenage girls, teenage boys may not be held to the same standards and may experience
intense peer pressure to engage in sexual activity in order to be "normal" or transition into
"adulthood" despite being taught that premarital sex is unethical and will damage their
reputation.
The field of socialization may have made symbolic interaction the most significant addition to
sociology. For the analysis of the socialization process, it is best to place a focus on the micro
level analysis of social interaction, the significance of primary groups, the interpretation of
relevant symbols, the creation of a social identity, and viewing oneself as an object.
Consequently, the symbolic interactionist viewpoint has received a lot of attention in this
chapter. As was already said, Cooley's looking-glass self, which maintains that how we perceive
ourselves is what shapes us, serves as a crucial theoretical foundation for the interactionist
perspective on socialization. With his research on the I and the me, meaningful and generalized
others, the processes leading to role playing, and the indissoluble connection between mind, self,
and society, Mead expanded upon this framework. The impact of media and technological
media on the formation of a sense of self and how this affects social interaction in "real life" and
online is of special interest to interactionist nowadays.
Socialization fosters patriarchy and maintains gender roles. It instructs people to internalize and
accept gendered expectations and norms, many of which are harmful to women and other
marginalized groups. The feminist perspective emphasizes the part that socialization plays in
establishing gendered identities and influencing how people view one another and themselves.
According to this method, socialization is seen as a place of conflict where people and groups
can struggle against and question gendered expectations. This perspective has a weakness in that
it tends to ignore other forms of social oppression and inequality in favour of focusing solely on
gender.
When you were born, you had no ideas. You didn’t know that you were a son or daughter.
You didn’t even know that you were a he or she. How did you develop a self, your image of
who you are? How did you develop your ability to reason? Let’s find out.
Topic-069: Socialization into the Self and Mind: Cooley and the Looking Glass Self
The self is a component of how society makes us human, according to symbolic interactionist
Charles Horton Cooley (1864–1929), who lectured at the University of Michigan. He claimed
that social engagement is how our concept of self grows. Cooley (1902) invented the phrase
"looking-glass self" to characterize the method through which this particular characteristic of
"humanness" emerges.
1. We visualize how others could perceive us. We might believe, for instance, that people think
we're clever or uninteresting.
2. We interpret the responses of others. We draw conclusions about what other people think of
us. Do they appreciate our wit? Are they against us because we are dull?
3. We create a sense of who we are. Our feelings and conceptions of ourselves are framed by
how we perceive how others respond to us. A positive self-concept results from a favourable
reflection in this social mirror, while a negative reflection results from a negative reflection.
Remember that correct assessments are not necessary for self-development. Even if we blatantly
misread what people are thinking about us, those misconceptions become a part of who we think
we are. Also keep in mind that even while the development of the self-concept starts in
childhood, it continues throughout one's entire life. In our daily lives, we pay attention to how
other people respond to us. We continuously alter the self as we go. The self is thus never a
finished object; it is ever a work in progress, even as we become older (Henslin 2010).
Topic-070: Socialization into the Self and Mind: G.H. Mead and Role Taking
Play is crucial for our self-development, according to George Herbert Mead (1863–1931), a
symbolic interactionist who taught at the University of Chicago. Playing with others teaches us
how to assume the position of the other. In other words, we develop the ability to place oneself
in another person's position in order to comprehend their feelings and thoughts as well as to
predict their behaviour. This takes time to develop. Years pass until we fully master this skill
(Mead 1934; Denzin 2007).
1. Plagiarism. Young children can only mimic others. We can only mimic other people's
movements and statements since we do not yet have a sense of self that is distinct from others.
(This step actually does not involve role playing, but it gets us ready for it.)
2. Play. Between the ages of around 3 and 6, we pretend to assume the roles of particular
persons throughout the second stage. We may make up identities such as a firefighter, wrestler,
nurse, Super Girl, Spider-Man, princess, etc. At this age, we also enjoy dressing up in costumes
and like to wear our parents' clothes or tie a towel around our necks to "become" Superman or
Wonder Woman.
3. Team sports. When we first start school, this third stage, often known as organized play or
team games, starts. The relevance for the self is that we need to be able to play multiple parts in
order to participate in these games. A baseball game, in which each participant must be able to
assume the role of every other player, was one of Mead's favourite examples. We must be able
to predict what the other players on the field will do when the ball is hit or thrown in order to
play baseball. Knowing our own function is not enough.
Mead added that the ego is divided into two components: "I" and "me." The "I" is the subject of
oneself, the energetic, impulsive, and creative aspect of oneself. The "me" on the other hand is
the self as an object. It consists of the attitudes we absorb from other people's interactions. Mead
selected these pronouns because in English, "I" denotes the subject of an action, as in "I shoved
him," whereas "me" denotes the object of an action, as in "He shoved me." Mead emphasized
that our participation in the socialization process is not passive. We are not like machines that
have software that has been programmed into them. Instead, our "I" is engaged. It analyses other
people's responses and groups them into a coherent whole. Mead continued by saying that the
"I" even keeps an eye on the "me," adjusting our beliefs and behaviours to better enable us to
satisfy the expectations of others (Henslin 2010).
Our personality, morality, and emotions are vital aspects of who we are. Let’s look at how we
learn these essential aspects of our being.
The development of the personality goes hand in hand with the growth of the mind and the self.
The theory of personality development that Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) created has had a
significant influence on Western thought. In the early 1900s, a physician named Freud in Vienna
developed psychoanalysis, a method for treating emotional issues via in-depth research into the
subconscious mind. Let's examine his hypothesis. According to Freud, personality is made up of
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three components. The first component, an id—Freud's word for the innate desires that lead us
to pursue self-gratification—is present at birth in every child. The infant's cries of hunger or
discomfort reveal its identity. Throughout life, the pleasure-seeking id is active. Food, safety,
attention, sex, and other basic needs must all be met immediately.
The demands of other people, particularly the needs of the parents, act as an obstacle to the id's
urge for instant fulfilment. A second part of the psyche, which Freud dubbed the ego, forms in
order to adjust to these limitations. The ego acts as a check and balance between the id and the
social pressures that stifle it. The third aspect of personality, known more popularly as the
conscience, the superego, and the id are both balanced by the ego.
The superego stands for our internalised cultural standards and values that have been adopted
from our social groups. The superego, which represents our moral nature, makes us feel guilty
or ashamed when we violate societal norms or proud and content when we uphold them. Freud
claimed that when the id overpowers us, we violate social standards in order to satisfy our
cravings for pleasure. When the superego outgrows itself, we become overly dogmatic in
upholding those standards and wind up living in a restrictive set of rules. The ego, the
counterbalancing factor, works to keep the id or the superego from taking control. The ego is
successful in resolving these tensions between the id and the superego in the emotionally stable
person. The ego in the maladjusted person is unable to manage the struggle between the id and
the superego. This individual is dominated by their superego or id, which causes internal
conflict and problematic behaviour (Henslin, 2010).
Young children crave rapid gratification and exhibit little to no care for others, as anyone who
has watched them will attest. A 2-year-old will exclaim, "Mine!" when she takes a toy from
another youngster. Later on, though, this same child will start to show consideration for other
people and strive to play fairly. How is this shift brought about? Kohlberg's Principle.
According to psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg (1975, 1984, 1986; Reed 2008), moral
development occurs in a series of stages. He discovered that children begin in the amoral stage
I just described, building on Piaget's research. They only care about meeting their own needs;
there is no right or wrong in their eyes. Children are in what Kohlberg referred to as a Pre-
conventional stage from around 7 to 10 years old. To avoid getting into trouble, they follow the
rules they have learnt. They define right and wrong in terms of what their parents, friends, and
teachers find acceptable or unacceptable. They are worried about staying out of trouble. They
start the traditional stage around the age of ten. Morality throughout this time involves
upholding the ideals and standards they have learnt. According to Kohlberg, the majority of
people never reach the post conventional stage, where people ponder on abstract notions of
right and wrong and evaluate others' conduct in accordance with these notions.
Gilligan and Gender Differences in Morality. Another psychologist, Carol Gilligan, felt
uneasy about Kohlberg's results. They simply didn't line up with her personal experience. Then
she realised Kohlberg had only looked into males. By this time, more women were social
scientists, and they started to doubt a prevalent presumption of male researchers: that findings
from studies of boys would also apply to studies of girls. Gilligan (1982, 1990) made the
decision to investigate whether men and women had different perspectives on morality. She
found that women are more likely to judge morality in terms of interpersonal ties after speaking
with 200 men and women. Women are curious in how their actions impact others. They are
more worried about protecting their own interests and preventing harm to close ones. Contrarily,
men have a propensity to think more abstractly about what constitutes right and wrong. They
believe that moral behaviour is either consistent with or inconsistent with a code of ethics, and
that interpersonal ties are mostly irrelevant. Researchers put Gilligan's findings to the test. They
Global Emotions
At first glance, it can appear that socialisation is irrelevant and that we are just expressing
feelings that apply to everyone. Anger, disgust, fear, pleasure, sadness, and surprise are the six
basic emotions that everyone feels, according to psychologist Paul Ekman (1980), who
conducted extensive research on emotions in various nations. He also noted that when we
experience certain emotions, we all exhibit the same facial expressions. For instance, a Peruvian
could tell merely by looking at an American that she was angry, disgusted, or afraid, while we
could tell by looking at a Peruvian that he was joyful, sad, or startled. Ekman came to the
conclusion that these six emotions are hardwired into our DNA since we all exhibit the same
facial expressions while we are feeling them.
Expressing Emotions
Darwin emphasised in the 1800s that if we have universal facial expressions to represent
fundamental emotions, then this is a biological fact (Horwitz and Wakefield 2007:41). What,
therefore, is their relationship to sociology? We can convey our emotions in a variety of ways,
not just via our faces. We additionally employ our words, gestures, and bodies. Since high
school, Jane and Sushana have been close friends. Before Sushana got married and relocated to
a different state a year ago, they hardly ever had any time apart. Jane has been impatiently
awaiting Sushana's flight, which has been delayed, at the arrival gate. When Sushana leaves,
Jane and she embrace, "squealing with glee" and even jumping a little. Even if you couldn't tell
from their names, these people were women based on their actions. American women are free to
"squeals of glee" and jump while hugging in public to express their joyous surprise. In contrast,
if the exact same situation occurred, American males of glee, they would be breaking a basic
"gender rule." There are "rules" of culture, social class, relationships, and situations in addition
to "gender rules" for emotional expression (Henslin 2010).
AGENTS OF SOCIALIZATION
Lesson Overview
Family
School
Peer group
Mass Media
Religion
De-socialization and re-socialization: Total institutions
Agents of socialization are people or organisations that shape our perspectives on life, including
our feelings, attitudes, and behaviour. Three of these agents—the family, our peers, and the
media—have already been discussed in relation to how they affect our conceptions of gender.
We'll now take a closer look at other ways that socialization al agents set us up for success in
society. We will start by looking at the family before moving on to the neighbourhood, the
workplace, the workplace, nursery, school, and classmates (Henslin 2010).
Topic-072: Family
Our family is the first entity to have a significant impact on us. Our familial experiences are so
profound that their effects last a lifetime. Our core views, values, and drives are formed by these
experiences. We acquire our fundamental sense of self, notions about who we are, and beliefs
about what we should expect from life in the family. Here is where we start to judge ourselves
as either strong or weak, intelligent or stupid, attractive or ugly—or somewhere in between.
Additionally, as already mentioned, the process of establishing ourselves as female or male
throughout our lives also starts in the family.
The Family and Social Class: How parents socialize their children depends greatly on their
social position. Working-class parents are primarily concerned that their kids remain out of
trouble, according to sociologist Melvin Kohn (1959, 1963, 1976, 1977; Kohn et al. 1986).
They frequently use physical punishment as a form of discipline. Contrarily, middle-class
parents place more of an emphasis on encouraging their kids' curiosity, self-expression, and
self-control. Instead of physically punishing their children, they are more prone to negotiate
with them. But why such variations? Sociologist Kohn was aware that some kind of life
experience was the solution.
In the sphere of work, he discovered the solution. Blue-collar employees frequently receive
detailed instructions. They emphasise compliance because they want their children to live
similar lives to their own. Parents from the middle class, in contrast, have jobs that require
more initiative, and they raise their kids to have the traits they value. Kohn was curious as to
why some working-class parents behave in a more middle-class manner, and the opposite is
also true. He dug deeper and discovered the answer: the parents' line of work. Some middle-
class employees, like office workers, are under close supervision. It turned out that they
prioritize conformity and follow a working-class pattern. Additionally, certain blue-collar
workers, such those who perform home repairs, have a lot of independence. When it comes to
raising their children, many professionals adopt a middle-class approach.
(Kohn and Schooler 1969; Pearlin and Kohn 1966). Lareau (2002) asserts that social status has
an impact on parents' conceptions of how children grow and that these conceptions have
fascinating ramifications for children's play.
The Neighbourhood
As all parents are aware, some neighbourhoods are better for kids than others. If they can,
parents try to relocate to those neighbourhoods. Sociological analysis supports their logical
conclusions. According to several studies (Brooks-Gunn et al. 1997; Sampson et al. 2001;
Wheaton and Clarke 2003; Yonas et al. 2006), children from underprivileged areas are more
likely to encounter legal issues, become pregnant, drop out of school, and even experience
worse mental health in later life. Sociologists have discovered that those who live in more
affluent neighbourhoods watch their kids more closely than those who live in less affluent ones
(Sampson et al. 1999). The adults in more wealthy neighbourhoods are more likely to know the
neighbourhood kids and their parents because there are fewer families in transition there. They
are better able to protect the kids and keep them out of trouble because to this (Henslin, 2010).
Topic-073:The School
Teaching knowledge and abilities like reading, writing, and math constitutes part of the evident
function, or intended purpose, of formal education. Socialisation includes the teaching of these
skills as well as the schools' latent purposes, or their unintentional repercussions that benefit
society. Let's examine this educational component that is less obvious. Children pick up beliefs
and attitudes at home that are appropriate for the circumstances of their family. They get a
larger viewpoint at school, which helps children get ready to participate in society outside of
their immediate family. The child learns universality in school, that the same rules apply to
everyone, regardless of who their parents are or how unique they may be at home. At home, a
youngster may have been the virtually sole focus of adoring parents. Sociologists have also
found that our schools have a secret curriculum. This phrase describes principles that, even
though they are not expressly taught, are a part of a school's "cultural message." For instance,
lessons in patriotism, democracy, justice, and honesty may be included in the tales and
examples used to teach maths and English. Additionally, there is a curriculum that kids teach
one another in the hallways outside of the classroom. Sadly, the corridor curriculum appears to
place a strong emphasis on sexism, racism, and coolness (Hemmings 1999). Which of these is
functional and which is dysfunctional can be decided for oneself. Conflict theorists emphasise
how socioeconomic class divides kids into various educational contexts. Wealthy parents send
their children to private schools where they learn values and skills appropriate for their higher
status. Public schools are where children born to middle-class and lower-class parents attend,
further defining the two distinct worlds of social class. Blue-collar families teach their children
that few of "their kind" will become professionals or leaders, whereas middle-class families
teach their children that decent employment, even the professions, beckon. This is only one of
several factors that make kids from blue-collar families less likely to enrol in college
preparatory classes or actually attend college. In summary, Henslin (2010) found that schools
all around the world serve to perpetuate the social class, economic, and political systems of
their respective countries.
The influence of the family diminishes as a child's interactions with agents of socialization
increase. This change of allegiance involves numerous phases, entering school being just one of
them. Children are exposed to peer groups through schooling, which is one of the most
important components of education since it helps them resist parental and educational attempts
to socialize them. Patricia and Peter Adler, sociologists, watched kids at two Colorado primary
schools in 1998. They noticed how kids segregate themselves by sex and create separate gender
worlds. Boys were popular because they fit the stereotypes of being athletic, cool, and tough.
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Popularity for girls was based on her upbringing, her outward appearance (including her choice
of clothing and makeup), and her capacity to draw in popular boys. Academic achievement in
this kids' subculture veered in two different directions: High grades hurt boys' popularity,
although good grades boosted girls' position among their peers. You are aware of the power of
peer groups from personal experience. Going against a peer group is nearly impossible because
their guiding principle appears to be "conformity or rejection." Anyone who disobeys the
group's rules is labeled as a "outsider," "non-member," or "outcast." It is not unexpected that
peer group norms are in place for preteens and teens who are still figuring things out in the
world. Because of this, the norms of our peer groups frequently rule our lives. It is practically a
given that you will enjoy the same genre of music as your peers if they listen to rap, Nortec,
death metal, rock and roll, country, or gospel, for instance. If your high school buddies are
taking math classes, chances are that you are as well (Crosnoe et al. 2008). The same holds true
for dating norms and fashion trends. Socially unacceptable behaviours might also be influenced
by peers. If your classmates are college-bound and upwardly mobile, you will most likely be
the same; but, if they engage in drug use, dishonest behaviour, or theft, you are likely to do the
same (Henslin 2010).
As they convey messages and images that mould people's attitudes, beliefs, and values, mass
media like television, movies, social media, and advertising are significant socialization
agents. The mainstream media may influence Pakistani society's perceptions of gender roles,
cultural identity, and physical attractiveness. Additionally, the media informs the public about
social issues and has the power to shape political beliefs. Additionally, health-related
behaviours like smoking, dieting, and exercise can be influenced by the media.
Topic-076: Religion
What role does religion have in your life? Even if you are one of the two-thirds of Americans
who attend a local church, what if you are one of the other one third (Gallup Poll 2007b)? What
makes religion important to you? We must look beyond religious individuals in order to
understand the impact of religion. Religion has a significant impact, even on those who would
never be caught dead near a synagogue, church, or mosque. The most important part of religion
might be this: Religious concepts are so ingrained in American culture that they serve as both a
religious and nonreligious person's moral compass. The effect of religion is more overt for
many Americans. This is especially true for the two out of every five Americans who claim to
attend religious services on a weekly basis, according to a Gallup Poll conducted in 2007. They
acquire doctrine, morals, and values through their involvement in congregational life, but the
impacts on their lives go beyond these evident elements.
People who attend religious services, for instance, pick up concepts about proper speech, attire,
and etiquette for formal events in addition to their views about the afterlife. Participants'
experiences in congregational life also give them a sense of identity and a sense of belonging.
Additionally, it promotes social mobility for the underprivileged, helps immigrants make
connections for jobs, and, in the case of African American churches, has had a significant
impact on societal transformation (Henslin, 2010).
Total institutions, such as prisons, mental health facilities, and military boot camps, are locations
where people are fully blocked off from the outside world and immersed in the activities of the
institution. Total institutions are designed to re socialize people with new beliefs, attitudes, and
behaviours that are thought fit for the institution while de-socializing people from their former
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identities. De-socialization is the practise of eliminating a person's personal belongings, attire,
and haircut while establishing a uniform setting in which everyone is treated equally.
Resocialization
What do a man who just got divorced and a lady who recently become a nun have in common?
The answer is that both of them are going through resocialization, or learning new standards,
ideals, attitudes, and behaviours to fit their new circumstances. When we learn something that
conflicts with our prior experiences, resocialization takes place. You're being serialized by a
new boss who insists on doing things a different manner. Most resocialization is minor; it
merely modifies what we have already learnt somewhat. Resocialization can be very strong as
well. For instance, members of Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) are surrounded by ex-drinkers who
uphold the harmful effects of binge drinking. When they transition from high school to college,
some students go through a difficult period of resocialization, particularly during the initially
unsettling days before they make friends, start to fit in, and feel at ease. The experiences of
those who join cults or start psychotherapy are considerably more significant since they pick up
ideas that are at odds with the socialization they had previously. If these concepts "take," the
person learns a fundamentally new way of viewing life in addition to changing their behaviour
(Henslin, 2010).
Total Institutions
Few of us actually feel the potent socializational force that sociologist Erving Goffman (1961)
referred to as the complete institution. He used this phrase to describe a setting where residents
are cut off from the rest of society and are virtually completely under the authority of the ruling
authorities. Total institutions include boot camp, jails, prisons, concentration camps, convents,
some religious cults, and some military schools like West Point. A degradation ceremony, which
attempts to recreate the self by removing the individual's current identity and imprinting a new
one in its stead, welcomes a person into a whole institution (Garfinkel 1956). This nasty greeting
may involve taking a picture, shaving the head, or taking fingerprints. Newcomers might be told
to strip off, go through a humiliating, semi-public inspection, and then put on a uniform
signifying their new position. The person's personal identity kit, which includes clothing,
jewellery, haircuts, and other body decorations intended to display uniqueness, is also removed
by officials. Institutions as a whole are cut off from the public. The guards, gates, fences, and
bars not only maintain the
both keep outsiders and prisoners out. Staff personnel keep an eye on the residents' daily
activities. Eating, sleeping, taking a shower, and having fun are all standardized. Prisoners
discover that their prior identities as students, employees, spouses, and parents are meaningless.
Their current situation is the only thing that matters. Nobody escapes a whole institution
undamaged since the experience leaves a permanent imprint on the person's identity and alters
how they perceive the world. Both prison and psychiatric hospitals are cruel, long-lasting
institutions. However, neither a recruit nor a prisoner has any trouble realising that the
institution has had a significant impact on attitudes and life orientations (Henslin 2010).
Lesson Overview
Childhood (from birth to about age 12)
Adolescence (age 13 to 17)
Transitional Adulthood (age 18 to 29)
The middle years (age 30 to 65)
The older years (About age 65 on)
The social significance of the life course
Are we prisoners of socialization?
College is a significant aspect of the time of your life that you are currently in. As you progress
through life, you are aware that there are yet more stages to come. The life course refers to these
phases, which span from conception to death (Elder, 1975; 1999). The life course has two
implications for sociology. First off, each stage you go through has an impact on your behaviour
and inclinations. Simply said, when you're 30 years old, married, have a child, and have a
mortgage, your perspective on life is very different from when you're 18 or 20 years old,
unmarried, and in college. Actually, as a freshman and a senior, you don't even view life in the
same manner. Your life cycle also varies depending on your social position. Your gender, race,
and social class, for instance, help to define specific worlds of experience. As a result, different
life courses apply to different groups of people, including men and women, the wealthy and the
destitute, etc. (Henslin 2010).
If you had been born in a different historical era, think about how your childhood would have
been different. In European paintings from roughly A.D. 1000 to 1800, children were always
dressed in adult clothes, according to historian Philippe Aries (1965). They were represented
engaging in adult activities if they weren't stiffly posed, as in a family portrait. Aries derived a
conclusion from this that provoked a discussion among historians: He claimed that childhood
was not seen as a significant phase of life during this age in Europe. He claimed that children
were employed at a young age by adults who treated them like miniature adults. A youngster
might permanently leave home at the age of 7 to pursue a career as a stonecutter or goldsmith. In
contrast, a girl stayed at home until she got married, but by the time she was 7, she was taking
on her fair share of the chores. Although historians agree that these practices were common at
the period, some believe Aries' conclusion to be absurd. They assert that more historical
evidence shows childhood was valued as a special time in life (Orme 2002). Working children
as grownups was not a thing of the Middle Ages. Today, it is still typical in the Least
Industrialized Nations, where young people labour in a variety of jobs, from waiters to
blacksmiths. They are most frequently seen as street vendors, peddling everything from chewing
gum and candies to shoelaces. In addition to showing various activities, the image in the upper
left corner of page 251 also shows a view of youngsters that is significantly different from that
which is typical in the Most Industrialized Nations. Even child rearing differed considerably. In
the past three hundred years, parents and educators believed it was their moral obligation to
terrorize youngsters in order to keep them inline. Children would be kept in pitch-black closets,
terrified to sleep with tales of hellfire and death, and made to see horrible acts.
The industrial revolution altered how we view children. Parents and authorities began to view
children as delicate and innocent, needing greater care, comfort, and protection, when they had
You might find it unusual, but adolescence is not a "natural" age divide but rather a societal
construct. People simply transitioned from childhood to young adulthood without a halt in the
past. The invention of adolescence was made possible by the Industrial Revolution. For the first
time in history, there were so many material surpluses brought about by it that teenagers were no
longer required in the labour market. At the same time, success became more dependent on
education. A chasm between infancy and maturity was established in industrialised cultures as a
result of the convergence of these two forces. Adolescence is the name given to this new stage
of life, which has come to be known for its internal turbulence (Hall, 1904). Tribal communities
undertake initiation rites to commemorate the transition of children into adults. Their self-
identity is grounded by this. They are aware of their place in society. However, in the developed
world, teenagers must "find" themselves as they struggle with the paradox that "I am neither a
child nor an adult." What am I? Adolescents create their own subcultures with different attire,
hairstyles, language, gestures, and music as they work to distinguish themselves from both the
"younger" world being left behind and the "older" world that is still out of reach. We frequently
forget that modern culture, not biology, is what gave rise to the era of internal upheaval that we
refer to as adolescence (Henslin 2010).
Can civilization create new stages of life if it created adolescence? This is currently taking
place. Sociologists refer to this era of extended youth as transitional adulthood (also known as
adolescence), and it is being added to the life cycle in post-industrial nations. Millions of young
folks delay taking on adult responsibilities by attending college after high school.
Despite being mostly liberated from parental authority, they are not required to provide for
themselves. Many people who graduate from college choose to remain at home after they start
their careers in order to save money and, of course, to continue "finding themselves." People are
"neither psychological adolescents nor sociological adults" at this time, according to Keniston
(1971). During this extended time of youth, young individuals eventually transition into adult
duties. They get a full-time job, commit to a career, partake in courtship customs, tie the knot—
and rack up debt (Henslin 2010).
Topic-081: The Middle Years (ages 30–65) The Early Middle Years (ages 30–49)
Most people are more confident in themselves and their life goals throughout their early middle
years. But just like at any other stage of life, the self can experience shocking shocks. Divorce
and job losses are frequent during this time. After such ruptures, it can take years for the self to
stabilize. Many American women have a unique struggle in the early middle years because they
have been taught—especially by the media—that they can "have it all." They can be all-around
superwomen, super wives, and super mothers. But then reality sets in: there isn't enough time,
there are too many obligations, and they even get too little sleep. Attempts to overcome this
conundrum are anything but simple because something needs to give. Ages 50 to 65: The Later
Middle Years. As people's bodies change in the latter middle years, they start to worry more and
more about their health and mortality, especially if they see their parents get older, ill, and
eventually pass away. A fundamental shift in thinking—from time from birth to time remaining
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to live—is the result (Neugarten 1976). People try to assess the past and accept what comes
ahead with this altered attitude. They contrast their accomplishments with their original goals.
Many people also find themselves taking care of their ageing parents in addition to their own
children. The "sandwich generation" refers to those in their later middle years because of this
double burden, which is frequently oppressive. Not everyone finds this stage of life to be
stressful. Many people consider their later middle years to be their most comfortable years. They
have a higher quality of living and more job security than ever before; they also have bigger
homes (some of which may be paid for); nicer cars; and longer and more extravagant vacations.
Fewer disruptions are likely because the kids are grown, the self is established, and so on
(Henslin 2010).
When most people in agricultural communities passed away young, old age was thought to start
around the age of 40. The onset of "old age" increasingly extended as a result of improvements
in public health, nutrition, and medicine brought about by industrialisation. Today's healthy
individuals are beginning to view their 60s as an extension of their middle years rather than as
old age. Since this transition occurred so recently, it appears that a new stage of life—the time
between retirement (which typically begins at age 63) and old age, which more and more people
now perceive to start at age 75—is emerging. This period is referred to as the older transitional
years. This life period of transition is receiving increased attention from researchers. They
discovered that persons who are more integrated into social networks maintain their mental
sharpness and that social isolation is bad for both the body and the brain (Ertel et al. 2008).
Two-thirds of men and two-fifths of women between the ages of late 60s and age 75 continue to
engage in sexual activity due to improved health (Lindau et al. 2007). People at this time of life
are not only engaging in more sex, but they are also finding it more enjoyable (Beckman et al.
2008). We are able to think about death because we have a self and the ability to reason
abstractly. In our formative years, we view death as an ethereal idea or a remote prospect.
However, the concept of death becomes less abstract as people witness their parents and friends
pass away and notice their own bodies no longer functioning as they once did. People feel that
"time is closing in" on them more frequently throughout this stage of life (Henslin, 2010).
When most people in agricultural communities passed away young, old age was thought to start
around the age of 40. The onset of "old age" increasingly extended as a result of improvements
in public health, nutrition, and medicine brought about by industrialisation. Today's healthy
individuals are beginning to view their 60s as an extension of their middle years rather than as
old age. Since this transition occurred so recently, it appears that a new stage of life—the time
between retirement (which typically begins at age 63) and old age, which more and more people
now perceive to start at age 75—is emerging. This period is referred to as the older transitional
years. This life period of transition is receiving increased attention from researchers. They
discovered that persons who are more integrated into social networks maintain their mental
sharpness and that social isolation is bad for both the body and the brain (Ertel et al. 2008).
Two-thirds of men and two-fifths of women between the ages of late 60s and age 75 continue to
engage in sexual activity due to improved health (Lindau et al. 2007). People at this time of life
are not only engaging in more sex, but they are also finding it more enjoyable (Beckman et al.
2008). We are able to think about death because we have a self and the ability to reason
abstractly. In our formative years, we view death as an ethereal idea or a remote prospect.
However, the concept of death becomes less abstract as people witness their parents and friends
pass away and notice their own bodies no longer functioning as they once did. People feel that
"time is closing in" on them more frequently throughout this stage of life (Henslin, 2010).
You could infer from our explanation of socialization that sociologists view persons as robots:
The behaviour emerges from the socialization that has taken place. People are completely at the
mercy of the thoughts, feelings, and actions that come from their exposure to socializing agents.
Sociologists do not view individuals in this manner. We all have strong socialization that has a
significant impact on us, but we also have a sense of self. Our self is dynamic, continuously
changing as a result of experience beyond childhood. Our self is not a passive sponge that
passively takes in effects from the world; rather, it is a vital, active aspect of who we are that
enables us to impact the environment. People are not robots, which is why it is so difficult to
predict their behaviour. Each of us combines the numerous responses of others. We all
internalize or "put together" these countless reactions as the self grows, creating a singular
entity known as the person. Every person in the world utilities their brains to reason and make
decisions. Each of us is actively involved in the process of creating the self in this way. Our
essential life orientations are established by our familial experiences, but we are not obligated
to maintain them if we don't like them. We can deliberately expose oneself to other ideologies
and groups. Each of those encounters will have an impact on who we are in turn. In conclusion,
despite the influence of socialization, we are still capable of changing our own selves within
the constraints of the framework established by our social environments. And that self is the
key to our behaviour, coupled with the possibilities offered by society (Henslin 2010).
Lesson Overview
Making moral judgments
Defining normal and deviant behavior: The functions of deviance
Defining normal and deviant behavior: The dysfunctions of deviance
Identity as deviance
Mechanisms of social control: Internal means of control
Mechanism of social control: external means of social control
Social control and deterrence
Informal and formal social control
Culture defines normal behaviour, which differs throughout societies and eras. Moral
evaluations are frequently used to discern between acceptable and unacceptable behaviour.
Moral judgement may be impacted by societal conventions, tradition, and even religion.
Homosexuality is frequently regarded as a deviant behaviour in Pakistan due to cultural and
religious norms. Drug usage is prohibited in Pakistan and is frequently seen as aberrant
behaviour. The distinction between acceptable and unacceptable behaviour can be arbitrary and
ever-evolving.
Deviance is a term used by sociologists to describe any breach of norms, whether the
transgression is trivial like exceeding the speed limit or major like murder. This seemingly
straightforward description gets to the heart of the sociological viewpoint on deviance, which
was best summed up by sociologist Howard S. Becker in 1966 as follows: The behaviours
themselves do not constitute deviation; rather, it is the responses to the actions that do.
One of the main points emphasized by symbolic interactionist is the relativity of deviance. What
is abnormal to one group may not be abnormal to another since various social groupings have
distinct norms. This idea is applicable to all societies and cultures. As a result, behaviours that
are regarded normal by one group within a community or in one culture may be viewed as
deviant by another group within the same society. This idea also holds true for a certain kind of
deviation known as crime, which is the breaking of laws. An act that is praised by one group
may, at its most extreme, be so reviled by another group that it is capital offence. One example
is making a significant profit on commercial transactions.
Sociologists, in contrast to the general public, use the term "deviance" in a nonjudgmental
manner to describe any action that elicits unfavourable reactions. When sociologists use this
phrase, it doesn't necessarily mean they concur that a particular action is bad—just that others do.
Therefore, according to sociologists, everyone is a deviant in some way because we all
occasionally transgress social standards. A person need not even act abnormally to be deemed
abnormal. The term stigma was coined by sociologist Erving Goffman in 1963 to describe traits
that cast people in a negative light. The norms of ability (blindness, deafness, mental
impairments) and appearance (a face birthmark, a big nose) are among them. Involuntary
memberships such as being an AIDS victim or the sibling of a rapist are also included. The
stigma may grow to define a person as deviant, making it their master position (Henslin, 2010).
The moral limits of a group are defined by its beliefs about how individuals should think and
behave. Deviant behaviour tests those limits. To call a member into account is to effectively
declare, "You broke an important rule, and we cannot tolerate that." Punishing non-compliant
members reinforces the group's rules and clarifies what it means to be a group member.
It strengthens the sense of "we" among the group's members to uphold the moral boundaries of
the group by punishing transgressors. "You can't get away with that," the throng cries,
"affirming the righteousness of our own ways."
The best course of action for dealing with individuals who challenge conventional wisdom is
not always agreed upon by groups. The rule-breaking behaviour may even have the support of
some group members. When boundary transgressions receive enough support, they develop
into brand-new, accepted behaviour. Therefore, deviance may drive a group to reconsider and
revise its moral guidelines, assisting groups—and entire societies—in adapting to changing
conditions (Henslin 2010).
Deviance can also have detrimental effects on society, such as instilling dread and insecurity.
Deviance can also cause societal disarray and the collapse of social structures. The emergence of
extremist organisations in Pakistan has disrupted society and instilled terror among the populace.
Deviance can also result in injustice and prejudice towards vulnerable populations. Deviance's
dysfunctions can be challenging to overcome and have long-lasting impacts on society. The
detrimental effects of deviance can be avoided, nevertheless, by addressing their underlying
causes.
Herbert Spencer's (1889) claim that deviation is a type of social pathology is a precursor to the
structural functionalist approach to deviance. Spencer shared the functionalist belief that society
is made up of a basic structure with a number of interrelated and dependent components.
Spencer believed that a problem in one area of an organism has an impact on the entire organism.
Many early sociologists saw aberrant behaviour as a type of social illness, an issue that could
endanger society's survival, drawing on Spencer's parallel of the organic world. It was thought
that social pathologies including crime, mental illness, drug misuse, suicide, and other types of
deviance needed to be studied and treated. The structural functionalist approach to deviance,
which eventually came to be known as structural or strain theories, has its theoretical foundation
in Spencer's theory of deviance (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Internal control mechanisms refer to a person's internal sense of good and wrong. This can
comprise morality, values, and personal convictions. In Pakistan, religion is a major factor in
many people's internal systems of control. An individual's internal mechanisms of control can
also be influenced by family upbringing and cultural norms. It is possible to effectively direct
behaviour and foster social cohesion through internal techniques of control. However, they
might not always be in line with social expectations and can differ widely among people.
Internalized or Voluntary Social Control People internalizing society's values and standards and
exercising self-control is one of the best ways to control people's behaviour. For instance, the
most of us have never killed someone, but this is more because we feel it is immoral to take
another person's life than it is because it is against the law and we are afraid of getting
discovered and punished. Most of the time, people voluntarily conform. What psychologists
refer to as "conscience" is the sense of guilt we experience when we disobey or even consider
disobeying societal rules. Sociologists extend this logic by saying that, in addition to taking into
account other people's norms, values, and beliefs, we also examine how our actions will be
received by others before we take them (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
The term "external means of control" describes the application of external factors to control
behaviour. Laws, established institutions, and social standards can all be considered here.
Governmental institutions and the judicial system act as external social control mechanisms in
Pakistan. Family obligations and gender-based social standards can also function as outside
sources of control. The promotion of social norm compliance and the prevention of deviation
can both be accomplished through external measures of control. They can, however, also be
limiting and oppressive, especially for marginalized populations.
According to some sociologists, social control is the most crucial component of sociological
study, and deterrence is its most crucial component. According to the deterrence hypothesis,
negative social sanctions, particularly punishment, will be avoided if they are viewed as being
certain, quick, and harsh (Gibbs, 1975). Theorists of deterrence distinguish between specific
deterrence, which involves punishments that prevent a person from repeating a particular
behaviour, and general deterrence, which involves deterring others from
Informal Social Control: Informal social control procedures may be used when
voluntary social control is insufficient and folkways or mores are broken. For instance,
gossip is an extremely powerful tool for punishing conduct. Gossip can be a potent
deterrent to veering off the path in small towns or groups where everyone knows
everyone else. Another popular and efficient tactic of informal social control is ridicule
or disgrace. Few people like being the brunt of jokes made about them. Teenagers in
America seem to be particularly skilled at exercising this kind of unofficial influence on
their classmates. According to research, compliance and shame are related, particularly
when it comes to informal but omnipresent social supervision by others (Scheff, 1988).
Ostracism, or removing someone from social acceptance or group membership, is
arguably one of the most powerful forms of informal social control. Shunning is the
strongest negative sanction used by the Old Order Amish against church members who
gravely violate their faith's moral and social teachings. The person who has been
shunned is not permitted to have meals with others, is not acknowledged or spoken to,
and is prohibited from taking part in any communal events. Primary interaction is
crucial to daily life in small, interdependent communities like those established by the
Old Order Amish, and shunning is equivalent to "social death" (Hostetler, 1980;
Thompson, 1986). In many cases, informal social control alone is sufficient to deter
deviation and promote compliance. However, when formal norms are broken, formal
controlsm may be added to and reinforced by informal social control (Thompson and
Hickey 2016).
It will become clearer when we investigate symbolic interactionism why sociologists are
dissatisfied with theories that have their roots in socio-biology or psychology. We are thinking
beings who act in accordance with how we see the world, which is a fundamental tenet of
symbolic interactionism. Let's think about how our group affiliation affects how we perceive the
world and, ultimately, how we behave (Henslin 2010).
Although Sutherland's theory is more nuanced than this, it essentially states that the various
groups we connect with—what he called "differential association"—send us signals about
conformity and deviation. Although there may be conflicting messages, we ultimately receive
more of one than the other (or, as Sutherland phrased it, "an excess of definitions"). An
imbalance results—attitudes that slant us one way or the other. As a result, we develop the
ability to either conform or deviate.
Families: Since our families play such a significant role in shaping our attitudes, it should be
clear to you that the family has a significant impact on whether we develop deviance or
compliance.
Researchers have validated this unofficial finding. This one sticks out among the many
confirming studies: About half of all prisoners in the United States have a parent, sibling,
spouse, or sibling who has served time behind bars. In other words, families with a history of
crime tend to raise their kids to be lawbreakers.
Friends, Neighbourhoods, and Subcultures: Although most individuals are unfamiliar with
the term differential association, they are aware of its principles. The majority of parents desire
to leave "bad" neighbourhoods because they are aware that if their children hang out with
criminals, they are likely to follow suit. This widely held perspective is also supported by
sociological studies (Miller 1958; Chung and Steinberg 2006; Yonas et al. 2006). Some
neighbourhoods even foster a violent subculture. Even a light-hearted comment might result in
instant death in some places. The neighbour will not testify if they believe that the victim
Control Theory: Two control mechanisms oppose human desires to deviate, according to
control theory's creator, sociologist Walter Reckless (1973). Our internalised morality—
conscience, religious beliefs, and concepts of good and wrong—comprises one of our internal
regulators. The desire to be a "good" person, sentiments of integrity, and dread of punishment
are additional examples of inner controls (Hirschi 1969; McShane and Williams 2007). People
who inspire us to stay on course, like family, friends, and the police, make up our outside
controls. Our internal controls are more effective the closer we are to society (Hirschi 1969).
Bonds are formed through attachments—our love and respect for those who adhere to social
norms—commitments—having something to lose in society, like a respected position in your
family, a good grade in school, or a good job—involvements—taking part in sanctioned
activities, and beliefs—convictions that some behaviours are immoral. Sociologist Travis
Hirschi argues self-control is a good way to sum up this notion. Socialisation is essential for
developing high levels of self-control, especially in early life. By watching over them and
correcting their misbehaviour, parents can assist their kids in learning self-control (Gottfredson
and Hirschi 1990; Hay and Forrest 2006). They occasionally discipline their kids with shame.
That forefinger was probably shaken at you. I know it was directed at me (Henslin 2010).
Labelling Concepts: Imagine, for the sake of argument, that you were known as a "whore,"
"pervert," or "cheat." What influence, if any, such a reputation would have on how you are
perceived by others and how you perceive yourself? What if you gained a reputation for being
"very intelligent," "truthful in everything," or "honest to the core"?
(Select one.) You can see how someone with such a reputation could have different
expectations of your behaviour and character. Labelling theory focuses on the importance of
reputations and how they influence our behaviour, either by leading us down the path of
deviance or by leading us away from it.
Labelling theory holds that people's opinions of themselves and others are influenced by the
labels they are given, which causes their behaviour to be either deviant or conformist. A similar
phrase is "degradation ceremony," which Harold Garfinkel used to describe a ritual intended to
change a person's identity by erasing that person's self identification and imprinting a new
identity in its stead.
How do labels function? We can observe that labels open and close doors of opportunity
despite the fact that the issue is complicated since it involves self-concept and responses that
differ from person to person. In contrast to its sociological definition, the word "deviant" has an
emotional connotation that implies some type of condemnation. This label can exclude
individuals from conforming groups and force them to interact almost exclusively with others
who have received a similar label (Henslin 2010).
Topic-094: The Functional Perspective: Can Deviance Really be Functional for Society?
According to the functional perspective, deviation can benefit society by promoting change
or reinforcing social norms. The functional perspective, however, is frequently criticized for
disregarding the undesirable effects of deviation, such as social inequity and disarray.
Although protesting against government corruption in Pakistan can be considered as a useful
tactic, it has also contributed to bloodshed and societal unrest. Promoting a just and
equitable society necessitates weighing deviance's potential benefits against its drawbacks.
Functionalists contend that crime is a normal component of society rather than an anomaly or an
outside force in our midst. Even crime can be caused by mainstream values. To find and teach
its gifted people—whether they were born into riches or poverty—so that they might take over
the essential technical jobs of society, sociologists Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (1960)
recognised this as the industrialised world's most pressing issue. Nobody can predict which
newborns will have the potential to become dentists, nuclear scientists, or engineers. Society
strives to inspire everyone to pursue achievement in order to attract the most gifted people to
compete with one another. It accomplishes this through stoking unhappiness—making
individuals feel unsatisfied with their current circumstances so they will want to "better"
themselves. Almost everyone is persuaded to desire cultural goals, achievement of some kind,
such as riches or prestige, and we are quite successful in doing this. However, we struggle to
ensure that everyone has equitable access to institutionalized tools and legal avenues for
achieving those ends. Sociologist Robert Merton (1956, 1968) created strain theory as he
examined how success is socialized and how access to it is restricted. When someone wants to
succeed but has obstacles in their path, they experience strain, which is frustration. When they
help you advance, like when you work hard or pursue higher education, it is simple to identify
with mainstream norms, but when they don't seem to be working for you, you get dissatisfied.
You might even think the system has done you wrong. You may feel anomie, or a lack of
feeling of norm, which Merton called the gap when conventional standards appear to be
unjustified. We all have to deal with these cultural objectives and institutionalized techniques as
part of living in society. Table 8.1 contrasts the diverse responses that individuals have to them.
The first response, according to Merton, is conformity, which entails attempting to achieve
cultural objectives through the use of socially accepted means. Most people in industrialized
societies want to obtain respectable employment, a top-notch education, and other things. When
lucrative employment aren't available, people adopt less appealing positions. They attend a state
university instead of Harvard or Stanford if they are not admitted. Others enrol in night classes
and attend career colleges. In short, most people choose the course that is accepted by society.
Four Deviant Paths: The aberrant four remaining responses reflect people's reactions to the
tension they experience between their desired goals and their access to the institutionalized
tools to achieve them. Let's investigate each. People who accept societal ideals but employ
unethical methods to try to achieve them are innovators. For instance, crack traffickers embrace
the desire to get wealthy but reject the acceptable means to achieve so. Embezzlers, thieves,
and con artists are more instances. People who feel disheartened and give up on accomplishing
cultural aspirations follow the second aberrant path. But they continue to adhere to accepted
moral standards. This response was described as ritualism by Merton. The only way ritualistic
may thrive at work is by strictly adhering to the regulations set forth by their employer. For
instance, teachers whose ideals have been dashed (those who are considered to have "burnout")
continue to teach in a dreary manner. Their response is viewed as abnormal since they stick to
their position despite having given up their original objective, which might have been to inspire
young minds or improve the world. those who opt for
Retreatism, the third aberrant option, rejects both the institutionalized means and the cultural
objectives. Some people give up on success and turn to drink or drugs as a coping mechanism.
Women who join a convent or men who join a monastery are both Retreatism, despite the fact
that their routes to withdrawal are very different. Rebellion is the final deviant reaction type.
Rebels, like treatises, reject both the societal objectives and its institutionalized tactics because
they believe their society to be corrupt. Rebels, as opposed to treatises, want to provide society
new objectives as well as new ways to achieve them. The most devoted kind of rebels are
revolutionaries (Henslin 2010).
©Copyright Virtual University of Pakistan 71
Introduction to Sociology-SOC101 VU
Topic-096: The Conflict Perspective: Class Crime and the Criminal Justice System
The Law as a Tool of Oppression: According to conflict theorists, social inequality and
power are the two main facets of society. They emphasise how the criminal justice system is
used by the ruling class to maintain its dominance and privilege. They assert that the notion that
the law functions impartially to uphold justice is a lie propagated by the capitalist class.
(Chambliss 2000, 1973/2007; Spitzer 1975; Reiman 2004) They make the argument that the
law is basically a weapon of oppression, a device created by the strong to protect their
privileged position. The working class and those below them represent a unique challenge to
the ruling class due to their size. Being the least materially rewarded members of society, they
have the capacity to rebel and topple the status quo. The law punishes its adherents severely for
breaking the rules in order to avoid this. The working poor and the underclass constitute a
special problem. They have the smallest social roots. If they have jobs at all, they are low-
paying, part-time, or seasonal jobs with little qualifications. They receive harsh punishment
because the social order that keeps the ruling class in power is threatened by their street crimes.
The majority of American prisoners are drawn from this class. Therefore, the criminal justice
system does not concentrate on the harm that corporate CEOs cause by producing unsafe
products, causing pollution, and manipulating prices. However, the abuses of the capitalist
class cannot be completely disregarded because if they become too flagrant or oppressive, they
may enrage the working class and inspire a revolution. A gross offence committed by a
member of the capitalist class is occasionally prosecuted in order to stop this. By offering proof
of the "fairness" of the criminal justice system, the media attention provided to the case aids
with social system stabilisation. The wealthy, however, can frequently avoid going to court
altogether by going before a body that lacks the authority to arrest people (like the Federal
Trade Commission). These organisations are run by affluent individuals who understand the
complexities of the corporate world.
Biological theories contend that a person's physical or genetic make-up plays a role in criminal
behaviour. These ideas suggest that certain people's biological characteristics incline them to
criminal behaviour. According to Cesare Lombroso's atavism theory, criminals are
"throwbacks" to earlier periods in human evolution. Research has connected genetic variables to
Pakistan's high rate of violent crime.
According to psychological views, mental, emotional, or personality abnormalities are what lead
to criminal behaviour. According to Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic theory, conflicts in the
unconscious mind that go unresolved lead to criminal behaviour. According to the social
learning theory, people pick up illegal behaviour through watching and imitating others. High
levels of poverty and social inequality in Pakistan have been associated in certain studies to a
higher likelihood of mental illnesses and criminal behaviour.
TYPES OF CRIME-I
Lesson Overview
Types of crime: juvenile crime
Types of crime: violent crime
Types of crime: property crime
Types of crime: white collar crime
Sociobiologists seek explanations for deviation within people. They believe that genetic
predispositions cause people to engage in criminal behaviour and juvenile delinquency
(Lombroso 1911; Wilson and Herrnstein 1985; Goozen et al. 2007). These three hypotheses
were among their explanations: 3. Body type: People with "squarish, muscular" physique are
more prone to commit street crime, such as mugging, rape, and burglary. 1. Intelligence: Low
intelligence leads to crime. 2. The "XYY" theory: An extra Y chromosome in males leads to
criminality. We should first point out that the majority of those with these allegedly "causal"
traits do not go on to commit crimes. You are already aware that most persons with low IQ do
not commit crimes, whereas some criminals are highly brilliant. Concerning the extra Y
chromosome, the majority of males who commit crimes have the typical XY chromosomal
combination, but the majority of those with the XYY combination do not. This explanation
cannot even be used to explain female criminals because no women have this particular genetic
mix. Criminals exist in all shapes and sizes, and the majority of those with "squarish, muscular"
bodies do not end up as street criminals. 2010 (Henslin).
Psychologists concentrate on the individual's aberrations as well. They look at things referred
to as personality disorders. They assume that deviant personalities are present in deviant people
(Barnes 2001; Mayer 2007) and that these personalities are the result of subconscious
motivations. However, no particular childhood event is always associated with deviation.
Children who had "bad toilet training," "suffocating mothers," or "emotionally aloof fathers"
may grow up to be dishonest bookkeepers—or competent accountants. The same way that
deviants represent a range of negative and positive childhood experiences, so do college
students, instructors, and police officers. Similar to this, those who have "suppressed anger"
can become military heroes, motorway snipers, or anything else. In other words, no childhood
experience has an unavoidable result. According to Henslin (2010), there is no specific
personality trait linked to deviation.
Juvenile Crime
Violent Crime
The fact that violent crimes entail crimes against people makes them the most dangerous.
According to Thompson and Hickey (2016), these crimes include robbery, which is defined as
stealing from a person using force or the threat of force, aggravated assault, forcible rape, and
the willful taking of another person's life.
Property Crime
Despite the fact that people are most afraid of violent crimes, they are considerably more likely
to become victims of property crimes, which happen much more frequently. The most serious
property offenses include burglary (illegal access with the intent to steal), larceny-theft
(stealing anything worth more than $100), motor theft, and arson (intentionally starting a fire)
(Thompson and Hickey 2016).
White collar crime is the term used to describe nonviolent crimes committed by people in
positions of authority or control. Fraud, theft, and insider trading are a few instances of white
collar crime. White collar crime and commercial and government corruption are frequently
linked in Pakistan. White collar crime in Pakistan is demonstrated by the 2017 Panama Papers
leak, which named several prominent officials and businessmen from the nation.White-Collar
Offenses: The more affluent classes' crime patterns mirror their socioeconomic circumstances,
much like the poor do. And how various are their illegal opportunities! While they don't rob
cabbies, doctors do defraud Medicare. Investors all throughout the world are defrauded by
fraudulent schemes perpetrated by investment managers like Bernie Mad off. This more
privileged world does not include mugging, pimping, or burglary, but it does include income tax
evasion, buying off government officials, and embezzling. The phrase "white-collar crime" was
first used by sociologist Edwin Sutherland in 1949 to describe crimes committed by respectable
and well-to-do individuals while engaged in their line of work. Corporate crime, or offenses
committed by executives for the profit of their company, is a particular type of white-collar
crime. Even when it results in death, corporate crime is rarely taken severely (Henslin 2010).
TYPES OF CRIME-II
Lesson Overview
Types of crime: victimless crime
Crime against people: Murder, rape, personal assault, child abuse, harassment
Crimes against property: Computer crime, organized crime
The emergence and importance of law
Public order crimes, sometimes known as victimless crimes, include prostitution, unlawful
gambling, and the usage of illicit drugs. The typical citizen feels significantly less concerned by
these crimes since there is no obvious victim. However, a lot of people contend that these
crimes do not have no victims because they disturb social order and jeopardize society's moral
fabric, which causes harm to all members of society. All cultures institutionalize means to
restrain criminals, according to Émile Durkheim, who also recognized that crime is a regular
aspect of all society. One of the most intricate and sophisticated criminal justice systems in the
world was developed in the United States as a result of societal concerns about crime and
efforts to punish offenders. Law enforcement, the courts, and corrections are the three main
components of the criminal justice system (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Topic-104: Crime against people: Murder, Rape, Personal Assault, Child Abuse,
Harassment
Crimes against persons are those in which there is direct or implied threat or use of force
against another. These crimes include murder and manslaughter, which are both defined as the
intentional killing of one person by another. An unlawful attack by one person on another with
the intent to cause serious or grievous physical injury is referred to as an aggravated assault.
Robbery, taking or attempting to remove anything of value from a person or individuals' care,
custody, or control by force, threat of force, or violence, and/or creating fear in the victim are
examples of forced rape.
Even though violent crimes cause the most fear in individuals, they are considerably more
likely to result in victimization than property crimes, which happen much more frequently. The
most serious property offenses include burglary, which is defined as "unlawful entry with the
intent to steal," larceny-theft, which is defined as "the theft of anything valued at over $100,"
motor theft, and arson, which is defined as "intentionally setting a fire."
Cyber-Crime
The current development in information technology has significantly aided global organized
crime. On the one hand, technological development has provided fascinating inventive prospects,
but on the other, it has increased crime vulnerability. While the scope of cyber-crime is difficult
to assess, it is defined as illegal acts carried out with the aid of information technology.
Early human cultures used law as a method to control behaviour and settle disputes. Customs
and traditions served as the foundation for the first types of law, which were frequently enforced
informally. To enforce rules and punish offenders, formal legal systems emerged as civilizations
got more sophisticated. In contemporary countries, the protection of individual rights and the
advancement of social order are important functions of law. The legal framework in Pakistan is
a synthesis of British common law and Islamic law (Sharia). The criminal and civil laws are
both part of the Pakistani legal system.
Lesson Overview
Formal social control mechanisms: criminal justice system
Criminal justice system: the police
Criminal justice system: the court
Criminal justice system: the prison
Crime in Pakistan
In complex societies, formal social control mechanisms are crucial for upholding social order
and policing behaviour. One of the most significant institutional systems for social control is the
criminal justice system. The police, courts, and correctional facilities are only a few of the
entities that make up the criminal justice system. The criminal justice system's goal is to uphold
the law and punish those who break it. The state's power and authority are fundamentally
dependent on the criminal justice system. The criminal justice system is a topic of constant
discussion and criticism, especially in relation to questions of bias and impartiality.
The criminal justice system's most obvious and immediate connection to the general population
is through police officers. They assume main accountability for enforcing the law. The police
have two key responsibilities: to apprehend offenders and to uphold law and order in an effort to
reduce crime. Police officers spend a lot more time in the second job than they do in the first,
despite the media's emphasis on the "crime-fighter" image of police work. Since the 1960s,
technical advancements have made it possible to have more complex communication and
monitoring systems, squad cars that are better equipped, and more advanced weapons. Of course,
greater technology has also benefited thieves. Many local leaders have highlighted the need to
reemphasize police-community ties in light of these and other events. Thus, in an effort to
rebuild community trust and collaboration in the early 1990s, many cities adopted community
policing tactics and reassigned police officers to walk beats. In practically every American city
today, community policing is a significant component of law enforcement (Thompson and
Hickey 2016).
Despite the fact that every criminal has a right to a day in court, over 90% of criminal cases are
settled before a trial ever begins. Instead, prosecuting attorneys for the state and defence
attorneys for the accused typically negotiate a plea bargain in which the defendant consents to
enter a guilty plea to a charge that is typically less serious than the one that was initially brought.
Criminal court dockets are backed up even with only 10% of cases proceeding to trial, and it
may take a year or more for a case to be tried. In the court phase of criminal justice, judges are
crucial. When accepting pleas, admitting evidence, guiding juries, and determining punishments
for individuals found guilty of crimes, they have a considerable degree of discretion. Due to the
fact that they make up jurors in court proceedings, ordinary persons play a significant part in this
area of the criminal justice system as well. If a defendant is found guilty or enters a plea
agreement in a criminal matter, the judge or jury will determine the criminal's sentence. The
third and last stage of the criminal justice system, corrections, now officially starts (Thompson
and Hickey 2016).
In order to house convicted criminals and keep them away from society, prisons are a crucial
part of the criminal justice system. Prisons have a variety of uses, such as deterrent,
rehabilitation, and punishment. Prison circumstances can significantly affect inmates' physical
and emotional health as well as their risk of committing new crimes. The provincial
governments of Pakistan are in charge of running the prison system. There are numerous distinct
types of prisons, including central jails, district jails, and women's jails. Regarding issues of
overcrowding, subpar conditions, and inhumane treatment of detainees, the prison system in
Pakistan has drawn criticism and controversy.
Corrections
A correctional system, as its name suggests, is society's attempt to "correct" individuals who
have disobeyed its laws. Corrections may involve rehabilitation and an attempt to change
criminals, although they typically involve retribution or punishment. The most typical
punishment for non-serious offenses and minor property crimes is probation, which allows
offenders to return to society with some freedom restrictions once they have paid fines or made
restitution to the victim. Offenders are more likely to have their freedom restricted by
incarceration in a local, state, or federal institution for more serious property offenses and
violent crimes.
The majority of inmates are freed on parole before completing their terms. Similar to those on
probation, parolees are required to report to a court official on a regular basis and adhere to a set
of regulations that limit their personal freedom. Executing a criminal is the most severe kind of
social control, or capital punishment. The majority of sociologists concur that it might be
challenging to ascertain whether formal social control and punishment serve as effective
deterrents to crime and other types of aberrant behaviour. Although many of us interact with the
police, courts, or corrections at some point in our lives, the majority of people' perceptions of
deviance, crime, and the criminal justice system are formed through images portrayed by the
mainstream media, particularly television and newspapers. As we previously covered, it is
common belief that the media is mostly to blame for social deviation. The media are frequently
seen as contributing to the issue, but they are also seen as a part of the solution. More than ever,
media is being created and used to regulate, deter, and prevent crime and deviance, notably
computers and other advanced techno media (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
In Pakistan, crime is a significant social issue, with a variety of various forms of crimes
occurring often. Theft, robbery, and burglary are the most frequent criminal offenses in Pakistan,
along with more serious offenses like murder and terrorism. Numerous elements, such as
destitution, unemployment, social injustice, and political unrest, have an impact on crime in
Pakistan. In Pakistan, there are a variety of legal and informal means for combating crime, such
as the criminal justice system, neighbourhood policing, and conventional conflict resolution
procedures. In Pakistan, efforts are being made to address the issue of crime, including the
creation of new laws and regulations as well as the bolstering of institutions for law enforcement
and criminal justice. The government, civil society, and other stakeholders must work together
to make a concerted and sustained effort to address Pakistan's ongoing and complicated crime
problem.
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
Lesson Overview
What is social stratification?
Systems of social stratification: (slavery)
Systems of social stratification: (Caste)
Systems of social stratification: (Status)
Systems of social stratification: (Estate)
A system of classifying people into groups based on their respective wealth, status, and power is
known as social stratification. It is crucial to stress that social stratification does not apply to
specific people. It is a method for organizing big groups of individuals into a hierarchy based on
the relative privileges they possess. The fact that every civilization divides its people into strata
should also be noted. Social stratification is prevalent in all societies, however some have
greater disparity than others. Additionally, gender is a basis for social stratification in every
community in the globe. People's access to the positive aspects of their society is either granted
or prohibited based on their gender (Henslin, 2010).
Slavery, which is fundamentally defined as when some people own other people, has been
prevalent throughout world history. Even the treatment of slaves by owners is outlined in the
Old Testament. Likewise, the Koran. Slaves were also owned by the Romans, Africans, and
Greeks. Slaves performed the labour in antique Greece and Rome, freeing the people to
participate in politics and the arts. The prevalence of slavery was highest in agrarian
communities and lowest among nomads, particularly hunters and gatherers (Landtman
1938/1968).
Causes of Slavery
Contrary to common belief, one of three other factors, not racism, was typically the cause of
slavery. Debt came first. In some societies, debtors who were unable to pay their debts would
be sold into slavery. Secondly, there was crime. The family of the victim may choose to
enslave a murderer or thief as retribution for their loss rather than execute them. War was the
third. When one group of people overcame another, they frequently made some of the defeated
into slaves. According to historian Gerda Lerner (1986), women were the first individuals to be
made slaves through conflict. The women were taken back as slaves after being raped by tribal
males who had raided another group, who had slaughtered the men. The value of the women
was for sexual activity, procreation, and labour. Slavery was prevalent in Greece about two
thousand five hundred years ago, when it was just a collection of city-states. When a city rose
to power and overcame another, some of the defeated were sold into slavery. Greeks made up
both the owners and the slaves. Similar to this, when Rome assumed dominance over the
Mediterranean region some 2000 years ago, they subjected some of the Greeks they had
defeated to slavery in accordance with the norm of the day. Some of these slaves, who were
better educated than their conquerors, worked as teachers in Roman families. Consequently,
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slavery was a symbol of debt, criminality, or military loss. It wasn't an indication that the slave
was thought of as being inherently less than (Henslin 2010).
Conditions of Slavery
Slavery has been practised under a variety of settings around the world. Slavery was a transient
institution in several countries. Every fifty years, the Israelites had a jubilee year during which
their slaves were freed. Roman slaves typically had the option to buy their own freedom. They
were aware of their purchase price, and some of them were able to pay it off by haggling with
their owner or charging others for their services. But for the most part, slavery was a permanent
state. For instance, some convicts who received life sentences as oarsmen on Roman warships
eventually became slaves. Death, which often came fast to those doing this taxing service, was
served there till the end. Slavery was not always a pass-downable trait. The majority of the time,
slaves' offspring were also slaves. However, in some cases, the offspring of a slave who worked
for a wealthy family would even be adopted by that family and grow up to be an heir who
shared the family name with the other sons or daughters of the home. Children of slaves were
always free in ancient Mexico (Landtman 1938/1968:271). Not all slaves were helpless and
destitute. In almost all cases, slaves lacked both power and property. However, there were other
societies where slaves were able to amass wealth and even advance to positions of authority. On
rare occasions, a slave may even grow affluent, lend money to the owner, and, even though they
are still slaves, own slaves themselves (Landtman 1938/1968). But this was uncommon (Henslin
2010).
Caste is the second type of social stratification. Status in a caste system is defined at birth and
is permanent. No matter how much in life a person may succeed, if they are born into a low-
status group, they will always have low status. An ascribed position is the foundation of a caste
system, according to sociology. The position a person occupies in this system cannot be altered
by achieved status. Societies with this type of stratification make an effort to maintain clear
caste boundaries. They forbid intermarriage and practise endogamy, marriage within their own
group. Contact between castes is kept to a minimal by elaborate ceremonial contamination
regulations that state that touching a member of a lower caste will infect a member of a higher
caste (Henslin 2010).
The best illustration of a caste system is seen in India. India's caste system, which is based on
religion rather than race, has been in place for close to three thousand years. Although the caste
system was officially abolished by the Indian government in 1949, centuries-old customs are
difficult to get rid of, and the system is still present in India today (Beckett 2007). Caste, for
instance, controls the rituals individuals observe at births, marriages, and funerals (Chandra
1993a). The upper castes fear the ascent of the untouchables and occasionally resort to murder
and ritual suicide to stop it (Crossette 1996; Trofimov 2007).
The government, the police, and the military in South Africa were once under the hands of
Europeans of Dutch ancestry, known as Afrikaners. They employed these means of authority to
impose the racial segregation system known as apartheid (ah-PAR-tate). Everyone was
categorised under the law into one of four groups: Asians, Coloureds (mixed races), Europeans
(whites), and Blacks from Africa. These divisions dictated where individuals might live, work,
and attend school. Since white people were prohibited from socialising with the other groups
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by legislation, it also determined where they may go swimming or to the movies. After years of
economic embargoes and sports boycotts, Afrikaners started to abolish their caste system in
1990, and a black man named Nelson Mandela was elected president in 1994. Public spaces are
merged, Black Africans are no longer required to carry special passes, and all racial and ethnic
groups are eligible to vote and hold office. Even though apartheid has been abolished, South
Africa is still plagued by its legacy. The majority of black people are still ignorant and poor,
and white people still control the social institutions of the nation. For those who cannot afford
them, many new rights—including the right to higher education, the right to dine in restaurants,
and even the right to consult a doctor—are of limited use (Henslin 2010).
Differences in social prestige, which may be based on elements like work, education, and
lifestyle, are the basis for the social stratification system known as status. Status is frequently
linked to contemporary, industrialized countries, when social standing is more flexible and
dependent on personal success and merit. Numerous factors, such as wealth, education,
occupation, and cultural capital, can determine status. People who are at the top of the social
and economic food chain frequently have more access to those resources as well as more
political power and influence.
A variety of social institutions, such as education, the media, and cultural practices, can support
status. Certain professions or careers, including those of doctors, lawyers, and business
executives, are frequently linked to status. Social mobility, or the capacity to move up or down
the social ladder based on personal performance and effort, is frequently associated to status. In
Pakistan, social stratification is heavily influenced by status, especially in urban areas and
among the middle and upper classes.
Europe created an estate stratification system throughout the Middle Ages. There were three
estates or groups. The nobles, the affluent family that dominated the nation, made up the first
estate. The source of wealth at the time was the land, which belonged to this people. The
nobility didn't do any "work" at all, even farming. Work was regarded as beneath their dignity
and the purview of servants. It was the duty of the nobles to manage their domains and lead
"genteel" lives befitting of their exalted status. The clergy made up the second estate. At this
time, the Roman Catholic Church was a major political force. It also possessed a sizable
quantity of land and levied taxes on each and every person who resided within a parish's
boundaries. Because of the church's immense power, kings had to ask the pope for permission
before being crowned. Primogeniture, the practise of permitting only firstborn sons to inherit
land, was used by members of the nobility to prevent their huge land holdings from being
divided into smaller parcels. The other sons needed to find a method to support themselves, and
becoming clergymen was one of the more popular options. The ordinary people made up the
third estate. They were considered serfs and belonged to the land. The serfs were a part of any
land that was purchased or inherited. Slaves were born into the third estate and passed away
there as well. A guy who was knighted for remarkable bravery in combat or someone "called"
into a monastic vocation were the only two people who managed to escape the third estate
(Henslin 2010).
Women belonged to their husbands' estates. As with their spouses, women in the first estate did
not labour because it was deemed beneath their dignity. They were in charge of running the
home and supervising the staff and kids. As the Roman Catholic clergy did not marry, the nuns
in the second estate were an exception to the rule that women belonged to the estate of their
husbands. Third estate wives had the same hardships as their husbands, including physical
labour and a lack of food. They also ran the risk of being raped by upper class men. A few
Women belonged to their husbands' estates. As with their spouses, women in the first estate did
not labour because it was deemed beneath their dignity. They were in charge of running the
home and supervising the staff and kids. As the Roman Catholic clergy did not marry, the nuns
in the second estate were an exception to the rule that women belonged to the estate of their
husbands. Third estate wives had the same hardships as their husbands, including physical
labour and a lack of food. They also ran the risk of being raped by upper class men. A few
commoners who attracted the attention of men from the first estate did get married and join
them there. But this was uncommon (Henslin 2010).
Class System
As we've seen, caste, estate, and slavery-based stratification structures are strict. There is
minimal to no migration from one group to another, and the boundaries between individuals are
clearly defined. In contrast, a class structure is significantly more flexible because it is mostly
based on money or other attainable material things. This system is also in effect from birth,
when children are given the status of their parents, but unlike the other systems, it allows people
to alter their social class based on their successes (or failures) in life. Additionally, no
regulations restrict interclass marriage or define people's vocations based on their birth.
Therefore, the class system's somewhat fluid boundaries are a key feature. Social mobility and
class ladder climbing are made possible by a class structure. People are greatly motivated to
succeed in school and put forth great effort because they are aware of the possibility of
improving their lives or slipping further down the social scale. In the most extreme cases, a
child's familial background may create impediments that make it difficult for him or her to
advance in life, or it may grant privileges that make it nearly impossible for them to down the
social ladder (Henslin 2010).
Lesson Overview
Theoretical perspectives on stratification: Functionalism
Theoretical perspectives on stratification: Conflict theory
Theoretical perspectives on stratification: Symbolic interactionism
Theoretical perspectives on stratification: Feminism
What determines social class? Max weber: property, power, and prestige
Functionalists take the position that the patterns of behavior that characterize a society exist
because they are functional for that society. Because social inequality is universal, inequality
must help societies survive. But how?
Davis and Moore’s Explanation: Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore (1945, 1953), two
functionalists, debated this issue. They came to the conclusion that social stratification was
inevitable.
Conflict theorists don't only fault the functionalist argument's finer points. Instead, they aim for
the throat and criticize its foundational tenet. They emphasis that social stratification results
through conflict rather than from any practical purpose.
Some contemporary conflict sociologists share Marx's attention on major historical occurrences,
such as the accumulating of wealth and power and the fight between workers and capitalists.
They examine how elites in different countries govern workers and how power shifts when
capital is moved around between them in order to analyse global stratification and global
capitalism (Sklair 2001). Contrarily, some conflict sociologists look at conflict everywhere it
occurs, not just in relation to capitalists and workers. (Schellenberg 1996; Collins 1988, 1999)
They look at how groups within the same class compete with one another for a bigger piece of
the pie. For example, even within the same industry, union will compete with union for better
pay, more control, and fewer hours. Conflict between racial and ethnic groups as they contend
for prestige, housing, and other societal advantages has received particular attention. Another
area of study has been on relationships between men and women, which conflict theorists claim
may best be understood as a struggle for control of social resources. Contrary to functionalists,
conflict theorists contend that conflict is barely contained beneath the surface of what may
appear to be a peaceful society (Henslin 2010).
All classes employ symbols, language, clothes, and other means to set themselves apart from
others at lower social levels, according to interactionist. Lifestyles, or the unique ways in which
members of a group consume goods and services and demonstrate rank, are fundamental to
class. Thorsten Veblen (1899) remarked that people at the top of the social hierarchy frequently
use ostentatious consumption and conspicuous leisure to turn their money into reputation. The
Chicago School's emphasis on social ecology was introduced by Veblen's book Theory of the
Leisure Class (1899), which also served as the foundation for the interactionist theory of social
stratification. The use of eyes, hands, and posture, among other subtle nonverbal cues, can
discriminate across social classes and act as significant social barriers. For instance, upper-class
people seldom use their hands to provide instructions or directions. That is more characteristic
of many ethnic groups and the working class, who provide instructions by pointing and
gesturing with their arms. Patterns of sociability and community involvement are also based on
class, claims Granovetter (1995). Working-class people frequently have extensive family
relationships and a high number of kin, according to study. In contrast, people of the middle
and upper classes have a variety of associations and social networks that improve job prospects
and social mobility (Henslin 2010).
A sociological viewpoint known as feminist theory emphasises the ways in which patriarchy and
gender inequality fuel social inequality and injustice. Feminist theory holds that social
stratification is based on racial, ethnic, and other types of social differences in addition to
economic ones. Social class and gender, according to feminist theory, are connected, and
women are frequently subjected to double oppression because of both their gender and social
class. Feminist viewpoints on stratification in Pakistan are frequently linked to the ways in
which women are oppressed and excluded from significant social, economic, and political
realms.
Topic-121: What Determines Social Class? Max Weber: Property, Power and Prestige
In the early days of sociology, a disagreement arose about the meaning of social class. Let’s
compare how Marx and Weber analyzed the issue.
Max Weber: Possessions, Authority, and Prestige Marx's critic, Max Weber (1864–1920), was
vociferous. Property, according to Weber, is merely one aspect of the situation. Property,
power, and prestige, according to him, make up social class (Gerth and Mills 1958; Weber
1922/1978). These are referred to as the "three PS" of social class. Despite the fact that Weber
used the phrases class, power, and status, some sociologists believe that property, power, and
prestige are more precise. You could want to swap wealth for property to make them even more
obvious.) According to Weber, having property (or wealth) has a substantial impact on a
person's social position. On that point he agreed with Marx. Weber clarified that there are other
important aspects of property besides ownership. For instance, some strong individuals, such as
corporate executives, have control over the means of production even though they do not
actually own them. It practically makes no difference that managers do not own the property
they use so freely for their own benefit if they can control it and exploit it for their own gain
while giving themselves lavish incentives and benefits. The second component of social class is
power, which is the capacity to exert control over others despite their resistance. Although he
noted that it is not the only source, Weber agreed with Marx that property is a significant
source of power. For instance, power can be attained through prestige. Shows the relationship
between wealth, power, and prestige are two well-known examples: actor Arnold
Schwarzenegger, who was elected governor of California, and Ronald Reagan, who was
elected governor of California and president of the United States. The third component of
Weber's theory, prestige, is frequently derived from wealth and influence since others have a
tendency to look up to them. However, prestige may also be determined by other elements.
Olympic gold medalists, for instance, may not be wealthy or powerful but nevertheless enjoy
considerable prestige. Some are even able to convert their status into material possessions, such
as those who receive large sums of money for endorsing a certain line of sportswear or for
stating that they have "the breakfast of champions" in the morning. In other words, despite the
fact that prestige might bring property, the relationship between the two is reciprocal.
Many peasants were uprooted from their traditional lands and vocations as agrarian society gave
way to an industrial one. As they fled to cities, they fought for the few jobs that were still open.
They received a pitiful wage for their labour, lived in rags, went without food, and spent the
night under bridges and in shacks. The factory owners, on the other hand, constructed mansions,
employed staff, and lived luxuriously. Karl Marx (1818–1833) came to the conclusion that
social class is based solely on a person's relationship to the means of production, which include
the tools, factories, land, and investment capital used to create wealth (Marx 1844/1964; Marx
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and Engels 1848/1967). This conclusion was supported by the stark disparity between owners
and workers. Marx claimed that the distinctions people frequently make among one another—
such as those based on attire, speech, education, pay cheque, where they reside, and even the
type of vehicle they drive—are unimportant. These items mask the one line of demarcation that
matters. According to Marx, there are only two classes of people: the proletariat (workers), who
do the owners' jobs, and the bourgeoisie (capitalists), who possess the means of production. In a
nutshell, a person's social class is determined by their relationship to the means of production.
Farmers and peasants, a lumpenproletariat (those on the periphery of society, such as beggars,
vagrants, and criminals), and a middle class of independent professionals were all categories that
Marx did recognise. However, because these groups lack class consciousness—a sense of a
shared identity based on their place in the means of production—Marx did not consider them to
be social classes. They did not see themselves as exploited workers whose position might be
improved by group effort, to put it another way. Marx considered these groups to be
unimportant in the workers' revolution that would topple capitalism in the future he predicted.
Marx predicted that the conflicts would intensify and the capitalists would get even wealthier.
Workers will band together and free themselves from their oppressors once they realise that
capitalists are to blame for their exploitation. They will seize the means of production in a
bloody revolution, establishing a classless society where the few no longer prosper at the cost of
the many. False class consciousness, or workers mistaking themselves for capitalists, is what
prevents the workers from uniting and carrying out their revolution. For instance, employees
with a small amount of money in the bank may forget that they are employees and mistakenly
believe that they are capitalists or investors who are going to start a profitable business (Henslin
2010).
In Sum: Marx believed that property, and more especially, a person's relationship to the means
of production, was the only distinction that mattered. Everything else depends on whether we
are owners or employees because our lifestyle and outlook on life are shaped by this. In
contrast, Weber asserted that social class is made up of three elements: prestige, power, and
property (Henslin 2010).
Lesson Overview
Theories of global stratification
Modernization theory
Dependency theory
World system theory
Maintaining global stratification: Neocolonialism and Multinational corporations
1. Trade Dependency: A Step Forward for Colonialism. Industrial nations continue old
colonial patterns by buying minerals, such as minerals, coffee, sugar, and sugar, at the lowest
possible prices, processing the raw materials at home, and then reselling the finished goods to
developing countries for many times the price of the agricultural produce or raw materials.
Trade dependence is maintained by Most Favoured Nation Treaties and other agreements that
facilitate trade between wealthy nations but do not extend to poor nations.
3. Investment Dependency: credit and debt cycles are destructive. International financial
institutions support dependency relationships by providing more than half of the loan capital for
the World Bank from a limited number of large industrialized and post-industrial nations. This
means that for nations with debts of $100 to $130 billion, like Mexico and Brazil, the bulk of
export income are used to pay off loans rather than to boost economic growth or meet the needs
of the population. Over the past 20 years, policies of expansive credit have been alternated with
strict debt-reduction measures by Western banks and the International Monetary Fund. The
wealthy have been inconvenienced and development has been impeded by these austerity
measures. However, they have had a severe impact on the lives of the underprivileged, leading
to a protracted famine and pervasive poverty (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
2016).
The second explanation of how global stratification came about was proposed by Immanuel Wal
lerstein (1974, 1979, 1990). According to world system theory, industrialization led to four grou
ps of nations. The first group consists of the core nations, the countries that industrialized first (
Britain, France, Holland, and later Germany), which grew rich and powerful. The second group i
s the semi periphery. The economies of these nations, located around the Mediterranean, stagnat
ed because they grew dependent on trade with the core nations. The economies of the third grou
p, the periphery, or fringe nations, developed even less. These are the eastern European countrie
s, which sold cash crops to the core nations. The fourth group of nations includes most of Africa
and Asia. Called the external area, these nations were left out of the development of capitalism
altogether. The current expansion of capitalism has changed the relationships among these group
s. Most notably, eastern Europe and Asia are no longer left out of capitalism.
Neocolonialism
Why do the same countries continue to be rich while the rest of the world continues to live in
poverty year after year, regardless of how the world's nations grow stratified? Let's look at two
theories on why global stratification continues to exist.
Neo-colonialism, in the opinion of sociologist Michael Harrington (1977), replaced colonialism
when it lost favour. After World War II changed public opinion against sending soldiers and
colonists to exploit weaker countries, the Most Industrialized Nations resorted to the global
markets as a way to dominate the Least Industrialized Nations. By lending them goods, notably
the armaments that its elite require to hold onto power, the Most Industrialized Nations keep the
Least Industrialized in a never-ending cycle of debt. As many of us learn the hard way, having a
big debt and falling behind on payments puts us at the mercy of our creditors. In the same way,
Neo-colonialism exists. The practise of selling manufactured products and weapons on credit to
the Least Industrialized Nations makes them lifelong debtors. Instead of making investments in
their own businesses, they settle debt, which balloons in size with rising interest. Neo-
colonialists coerce these nations to accept their trading conditions by keeping them in debt
(Carrington 1993; S. Smith 2001).
Relevance Today
Neocolonialism may appear to have no bearing on our day-to-day activities, but its effects are
still felt today. Consider the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, the two Persian Gulf Wars, and
the terrorism that originates from this region (Strategic Energy Policy 2001; Mouawad 2007).
The nations themselves are modern, despite the fact that there have been ancient civilizations in
this area. Great Britain established Saudi Arabia's borders, founded the country, and gave it the
name Ibn Saud in honour of the monarch they chose. As a result, the Saudi family accrued debt,
which it repaid over many years by providing cheap oil to the Most Industrialized Nations to
support their way of life. The Saudis helped keep prices low by filling the gap when other
nations cut their oil production, whether it was due to a revolution or an effort to raise prices. In
return, the United States (and other nations) provided the Saudi royal family with the newest
weapons while ignoring their violations of human rights in order to keep them in power. This
relationship is still mutually advantageous, but it is no longer as strong because of changes in
the oil supply (Henslin 2010).
Multinational Corporations
Thanks in part to multinational corporations that conduct business across several national bound
aries, the world's most industrialized countries continue to rule.Occasionally, multinational corp
orations directly exploit the Least Industrialized Nations.A good example is the United Fruit Co
mpany, which previously controlled local and regional politics in Central America.This America
n corporation controlled over Central American nations as its fiefdoms for personal gain while t
he U.S. Marines waited in the wings.Local governments were periodically reminded of the milit
Buying Political Stability: Multinational corporations must cooperate with the power elites of
the Least Industrialized Nations in order to achieve their financial objectives (Sklair 2001;
Wise and Cypher 2007). In exchange for giving the elites money and selling them new
weapons, the firms gain a "favourable business climate," or low taxes and readily available
workforce. The money that corporations provide to the elites is formally referred to as
"subsidies" and "offsets" by the corporations since such words sound far nicer than "bribes."
These elites live opulent upper-class lifestyles in the country's main cities and are also able to
gain from their country's tax system and government spending. The wealthy can afford to send
their children to prestigious Western colleges like Oxford, the Sorbonne, and Harvard even if
the majority of citizens in these countries struggle to make ends meet (Henslin 2010).
SOCIAL MOBILITY
Lesson Overview
Defining social mobility
Types of social mobility
Women in the study of social mobility
Patterns of social mobility
Structural mobility and individual mobility
Downward mobility
Social mobility in Pakistan
Our society is dynamic and marked by substantial social change.The phrase "social mobility"
refers to how individuals or groups move over time between different social strata or spheres of
influence.Social status, educational attainment, financial stability, and professional standing all
change.It is possible for social mobility to be upward, downward, or both
Sociologists have found that around half of sons dropped down the social class ladder beyond
their fathers, one third stayed at the same level, and one-sixth moved up (Blau and Duncan 1967;
Featherman 1979). Feminism critics questioned it.In their eyes, spouses did not have separate
social class standing, as evidenced by the way they disregarded daughters and assigned women
to their husbands' social rank (Davis and Robinson 1988). The male sociologists of the time
disputed these accusations, claiming that there weren't enough women working to make a
difference. Simply put, these sociologists were out of touch with contemporary life. They were
unprepared for the steady but progressive rise in the number of women working for pay.There is
currently little information on how married women's social classes compare to those of their
husbands, even though sociologists are now incorporating women in their research on social
mobility (McCall 2008). Sociologists Lynn Weber and Elizabeth Higginbotham polled 200
working-class women in Memphis who later rose to positions of leadership, administration, and
professional responsibility in 1992. Nearly all of their parents had instilled in them the value of
achievement when they were still young girls and advised them to put off marriage and pursue
further education. This study provides evidence for the significance of the family in the
socialization process. It also supports the notion that obtaining a college degree is the main route
to upper middle class status. Millions of new roles held by women now would not exist if
society had not undergone a fundamental transformation (Henslin 2010).
Marriage has a major effect on social standing, according to study.In a study of women and men
in their forties, Jay Zagorsky (2006) found that those who marry and stay married generate weal
th at a pace that is nearly twice that of those who are single or who
divorce.One reason for this gap is because couples who live together frequently have two incom
es and pay only half as much in bills as they would if they were unmarried and keeping separate
dwellings.In comparison to those who are unmarried, married men and women most likely work
moreand save more money.Why?The main reason is that they work to support not just those wh
o depend on them but also themselves (Popenoe, 2006).Divorce often lowers social standing, m
uch like how marriage enhances it.Two households are supported financially by divorcing coupl
es.Due to the fact that men frequently earn more money than women do, women suffer more aft
er divorce.According to Weitzman (1996), many divorced women lose benefits including health
care and insurance coverage in addition to the majority of their income (Macionis 2012)
Different communities and historical periods experience social mobility in different ways.
The term "structural mobility" refers to changes in social status resulting from alterations in
the social order, such as those brought on by political or economic change.
Social mobility is a zero-sum game because exchange mobility occurs when one person's
upward mobility comes at the expense of anther's downward mobility.
Structural mobility refers to changes in social status that are the result of changes in the structu
re of society, such as economic growth, political change, or technological advancements. Individ
ual mobility refers to changes in social status that are the result of an individual's efforts, educati
on, and achievements. Structural mobility is often considered to be the result of economic and p
olitical policies and is generally associated with more equal and democratic societies. Individua
l mobility is often linked to an individual's education, training, and skills, and is often associated
with merit-based societies.
Downward mobility refers to the movement of individuals or groups from a higher social
position to a lower one. This can be caused by various factors such as job loss, economic
recession, personal health issues, or social and cultural discrimination. Downward mobility can
have significant negative impacts on individuals and their families, including a decrease in
income and social status, and increased stress and mental health problems.
Pakistan is a society with significant economic, political, and cultural inequalities, which affect t
he social mobility of its citizens. Education is a key factor in social mobility, but access to educa
tion is limited in Pakistan, particularly for women and marginalized groups. Inequality in incom
e and wealth is also a major challenge to upward social mobility, with the majority of the countr
y's resources controlled by a small elite. Discrimination on the basis of gender, religion, and eth
nicity also limits social mobility for many groups in Pakistan. Political instability, corruption, an
d weak institutions are additional barriers to social mobility in Pakistan.
Lesson-25
Lesson Overview
The family in history
The development of family life
Changes in family patterns worldwide
Family diversity: a global portrait
Decent pattern
Family pattern
Courtship, marriage, and divorce patterns
Residence and authority patterns
Sociologists once thought that prior to the modern period the predominant form of family in wes
tern Europe was of the extended type. Research has shown this view to be mistaken. The nuclear
family consisting of a father, mother and dependent children seems long to have been pre
eminent. Premodern household size was larger than it is today, but the difference is not especiall
y great. In England for example, throughout the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
the average household size was 4.75 percent. The current average in the UK is 2.4. Since the ea
rlier figures included domestic servants, the difference in family size is small. Children in premo
dern Europe were often working, helping their parents on the farms, from the age of seven or eig
ht. Those who did not remain in the family enterprise frequently left the parental household at an
early age to do domestic work in the houses of others to follow apprenticeship. Children who w
ent away to work in other households would rarely see their parents again. Other factors made fa
mily groups then even more impermanent than they are now, in spite of the high rates of divorce
in current times. Rates of morality (the number of deaths per thousand of the population in any
one year) for people of all ages were much higher. A quarter or more of all infants in early mode
rn Europe did not survive beyond the first year of life (in contrast to well under 1 percent today),
and women frequently died in childbirth. The death of children or of one or both spouses often s
hattered family relations (Giddens 2006).
Over the past century, family life has undergone substantial upheaval, especially in wealthy
nations. Declining marriage rates, later marriage, higher divorce rates, and an increase in
cohabitation are some of the trends.Families' structural variety is expanding globally as single-
parent families, blended families, and same-sex families become increasingly prevalent.Gender
norms and the division of household duties have changed as a result of women's increased
employment and educational opportunities. Family life has been impacted by the advancement
of reproductive technologies as well as changes in society's attitudes around sexuality. Other
notable effects of the COVID19 epidemic on family life include elevated stress levels, job losses,
and adjustments to childcare and education.
A Global Portrait
Other people's cultural perspectives on sex, marriage, and the family might at first seem
weird.Most Americans believed that a century ago, men had great sex desires but women had
none. In the Middle East today, the majority of people hold the opposite belief: that women
should be shielded from males because they have an insatiable sexual appetite. In some tribes,
men and women can get married to each other. In some communities, women may also enter
into a "ghost marriage" in order to continue a familial line (Evans-Pritchard, 1951; Schultz and
Lavenda, 2008). Families can exist in a variety of ways. Family and kin groups often tend to be
modest and tenuously related in the majority of industrialized and post-industrial countries.
Close relatives may number in the dozens or even hundreds, in contrast to the vast majority of
industrializing countries that define family relatively broadly. Traditional communities also
usually have larger, younger, and more functionally diverse families than do industrial societies.
Over the past century, comparative studies have taught us a lot. First, it's important for everyone
to be conscious of ethnocentric biases because marriage and family are highly valued in both a
moral and practical sense. Second, opinions on relationships between people and families are
not completely subjective; rather, they are influenced by certain ecological and historical
settings. Third, family and marriage structures are not always adaptable. It is evident that all
cultures adhere to a small number of principles and conventions, including descent patterns,
family patterns, courting and marriage patterns, and habitation and authority patterns, if we look
past the exotic and frequently flimsy distinctions. Hickey and Thompson (2016).
Decent Pattern
What people do you regard to be your family? The bulk of us have more relatives than we could
possibly count, even though we hardly ever think of it in this way.There are affinal kin, or those
connected via marriage, in addition to consanguineal kin, or those connected by biological or
"blood" ties. Examples of affinal kin include parents, step-relatives, and in-laws of siblings and
sisters. Additionally, a lot of people have invented relatives or kin that they acquired through
rituals (such becoming godparents) or close friendships.Additionally, there are people who have
been adopted.Your family tree and the family trees of the majority of people would contain
millions of people if all types of kin were combined. For Americans or anyone from any culture,
it is impractical or impossible to identify family links to so many people. Because of this, every
culture organizes the available relatives into groups that are socially advantageous.2009
(Peoples and Bailey)
Family Patterns
The fundamental difference between family patterns around the world, especially those in conte
mporary industrial civilizations, is the relative importance of kin and marriage ties.
The nuclear family, which consists of parents and their children who live apart from other famil
y members, is where the couple has their strongest emotional ties and primary allegiances.
Despite the fact that they do not live together, the married couple cooperates and spends time wi
th a select group of close relatives who "provide a variety of services and satisfactions that conju
gal relationships by themselves do not provide" (Hill, 1988:741).
The extended familyconsists of two or more closely related families who live together and
depend on one another both materially and emotionally. For instance, among the Navajo,
sisterly and other female relatives' relationships frequently take precedence over husband-wife
ones because they are thought to be more fulfilling and women—rather than husbands and
wives—live together, work together, and own property in common. The two main types of
extended families are vertical extended families, which encompass three or more generations—
parents, their married children, grandkids, etc.—and joint families, which are made up of
siblings and their spouses and children. It is normal for a variety of patterns to coexist in most
countries due to the family's versatility and capacity to fulfill a wide range of situations, despite
the fact that one- or two-family patterns are typically the normative ideal in many nations. A
collection of individuals is referred to as a "kinship group" if they share a common ancestry
(blood), marriage, adoption, and/or affinity (such as being godparents). A kin group may live
together, cooperate, pool resources, and engage in communal religious and social activities in
preindustrial civilizations. However, because of dropping fertility, increased migration, and a
considerable rise in the number of people living alone, household sizes are becoming smaller
more commonly in both industrialized and developing nations. Today, many white, middle-class
Americans rarely visit their family, often only doing so during holidays or other special events,
with the exception of their parents, siblings, and a small number of other "close kin."
Additionally, they have no strong feelings of loyalty or concern for their more distant relatives.
However, many ethnic groups, especially Mexican Americans, maintain extensive familial
Exogamy is a social custom that requires singles to hunt for spouses outside of their immediate
social network.Exogamy is typically used by societies that need to access rare items or social
and political networks outside of their immediate bounds. The opposite strategy is frequently
used by societies that want to keep their wealth, status, or power among their own members. In
these tribes, endogamy, which forbids people from mating with anybody outside of their own
group or social level, is the norm. Because of societal stratification, people frequently
experience intense social pressure to marry within their own classes, racial, ethnic, and religious
communities. Exogamy among Americans of African descent is still relatively uncommon due
to "socially constructed boundaries between black and white Americans" (Bankston and Henry,
1999:1). Cajuns in Louisiana struggle with endogamy because to their low socioeconomic level
and geographic isolation (Bankston and Henry, 1999). Most people in contemporary
industrialized societies have a great deal of freedom when it comes to selecting partners, and
satisfying emotional and physical ties are seen as prerequisites for a successful marriage. When
marriage decisions affect not only the couple but also the financial security, social standing, or
political influence of entire kin groups, endogamy is frequently chosen and the choice is made
by family elders (as well as among the elite classes in industrial countries). Furthermore,
romantic love is devalued or, worse yet, seen as a potential threat to kinship and marriage. For
instance, arranged marriages are common in China, where individuals have the false assumption
that, despite scientific evidence to the contrary, "love matches start out hot and grow cold, while
arranged marriages start out cold and grow hot" (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Monogamy—the union of one woman and one man—is the only type of marriage that is socially
and legally acceptable in the majority of industrialized countries. In America and many other
industrialized countries with high divorce rates, a sizable portion of the population engages in
serial monogamy, a marriage pattern in which a person has multiple wives throughout the course
Dissolving Marriages
In the same way as norms set forth marital and family interactions, they also specify the
circumstances under which marriages may end. A valid reason for divorce in many preindustrial
communities where children are highly valued is infertility or impotence. Men just need to say
"I divorce thee" three times in front of two witnesses to end a marriage in some traditional,
patriarchal Islamic nations. Courts in Egypt, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar
must now determine if a husband who sends his wife three texts saying "I divorce you"
dissolves a marriage due to the advent of technical media (Wire Reports, 2008). Murdock (1950)
said that among the matrilineal Zuni Indians of Arizona, a woman might dissolve her union by
merely placing her husband's possessions outside the door (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Social standards also dictate who should make major family decisions and where newlyweds
should live; in most cases, residence and authority structures are intertwined. Neolocal dwelling,
which happens when married couples start their own independent homes, is the most prevalent
type of housing in industrial society. Neolocal living has come to be associated with egalitarian
power structures where husbands and wives have equal say in most home choices as more
women have entered the workforce and earned more financial independence. Matrilocal
residency occurs when a spouse moves in with his wife and her family unit in conjunction with
matrilineal descent.Because of this, women frequently continue to hold a lot of authority and
influence in household affairs. According to a patrilocal residency pattern, 67% of married
couples in the 565 societies in Murdock's World Ethnographic Sample lived with or close to the
husband's family (Ember & Ember, 2007). A "patrilocal residence" is a community where men
who are older make the majority of the decisions and where women have little authority over
their own life. Many sociologists have questioned the functionalist emphasis on the social
benefits that marriage and family bring to society due to the historical and cross-cultural
dominance of patriarchal authority, patrilineal descent, and patrilocal residence—as well as the
numerous issues connected with this family form (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Lesson-26
Many societies, including Pakistan, are seeing an increase in divorce rates. Divorce rates have
recently increased in Pakistan, especially in urban areas and among better-educated and
wealthier families. This development is influenced by a variety of causes, including shifting
cultural norms, women being more economically independent, and divorced persons having
easier access to legal assistance and support. Islamic law, which is complex and difficult,
governs the divorce procedure in Pakistan.Recent divorcees frequently experience severe social
embarrassment and may find it difficult to find new love.
Single-parent families have advanced the most over the past few decades of any family type.
Children who are cared for and reside with single-parent families are common. Contrary to
today, when only 10% of single-parent families are the result of the death of a spouse, the
majority of single-parent households around the turn of the 20th century were. More than 70%
of single-parent households created since World War II are the result of divorce or separation;
the other 30% are made up of unmarried mothers or fathers who decide to raise their children
alone. The single-parent family is still the most typical family structure among individuals who
are economically disadvantaged, while growing more prevalent across all social levels. However,
working women who choose to use donor insemination to conceive their children make up a
small but rising part of single-parent homes. Because poverty is the main cause of stress in most
one-parent households, understanding it requires viewing it through that prism. There are
significant effects that not only have an impact on these parents and their kids but also on
society as a whole. According to Thompson and Hickey (2016), children from single-parent
households are more likely to have behavioral issues at school, drop out of school, get arrested,
have physical health problems, have mental health problems, and be divorced.
When at least one adult stepparent is also a part of the adult relationship, that speaks of a family.
A mixed family is created when two divorced people remarry and both bring their children to
the new house. Millions of children spend a portion of their childhood in blended homes as a
result of the high divorce rate. Blended families need to be resourceful and adaptable in order to
function. It can be challenging to comprehend the responsibilities of biological parents and
stepparents in remarriages, and many people still think stepmothers and stepfathers are
intrinsically terrible. Blended families frequently start off with great hopes that this time they
will "get it right," and stepparents frequently want to be "supermoms" or "superdads" to the new
stepchildren (Kantrowitz and Wingert, 1990:30). Stepparents generally anticipate that the
various family members would get along and function in a similar manner to how they did in
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their previous families. Contrary to common assumption, most families don't mix to the point
that they lose their distinct identities, sense of self, and emotional links to their birth families
(Cherlin, 1998). Instead, blended families have a separate history and set of expectations.
According to Ihinger-Tallman and Pasley (1994), "both patience and a strong support network
are essential until sufficient time passes for collective experience to result in a shared (and,
preferably, positive) history" for the vast majority of blended families. (2016) Thompson and
Hickey. Ser fixes your grammar so you can quickly and effectively edit and rewrite your text.
In many Western nations, same-sex families—in which a partner of the same sex raises a kid or
children—are becoming more prevalent and accepted. However, as same-sex relationships and
families are deemed unconstitutional in Islamic philosophy, they are not recognized under
Pakistani law. On the other hand, European civilizations, particularly atheistic ones, view such
relationships as normal and founded on people's autonomy. In the US in 2019, there were over
980,000 same-sex couple households with a marriage status of 58% and a separate living
arrangement of 42%.
Families today face a variety of difficulties and changes. Nearly 75% of married women with
children in school-age children and more than 50% of women with young children in preschool
are employed right now. According to Hochschild, 1997; Polatnik, 2000; Skolnick & Skolnick,
2009, the shift to provider families has not been without issues and in many ways is still an
incomplete experiment. Women have joined the paid labor sector in record numbers during the
past few decades and have almost entered every profession. Despite these attempts, the role of
women in the home hasn't changed significantly. Working wives continue to perform an
excessive amount of household duties, such as shopping, cleaning, and child care. This was
confirmed by a global investigation (Davis and Whitehead, 2007), not only in the US but also
in 27 other nations. Women's health may even be negatively impacted by the strain of juggling
job and family obligations (Schnittner, 2007). There has been some improvement in how much
men participate in childcare and household duties. When their mothers were at work in 1980,
less than 15% of preschoolers had their fathers watch over them. This proportion has increased
to roughly 18%, indicating that the "housework gap" between married men and women has
shrunk from 29 to 9 hours per week, according to Barbara Schneider and Linda Waite
(2005:467). However, when both parents are at home after work, women spend nearly twice as
much time on childcare as do males. Many women who have access to resources and other
options outside of marriage see this situation as unfair and intolerable, according to Lennon and
Rosenfield (1994). Women are thought to spend 32.7 hours a week on housework, compared to
17 hours for men, according Shelton (2000). This is still far from equality, notwithstanding
certain historical variances (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Lesson-27
FUNCTIONS OF FAMILY
Lesson Overview
The process by which people choose their love relationships is called mate selection. This
process may be influenced by a variety of factors, such as socioeconomic status, personality
traits, and physical attractiveness. In some cultures, choosing a mate can be significantly
influenced by family and social expectations. In Pakistan, factors including caste, religion, and
family history are typically taken into consideration while choosing a mate. The selection of a
mate can also be influenced by gender conventions and expectations, as men and women usually
have different standards for choosing partners. To enhance the number of potential partners in
their lives, some people may employ matchmaker or online dating services.
Parents or other family members actively participate in selecting the spouses for their children in
arranged marriages. These unions are still common in many nations around the world, including
Pakistan. Many people regard arranged marriages as a way to make sure the partners are
compatible and to strengthen links within the family and the community. As part of an arranged
marriage, families in Pakistan would trade gifts or dowries. Some people might not have much
say in how they choose their mate, particularly women who might feel pressured into arranged
weddings. However, a lot of couples report having a happy marriage, demonstrating that
planned unions can also work.
Topic 151: Childcare and Child Rearing
Parents and other people take care of the social, emotional, and physical needs of children.
Although fathers and other family members frequently help out, raising children is frequently
seen as the mother's responsibility in Pakistan. Examples of extended family members who
commonly help with childcare and support parents include grandparents, aunts, and uncles. In
Pakistan, traditional gender standards are typically reflected in childcare and child-rearing.
Religious and cultural standards have an impact on how children in Pakistani homes are raised
According to functionalists, a society must provide for its fundamental requirements in order to
survive. Marriage and families are viewed by functionalists in relation to other facets of society,
particularly in terms of how they impact the general level of living (Henslin, 2010). According
to the functionalist viewpoint, the family is the basis of social order because it performs crucial
tasks like (1) defining and limiting who has access to sexual relations with whom; (2)
conceiving new members, assimilating them into the community, and replacing dying members;
(3) caring for the young, the ill, and the elderly; (4) integrating new members; and (5) assigning
people with ascribed statuses—social class, race, and ethnicity—that signify a person's social
standing According to the functionalist viewpoint, some marital traditions (such polygamy and
child marriage in preindustrial countries) are ecological "adaptations" that improve both social
and personal survival. In a similar vein, functionalists sometimes assert that monogamous
nuclear families are "well suited" to contemporary industrial cultures with high rates of social
and geographic mobility. According to functionalists, not all family and marriage traditions have
positive effects on society; those that depart from custom or cause unpredictability are
considered as dysfunctional (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Why the Family Is Universal:Even though marriage and family structure differ from tribe to
tribe, the family is a universal institution. Functionalists assert that this is the case because the
family serves six fundamental requirements for the existence of society. These needs, or
functions, include generating income, raising children, caring for the elderly and the sick, having
fun, controlling sexual urges, and procreating. Every human community has made certain
modifications to the family to make sure that these responsibilities are met.
Socialization:The family is the primary and most important habitat for raising children. Parents
should encourage their kids to integrate completely and contribute to society. There is no
question that family socialization continues throughout life. Marriage brings about changes in
adults, and as any parent will confirm, both parents and children learn from one another.
Regulation of sexual activity: Every community has laws governing sexual behaviour to
protect established family units and property rights. The incest taboo, a societal convention,
bans some relatives from having sexual relations or getting married. While there is a universal
taboo against incest, many cultures have varying rules on the marriage of related people.
Functions of the Incest Taboo:The taboo against incest, according to functionalists, helps
families avoid confusion over duties. Kids can socialize more easily as a result of this. If
father-daughter incest were permitted, how should a woman view her daughter, for example,
as a daughter, a submissive second wife, or even a rival? Should the girl see her mother as
the first wife, a rival, or a mother? Would her father be attracted to her or adore her? What
role would the wife play in this scenario—would she be the husband's primary partner, his
second wife, or perhaps the "mother of the other wife"? If the daughter gave birth to a
child with her father, what kind of connections would everyone have? Maternal incest
would cause these confusing problems in addition to others. In addition, the stigma
associated with incest forces people to look outside of their families for romantic partners.
Anthropologists claim that exogamy was especially helpful in tribal societies because it
helped forge alliances between tribes that may have otherwise wiped each other out.
Exogamy still broadens the social networks of both the bride and the groom by adding and
deepening connections with their spouse's family and friends nowadays (Henslin 2010).
You are aware that functionalists also research dysfunctions. The relative isolation of the
nuclear family in modern culture is one of these dysfunctions. Members of extended
families have access to a variety of social and financial advantages because they are a part
of vast kinship networks. In nuclear households, on the other hand, the challenges brought
on by tragedies like losing a job—or even the normal stresses of a rushed life, as illustrated
in our opening vignette—are shared by fewer individuals. This results in increased stress
for every family member and emotional tiredness. The nuclear family is additionally
vulnerable to a "dark side" because of its relative isolation, which includes incest and
various other types of abuse (Henslin 2).
Lesson Overview
Anyone who has been married or observed one from the inside would attest to the fact that
conflict will always develop in a marriage, despite the best efforts of the pair. Conflict is
inevitable when two people share nearly every aspect of their lives, from their aspirations and
bank accounts to their bedrooms and children. Eventually, their objectives and worldviews
diverge, sometimes subtly and other times quite harshly. Conflict in marriage is so common that
it frequently shows up in books, music, movies, and soap operas. Power has been a major source
of conflict between wives and husbands throughout history: females have always felt that their
husbands had far more power than they did. As you are aware, America has undergone a huge
transition. Do you think that wives will eventually have more power than husbands? Maybe they
already do it. As you can see, wives now decide more about the family finances than their
husbands do. Future studies are required to verify these unexpected findings. When a marriage
is distinguished by heated arguments or icy apathy, divorce is a popular alternative. Divorce can
either mean that the marriage and all of its problems are finished, or it can just mean that the
couple has a new legal status, in which case their problems still exist as they continue to quarrel
over finances and children (Henslin 2010)
Future studies are required to verify these unexpected findings. When a marriage is
distinguished by heated arguments or icy apathy, divorce is a popular alternative. Divorce can
either mean that the marriage and all of its problems are finished, or it can just mean that the
couple has a new legal status, in which case their problems still exist as they continue to quarrel
over finances and children (Henslin 2010).
The symbolic interactionist approach is a theoretical school of sociology that underlines the
importance of symbols and interactions in shaping social conduct. The interactions between
individuals and their interpretations of diverse symbols and behaviour, according to symbolic
Where does the extra time come from if parents are spending more time with their children? We
are aware that families do not spend their days casually lying around as huge salaries stream in.
Parents today are able to give their children more time by volunteering less and spending less
time at social activities. This only partially explains the situation, though. Despite the fact that
men are doing more housework than they used to, the amount of time that husbands and wives
spend on housekeeping has reduced from 38.9 to 29.1 hours per week. Much more time is
available today to spend with the children. Does this suggest that parents now are less fussy
about housework than their parents were, and as a result, homes today are messier and dirtier? It
is possible that will happen. Or perhaps the fault lies with technology. Thanks to innovations
like microwaves, dishwashers, more efficient washing machines and dryers, and wrinkle-free
clothing, home hygiene may be similar to before (Bianchi et al. 2006). As more people consume
"fast foods," the "McDonaldization" has saved a lot of time. The proposed explanations are both
likely true. Finally, it is evident that men and spouses have different hobbies and pastimes. In
what sociologists refer to as a gendered division of labour, husbands continue to carry the bulk
of the responsibility for earning money, while wives carry the bulk of the responsibility for
taking care of the home and children. You can also see a shift in this traditional gender
orientation: Wives spend more time working to support the family while men spend more time
on housework and childcare. Given these advances and altering gender norms on what is proper
for husbands and wives, we can anticipate greater marital equality in the future (Henslin 2010).
What happens in second marriages? Without regard to having children, initial marriages and
subsequent marriages both experience divorce at the same rate. The likelihood of getting
divorced again is higher for people who have children from a later marriage, nevertheless
(MacDonald and DeMaris 1995). These relationships are obviously more demanding and harder.
What can we expect for marriage and family life in the future? Marriage has a lot of problems,
but it is not in danger of dying out. Marriage exists in every community because it fulfils such a
crucial function. The vast majority of Americans will therefore continue to view marriage as
being crucial to their welfare. Certain trends have a strong foundation. Cohabitation, births to
single mothers, older-age first marriages, and grandparent-parental parenting will all rise. As
more married women work, wives will continue to exert more influence over their marriages.
More couples will need to divide their time between raising their own children and caring for
their parents because there will be more old people and more elderly people. Our culture will
continue to be plagued by the false impressions of marriage and family that are presented in the
media and backed by cultural myths. Sociological study can help us understand how our own
family experiences fit into the larger cultural patterns while also addressing these distortions.
The crucial question is: How can social policies be developed to promote and enhance family
life? can be addressed via sociological study as well. (Henslin) In 2010.
Child custody rules relate to the legal process by which the child's care and control are
determined when parents are unable to agree on a custody plan. Cultural and religious values
can have an impact on national and local laws affecting custody. The majority of Pakistan's
custody laws are based on Islamic law, which gives preference to mothers for custody of young
children. Complex and painful custody battles can have a long-lasting impact on parents and
children. Sociologists study child custody laws to learn more about how legal systems impact
family dynamics and relationships. Child custody laws can be used to highlight larger social
issues including gender inequality and the treatment of marginalized groups. Pakistan's child
custody laws have been the subject of discussion, particularly when non-Muslim families or
fathers are involved. Conflict between parents can arise as a result of custody disagreements,
which can be expensive both emotionally and financially. There is a growing need for flexible
custody laws that priorities the child's best interests and take into account the unique needs of
each family.decision-making and control over the household budget than their spouses. Future
studies are required to verify these unexpected findings. When a marriage is distinguished by
heated arguments or icy apathy, divorce is a popular alternative. Divorce can either mean that
the marriage and all of its problems are finished, or it can just mean that the couple has a new
legal status, in which case their problems still exist as they continue to quarrel over finances and
children (Henslin 2010).
Lesson-29
HEALTH AND MEDICINE-I
Lesson Overview
Sociology and the study of medicine and health
The symbolic interactionist perspective: The role of culture in defining health and illness
The functionalist perspective:: The sick role
The conflict perspective: effects of global stratification on health care
Sociologists are crucial to the study of medicine, which is how a society typically treats illness
and injuries. For instance, sociologists analyse how self-regulation, the bureaucratic structure,
and the profit motivation are influenced by medicine because it is a profession, a huge business,
and all three in the United States. Sociologists also investigate the many non-biological factors
that affect one's health and well-being, such as social class, cultural beliefs, and way of life. The
sociology of medicine is one of sociology's applied fields as a result of these emphasizes.
Sociologists are frequently employed by medical institutions, including hospitals (Henslin,
2010).
We apply our cultural notions of wellness and disease. Consider mental "illness" and mental
"health." Nobody qualifies as "crazy" simply because they behave in a certain way. As opposed
to that, they are categorized as "crazy" or "normal" based on society conventions. Americans are
likely to be classified as insane and, for the good of others, confined to a mental institution if
they speak aloud to spirits that no one else can see or hear. On the other hand, a person who can
speak with invisible spirits may be revered in some tribal societies for having a deep link to the
afterlife and designated as a shaman, or spiritual intermediary, for the benefit of all parties. The
shaman would then determine and take care of any health problems. Contrary to what one may
believe, the terms "illness" and "health" are not absolutes. Instead, these are problems with
cultural definition. Every culture has norms that its members use to determine whether they are
"healthy" or "sick" (Henslin, 2010).
Functionalists begin with an obvious point: If society is to function well, its people need to be
healthy enough to perform their normal roles. This means that societies must set up ways to
control sickness. One way they do this is to develop a system of medical care. Another way is
to make rules that help keep too many people from “being sick” (Henslin 2010).
Elements of sick role: Talcott Parsons, a functionalist, defined four aspects of the sick position:
you are not held responsible for your illness, you are excluded from regular responsibilities,
you dislike the job, and you will have expert support so you can get back to your regular
activities. People who ask for authorized aid are treated with kindness and encouragement;
those who don't get the finger. People who don't receive high-quality care are made to feel
responsible for their illness, aren't given the opportunity to sympathize with them, and aren't
given the go-ahead to take time off work. They are suspected of making up their illnesses
(Henslin 2010).
Gender Differences in the Sick Role: Women are more likely than men to play the part of the
sick person when they are ill. Compared to men, they visit doctors and hospitals more frequently
(Statistical Abstract 2011: Tables 162, 165, 172). It's obvious that the sick figure does not
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represent the macho image that most boys and men aspire to project. Most men strive to live up
to the cultural notion that they should be brave, hide their pain, and "tough it out." The female
role model, on the other hand, is more likely to promote emotional expression and seeking for
help from others, traits that fit the sick position (Henslin 2010).
The conflict perspective's primary focus is on how people compete for scarce resources. Health
care is one such resource. The first nations to industrialize, as is widely known, achieved the
economic and military might that brought them wealth and gave them the power to govern over
other nations. This ultimately led to a stratification of medical care on a global scale, as
illustrated in the graphic below. For instance, open heart surgery is now typical in the world's
most advanced nations. The Least Industrialized Nations, however, cannot afford the
technologies required for open heart surgery. So, AIDS is a real disease. Due to costly drugs,
AIDS patients' lifespan have been extended in the United States and other developed countries.
The majority of AIDS patients in the Least Industrialized Nations are unable to purchase these
treatments. For them, HIV/AIDS is a death sentence. Life expectancy and infant mortality rates
also tell a tale. In contrast to Afghanistan, Nigeria, and South Africa, where the average
individual does not even live to the age of 50, the average person in the industrialized world
may expect to live to be around 75 years old. Even the diseases we catch are influenced by
global stratification to some extent. Imagine you were born in a tropical, underdeveloped nation.
In your much shorter life, you would suffer from four major diseases and causes of death:
malaria (from mosquitoes), internal parasites (from contaminated water), diarrhoea (from food
and dirt polluted with human faces), and famine. As "luxury" diseases, heart disease and cancer
are only found in industrialize nations where individuals live long enough to get them. People
live longer as a result of industrialization, which also improves health care and nutrition. Locals
are now more concerned about cancer and heart attacks as a result of the decrease in the big
killers that once plagued them. Another problem is the social stratification in the Least
Industrialized Nations. Many diseases that affect the impoverished in these countries may be
controlled if more money was spent on public health. The other leading causes of death might be
significantly decreased with improved water supplies and increased food production, while
malaria can be controlled with affordable treatments. However, this is not how these countries
use their scarce resources. The rich class instead spends a disproportionate amount of the
nation's resources on themselves. For their own medical treatment, they also send a few children
to the top medical schools in the West. They can now use modern technology, such as X-rays
and life support systems. On the other hand, the less fortunate residents of these nations continue
to die young and lack access to even the most fundamental medical treatment (Henslin, 2010).
Lesson Overview
We all know that women's reproductive systems and childbirth are now considered to be
medical issues. The act of making something that was not previously thought of as a medical
issue into a medical topic is known to sociologists as "medicalization." One example is "bad"
behaviour. If a psychiatric model is used, crime becomes a sign of unresolved mental issues
that were developed during childhood rather than intentional behaviour that needs to be
punished. Doctors must handle the treatment of these issues. The human body is one of
medicine's favourite targets. Once-commonplace traits like wrinkles, acne, balding, sagging
chins, protruding tummies, and tiny breasts have evolved into medical conditions that require
professional medical care. We once again get conflicting opinions on the medicalization of
such human situations from the three theoretical approaches. A symbolic interactionist would
emphasize that conditions such as wrinkles, acne, balding, sagging chins, etc. are not
essentially medical in nature. It comes down to definition: Such issues were once seen as
common life concerns, but people are now beginning to reinterpret them as medical issues.
Functionalists would emphasize that the medicalization of these illnesses serves the interests of
the medical industry. By increasing the number of patients it serves, it enhances the medical
industry. The more conditions of life that doctors can medicalize, the higher their profits and
influence, according to conflict sociologists, who contend that this demonstrates the growing
authority of the medical establishment.
Epidemiology is the study of the frequency and distribution of health and illness in a society.
Numerous socioeconomic factors and health levels have been linked closely by epidemiologists
all around the world. These factors all show the most distinct patterns: age, sex, race and
ethnicity, socioeconomic status.
Age: Thanks to advancements in medical science, better diet, and a generally high standard of
living, Americans today live longer and in better health than at any other time in history. The
average lifespan, or life expectancy, is increasing, and more senior Americans are living longer
and in better health. Age-related diseases and chronic health conditions can exist, nevertheless.
The elderly have higher incidences of vision and hearing impairment, gastrointestinal disorders,
arthritis, hypertension, heart disease, Alzheimer's disease, strokes, and some types of cancer
than their younger counterparts. Additionally, according to Health and Age (2009), they are
more susceptible to illnesses including the flu, the common cold, and respiratory infections.
However, some illnesses don't simply affect the elderly; they can also afflict young children,
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teenagers, or individuals in other life stages. For instance, some infants and young toddlers die
suddenly while they are sleeping due to a respiratory illness known as sudden infant death
syndrome (SIDS). Even while measles, mumps, and chicken pox can all be contracted at any
age, they are frequently associated with childhood diseases. Although everyone who engages in
sexual activity can contract an STD, teens and young adults are the most frequently impacted
(Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Sex and Gender: In the general population, different medical disorders and diseases are
distributed differently by sex. Some of the more noticeable ones include ailments, infections,
and medical conditions related to menstruation, pregnancy, and childbirth. In addition, although
men can get breast cancer, the majority of people who get it—as well as people who get ovarian,
fallopian, cervical, and uterine cancers—are women. On the other hand, problems like
impotence, testicular cancer, and prostate cancer only afflict men. The biggest health differential
between the sexes may be the difference in life expectancy between men and women, with
women outliving males in the US by an average of 7 to 10 years. Women's illnesses are more
usually linked to morbidity (chronic debilitation) than men's illnesses, which are typically
associated with mortality (death). The likelihood that women will seek medical attention for
their concerns is higher than that of men, increasing the likelihood that they will identify serious
illnesses early on (Clements and Hales, 1997).
Race and ethnicity: are important factors, but sex is the best indicator of life expectancy in the
United States. On average, white people may expect to live roughly 5 years longer than non-
white people. Infant mortality rates are greater among Native Americans, African Americans,
and Mexican Americans than among white people, and they are higher in the United States than
in several developing nations. Furthermore, minorities in the US have much greater rates of
illness and demise from diseases that can be prevented than do white individuals (Thompson
and Hickey, 2016).
Socioeconomic Status: Research spanning several centuries demonstrates that the health and
quality of life differ amongst socioeconomic classes. Because they live longer and are in better
health than those at the bottom of the social ladder, people at the top perform better than those in
the middle. In the United States, access to healthcare and health are unequally distributed based
on socioeconomic status, much as how poverty affects health when we compare wealthy and
poor countries. The disparity in physical health between the rich and the poor, according to
Thompson and Hickey (2016), can be largely ascribed to wealth—or lack thereof. Many of its
practitioners, who are medical doctors, underline that each person must be accountable for their
own health and well being. This is true even if they understand that serious illnesses call for
hospitalization and professional medical attention. Holistic medicine is a component of the
wellness movement, and its proponents contend that healthy living may be sustained by diet,
exercise, meditation, and rest. In contrast to mainstream scientific medicine, which has a
propensity to be reactive, responding to poor health and disease, holistic medicine and certain
other alternative approaches take a proactive approach with an emphasis on preventative
treatment and the preservation of good health. Johns Hopkins University is still looking into the
impact of prayer on healing, especially for people who have cancer and other serious illnesses
(Hales, 2003). According to Rosenfeld (1997), integrative medicine and other alternative
healthcare techniques are expected to play a bigger part in the future. More than 55 U.S. medical
schools already offer courses in alternative medicine, and the National Institutes of Health, the
pinnacle of scientific medicine, has actually established an Office of Alternative Medicine to
investigate promising alternatives to conventional medical therapies (Thompson and Hickey
2016).
Alternative medicine has changed from being frequently scoffed at as "quackery medicine" to
being recognized as a part of integrated healthcare, reflecting changing attitudes and increased
acceptance of numerous therapeutic techniques. Here is a brief summary of this modification.
Initial Skepticism: Alternative medicine has always been considered as quackery and with
mistrust by both the medical community and the general population. Safety and effectiveness
difficulties existed, and numerous practices lacked scientific backing.
Growing Popularity: Despite the cynicism, alternative medicine has grown in acceptance as
more people seek out alternative healthcare choices, sometimes due to dissatisfaction with
conventional medicine, a desire for more holistic care, or cultural and philosophical convictions.
analyzing and integrating: There has been a move towards doing scientific research to evaluate
the effectiveness and safety of various alternative medications. Some methods, like acupuncture
and herbal remedies, have produced effective results and are now regarded as acceptable therapy
options.
Research and Integration: The phrases "integrative medicine" and "integrative healthcare"
were created to describe a process that combines conventional medical procedures with
evidence-based complementary and alternative therapies. The delivery of healthcare will be
more thorough and patient-focused thanks to this integration.
Research Continues:There is ongoing study More evidence of the effectiveness and safety of
complementary and alternative therapies is being added to the body of scientific study on these
practices every day. The ongoing study helps to inform the suggestions offered by healthcare
experts.
Lesson-31
RELIGION-I
Lesson Overview
Defining religion:
The sacred and profane
Religious symbols, believes and rituals
The difference between religion and magic
Global religions diversity: (Animatism, Animism, Theism)
One of Durkheim's initial findings, which is still essential to the sociological understanding of
religion today, is that people everywhere establish a line between the sacred and profane. The
sacred, which are unique and unusual aspects of social life that inspire sentiments of awe,
reverence, and respect in believers, are what religion is concerned with, according to Durkheim.
He made a comparison between this and the profane, which is a term that refers to common,
accepted, and everyday behaviour that individuals engage in while going about their daily lives.
According to Durkheim, an object, person, place, or event isn't always sacred. Instead, some
objects are given "sacredness" by a group of believers. This leads to the possibility that
something sacred to one group may be profane to another. For instance, the majority of farmers
in America do not hesitate to send dairy cows to slaughter when their milk production declines
since they see them as valuable animals. Hinduism is an Indian religion that values cows.
Government agencies are compelled to keep elderly, sick, and infirm cows in bovine rest homes
due to their cherished status and the fact that they are not permitted to be consumed (Harris,
1974; Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Because the supernatural resides outside of this world of senses, all religions have holy symbols.
This category includes holy phrases, places, meals, clothes, people, and other material objects
that enable interaction with the sacred, as well as icons—holy pictures, statues, masks, and relics.
Since they are symbolically transformed from regular food and drink into the flesh and blood of
Christ in churches, respectively, bread and wine are two of the most potent religious symbols for
Christians. All religions include ideas that influence how individuals perceive and think about
the natural and supernatural worlds as well as plans for action (Johnstone, 2007; McGuire,
2008). For example, most of us usually ignore strange noises and attribute them to the wind or
other natural forces. However, many Native Americans pay special attention to them because
they believe that spirits utilize them to communicate important information to the living. The
majority of historical religions also offer a cosmology, which is a general theory of the cosmos
that explains creation, how the world works in relation to humans, and a future vision. However,
formal, intellectual ideas that are crafted into complex doctrines and creeds are given a lot of
importance in Western countries. Religion includes a vast variety of myths, stories, proverbs,
and folktales in addition to official doctrines (McGuire, 2008). Religion and myth use words and
images to express the sacred order, while ritual dramatizes them through performance. Rituals in
the context of religion are formal, stylized representations of ideas that distance participants
from the "ordinary" and focus their attention on the sacred. Prayers, chants, dances, fasting, and
sacrifice are just a few of the many ritual forms that enable humans to connect with the divine
and experience a deeper, more meaningful reality. Religious ceremonies can be quick and
private or involve extensive public celebrations, such as seasonal festivals or rites of passage
Religious rituals are collective actions with long-term objectives, while magical rituals are
solitary actions with instant ends. Additionally, unlike prayer and sacrifice, which ask for
supernatural entities or forces to intervene on one's behalf, magic is a ritual attempt to compel
them to influence events in the natural world. In a world where much of life is unpredictable,
preliterate cultures use magical rites and charms to lower the likelihood of crop failure, sterility,
illness, and death. In contemporary industrialized countries, magic mostly coexists with science
and religion on the margins or as a supplement to both. Are you a frequent user of magic?
Exams are one example of a high-risk, unexpected activity where meticulous preparation and
hard work may not be enough. Magic is common in many professions where there is a lot of risk,
like as among professional athletes, Wall Street speculators, or gamblers in Las Vegas.
Professional athletes, for instance, adopt scientific techniques to help them hit home runs or
score goals in football and soccer. But many people also practise mystical rituals that have
worked in the past and wear lucky charms. This opinion is shared by a lot of police officers,
firefighters, and others in other high-risk occupations (Johnstone, 2007). According to Chalfant
et al (1994), there is another noteworthy difference between the two. In contrast to magic rituals,
which are employed to address urgent and specific problems like generating rain during a
drought or getting an A on a test, religion addresses the bigger questions of life's meaning
(Thompson and Hickey 2016).
The earliest evidence of magic and religion can be discovered in caves in Europe that are 35,000
years old. Grave goods, which many societies still utilize to mark the passing of the dead, can be
found in some graves, indicating a belief in an afterlife. Animism, animism, theism, and ethical
religions based on abstract ideals are the four ideal types that sociologists have constructed a
classification system based on essential religious ideas. The goal of this method is to draw
attention to the variations and commonalities across the tens of thousands of religions that have
developed throughout the ages.
A system of beliefs known as animatism holds that supernatural "forces" rather than "beings"
(Gods or spirits) govern the cosmos. Like the indigenous societies in the Pacific Islands, most
small-scale, preliterate communities have beliefs in impersonal supernatural forces. Many
believe that mana, a nebulous and impersonal force, bestows magical power upon things, places,
and people. The South Sea Islanders believe that mana is neither good nor bad, like electricity.
Instead, it is a concentrated form of pure supernatural energy that, in the hands of individuals
with the knowledge and special skills to do so, can be employed for good or evil (Marett, 1909).
Although few are aware of it, animatism is pervasive in contemporary industrial culture.
Crystals, pyramids, and the power of a rabbit's foot are a few of its modern forms. Many social
situations exhibit comparable beliefs in mana-like abilities. If there are four live bunnies present,
can the losing streak of a baseball team be ended? In 1991, the Milwaukee Brewers shared this
belief, and together they launched an extended winning streak (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Animism: is the belief that spirits exist in our world but exist on a different level than humans.
Animistic religions are prevalent in preindustrial societies when people are considered as an
essential component of nature rather than as superior to it. Examples of spirits include ghosts,
the souls of the deceased, animals, guardian angels, ancestral spirits, fairies, and demons. Many
people believe that spirits can enter the world of the living to do either good or bad things,
therefore they feel the need to please them or perform rituals in their honour. Naturally, both
pre-industrial and modern industrial nations hold a lot of animistic ideas. Guardian angels are
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frequently invoked by Roman Catholics and people of various faiths. In a 2004 Gallup poll,
more than 50% of respondents claimed to have a personal guardian angel, and 78% of
Americans believed in angels. Furthermore, 70% of respondents said they believed in demons,
and certain groups perform rituals to ward them off. According to Bloom (1996) (Thompson
and Hickey 2016), people employ either oracles or spirit mediums in many other parts of the
world to enable them connect with the dead and other spiritual beings.
Polytheism: Polytheism, which involves the adoration of several deities said to possess varied
degrees of power, is the most widespread theistic belief system in the world. However, a
sizable minority—particularly in complicated, stratified societies—recognize a "high god" or
"ultimate principle" that is more powerful than others. A excellent illustration of the latter is
Hinduism, the third most popular religion in the world with approximately 820 million
followers (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Monotheism: The three most dominant faiths in the world today are monotheistic religions, or
religions that affirm the presence of a solitary, all-powerful deity. They are Islam, Christianity,
and Judaism. The first of the Ten Commandments, which states, "I am the Lord your God; you
shall have no other gods before me," for Jews and Christians, contains this essential principle.
The first of the Five Pillars, "There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is his prophet," states
the same thing in terms of Muslim belief. Although each has an official monotheistic, there are
clear polytheistic tendencies in their unofficial or folk religious traditions, and many people
believe in angels or jinn. There are numerous religious ceremonies and ideas that are shared by
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Over time, each has had a significant impact on the others. The
three religions all originated in the Middle East, with Judaism emerging earliest around 1500
B.C. Around 33 A.D., Christianity emerged as a branch of Judaism. The prophet Mohammed,
who lived in the Arabian Peninsula in the late sixth and early seventh century, created Islam.
Monotheism has extended to the far reaches of the world as a result of Christianity and Islam
actively proselytizing to new converts (Thompson and Hickey 2016). Currently, more than 3
billion people worldwide identify as either Christians or Muslims.
Lesson-32
RELIGION-II
Lesson Overview
Sociology was created in the nineteenth century, a period of profound upheaval brought on by
the Industrial Revolution and when institutions of all types appeared to be either failing or ready
to collapse. Numerous sociologists of the eighteenth century saw this as an inevitable historical
trend. For example, Auguste Comte believed that society had advanced to the point where
individuals were prepared to transition from the theological stage, in which individuals believed
that the world was full of mysteries, ghosts, and spirits, to the positive stage, in which
individuals believed that the world was governed by scientific principles. Three more pioneering
sociologists—Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, and Max Weber—built on these early studies. Their
perspectives have made a big difference in contemporary sociology and the academic study of
religion.
Although many early scientists saw religion as “superstitions” that impeded progress and had
other harmful effects, Durkheim ([1912] 1965) disagreed. Durkheim was aware the modern
world was becoming more secular and individualistic, but he believed the functions religion
performed were so important that all societies needed either religion or some means of re-
creating the basic elements of religion in secular form.
Durkheim and Religion: Durkheim believed, like many social scientists at the turn of the 20th
century, that by studying "primitive" religions, he could understand the true nature of religion.
After considering a number, he came to the conclusion that totemism, a religion practised by
Australian Aborigines and other preindustrial peoples, exemplified religion in its purest and
most fundamental form. When clan members met to worship their totem, an emblem or object
that symbolizes a clan's animal or plant ancestor from the dim mythological past, Durkheim
claimed that they were actually worshiping their own civilization. Durkheim also argued that the
profound veneration and awe that people experienced during group rituals, when they watched
and felt the amazing power of the group, was the source of the very idea of the sacred.
Although most sociologists disagree with Durkheim's theories on the origins of religion, those
who take a functionalist stance concur that religion has significant social and personal benefits.
One way that religion might do this is through fostering societal cohesion through shared norms,
symbols, and rituals. Additionally, it might offer psychological support and comfort, morale and
inspiration, as well as a feeling of self for both people and communities.
Karl Marx and other nineteenth-century German social theorists believed the world would be a
better place without religion because, to their thinking, religion was a weapon by which
Karl Marx and Religion:Although most sociologists disagree with Durkheim's theories on
the origins of religion, those who take a functionalist stance concur that religion has
significant social and personal benefits. One way that religion might do this is through
fostering societal cohesion through shared norms, symbols, and rituals. Additionally, it might
offer psychological support and comfort, morale and inspiration, as well as a feeling of self for
both people and communities.
Even if the majority of sociologists reject Durkheim's hypotheses regarding the origins of
religion, those who adopt a functionalist viewpoint agree that religion offers important social
and individual advantages. Through the promotion of shared norms, symbols, and rituals,
religion may be able to accomplish this. Additionally, it might provide communities and
individuals with a sense of self, morale, inspiration, and psychological support and comfort.
Marx was intrigued by how religion's solace-giving messages and promises of rewards in the
afterlife served to divert people's attention from the social injustices and inequalities of the
present. Marx claimed that religion represents the suffering of the oppressed, the sentiment of
the heartless, and the soul of the soulless. It serves as the opiate of the people.
Marx argued that the economic base has an effect on all other social institutions. The most
important factor was that the dominating class also controlled the religious ideas, which
promoted submission and acceptance of injustice and poverty until a later life. Sociologists
that use a conflict perspective claim that religion tends to promote cohesion and benefit
society as a whole in relatively small, homogeneous societies. Conflict theorists assert that,
rather than working in the best interests of the society, the ruling elites frequently use religion
as a tool to advance their interests and requirements at the expense of the majority in
increasingly complex, stratified societies. Conflict theorists have developed Marx's idea to
take into account the possibility that subordinate groups may also use religious beliefs to
subvert established social norms and bolster their own power, despite the fact that dominant
groups do have a significant influence on religious beliefs. By referencing these same
traditions, for example, "patriots mobilized the American people for revolution" even if the
British used Protestantism to denounce violence and chaos in the colonies (Divine et al.,
2007:145). Abolitionists used lines from their own preferred scriptural passages to argue
against slavery, much like slave owners did while defending it.
Religion’s Two Faces: Although most sociologists disagree with Durkheim's theories on the
origins of religion, those who take a functionalist stance concur that religion has significant
social and personal benefits. One way that religion might do this is through fostering societal
cohesion through shared norms, symbols, and rituals. Additionally, it might offer psychological
support and comfort, morale and inspiration, as well as a feeling of self for both people and
communities.
Even if the majority of sociologists reject Durkheim's hypotheses regarding the origins of
religion, those who adopt a functionalist viewpoint agree that religion offers important social
and individual advantages. Through the promotion of shared norms, symbols, and rituals,
religion may be able to accomplish this. Additionally, it might provide communities and
individuals with a sense of self, morale, inspiration, and psychological support and comfort.
Dwight Billings (1990) reached precisely the same conclusion when he compared the role of
religion in labour disputes between textile workers and coal miners in the rural South after
World War I. According to Marxist doctrine, religious leaders ought to have sided with the
owners in both cases and condemned union activities as "ungodly and wicked." Instead, he
found that the evangelical Protestant clergy supported quiet in mill towns but agitation in coal
districts. According to Billings (1990:27), religion is a "mediating variable" that can be used to
support or challenge the status quo.
For example, after leaving the company church, miners in the Appalachian coal fields
established their own church and served as lay ministers. According to Flora et al. (1992), mill
owners had more influence over church affairs in general and over decisions concerning
ministers' remuneration and other resources in particular because churches and ministers were
integrated into the society in North Carolina mill towns (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Although most sociologists disagree with Durkheim's theories on the origins of religion, those
who take a functionalist stance concur that religion has significant social and personal benefits.
One way that religion might do this is through fostering societal cohesion through shared norms,
symbols, and rituals. Additionally, it might offer psychological support and comfort, morale and
inspiration, as well as a feeling of self for both people and communities.
While some religious groups were very conservative, others, particularly Protestant Puritanism,
were the driving force behind significant social and economic changes in Western Europe and
America, according to Max Weber's thorough study of faiths around the world. Using an
interactionist methodology, Weber came to the conclusion that while economic forces do
influence religion, there are also instances in which the opposite can happen, and religious
values and beliefs may actually encourage economic and social change—even revolutions.
In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber's most well-known work, he
highlighted that capitalism emerged far more quickly in the Protestant nations of England,
Holland, and Germany than it did in the majority-Catholic nations of Europe. Calvinists were
also among the earliest and most prosperous business executives, and they were at the vanguard
of the capitalist movement among all Protestant organizations. Weber questioned how
Calvinism, with its ascetic moral ethic of self-denial and rejection of material luxuries, could
motivate its adherents to engage in worldly pursuits like amassing wealth.
The Calvinist idea of predestination held the solution to this conundrum, according to him.
According to this teaching, God already knew whether a person would be among the "elect" or
the damned before they were even born. A person could not alter the outcome according to the
initial ideology. This idea represented a major shift from past Christian understandings that
featured a variety of means for people to win God's Favour, such as paying church officials.
Many Calvinists were very anxious in the absence of any of these benefits. Weber claims that
individuals started looking for indications that they were among the chosen. They ultimately
came to the conclusion that material success attained through toil, thrift, organization, discipline,
and postponed satisfaction was proof of both human virtue and God's Favour. Early Calvinists
were determined and successful capitalists because of this confluence of qualities, which Weber
called the Protestant ethic: while their labour and discipline earned them great profits, they were
unable to spend those funds on themselves or their families and instead had to reinvest them in
their businesses.
When The Protestant Ethic was published in 1904, there was a lot of debate surrounding it, and
some people charged Weber with having a biased religious interpretation. Weber disputed this,
asserting that he did not claim that religious convictions were the root cause of capitalism but
rather that they were a component of a sophisticated network of institutions that had a
significant impact on its growth. Weber conducted an extensive study of Eastern faiths to bolster
his argument. He found that one significant distinction between Eastern and Western religions
was how they viewed salvation. In Protestantism, personal salvation entails a spiritual
transformation and being "born again."
Cults and sects represent a break with the past. This division threatens the social order and
frequently results in conflict. How do faiths and the societies they are a part of handle conflict?
The first option is for religious followers to reject the dominant culture and stay away from
people who do not share their beliefs. Like the Amish, they might withdraw into segregated
villages. The Swiss-German Mennonites broke away from the Amish in 1693. The way of life of
their forefathers, who lived in a more straightforward time before the development of television,
movies, vehicles, computers, or even electricity, is something they strive to preserve. To do this,
they promote the importance of family life and traditional roles for men and women. They
continue to use oil lamps to light their homes, to dress in the style of their ancestors from three
hundred years ago, and to speak German both at home and in church. Additionally, they
continue to oppose radio, television, motorized vehicles, and education beyond the eighth grade.
They do mix with non-Amish people when they go shopping in town, but their means of
transportation—horse-drawn carriages—as well as their clothes and voice set them apart.
In the second pattern,Simply said, a cult or sect rejects specific elements of the prevailing
culture. For instance, religious principles may dictate that it is improper to wear makeup or
attend to the movies, or that it is wrong to dress provocatively by donning short skirts, skimpy
bikinis, low-cut gowns, etc. However, the majority of its features are acknowledged. Despite
some activities being forbidden, members of the church are permitted to participate in most
aspects of larger society. They decide to resolve this minor conflict by adhering to their faith or
by "sneaking," or engaging in illegal activity clandestinely.
In the third pattern, The society disapproves of the religious cult. We cited the Texas
authorities' seizure of young Mormon sect members as an example in our opening vignette. In
extreme situations, political officials might even make an effort to wipe out the group, as they
did with the early Christians. The Roman emperor declared the followers of Jesus to be Rome's
enemies and gave the command to seize and destroy them. Following the expulsion of the new
Mormons from numerous locations and the subsequent murder of Joseph Smith, the founder of
their faith, crowds decided to utterly reject the dominant culture in the United States. In what is
now known as Utah's Great Salt Lake Valley, they established a residence there in 1847
(Bridgwater, 1953). In the last twenty years, the Branch Dravidian cult was destroyed by
American police in 1993, which was the most prominent incident. Twenty-five children who
died cuddled up next to their moms were among the more than eighty adults who died (Henslin,
2010).
Power and authority are essential to the political process, thus politicians utilize both to affect
other people's actions. People in positions of authority have the capacity to coerce compliance
and compel others to take actions they may not want to. People in positions of authority
command subordinates to do what they are told, not because they have to but because they
want to or feel it is their duty.
Power, according to Max Weber (1968), is the ability to achieve one's goals despite the
disapproval and opposition of others. If the conversation shifts to power within groups and
organizations, power can also be defined as the social capacity to make decisions that are
legally binding and have significant societal effects (Orum, 2001). Politics, which is a social
process by which people and groups acquire, exercise, maintain, or lose authority over others,
naturally centers around power. practically all social interactions, including romance, parent-
child relationships, friendship, and practically all political institutions—very durable social
structures that distribute and exercise power—represent power. There are many different
sources of power. Income and wealth are crucial sources. The fact that CEOs and other top
executives have control over assets worth billions of dollars in addition to their own personal
riches gives them tremendous political influence and power at all levels of politics. In
contemporary industrial and post-industrial cultures, fame in academia, sport, and
entertainment may also translate into power. Can you think of any athletes or movie stars who
have become important political figures, for example? Other sources of power include the
democratic process and group organizations. Even the lowest of the poor, the homeless, "who
have only their bodies and their time as resources" (Wagner and Cohen, 1991:545), can
influence public policy without any financial or organizational backing.
Despite the inherent strength of any of these resources, governments historically have
frequently placed a high priority on coercion. Public policies are developed and implemented
by the people and organizations that make up governments. Power and coercion are two sides
of the same coin. Power is the capacity or propensity to use force to accomplish a goal, whereas
coercion is the recognition of a threat. Max Weber emphasized the critical idea that employing
coercion to rule others is costly and futile since the moment leaders stop using it, followers
immediately stop obeying their commands. Power can be exercised in a variety of ways, with
authority being one of the most effective over time (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
The state, also referred to as the government, claims to have exclusive use of physical force or
violence. Max Weber's claim that the state possesses the unique authority to use violence and
the power to punish anybody who does so is essential to our understanding of politics. You
cannot aggressively take something from someone who owes you money or even put them in
jail. On the other hand, the state can. The supreme example of the state's authority is the fact
that you cannot kill someone because you believe they have committed a crime, but the state
can. Berger (1963), who summed up this topic, said that violence is the ultimate basis of all
political organization.
The state plays a central role in the governance of a society and serves several essential
functions. These functions are collectively aimed at maintaining order, ensuring the well-being
of its citizens, and facilitating the functioning of society as a whole. Here are the primary
functions of the state:
Maintaining Law and Order: Making and upholding rules that govern how people and
organizations behave within its borders is one of the state's primary duties. This comprises
upholding law and order, stopping crime, and settling conflicts using the judicial system.
Providing Security: Both sustaining national defence and defending its population from outside
dangers are under the purview of the state. To protect the nation's sovereignty and the security
of its people, this involves keeping up armed forces, law enforcement organisations, and other
security measures.
Justice and Legal System: A just and impartial justice is provided through the state's
administration of the legal system. This includes offering courts, judges, and legal processes for
conflict settlement, criminal prosecution, and the defence of individual rights.
Public Services: Essential public services like education, healthcare, transportation, and
infrastructure development are provided by the states. The quality of life and general well-being
of the populace are improved through these services.
Economic Regulation: The state controls economic activities that take place within its borders,
including taxation, trade restrictions, and the application of consumer and labour protection laws.
The objectives of these regulations are to safeguard economic stability and defend consumer and
labour rights.
Social Welfare: To help residents in need, many states provide social welfare programs
including unemployment insurance, health coverage, and support for vulnerable groups.
Diplomacy and Foreign Relations: To advance its interests, participate in global cooperation,
and negotiate treaties and agreements, the state engages in diplomacy and maintains contacts
with other nations.
Infrastructure Development: For the purpose of promoting social progress and economic
development, states make investments in the construction and upkeep of essential infrastructure,
such as public buildings, utilities, and roads.
Cultural and Social Preservation: States frequently fund social and cultural endeavours like
the protection of cultural diversity, the advancement of the arts, and the preservation of cultural
heritage.
Crisis Response:The state is in charge of organizing and providing assistance during crises,
natural disasters, and emergencies. It also oversees public safety, disaster response, and recovery.
Taxation and Revenue Collection:The state collects taxes and other revenues from its
residents and businesses to fund its operations, and these funds are subsequently distributed to
pay for public services and infrastructure.
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These responsibilities of the state represent its central role in upholding law and order,
delivering necessities, defending the rights of its citizens, and promoting the general welfare and
growth of society. Because political systems, cultures, and historical settings differ from one
nation to the next, so do the specific roles and obligations of the state.
The ways in which governments exercise and distribute power, as well as the interactions
between their rulers and the general populace, varied significantly among nation-states despite
the fact that they have many similarities. Sociologists have found it useful to classify political
systems—rules and policies that determine how government decision-making authority is
organized, exercised, and transferred—along a continuum, with democratic systems—which
allow for extensive public participation—at one end and authoritarian systems—which operate
without the consent of the governed and stifle all opposition—at the other (Thompson and
Hickey 2016).
Authoritarian Systems:Today, many people live under authoritarian regimes where control is
concentrated in the hands of a single leader or is held by a small elite (an oligarchy), who rule
without regard to the constitution and who see their only duty as to themselves rather than the
general public. People in such regimes have little real influence over who the leaders are, and
they have no real legal methods of ousting them from power. Most authoritarian regimes in
existence today are dictatorships or oligarchies. A political system in which one person rules
arbitrarily is called a dictatorship. However, most dictatorships are short-lived and frequently
give way to oligarchies, which are made up of a limited number of powerful elites who answer
exclusively to themselves. Elites always appear in huge organizations, according to the so-
called iron law of oligarchy, since they have resources like organizational expertise, coherence,
and information that neither individuals nor the general public have access to (Michels, cited in
Levine, 1993). The military junta is currently the most prevalent type of oligarchy in South
America, Asia, and Africa, where a small number of military officials overthrow established
governments in coups d'états (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Totalitarian regimes:They are the most severe and oppressive type of authoritarianism because
they are not content to simply dominate; instead, they aim to control every aspect of peoples'
lives and reshape both persons and societies in the service of some Utopian goal. A dictator and
a small group of ideological purists typically grab control of the economy, educational system,
media, and other institutions in order to realize their ideas, and they then employ terror and
propaganda to do it. Examples from the 20th century include Hitler's Nazi regime, Stalin's
communist regime, and the Khmer Rouge, which in the 1970s turned Cambodia into a "Killing
Field" where millions of people perished (Levine, 1993).
Authoritarian governments frequently feel the need to "prove" that their subjects are willing to
submit to them. Even though only one party and frequently just one candidate are on the ballot
for each office, popular elections are being held in many modern authoritarian governments. The
democratic flag is now freely waved by governments and organizations of all political stripes.
the year 2016 (Thompson and Hickey).
Democratic Systems: A democracy is a form of government in which the people have ultimate
power and are involved in decision-making. Only a handful of countries have opted for
democracy, despite the fact that it is extremely popular. They comprise a solid core of long-
standing democracies in Western Europe, a few former European colonies, such as Canada,
Australia, New Zealand, and the United States, as well as Japan, India, Israel, and a few other
countries that transformed into representative democracies following World War Two.
1. Advanced Economic Development: Strong evidence that widespread wealth and advanced
economic development serve as fundamental pillars of stable democracies may be found in
Seymour Martin Lipset's (1963, 2004) comparative examination of 48 civilizations. Lipset
emphasized that while these circumstances exist, democratic forms of government are not a
given. According to a study by Edward Muller (1988), authoritarian leadership often replaces
democratic institutions in areas with large income gaps between the rich and the poor.
2. Diffusion of Power: Among a variety of groups and organizations. According to Blau and
Schwartz (1983), democracies function best when people are members of a variety of groups
and organizations with overlapping interests and allegiances.
2. Cultural Heritage: That puts the focus on the individual and encourages tolerance and
accommodation. Democracies thrive in political environments that value each person's inherent
worth, protect civil freedoms, and place a strong emphasis on "the merits of citizen
participation in politics" (Orum, 2001). As stated by Higley and Burton (1990:423), they also
call for agreement among national elites on the "political game's rules and the value of political
institutions."
Lesson-34
Lesson overview
Socialism
In socialist economies, the government owns the means of production, including the land,
railroads, oil wells, and gold mines in addition to the industries. A central committee
determines that the nation need X number of toothbrushes, Y number of toilets, and Z number
of shoes, in contrast to capitalism, where supply and demand factors determine both what will
be produced and the prices that will be charged. The committee determines how many of each
will be made, which manufacturers will do it, the price that will be charged for the goods, and
where they will be sold.
Because things are sold at set prices regardless of the amount they cost to produce or the
demand for them, socialism is meant to eliminate competition. Not making a profit, promoting
the purchase of low-demand items by lowering the price, or discouraging the purchase of
difficult-to-find goods by raising the price are the objectives. Instead, the objective is to
generate things for the welfare of all and distribute them in accordance with people's needs, not
their means of subsistence.
Every link in the economic chain serves the government in a socialist economy. Government
personnel include the central committee members who set production targets, the managers
who carry out their instructions, the factory workers who create the goods, the truck drivers
who transport them, and the sales clerks. They may hold various positions, such as those in
farms, offices, or nursery facilities, but those who purchase the goods are also government
workers.
Socialism does not exist in its purest form, just as capitalism does not. Although communist
countries found it necessary to offer higher salaries for specific tasks in order to persuade
workers to take on larger responsibilities, socialism's philosophy advocates for resources to be
distributed according to need rather than ability to pay. For instance, industrial managers
always received higher pay than factory employees. But socialist states built much better
income equality by reducing the wide salary discrepancies that characterize capitalist countries.
Socialism is frequently viewed with scepticism and criticism from a capitalist standpoint. The
approaches used by capitalism and socialism to economic organization and the function of the
state are fundamentally different from one another. The capitalist perspective on socialism is
summarized as follows:
Economic Efficiency: The most effective system for allocating resources, encouraging
innovation, and fostering economic growth, according to capitalists, is free-market capitalism
with minimum government intervention. They hold that market forces and competition drive
efficiency and motivate companies to successfully meet customer requests.
Individual Freedom:The right to private property and individual liberty are important to
capitalists. They contend that capitalism enables people to make their own financial decisions,
own property, and pursue their own economic goals without undue interference from the
government.
Efficient Resource Allocation:Capitalists claim that socialism can result in inefficient resource
allocation due to its centralized planning and government ownership of important sectors. They
contend that the allocation of resources under capitalism is improved by market-driven price
mechanisms that take supply and demand into account.
Risk and Reward:The "risk and reward" notion is frequently linked to capitalism. Capitalists
contend that people who take chances and succeed should be rewarded for their efforts, while
those who fail should pay the price for their mistakes without the help of the government.
Democratic Socialism
Institutionalized Political Change: The political institutions and systems of a nation are being
changed gradually and systematically. Elections, constitutional amendments, and other formally
recognized processes like these frequently lead to it. Aiming to enhance or modify the current
political structure within the confines of the law, institutionalized political reform is often
nonviolent.
In conclusion, there are a variety of processes that make up political change, ranging from
incremental institutional changes to more jarring manifestations of resistance and transformation.
The choice of strategy is determined by the unique conditions, complaints, and objectives of
people agitating for political change.
People obey individuals in positions of authority because they feel they have a right to do so and
that position enjoys broad social acceptance. For instance, even though sociology lecturers
frequently discuss touchy topics that some students may not want to, most do because they think
their instructors have the "authority" to speak these concerns. Most of the time, people may be
persuaded to comply with even more demands by those in positions of authority larger than
teachers. As an illustration, many individuals consent daily to invasive body examinations and
Traditional, legal-rational, and charismatic authority were the three main categories of lawful
power that Max Weber distinguished. We add expertise as the fourth main source of authority
since Weber's passing in 1920 because it has grown in significance since then (Thompson and
Hickey 2016).
Traditional Authority
Traditional authority is a type of power rooted in long-gone customs and habits that is frequently
approved by religion. For instance, Christian fundamentalists cite the Bible to justify claims that
men should be in charge of women, claiming that not only is this divinely mandated, but it has
also been the case "since the time of Adam and Eve." People typically follow those in positions
of traditional authority because they have done so for a long time, not because they are
particularly morally upright, just, or intelligent (Thompson and Hickey 2016). Traditional
authority is frequently inherited and based on ascriptive statuses (e.g., age, race, sex, religion).
Legal-Rational Authority
Legal-rational authority, also known as bureaucratic authority, is based on specific laws, policies,
and procedures that specify who has the reins of authority and how it will be used and dispersed.
Legal-rational authority emphasizes credentials, credentials, and other accomplishments that
permit a person to occupy a position of power and is justified by law rather than custom. People
in positions of legal-rational authority are chosen or appointed to carry out particular tasks, and
the relative authority of each office is spelt out in faculty handbooks, corporate charters, and
constitutions (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Charismatic Authority
Charismatic authority is founded on exceptional personal traits, which include the capacity to
enthuse and motivate followers. Anyone who possesses it always becomes the centre of
attention wherever people are gathered. One of the authors came across Robert Kennedy while
strolling down a city street in the 1960s. He still recalls the tense atmosphere that surrounded
Kennedy and his entourage. The enthusiasm was brought on by Kennedy's charisma, which in
Greek means "gift of grace" (Thompson, 1990). Kennedy was Attorney General at the time, a
position of great influence but not much glamour (Thompson, 1990). The most flimsy and
fragile type of authority is charismatic, which depends on the charm and skills of the person in
question. It is frequently brief and may come to an abrupt end when a leader dies or when
followers lose faith in their leader's unique "gifts" due to a single incident (Thompson and
Hickey, 2016).
Lesson-35
Lesson Overview
Defining sex and gender: Problematizing the binary construction of sex and gender
Gender and biology: Natural differences
The social construction of gender and sex
Femininities, masculinities, and gender relations
Issues of sex and gender
The first thing that typically comes to mind when thinking about how males and females differ
is sex, the biological traits that set males and females apart. Contrarily, gender is a social, not a
biological, trait. Whatever actions and viewpoints a group regards as appropriate for its males
and females make up gender. Therefore, gender differs from society to society. Gender, as
opposed to sex, refers to the masculine or feminine, respectively. In other words, you inherit
your sex, but you learn your gender as you become accustomed to the behaviour and attitudes
that your culture deems proper for each gender. Around the world, there are different gender
expectations. Since they differ so much, some sociologists propose using the terms masculinities
and Femininities instead of masculinity and femininity. The sociological significance of gender
is that it serves as a tool for social control over its constituents. Based on sex, gender categorizes
us into various life situations. Doors to wealth, authority, and even prestige are opened and
closed by it. Gender, like socioeconomic class, is a structural aspect of society (Henslin 2010).
The anthropologist Margaret Mead conducted groundbreaking gender study. She reasoned
that if gender was based on the biological distinctions between men and women, everyone
should define "feminine" and "masculine" in the same way; if gender was based on culture,
these conceptions ought to differ. Mead (1963, originally 1935) investigated three New
Guinean societies. Mead noticed very similar attitudes and behaviour in both men and women
in the Arapesh's mountain home. She claimed that both sexes exhibited empathy and
cooperation, or in other words, traits that our culture would categorize as "feminine."
Mead observed the Mundugumor after moving south, a people whose cannibalism and
headhunting stood in stark contrast to the Arapesh's mild ways. Both sexes were typically
violent and egotistical in this civilization, which are characteristics that we classify as
"masculine." Then, after moving west to the Tchambuli, Mead discovered a culture that, like
our own, distinguished between genders. The Tchambuli, on the other hand, flipped many of
our preconceived ideas about gender: Males were subservient, emotional, and loving towards
children, while females were dominant and rational. Mead deduced from her observations that
culture is the key to gender variations since what one society views as masculine may be
perceived as feminine in another. Some opponents think Mead's conclusions are "too neat," as
if she only found the patterns she was looking for in these three societies. Deborah Gewertz
(1981) argued that Tchambuli males are actually the more aggressive sex, refuting what she
dubbed Mead's "reversal hypothesis." Mead visited the Tchambuli (who spell their own name
Chambri) in the 1930s after they had lost a lot of their possessions in tribal warfare, and
Gewertz notes that he saw men rebuilding their dwellings, a transitory function for Chambri
males (Henslin 2010).
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Topic_188: The Social Construction of Gender and Sex
A well-known nursery rhyme from the eighteenth century claims that little girls are made of
"sugar and spice and everything nice," whereas small boys are formed of "frogs and snails and
puppy dogs' tails." Baby girls are frequently referred to as "beautiful," and newborn baby boys
are frequently described as "bouncing." We distinguish between boys and girls in this way for
what reason? Biological and physiological differences between males and females are present
from birth; however, these differences do not account for the significant social and cultural
inequalities based on sex that are made as individuals mature.
The most significant differences between the sexes are learned through socialization as we all
learn to perform the gender roles and cultural and social expectations related to a person's sex.
The social structure of gender is fundamental, and masculinity and femininity are outcomes of
human perception, social and cultural context, and interpersonal interaction (Thorne, 2007).
Every element of our lives is impacted by these gender roles, including how we eat, who our
neighbour are likely to be, our political and religious beliefs, how long we live, and what causes
us to die. In other words, these gender roles have an impact on how we perceive and experience
life itself (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
The term "masculinity" describes traits deemed suitable for men. Being aggressive, athletic,
physically active, rational, and dominant in social interactions with women are among these
traits that are traditionally valued in American culture. Contrarily, femininity refers to traits that
are traditionally connected to proper behaviour for women, and in Pakistan, these traits include
passivity, docility, fragility, emotionality, and subjugation to men. By the age of four,
according to research by Carol Gilligan and her students at Harvard's Department of Gender
Studies, children are well aware of these strong gender norms and feel pressure to comply to
them (Kantrowitz and Kalb, 1998). According to Barrie Thorne (2007:317), by the time
children reach preschool age, both boys and girls have established their sexual and gender
identities and prefer to hang out with others of "their own kind." Gender roles are solidly
established by adolescence, according to Peggy Giordano's research (Giordano et al., 2006).
Some claim that sex-related gender qualities, including male aggression, are innate features tied
to sex and independent of cultural meanings. The majority of studies, however, shows that
degrees of aggression range greatly among the sexes as well as between them and that both
genders are capable of being equally violent in various social and cultural contexts (e.g., Fry,
1988; Butler, 1990; Wilton, 2005). According to Lieberson et al. (2000), Rachel Simmons
takes great effort to give their kids names that are gender-appropriate. Names may also
represent certain personality attributes in different cultures, such as fierceness, courage,
shyness, or humility, in addition to recognizing various familial or clan relationships.
Our names only scratch the surface of gender identification. According to Thompson and
Hickey (2016), girls are encouraged to create feminine identities while males are encouraged to
develop masculine traits due to pronounced distinctions in language, communication, play,
attire, and grooming.
Sexism: inequality based on sex and gender:Sexism is the idea that one sex is inherently
superior to or inferior to the other. It supports prejudice (attitudes) and discrimination (actions),
both personally and institutionally. Similar to racism and ageism, the ideology of sexism
promotes the unjust and unequal treatment of people based on their ascribed traits, in this case,
their sex. Both men and women are subject to sexism. Due to attitudes, practices, rules, and
Lesson-36
The core tenet of functionalism is that when a society functions effectively, each component
contributes to its stability or well-being. Manifest functions are the desired outcomes that people
wish their activities to produce. Latent functions are the favourable effects they did not want to
occur.
The most obvious and manifest goal of education is to impart information and skills, whether
they are the traditional three R's or their more contemporary equivalents, such as computer
literacy. Each generation is responsible for preparing the subsequent one to fill the essential
roles in the organization. They are offered by the schools since our post-industrial society needs
highly educated people.
Sociologist Randall Collins claims that credential societies have developed in industrialized
nations. He meant to imply that organizations use credentials such as degrees and certifications
as grading scales to determine who is qualified for a post. Because they are unable to interview
and screen applicants, employers rely on colleges to weed out the unqualified. For example,
when you graduate from college, potential employers will presume that you are a responsible
person since you attended several classes, turned in a lot of assignments, and shown that you
have the core writing and thinking skills. They will then graft their unique employment skills
onto this, which has been supported by your college foundation.
Before you can begin working, you may need to acquire the appropriate employment skills.
Before the advancements in information and technology, becoming an engineer or airline pilot
could be accomplished with only on-the-job training. For this precise reason, doctors display
their credentials prominently. Their framed credentials indicate that they have permission to
treat your body from a university (Henslin 2010).
Gatekeeping
Gatekeeping, or selecting who will enter what professions, is another goal of schooling.
Credentialing determines who is competent for a job by using credentials and degrees. It
functions as a form of gatekeeping system that grants some people access to opportunities while
excluding others. Students are routinely tracked and grouped into different educational courses
based on their estimated talents to conduct gatekeeping (Henslin, 2010).
The merit-based gatekeepers were supported by functionalists Wilbert Moore (Davis and Moore
1945), Kingsley Davis, and Talcott Parsons (1940). They developed the social placement theory,
which contends that some jobs only require rudimentary skills and are thus suitable for persons
of lesser intelligence. Other occupations, like that of a doctor, demand a higher level of
education and intelligence. Capable individuals are persuaded to postpone satisfaction and put
up with years of difficult study through the use of high pay and prestige benefits. According to
Henslin (2010), functionalists see education as a system that divides people into groups based on
their abilities and goals for the good of society.
The functions of schools have grown with time and are now comparable to some family
functions. Childcare is an illustration. For households where both parents work or for single
mothers who are also employed, grade schools double as babysitters. Since it was an
unanticipated result, childcare has always been a latent function of formal education. However,
with most families now having two wage earners, childcare has emerged as a clear need. Some
schools even provide before- and after-school care. For the children of their adolescent students,
some high schools even offer nurseries (Bosman 2007).
Other Functions
Education has extra benefits as well. First, there is dating. Due to the fact that the majority of
students are unmarried, many people meet their future brides for the first time in high school
and college. Schools help people choose partners who have similar interests, educational
backgrounds, and life experiences, which has sociological implications. Additionally, schools
serve as a hub for social networks. Some students establish lifelong friendships there, while
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others network for potential jobs. Education also brings down the unemployment rate. Millions
of young people must finish their education in order to stay out of the workforce. Schools also
contribute to the upkeep of society by keeping these millions of people off the streets, where
they would be holding demonstrations and demanding political system reform. In a number of
different businesses, schools also provide career opportunities (Henslin, 2010).
Topic-192: Innovation
Schools are responsible with imparting knowledge, but they are also required to foster the
development of new knowledge and technology as well as the intellectual development and
creativity of their students. Both outdated knowledge and new applications of it must be
developed. Even in the most ancient tribal societies, novel ideas and inventions that give a
better way to accomplish a task or enhance quality of life are usually welcomed. In highly
technical civilizations, schools, particularly large research institutes, are essential for the
production of new knowledge and technology. But it takes time for educational institutions to
evolve, and schools frequently have to walk a fine line between encouraging social innovation
and cultural change and working to uphold tradition and the status quo. This is particularly true
in countries like Japan and Britain where social custom, history, and tradition are highly
cherished. One of the writers claims that for the past 300 years, the "core" curriculum at
Cambridge has stayed virtually constant. The general education standards, however, have
altered three times in the past 10 years at the American university where the author previously
taught (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
The possible financial challenges, resume gaps, and increased competitiveness when reentering
the job market can be outweighed by the long-term benefits of deferring job searches for
education, personal reasons, or skill development. Maintaining ties throughout this time requires
networking and skill development.
Unexpectedly, people tend to live longer on average the further along in their schooling,
according to research. Meara et al. (2008) found that although Americans who complete their
education live to an average age of 82, those who drop out of high school survive to an average
age of 75. The most likely explanation is that more educated people have healthier lifestyles
(better diets and less smoking), have better jobs, earn more money, and have better access to
healthcare (Henslin 2010).
Lesson-37
FUNCTIONS OF SCHOOLING-II
Lesson Overview
Social Control
Schools act as social control systems for society, according to the conflict perspective of
sociology. It means that formal education maintains and reinforces existing social and power
inequities. The following are the main ways that the conflict perspective sees education's
involvement in social control.
Legitimization of Social Order: Schools regularly impart values, customs, and beliefs that
uphold and reflect the prevailing social order. Conflict theorists assert that schools propagate
prevalent cultural norms and ideas, which may help to maintain the status quo and the current
power structure. This could involve the reinforcement of societal norms including submission to
authority, conformity, and acceptance of the current political and economic system.
Social Stratification: The educational system can contribute to social stratification by providing
students with unequal access to educational resources and opportunities. With increasing access
to positions of authority and power as a result, an educated elite may emerge, while others may
face grim futures.
Preparation for the Workforce:Conflict theorists see education as a way to get students ready
for their future jobs. They contend that education reinforces the division of labour and class
distinctions by preparing students to fit into particular social and economic positions.
Resistance and Counter-Narratives: Conflict theorists are aware that there may be
disagreement inside educational institutions. Students and teachers can raise issues with the
dominant narratives and advocate for inclusive and equitable educational practise.
Most societies, especially those that place a high value on knowledge and technology, have
some form of stratification in place. Given this, education is viewed from a conflict
perspective as a valuable resource, a goal in and of itself, as well as a means of attaining other
socially desirable traits like wealth, power, reputation, and material possessions. Conflict
theorists highlight how, despite the value put on mass education and its potential to achieve
equality, educational systems in both capitalist and communist states actively promote and
sustain inequality. The main subjects of this analysis are the hidden curriculum in schools,
how educational credentials enable schools to act as "screening devices" for society, the
connection between educational attainment and unequal occupational opportunities, unequal
access to education, and inequality among schools (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Because they believed that the bourgeoisie used limited access to education as a tool to oppress
and rob the proletariat, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (1848–1979) fought in favour of
universal access to free education. As a matter of fact, formal education has traditionally been a
benefit reserved for the wealthy, privileged, and governing classes and has been more closely
correlated with leisure than with employment. As our discussions of education in Great Britain
and the United States have demonstrated, mass education did not become a priority until after
their industrial revolutions, and Japan did not adopt the concept until after World War II. In the
US and many other countries, equal access to education is now considered as a symbol of a
nation's commitment to not only knowledge and technology but also to individual freedom and
social mobility. Is that really the situation? (2016) Hickey and Thompson.
To understand this crucial concept, think about how English is taught. Since middle-class
teachers are aware of the direction their students are taking in life, they place a strong emphasis
on "proper" English and "good" manners. Racial and street slang are allowed in the classroom
by teachers in inner-city schools who are also aware of the future plans for their students. Every
educational approach supports the maintenance of socioeconomic class. In other words, they are
all training their students for careers that are similar to those of their parents. Due to their social
status, some children are destined for positions of greater responsibility. For these positions,
they demand "refined" speech and manners. Others' social destinies are low-status vocations.
They only need to adhere to the guidelines established for this position (Bowles and Gintis 1976;
2002). It would be pointless to attempt to instill "refined" speech and manners in these students.
To put it another way, even the teaching of English and manners helps keep social classes in
place throughout time (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Tilting the Tests: Discrimination by IQ Even intelligence tests help to keep the social class
system intact. The questions asked in intelligence tests contain cultural biases. Children from
some backgrounds are more familiar with such question wordings than other students. (Henslin
2010).
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The Correspondence Principle:Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, conflict sociologists, first
used the term "correspondence principle" to describe how schools mirror society in 1976.
According to this idea, a country's social standards ought to be represented in the curriculum of
its public schools (Henslin, 2010).
It suggests that family background weighs more heavily than test results in choosing who will
attend college. Children from affluent parents are more likely to attend the nation's most
prominent institutions in addition to attending college, regardless of their specific talents. They
consequently find better-paying jobs with more prestige after they graduate, which strengthens
their advantages. The elite colleges wouldn't be complete without these students' more privileged
upbringing (Henslin 2010).
The conflict approach in sociology looks at how social inequality and power dynamics affect stu
dent placement and selection in schools.It focuses on how differences in resource accessibility, o
bservation methods, and competitiveness might reinforce social hierarchies and limit opportuniti
es for disadvantaged groups.From this vantage point, resolving these disparities and promoting e
ducational equity are significant issues.
Educational Credentials
Using schools as a tool for screening One of the things that schools are recognized for is
awarding educational credentials, such as grades, certificates, diplomas, and degrees. Most
people would want to believe that the pyramidal distribution of educational degrees is directly
tied to academic talent, intellectual prowess, and a desire for study. Regrettably, while these
characteristics do influence the granting of academic degrees, other considerations are also of
utmost importance.
The daily activities that take place at schools and how they affect the students, teachers, and
administrators who are a part of such social environments are of interest to interactionist
sociologists. By the time a child is five or six years old, the family usually gives some of its
socialization responsibilities to the school. However, many kids are now beginning their
educational careers much younger because to the increase in preschools and kindergartens. As a
result, school is where most of the most crucial time for personal and social development is
spent (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Students who are predicted to fail may be neglected by teachers until they, too, get the desired
outcome since they are compelled to work with them to ensure that they succeed and thrive. In
education, this is referred to as the Pygmalion effect. As a result, tagging youngsters frequently
has the unintended effect of having the students' future attitudes and behaviour confirm the
assumptions made about their ability. Typically, socioeconomic position, gender, and ethnicity
are nonacademic characteristics that have an impact on these classifications and forecasts.
Schools classify pupils based on their personalities, appearances, attitudes, levels of compliance,
and academic achievement (e.g., clever, dumb, gifted, or slow learners). Students who are
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considered of as outgoing and intellectually bright profit from their real and perceived successes,
but students who are thought of as smart arse, troublemakers, or frauds find it extremely difficult
to shed those unattractive labels. The Labelling procedure has a substantial social impact on
interactions between students, instructors, and administrators in addition to having an impact on
grades and other academic credentials (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Lesson-38
Lesson Overview
Population dynamics:
Fertility
Mortality
Migration
Population composition and density
Population growth
Population control: the importance of family planning
Problems in forecasting population growth
Fertility
Fertility: The average number of children that a woman has is known as the fertility rate.
According to the average global fertility rate of 2.6, a woman has 2.6 children in her lifetime.
American women have a substantially lower fertility rate, at 2.1 (Haub and Kent 2008).
Occasionally, the terms "fertility" and "fecundity," or the greatest number of children a woman
is capable of having, are used interchangeably. This number is rather high considering that
some women have given birth to 30 children (McFalls, 2007). The world's highest fertility rate
is found in Middle Africa, where women give birth to 6.1 children on average, while the lowest
fertility rate is found in Eastern and Southern Europe, where women give birth to 1.4 children
on average (Haub and Kent 2008). Macao has the lowest fertility rate in the entire globe. There,
a lady typically gives birth to just one kid. Five of the countries with the lowest birthrates are
from Asia. Europe is where the rest of them live. The countries with the highest birth rates are
also grouped together. With the exception of Afghanistan and Timor-Leste, which are all in
Asia, they are all in Africa. The highest birthrate in the world is shared by the West African
countries of Niger and Guinea-Bissau. There, a woman has seven more children on average
than she would in Macao—7.1 in all. To ascertain a country's fertility rate, demographers look
to the government's birth registration records. The number of live births per 1,000 persons in
the country is determined using these figures. Clearly, there is a great deal of space for error.
Birth records are, at best, unreliable in several of the Least Industrialized Nations (Henslin
2010).
Mortality
The second demographic element is measured using the yearly crude mortality rate, or the
number of deaths per 1,000 people. Furthermore, it differs widely from one nation to another. In
Africa, Swaziland set a record with 31 fatalities per 100,000 residents. The lowest death rate
worldwide is 2 and is shared by three oil-rich countries: Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab
Emirates (Henslin, 2010).
Migration
The third demographic factor is migration, or the transfer of people from one location to another.
In migration, there are two types. The first category includes those who move inside the same
nation. In what is known as "The Great Migration," millions of African Americans relocated
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from the South to the North during and after World War II. In a historical shift, many
individuals are returning to the South in order to benefit from its thriving economy, enjoy its
warmer climate, and reestablish family ties (Frey 2004, 2006). The second kind of migration is
when people move across different countries. Demographers refer to the ratio of emigrants
(people leaving a nation) to immigrants (people entering a country) per 1,000 inhabitants as the
net migration rate. Contrary to fertility and death, migration has little effect on global population
because people are merely shifting their domicile from one country or region to another. What
makes people decide to go to a country with unfamiliar customs and a foreign language in order
to leave the security of their friends and family behind? To understand migration, push and pull
variables must be taken into account. The push factors include people's aspirations to escape
poverty or persecution because of their political and religious views. The magnets that draw
people to relocate to a new location include better prospects for employment, higher standards
of education, freedom of expression and religion, and a more promising future for their children.
After "migrant paths" are established, immigration frequently picks up speed; networks of kin
and friends attract additional people from the same nation, sometimes even from the same
villages. Globally, the Least Industrialized Nations to the Industrialized Nations represent the
majority of migratory movements. Without a doubt, the United States is the best option on the
planet. Each year, the United States accepts more immigrants than the rest of the world
combined. Henslin (2010) estimates that 38 million Americans, or one in every eight, were born
abroad.
Topic-203: Population Composition and Density
Along with counting people, demographers are also interested in how demographic
characteristics impact people's lives. Two elements are of great interest to sociologists. The
population's composition is the number and diversity of people it consists of, as determined by
elements such as age, sex, race, and ethnicity. The amount of people living in a certain area per
square mile is referred to as population density. One of the simplest measures of population
composition is the sex ratio, or the proportion of males to females. The sex ratio is generally
below 100 since women live longer than males do. According to the sex ratio, there are around
95 men for every 100 women in the United States. The age distribution of the population is
rapidly shifting. A noteworthy demographic trend that deserves more than passing consideration
is the ageing of the world's population. For instance, as more people reach the age of 65, the
elderly will soon surpass all other demographic groups as the largest population component in
the United States. Age and sex information when combined provide a plethora of social and
demographic information on a given group. A frequent method of presenting this data is using
an age-sex pyramid, claim Thompson and Hickey (2016).
With more than 368,000 newborns born each day, the world's population of over 6.7 billion
people is growing by about 80 million every year (World Health Organization, 2009).
Sociologists are very concerned about population expansion because many individuals think that
as population grows, quality of life declines (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
The population growth rate is the annual percentage difference between the numbers of
people who are added to and withdrawn from a particular population. Currently, the population
growth rate is less than 1% in the majority of developed nations, while it is over 3% in several
emerging nations. While birthrates are declining, the population is growing at a rate of roughly
1.2 percent year (World Health Organization, 2009).
Many people are concerned about the current growth rates and timetables for doubling. They
fear that if worldwide action is not made to cut birthrates, the standard of living would decline.
Such concepts are not novel; in fact, Thompson and Hickey (2016) link them to one of the
earliest theories of population growth.
Improved Health and Well-Being: The timing and spacing of children can be planned by
individuals and couples who have access to family planning services. This results in healthier
pregnancies, lower rates of mother and newborn death, and better family-wide health outcomes.
Economic Benefits: As families become smaller, they can have more financial options. If
families have fewer dependents, they may have more money to invest in improving their
standard of living, healthcare, and education.
Improved Quality of Life:Smaller families are typically connected with greater living
standards because they may allocate more resources per child to nutrition, healthcare, and
education.
Global Demographic Transition: Promoting family planning aids in the global population's
transition from high birth and death rates to low rates more akin to developed countries. This
transformation is associated with economic growth and rising levels of living.
Family planning should always be voluntarily undertaken, with due regard for individual rights
and preferences, and with comprehensive sexual and reproductive health education included.
Policies and activities that assist family planning should prioritize access to information and
services while also taking into account cultural, religious, and societal traditions.
The three demographic variables of fertility, death, and net migration are combined together to
determine the growth rate of a country, or the net change after people have been added to and
removed from a population. Demographers' simple explanation of the fundamental demographic
equation is as follows:
If only biological factors were responsible for population expansion, demographers' jobs would
be straightforward. However, social factors that affect migration, birth, and death rates include
wars, economic booms and busts, plagues, and famines. Abortion also has an effect on
population growth. Politicians make projections much more difficult. On occasion, governments
make an effort to persuade women to have fewer or more kids. Hitler ruled that Germany
needed more "Aryans," therefore the government outlawed abortion and paid women who were
expecting money. There was population growth. Because birth rates have declined so much,
European leaders are worried that their populations may be on the decline. Due to the nation's
dwindling population, Russian authorities are rewarding pregnant women financially (Chivers
2006).
In China, the situation is exactly the opposite. Few people are aware of how strict the
government's "One couple, one child" policy, which tries to slow population growth, is enforced
in China. Whether or not she wants one, every woman receives an IUD (intrauterine device)
after having her first child, according to Steven Mosher (2006), an anthropologist who
performed fieldwork in China. If a woman has another child, she is sterilized. If a woman
becomes pregnant without the government's consent, the foetus is terminated (yep, you read that
right). If a woman refuses to get an abortion even if she is nine months pregnant, one is
nonetheless performed on her. Unmarried women are not allowed to become parents; any
unmarried woman who becomes pregnant is imprisoned and forced to have an abortion.
Authorities in some locations allow women to become pregnant again, but only if their first
child was a girl (Henslin 2010).
Lesson Overview
The story begins with the common potato. The Spanish conquistadors took some of this
vegetable back to Europe to grow, but the Andean people consumed it. Initially viewed with
suspicion by Europeans, the potato has since changed to become the main diet for the lower
classes. As food became more plentiful, fertility increased and the death rate dropped. Europe's
population approximately doubled in the 1700s (McKeown 1977; McNeill 1999). This sharp
increase caught the attention of English economist Thomas Malthus (1766–1834), who saw it as
a sign of approaching doom. In 1798, he released the well-known An Essay on the Principle of
Population (1798). In it, Malthus proposed what is now known as the Malthus theorem. He
argued that despite the population growing geometrically (from 2 to 4 to 8 to 16 and so on), the
food supply only increases arithmetically (from 1 to 2 to 3 to 4 and so forth). This suggested, in
his opinion, that if birth rates are not managed, a country's population—or maybe the entire
world—will surpass its capacity to feed itself (Henslin 2010).
The Population Bomb was released in 1968 by Paul Ehrlich, a biology professor at Stanford
University, earning him the moniker "modern-day Malthus." "The book's cover proclaimed,
"Five individuals, largely children, have died of starvation—and forty more infants have been
born—while you are reading these lines. The book's cover has a picture of a baby inside a glass
"bomb" with a lit fuse. Ehrlich's theory, albeit more sophisticated in terms of science and
statistics, is remarkably similar to Malthus's. According to Ehrlich (1971:3), "no matter how
you slice it, population is a numbers game," and in his perspective, the statistics predicted a
gloomy future in the absence of swift action. If current patterns continue, according to Ehrlich's
prediction, there would be 60 million billion people on the world in about 900 years. In other
terms, "about 100 persons for each square yard of the earth's surface, land and sea" would exist
(Ehrlich, 1971:4). By the 1990s, thousands of people will die from starvation and malnutrition,
according to Ehrlich, who remarked that the growth of the world's population has outpaced
increases in the food supply. Ehrlich argued that the problem goes beyond concerns with food
supply and population growth, going beyond the Malthusian paradigm. He underlined the
importance of the environment, especially the availability of clean water and air (Thompson
and Hickey 2016).
The three primary stages of population expansion, according to the demographic transition
theory, are high birth and death rates, high birthrates and low mortality rates, and low birth and
death rates.
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Stage 1: is characterized by both high birth and death rates. Because it was typical for women
to have 13 or 14 children at that time, colonial America offers as an illustration of this period.
However, because of the high newborn mortality rates and the impact of infectious diseases,
only half of these kids or fewer lived to adulthood. Low life expectancy allowed high mortality
rates to keep population growth stable despite high birthrates.
Stage 2: is marked by high birth rates and low death rates. A stage 2 nation during the
beginning of industrialization was the United States. Women continued to have a lot of kids,
and big families were still supported by culture. But because infant mortality rates were
reduced, more of those children survived to become parents and, at the same time, life
expectancy gradually increased. The good news is that the US has a sizable amount of territory
where its population can increase.
The demographic transition's third stage, which is typified by low mortality and birth rates,
has now begun in the US. In complex industrialized economies, large families limit geographic
mobility, and kids frequently wind up being expensive. Furthermore, birth control is frequently
available and well-known. As a result, values change, encouraging parents to have fewer
children. Countries in stage 3 enjoy a moderate population increase. The demographic
transition theory predicts that all countries will eventually go through all three stages. Although
population trends predict disastrous impacts until the final transition is complete, they are
nevertheless much more optimistic about population expansion than Malthusian theory. Since
so many countries are caught in stage 2 of the demographic trap, millions of people die from
starvation and disease as a result of the population outpacing the quantity of available land,
clean water, and food supply. The demographic transition theory, however, is supported by data
from Crenshaw et al. (2000) that demonstrate a general decline in birth and mortality rates as
these less developed countries modernize (Thompson and Hickey 2010).
Consequences of population growth: Marx and Engels explicitly rejected the notion that
poverty is the fault of the poor. Instead, they argued that poverty is the result of a badly
managed society, particularly a capitalist one. Latent in Marx and Engels' writings is the notion
that a sizable increase in productivity ought to be the anticipated outcome of population growth.
Each worker had to be producing more income than they required in order for their entire
family to thrive, including the manufacturers. In a well-functioning society, there ought to be
more wealth rather than more poverty if there are more people (Engels 18444). Marx and
Engels notably disagreed with the Malthusian assumption that resources could not develop as
rapidly as people because they found no reason to think that science and technology could not
increase the supply of food and other products at least as quickly as population growth.
The Second Demographic Transition (SDT), often known as a series of socioeconomic changes,
has been occurring in many Western countries since the middle of the 20th century. Some of
these changes include lower birthrates, changing family dynamics, postponed marriage, personal
life choices, and a higher tolerance for non-traditional relationships. Among the causes of these
shifts are improved access to contraception, deferred parenthood, and evolving cultural norms.
The SDT has an impact on family dynamics, social policy, labour markets, and population
ageing. Although it varies depending on where you are, it has a significant impact on many
areas.
Was Malthus right, or not? The topic has generated intense debate among demographers.
According to one group, the New Malthusians, the situation now is at least as dire as—if not
worse than—whatever Malthus could have foreseen. For instance, the rate at which the world's
population is growing is so rapid that between 20,000 and 40,000 more children will be born in
the time it takes you to finish reading this chapter! There will be an additional 224,000 people
on the earth at this time tomorrow. Day after day, hour after hour, its expansion is unabated.
The New Malthusians claim that global population growth is exponential. This suggests that if
growth doubles over nearly equal time intervals, it will suddenly accelerate. The inhabitants of
New Malthus are persuaded that a war over food and population is close at hand. In 2050, it's
expected that the combined populations of China and India would outnumber those of the
entire world (Haub and Kent 2008). It is obvious that we will run out of food if we don't stop
the population growth. More distressing television footage of undernourished children may
soon be available (Henslin 2010).
Topic-213: Anti-Malthusians
Positive demographers, or what we might call the Anti-Malthusians, present a quite different
picture. They claim that Europe's demographic transition offers a more precise look into the
future. For the vast bulk of its history, Europe was in Stage 1. Its population over time
remained largely steady due to high death rates that were slightly offset by high birth rates. The
"population explosion" that so incensed Malthus occurred in stage 2 after that. The population
of Europe increased quickly because birth rates remained high and mortality rates fell. The
population stabilized as people adjusted their birth rates to match their declining mortality rates
as Europe entered Stage 3.
According to the Anti-Malthusians, this will also happen in the Least Industrialized Countries.
Simply said, the demographic transition has reached Stage 2 in this country as evidenced by the
recent population growth. Their death rates have decreased while their birth rates have stayed
high thanks to hybrid seeds, medical treatments from the Most Industrialized Nations, and safer
public water supplies. When they enter Stage 3—which they will, without a doubt—we will be
confused. Their growth is really already sluggish (Henslin 2010).
Along with their overall conviction that poverty was not a result of population growth, Marx
and Engels specifically asserted that even at the time there was enough wealth in England to
eradicate poverty. More people in England had resulted in greater wealth for the capitalists
rather than the workers since they were keeping a percentage of the workers' earnings as profits.
Lesson-40
Lesson Overview
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Nature, environment, and society
The environment as a sociological issue
The environment and sociological theory
Our common environment: Are limits to growth?
Our common environment: sustainable development
Risk technology and the environment
Environmental problems in Pakistan
Throughout the entire planet, the human species has prospered and expanded swiftly. Currently,
an increasing share of the world's population lives in cities, in vast urban areas that offer a
higher standard of living than rural places. But these improvements come at a hefty price. We
have never placed such demands on the planet in human history. The chapter's final section,
which examines the interactions between society and the environment, is brought about by this
disquieting trend. Along with demography, ecology is sociology's other distant relative and is
more properly defined as the study of interactions between living things and their natural
settings. The study of ecology has benefited from the contributions of both natural and social
scientists.
The natural environment on Earth is comprised of the planet's surface and atmosphere, any
existing life, as well as the air, water, soil, and other resources needed to sustain life. Like all
other organisms, humans are dependent on their surroundings to survive. However, because of
our capacity for cultural development, humans are unique among all other species because we
are the only ones that actively seek to alter the world in order to further our own objectives,
whether good or bad.
Why is the environment intriguing to sociologists? Environmental problems like pollution, acid
rain, or global warming are not caused by the natural world on their own. These problems are
social problems since they are a direct result of how people behave (Macionis 2012).
It is essential to have a global perspective when studying the natural world. The solution is
simple: Regardless of political boundaries between states, the world is one ecosystem, a system
made up of interactions between all living creatures and their natural environs.
The word "Eco" is derived from the Greek word for "house," which serves as a reminder that
this planet is our home and that all living things and their natural environments are
interconnected. The entire world ecology will be impacted by any change to the natural
environment. Think about how our love of hamburgers affects the earth. Brazil, Costa Rica, and
other Latin American nations have seen tremendous expansion in their ranching industries as a
result of the enormous demand for beef created by people in North America (and, increasingly,
around the world). To create the lean meat that fast food chains want, cattle are fed grass
throughout Latin America, but this takes up a lot of space. In order to provide space for grazing,
ranchers in Latin America clear thousands of square kilometers of forest every year. These
tropical forests are essential to the maintenance of the Earth's atmosphere. Deforestation
ultimately puts everyone in peril, even Americans who consume hamburgers (N. Myers, 1984a)
(Macionis 2012).
According to Dunlap and Catton (1979, 1983; Bell 2009), environmental sociology is a branch
of sociology that focuses on the interactions between human societies and the environment.
Environmental sociology is built on these fundamental ideas:
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Instead than trying to avoid pollution or nuclear power, environmental sociology aims to
understand how people (and their cultures, attitudes, and behaviors) affect the physical
environment and how the physical environment affects human activities. Environmental
sociology attracts environmental activists, and the American Sociological Association's Section
on Environment and Technology strives to influence public policy (American Sociological
Association n.d.) (Henslin 2010). This is not surprising.
Throughout the entire planet, the human species has prospered and expanded swiftly. Currently,
an increasing share of the world's population lives in cities, in vast urban areas that offer a
higher standard of living than rural places. But these improvements come at a hefty price. We
have never placed such demands on the planet in human history. The chapter's final section,
which examines the interactions between society and the environment, is brought about by this
disquieting trend. Along with demography, ecology is sociology's other distant relative and is
more properly defined as the study of interactions between living things and their natural
settings. The study of ecology has benefited from the contributions of both natural and social
scientists. This essay focuses on ecological issues that are connected to well-known social
concepts and issues. The natural environment on Earth is comprised of the planet's surface and
atmosphere, any existing life, as well as the air, water, soil, and other resources needed to
sustain life. Like all other organisms, humans are dependent on their surroundings to survive.
However, because of our capacity for cultural development, humans are unique among all other
species because we are the only ones that actively seek to alter the world in order to further our
own objectives, whether good or bad. Why is the environment intriguing to sociologists?
Environmental problems like pollution, acid rain, or global warming are not caused by the
natural world on their own. Since these problems are a result of certain human activities, they
are social problems.
Technology and environment: Unavoidably, humans will keep developing new technology.
The destruction of our environment by these technologies is not inevitable, though. To put it
plainly, it would be a mistake to decide to destroy our planet.
If we want to live on a planet that will be worth passing on to future generations, we must work
towards technological and environmental balance. It's not going to be easy. To protect the
environment, some people hold the extreme view that industrialization must halt and that we
must revert to a tribal way of life. On the other end of the spectrum are individuals who
advocate global industrialization at a quick pace while being utterly naive of the harm being
done to the environment. There must be a middle ground, one that recognizes both the enduring
nature of industrialization and our influence as its creators. If industrialization is correctly
managed, it can enhance our quality of life; if not, we will perish.
Sociological theory plays a significant role in understanding and analyzing the relationship
between society and the environment. Several sociological perspectives provide valuable
insights into how human societies interact with and influence the environment. Here are some
key sociological theories and their relevance to environmental issues
Conflict Theory:Societal power disparities and social injustices are of particular interest to
conflict theorists. This environmental stance examines who gains from environmental legislation,
how resources are distributed, and who is in charge of environmental deterioration. It highlights
the role that enterprises, governments, and economic interests all play in ensuring that
environmental injustices continue.
Symbolic Interactionism: This theory examines the interpretations that individuals and groups
make of environmental issues and how these interpretations influence individuals' conduct. It
looks at how a person's attitudes, convictions, and values influence their interactions with others
and their surroundings. Symbolic interactionism provides an explanation for the importance of
culture and public discourse in framing environmental issues and potential remedies.
Ecological Modernization: This point of view focuses on the potential shift to more
environmentally friendly behaviour by industrial civilizations. It suggests that, within current
economic systems, technological advancements, environmental legislation, and public opinion
changes might lead to ecologically benign improvements. It highlights how crucial social
change and institutional development are to achieving environmental sustainability.
Human Ecology:Human ecology is the study of how human populations interact with their
surroundings. It looks into how migratory patterns, urbanization, and population growth affect
the environment. When examining how anthropocentric activity impacts ecosystems and
landscapes, this frame of view is particularly crucial.
Risk Society Theory: Ulrich Beck's idea holds that modern civilizations are characterized by a
number of threats, including environmental ones. It underlines how industrialization and
technological advancement lead to brand-new environmental concerns that are usually
unanticipated. It also examines how civilizations respond to and handle these dangers.
Our common environment: The study of environmental ecology focuses on problems relating
to adverse effects of humans on nature, such as global warming and the destruction of tropical
rain forests. Public concerns about the environment have led to the emergence of green parties
and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that support environmental problems, such as
Friends of the Earth and Green Peace. Despite the diversity of green ideologies, all of them
share a commitment to preserving the environment, conserving the planet's resources, and
preserving the remaining animal species (Giddens 2006).
Are there limits to growth:The limits to development, a renowned Club of Rome report from
the early 1970s, had a considerable influence on the creation of green movements and the
general public's concern over environmental issues. The Club of Rome commissioned a study
that used computer modelling to calculate the impacts of ongoing economic growth, population
growth, pollution, and resource depletion. What would happen if patterns that evolved between
1900 and 1970 continued until the year 2100 was shown using a computer simulation. The
computer estimates were altered to produce a range of probable outcomes depending on the
varied rates of growth of the components taken into account. The researchers found that every
time they altered one factor, an environmental disaster eventually materialized. The main
conclusion of the study was that industrial growth rates are not compatible with the planet's
limited natural resources, population growth potential, and ability to clean up pollution. The
study concludes that the world cannot continue at the existing rates of population growth,
industrialization, pollution, food production, and resource depletion (Giddens 2006).
Instead of advocating for the economic expansion to be limited, more recent developments have
focused on the concept of sustainable development. The phrase was first used in a 1987 UN-
commissioned report titled "Our Common Future." The authors of the research argued that the
amount of resources being consumed by the present generation was not sustainable.
Governments and environmentalists started using the phrase "sustainable development" more
frequently after the publication of Our Common Future. It was used at the 1992 UN Earth
Summit in Rio de Janeiro and has subsequently been used at additional UN-organized ecological
summit events, such as the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg.
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which include sustainable development, have
been adopted by 191 countries in order to fight various forms of poverty in the next decades
(Giddens, 2006).
Technology is necessary for understanding and managing environmental threats. This allows for
the monitoring, modelling, and mitigation of problems including pollution, climate change, and
natural disasters. Early warning systems and renewable energy are only two examples of how
Numerous environmental issues in Pakistan make it difficult for the nation to remain stable and
for its people to live in peace.
Air pollution: is one of the main environmental problems in Pakistan. Pakistan has a serious
problem with air pollution, especially in cities like Lahore and Karachi. Poor air quality is a
result of heavy industrial pollution, high levels of vehicle emissions, and the burning of solid
waste. As a result, the populace develops respiratory illnesses and other health issues.
Water Scarcity:Pakistan is a country with a water shortage, with the Indus River serving as its
main source of water. Water scarcity problems have become more severe as a result of poor
management, water waste, and climate change effects. There is a severe dearth of clean, safe
drinking water in many parts of the nation, which causes health issues and disagreements over
water rights.
Land Degradation: Due to unsustainable farming practices, deforestation, and climate change,
Pakistan continues to face problems with soil erosion, salinity, and desertification. Rural
communities' ability to feed themselves and maintain their way of life are at risk.
Waste Management: The inappropriate disposal of solid waste and insufficient waste
management practise both contribute to environmental degradation in metropolitan areas. The
frequent disposal of trash in open landfills or bodies of water causes pollution and poses health
risks.
Loss of Biodiversity: A variety of human activities pose a threat to Pakistan's unique
ecosystems, including its marshes and forests. Many indigenous species have seen a reduction in
population as a result of this.
Pakistan is experiencing an energy crisis: which has increased its reliance on fossil fuels and
increased air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Although there are obstacles, efforts to
switch to greener, more sustainable energy sources are ongoing.
Illegal Wildlife Trade: The illegal commerce in wildlife and its byproducts is a serious issue,
especially in border regions. This imperils ecosystems and adds to the extinction of threatened
species.
Urbanization: The rapid urbanization and population growth in Pakistan's cities has resulted in
a rise in the need for resources, the expansion of infrastructure, and changes in land usage,
frequently at the expense of the environment.
SOCIAL CHANGE-I
Lesson Overview
What is social change:
Macro change
Micro change
Sociological approaches to social change: Cyclical approaches
Functionalist and evolutionary perspective on social change
Conflict perspective on social change
Contemporary perspectives on social change
Social movements and change
Macro-Change
Macro-changes occur gradually, on a huge scale, and are invisible to people as they go about
their daily lives because they happen over extended periods of time. A good illustration of this
type of macro-change is modernization, a process through which societies transition from
simple to complex social institutions while becoming more internally differentiated and
complicated. Other types of macro-change might occur more quickly, over the course of a few
generations, like the present transition from manufacturing-based industrial civilizations to
information- and service-based post-industrial societies (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Micro Change
Micro-changes are rapid, small changes that result from people's daily interactions with others
and the numerous decisions they make. Every day, millions of everyday individuals make
micro-changes in their families, businesses, and numerous other priorities. Aside from powerful
individuals whose acts can have an immediate impact on our lives, small decisions made by
regular people could silently and gradually affect societal institutions and, in the long run, entire
societies. Like other parts of society, how people view the future is paradoxical. Although
everyone's ambitions and dreams are stored in the future, everyone's fears are also represented
by the future. Because of this, some individuals and groups perceive change as positive and
advantageous, while others see it as destructive and a possible threat to their needs, goals, and
"futures." Even when a change is well-planned and has widespread support, it frequently has
societal impacts that were not intended or anticipated. Though it may be resented and fought
against, or wished away and longed after, change cannot be halted. However, neither the speed
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nor the direction of change occur at random. Every civilization, according to Clark Kerr's view
(quoted in McCord, 1991:58), "moves towards its future in terms of its past, its own institutions,
and traditions" Barrett (1991) claimed that when societies encounter novel situations, they do so
within the context of preexisting sociocultural constraints, which have an impact on how those
members view the situation and how they make judgments (Thompson and Hickey, 2017).
Turner and Killian (1989) assert that intense conflict and social upheaval can occasionally give
rise to novel ideas and wholly distinct worldviews. For instance, the Industrial Revolution of
the nineteenth century provided an ideal setting for the creation of a "new science" that could
explain the profound societal changes taking place in Europe and America. Due to the
advancement and respectability of science, many people believed that sociology, like the other
sciences, would discover "laws" that would not only explain social development but also lead
to the creation of "better societies" (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Cyclical Approaches
For the most of human history, cyclical notions of social change dominated people's thinking.
Prior to the invention of clocks during the Industrial Revolution, the basic rhythms of people's
lives were in harmony with the continuously occurring cycles of nature. The sun rose and set,
the seasons changed, and other natural cycles impacted how people went about their everyday
lives and viewed societal change. Many Native Americans still struggle to make a clear
distinction between the past and the present. They find no difference between one another since
history repeats itself constantly in cycles (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Early scientists and historians disproved traditional cyclical views, but some of them continued
to use biological metaphors to argue that societies have "inherent life spans" and that they are
born, mature, and finally decay and die. Oswald Spengler's The Decline of the West ([1922]
1962] describes this cycle of societies being replaced by cultures in their youth and prime. 576
20. According to Social Change, Collective Behaviour, and the Future, Western European
culture would inevitably degrade. Arnold Toynbee, a supporter of the cyclical hypothesis, had
similar views, but he disagreed with the notion that civilizations must inevitably devolve in
order to survive.
Sociologist Pitirim Sorokin developed the cyclical theory of change in 1941 by claiming that
civilizations alternated between three different "mentalities" or worldviews: ideational, which
places an emphasis on faith and spirituality; senate, which places an emphasis on practical and
utilitarian approaches to reality; and idealistic, which strikes a balance between the practical
and transcendental. According to Sorokin, all cultural systems undergo change when a certain
method of thinking reaches its illogical extremities. For instance, people "turn to ideational
systems as a refuge" when a senate society becomes unduly hedonistic and sensuous (Ritzer,
2008:202). Thompson and Hickey (2016).
The rise and fall of academic theories, fashion trends, fads, and crazes, changes in dietary
habits, and shifts in public opinion are just a few examples of similar oscillations that Theodore
Caplow found in contemporary industrial societies.Cyclical interpretations of change, such as
During the Industrial Revolution, when clocks and watches were widely accessible, linear
views—which assert that time progresses in a distinct, non-repetitive manner—became
prevalent. Business people naturally chose linear models since they facilitated industrial
production and the pursuit of profit. In linear models, time can either be discretized into discrete
units and "made better use of," or it can be "lost," "wasted," or "squandered." In linear views,
which also place a strong focus on planning, the "future" rather than the "past" serves as the
dominant direction (Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
Classical evolutionary models: A theory known as unilineal evolution, which was widely
adopted by sociologists, proposed that all biological forms—and, by analogy, all societies—
"progressed" from simple to complex forms, with each form being an improvement over its
forebears. The biological sciences, which had grown significantly in renown during the
nineteenth century, provided the models for this hypothesis. Similar to how biologists
categorized biological forms according to complexity, social scientists developed their own
ranking systems to represent humankind's "steady ascent up a ladder of predictable stages"
(Caplow, 1991:11).
Savagery, barbarism, and civilization are the three main stages that all societies pass through,
according to a well-known thesis from the nineteenth century. Auguste Comte, who is usually
referred to be the father of sociology, developed a similar strategy. He claimed that all societies
went through theological, metaphysical, and positivistic stages, with European societies being in
the latter stage, and that this stage was the highest and last stage of human progress (Thompson
and Hickey 2016).
During the same period as Comte, Herbert Spencer was also influenced by the biological
concepts of evolution. Spencer, who first used the phrase "survival of the fittest" before it was
connected to Charles Darwin and biological evolution, thought that both depended on an
organism's or society's capacity to adapt to a changing environment. Because Western societies
were "better suited" than non-Western ones to the conditions of the nineteenth century, Spencer
thought that Western civilizations had attained the highest state of society. It should come as no
surprise that these ideas gained a lot of traction during the era of industrialization and
colonization by Europeans. Additionally, they acquired ideological support when European
colonial powers redefined their actions from conquest and exploitation to the moral duty of a
"superior race" to assist natives in the difficult journey from "savagery" to "civilization."
Thompson and Hickey (2016).
A different classical theorist, Émile Durkheim, disagreed that economic competition would
lead to anarchy. He asserted that new forms of social solidarity or feelings of collective
conscience will emerge in order to maintain social order. According to Durkheim's two-part
model, everyone in basic societies performed the same tasks, was interchangeable, and shared
similar views and ideals. He referred to the homogeneity that helped to bind society as
mechanical solidarity. In the nineteenth century, it was clear that industrialization, fast
population increase, and competition were destroying long-standing social solidarity practise.
According to Durkheim, those who survived the intense economic competition increasingly
Class Warfare and Change:Marx, however, had a far different viewpoint than most of his
contemporaries on how the effects of the Industrial Revolution and social transformation were
perceived. Marx thought that the most significant Transformative processes were driven by
social class disparities, disputes, and tensions.
However, they have now expanded their horizons to include all other social conflicts, such as
those that are based on race, ethnicity, religion, gender, age, and others that are addressed in this
book. Current conflict theorists are still investigating the societal implications of class conflict.
Once more, the fall of the Soviet Union is instructive because the persistent ethnic and religious
conflicts in many areas of Eastern Europe—as well as the attempts by some groups at "ethnic
cleansing"—show the compelling nature of ethnic conflict as a driver for social change
(Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Since there is no single "grand theory" of social change, few sociologists do so today. Some
people use ideas from Neo-evolutionary theory, stress adaptation, and economic concerns to the
process of change. The majority also emphasizes conflict between and within nations that is
motivated by class and other considerations. In a similar vein, most believe that change is the
consequence of the complex interaction of many causes, both internal and external to a nation,
rather than trying to explain it in terms of a single element. However, certain factors may
occasionally have a stronger impact than others in various historical and social circumstances
(Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Sources of Change: Some of the most major sources of change include the physical
environment, technology, population, cultural innovation, and social conflict.
Technology, the practical application of knowledge, has been a powerful force for societal
change ever since the invention of the first tool. Lasers, fiber optics, biotechnology, genetic
engineering, computer-aided technologies, and other technical developments may dramatically
enhance people's quality of life. Although technology can make our lives better, it also has the
potential to give strong companies the ability to control and monitor us in ways that were before
impracticable or even inconceivable.
Migration, alterations in population size and composition, and other demographic influences are
additional key change-causing factors. One of the most important modern changes over the past
200 years has been the steady rise in the world's population. Societal transformation is
significantly influenced by cultural innovation, which includes invention, diffusion, and cultural
borrowing. Today, through tourism, international trade, and the global telecommunications
industry, Western concepts, goods, and values have been continuously exported throughout the
world. Popular culture, materialism, and individualism are just a few examples. Of course,
diffusion is rarely a one-way process, and goods and concepts from all around the world
influence what we eat, wear, and listen to as well as the majority of other aspects of American
culture and society.
Social conflict in today's global society can take many different forms, including racial, ethnic,
religious, gender, and nationalist disagreements. Because they have a great stake in preserving
the status quo, elites usually oppose change and suppress subordinates who seek it.
However, when elites break apart or lose their legitimacy, there may be significant societal
upheaval. Along with war and terrorism, ordinary people have the capacity to quickly change
things when they unite together to improve their living conditions.
The objective of social movements is to alter the social, political, or cultural landscape of
society. Social movements are coordinated, cooperative activities by individuals or groups. They
usually form in response to perceived injustices or complaints, unite people around specific
goals, and use strategies including protests, lobbying efforts, and civil disobedience to raise
awareness and influence policymakers. These movements have historically played a significant
Social movements are large-scale, coordinated actions taken by numerous people in favour or
against change outside of established institutions. It should be obvious that some social
movements, like the feminist and civil rights movements, have had a significant influence on
American society despite the fierce opposition to grassroots protest and challenge. It is possible
for grassroots movements to have a substantial impact on people's lives even when they go
unrecognized. For instance, Sherry Cable found that when rural activists took on leadership
roles, they not only succeeded in getting a nearby tannery to stop polluting the area's streams,
but also "experienced changes in their perceptions and grievances, of themselves, and of their
own SMO roles." Many of the women claimed that as a result, they felt more empowered, which
led to further changes in their domestic lives. Even movements that appear to have failed, such
as Poland's Solidarity movement in the early 1980s, can set off a series of events that result in
significant political change. Even at its lowest point, when its leaders were imprisoned,
solidarity "succeeded in infusing the system with the 'logic of reform,' expanded the scope of
participation in political life, and transformed the balance of forces in political elites," according
to Piotr Sztompka.
According to Goldberg (1991), the United States and other major industrial countries have
become more accepting of protest groups, maybe because they see themselves to be
beneficiaries of social movements and collective acts in Eastern Europe and other places. It is
difficult to predict whether democratic movements that permit peaceful protest will persist, fade,
or extend to other parts of the world, despite a wealth of evidence to the contrary. Additionally,
as economic competition on a worldwide scale rises, waves of protests, strikes, and "food riots"
are occurring increasingly frequently in the developing world.
According to Boswell and Dixon (1990), as nations modernize, income inequality and class
polarization worsen, and the lower classes have greater resources available for planning protests,
uprisings, and rebellions will rise in the absence of harsh official repression. Local protests, in
the words of Verta Taylor, are "routine" and crucial to building a feeling of citizenship, purpose,
and multiculturalism in the United States. Data indicate that protests are increasing globally as a
result of national elite intervention becoming less economically feasible and more politically
dangerous due to the unprecedented rise of anti-interventionist and human rights organizations
(Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Lesson-42
SOCIAL CHANGE-II
Lesson Overview
The concept of "global social change" refers to how human behaviour, cultures, and
communities are evolving on a worldwide scale. It consists of a broad range of
interconnected components that influence how people interact, organize themselves,
and live across international borders. Some of the elements driving this problem
include advancements in technology, economic globalization, cultural interaction,
political movements, environmental challenges, and population shifts. The necessity
of international cooperation and teamwork in addressing the complex problems and
opportunities that transcend national borders is emphasized by the global social
change, which also highlights how intertwined our society is. It has an impact on all
part of our life, including how we interact with others, conduct business, and respond
to global issues with social justice, environmental sustainability, and public health.
Understanding and navigating global social change is essential for individuals,
communities, and governments in an increasingly interconnected and interdependent
world.
Change and social crises are connected phenomena that have a significant influence
on how societies evolve. Only a few instances of the natural and continual process of
change include social, cultural, economic, technical, and political developments.
Social crises, on the other hand, are situations or events that are typified by
unpredictability, upheaval, and a breakdown in normal social functioning. Here's a
look at how social crises in societies relate to change.
Change as a Catalyst for Social Crises: Change can lead to societal crises if it
occurs too quickly or disruptively. Societies that experience large economic
revolutions, technical advancements, or cultural upheavals may experience
disorientation, inequality, and conflicts that could lead to crises. For instance, the
rapid industrialization and urbanization of the 19th century led to social crises in
many Western cultures, which led to strikes and protests over poor working
conditions.
may result when people or organizations vehemently oppose changes that are imposed
upon them. For instance, resistance to civil rights and desegregation in the United
States led to social crises that included protests, violence, and civil disobedience.
Political Change and Social Unrest: Social crises can be brought on by political
change, such as revolutions or changing governments. Unrest in politics and society
can result from unstable or overthrown administrations. For instance, the early 2010s
Arab Spring uprisings were sparked by calls for political reform but resulted in severe
societal unrest.
Cultural and technological change: Cultural and technology advances have the
potential to trigger social crises when they challenge conventional wisdom or create
cultural discord. The introduction of new technologies, such as social media, can
hasten the distribution of knowledge and the mobilizing of social change, but it can
also intensify societal polarization and conflict.
Demographic Change
Population dynamics also have an impact on social transformation. In comparison to
today, the average household size was about twice as large a century ago (4.8 persons).
Women are having fewer children and more people are living alone. In addition,
adjustments are being made as our population matures.
External Sources
norms, beliefs, institutions, and behaviour. Here are a few notable extra-societal
factors that have influenced societal change.
Cultural interchange and the Media: Cultural interchange can introduce novel ideas,
beliefs, and lifestyles to a culture. International travel and the media make this
feasible. The media, which includes music, films, television, and the internet, are
crucial for influencing public opinion and for disseminating cultural influences.
Events of Crisis: Crises like wars, pandemics, or natural disasters may compel
society to adapt and evolve in order to solve present issues. These disasters typically
necessitate changes in public policy, healthcare systems, and emergency response
procedures.
Cultural Diffusion: When cultural norms, beliefs, and values are transmitted from
one community to another, it may lead to the adoption of new behaviour and
viewpoints. This might occur through trade, migration, or cultural exchange.
The way we see societal development has also been influenced by Max Weber.
Although Weber recognized that conflict may bring about change, he thought that
ideas were the main driver of the majority of social growth. People with charismatic
communication skills, like Martin Luther King Jr., can influence history. Weber
underlined the importance of ideas further by demonstrating how early Protestants'
theological beliefs prepared the stage for the growth of industrial capitalism. Weber
argues that the Protestant work ethic's dominance in portions of Western Europe,
where industrial capitalism mostly developed, is proof of the ideas' transformational
force.
Similar to this, thoughts direct societal movements. When people get together to work
towards a shared goal, such as protecting the environment or improving the lives of
the oppressed, change occurs (Macionis 2012).
Conflict and inequality in a society can also spark change. According to Karl Marx,
social conflict between classes is what moves society from one historical era to the
next. In industrial-capitalist civilizations, he contended, the struggle between
capitalists and workers forces society towards a socialist mode of production. In the
130 years that have passed since Marx's death, this idea has shown to be
oversimplified. Marx, however, correctly foresaw that social conflict sparked by
inequality would force changes in every society, including our own, to improve the
lives of those who work (Macionis 2012). This social conflict would involve not only
class, but also race and gender.
Lesson-43
COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR
Lesson Overview
Interpreting collective behavior
Crowd, masses, and collective behavior
Social movements
Perspectives on social movements
Social movement organizations
The life course of social movements
Dispersed collective behavior: fads and fashions, rumors, public opinion,
mass hysteria
Social tolerance
Social intelligence
Social scientists take several approaches to these and other forms of collective
behavior. They include contagion theory, convergence theory, emergent norm theory,
and value-added theory.
Few social theorists believe that people's moods and actions are entirely uniform in
crowds or even that there is a typical emotional reaction in crowds, even if the
majority of them agree that emotions are significant in such groupings (McPhail,
1994; Miller, 2000). Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian (1987:27) do, however, agree
with the contagiousness idea in one specific way: the more uncertain the issue, the
more susceptible people are to "the suggestions of others." Thompson and Hickey
(2016).
authorities incarcerated suspected militants because they believed their tactics and
the potentially violent norms they were seeking to propagate were far more
dangerous than the crowd itself (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
3.Structural Strains: Any social situation that strains social bonds is a structural
tension, including poverty, injustice, discrimination, and economic uncertainty.
4.Generalized Beliefs—about their situation that sum up the problem, identify the
perpetrators, and suggest a plan of action.
Sociologists have taken into account two crucial characteristics when classifying the
various forms of collective behaviour:
(1) The main feeling expressed, such as happiness, rage, horror, and other emotions;
and (2) How the linked collectivity is structured (Lofland, 1985). In a throng, people
are more closely spaced apart than they are in a bulk (Turner and Killian, 1987).
The most extreme and dramatic kind of crowd behaviour is mass suicide. Members of
apocalyptic religious groups who think the world is about to end and a hostile
government force is ready to launch an armed attack have traditionally been linked to
such instances. More than 900 members of the People's Temple sect committed mass
suicide in Jonestown, Guyana, in 1978 by drinking cyanide-laced Kool-Aid (Robbins,
1986). Haught (1995) contends that the Waco disaster involved an armed millenarian
organization that felt threatened and was under siege by government authorities, even
if the precise reason of the fire that killed David Koresh and over 90 Branch
Dravidian is still unknown (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
In contrast to crowds, where people can affect one another directly, mass behaviour
involves people who are not physically present together but can nonetheless have an
impact on one another indirectly thanks to a common information source or mode of
communication. Personal networks are still essential, but television, cell phones, and
other forms of communication have a growing impact on large-scale collective
conduct. Once again, we want to underline that while the media may support
collective action, it may equally work against it. For instance, Gary Fine and Ryan
White examined how "human interest stories" are exploited by the mainstream media
to garner interest, elicit discussion, and promote group affiliation. For more than a
century, media outlets have favoured tales of stranded people and animals, children
lost in the wilderness, missing climbers, and babies in need of unique medical
attention. Similar to media stories that detail the tribulations of celebrities, human-
interest stories, however, rarely inspire collective action. In actuality, because human
interest stories tend to be so intensely personal and seem to have little social value,
"the call for collective action and political action is muffled and muted." This might
become more important given the "stabilization of the media" that is occurring.
Nowadays, prominent instances of collective action include trends, rumour, urban
legends, and public panic (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Fads: are passing social trends that are frivolous, odd, and only enjoy by a small
percentage of the population. Many things defy convention and authority, including
young people who dress like well-known rock artists. Other trends include kids
colouring their hair green and college students "streaking" (running barefoot across
public areas). Some tendencies are more acceptable and advantageous for businesses
and other interests. Crystals, ferret pets, inline skates, and Wii video games are a few
examples of such items. Additionally, they could consist of dances like the Macarena
or Lambada or actions like bungee jumping. The Futurist magazine asserts that global
fads and trends will shape the future (2000a).
Fashions: include widely adopted and comparatively long-lasting items like clothing,
haircuts, and even home and car designs. Rapid changes in demographic and
economic trends are reflected in fashion.
Rumour: are the exact opposite of fashion in many ways. While tales that are
common and "low-brow" are commonly associated with the "high-brow" culture.
They are a result of regular folks, culture, tabloids, and "trash TV." Unconfirmed
information that spreads through word of mouth is referred to as a rumour. During
times of change or when people are in need of reliable information, they could
become widely widespread. People's ingrained anxieties, prejudices, expectations,
and worries are reflected in rumours. Activists and others can also use them to spread
information about social concerns and support or oppose change. (2016) Hickey and
Thompson.
Social movements are organized, targeted actions taken by many people to support or
oppose change outside of officially sanctioned organizations. In contrast to fads, riots,
panics, and other sorts of spontaneous social activity, social movements are relatively
long-lasting and have an organizational structure, leadership, and an intellectual
underpinning for collective action. Due to their persistence and organizational skills,
social movements have been potent agents of social change (Della Porta and Diani,
2006; Eitzen and Stewart, 2007).
Studies like those by Meyer (2006) and Lofland (1996) claim that social movements
are "non institutional challenges to the mainstream." Contrary to the activities of
lobbyists, political parties, and interest groups, which are crucial elements of the
political order, social movement organizations are not involved in the formal political
process. They are political outsiders instead, whose viewpoints and alternative future
visions are either excluded in contemporary society or deemed unacceptable
(Thompson and Hickey, 2016).
According to the relative deprivation theory, social movements start when people
feel inferior to others or earlier generations. Social movements are substantially more
common in civilizations that are somewhat rich than they are in civilizations that are
profoundly impoverished. They typically occur when things are improving but not
fully or as rapidly as people would prefer.
Resource mobilization theory: In line with this view, social movements are not
primarily fueled by resentments and alienation. McCarthy and Zald (1977), for
instance, suggested that while dissatisfaction is commonplace in all groups,
collective action is extremely uncommon. They stated that when underprivileged
groups mobilise, it's not because people are more unhappy; rather, it's because they
have figured out effective ways to garner support from others and resources, such as
leadership, money, organizing skills, and media attention, for their causes. The
resource mobilization strategy places a strong emphasis on the methods and
strategies used by leaders to win over elite groups, mobilize resources from both
within and outside their ranks, and eliminate external threats.
Ideology and what David Snow and Robert Benford (1988) named "frame
alignment" have an impact on a movement's viability. Through this process, the
values, beliefs, and objectives of potential recruits are placed in service of the
movement, making them consistent with and enhancing the movement's value
orientation (Snow et al., 1980, 1986). A social movement's leaders must provide
potential members a reason to join or stay a part of it, according to Snow and
Benford (1988). In order to negotiate the nature of a problem, who is responsible for
it, and potential solutions, a movement must first determine its "core framing," as the
authors put it (Benford and Snow, 2000:615). The degree to which a movement's
messages compete with those of other movements and, most significantly, with those
of the powerful political forces it opposes determines how successful that movement
will be in the long run (Eitzen and Stewart, 2007). In essence, movements work to
create meaning for their followers. Social movements should be viewed as an
integral part of the political process since, like political parties and interest groups,
they seek to influence public policy. However, compared to parties and interest
groups, which are a part of the formal political process, the "irregular players" in
social movements are less well-funded than their adversaries and have less access to
traditional avenues of influence and power. "Aware of power realities, movement
leaders mobilize recruits to pursue goals in unconventional and innovative ways,"
wrote Robert Goldberg (1991:3) (Thompson and Hickey 2016).
Revolutionary movements have both Utopian objectives and specific plans for
managing a society once they have obtained power. Revolutionary movements aim to
oust outmoded institutions and replace them with new ones that reflect a
fundamentally different vision of society. Only a small fraction of revolutionary
movements succeed in achieving their objectives, but those that do—like the
American and French Revolutions—bring about enormous changes that have changed
society almost everywhere in the world.
Sociologists have identified five stages in the growth and maturity of social
movements.
1. Initial unrest and agitation: During this stage, people are worried about a societal
issue and want to see it changed. Leaders emerge who articulate problems and
people's feelings. Most social movements fail at this point. After a brief period of
activity, they are unable to amass sufficient support and eventually vanish.2. Resource
mobilization: The ability of social movements to continue past the early stage is made
possible by resource mobilization, which is a crucial element. This phrase is used by
sociologists to describe the management and utilization of resources like time, money,
information, mailing lists, and people's skills. Utilizing social media sites, blogs,
websites, and tweets as well as getting media attention are also covered. One of these
resources for the Civil Rights Movement was access to churches for planning protests
(Mirola 2003).
3. Organization: A system of labour division has been put in place. While the top
decides on policies, the rank and file perform the everyday tasks necessary to
maintain the movement. The issue, which is the movement's main point of emphasis,
still sparks a lot of interest among the general public.
5.Decline and death: During this phase, the leadership is mostly concerned with
managing the day-to-day operations of the organization. It's likely that the general
public's viewpoint has changed and that there is no longer a committed team of
individuals working towards the same objective. The movement will eventually burn
out, even though a small crew may stick around for years until all of the financing is
gone (Henslin 2010).
Fads and Fashions: are examples of dispersed collective behaviour in which trends
in clothing, consumer products, or pastimes become popular and spread swiftly
among a society. These trends can spread quickly, but they are typically cyclical since
they are frequently influenced by social media, commercial, or societal pressures.
Rumour: are unfounded facts or stories that are spread about a community or culture.
They frequently spread swiftly through social media, word-of-mouth, or other
channels of communication. Rumour can influence public opinion and behaviour in a
positive or negative way, but they can also be completely harmless.
Social intelligence refers to a broad range of critical skills that individuals require in
order to successfully negotiate social interactions. Empathy, or the capacity to
understand and relate to the experiences and viewpoints of others, is a fundamental
component of social intelligence. Effective communication is based on this ability,
which is also the cornerstone of clear expression, active listening, and the capability
to read nonverbal cues like body language and voice tone. Socially intelligent
individuals also have a deeper comprehension of social dynamics and norms, which
allows them to adapt their behaviour to meet various situations and cultural norms.
Conflict resolution and perspective-taking are crucial components in order to address
issues constructively and bridge any gaps that may exist. Additionally, networking
and social influence are included in social intelligence, which supports the
development of positive connections and the ability to successfully influence and
uplift others. In general, social intelligence plays a critical role in developing
meaningful connections, whether in personal or professional contexts, by fostering
comprehension, empathy, and effective communication.
Lesson-44
Trading, missionaries, and explorers came into contact with a broad variety of people
throughout Europe's great age of discovery. Hunting and gathering societies, more
extensive pastoral or agricultural societies (including farming or caring for domestic
animals), and traditional or pre-industrial states can really be divided into three major
categories, each of which is mentioned in Harris's description. (Giddens) In 2006.
The earliest societies: hunters and gatherers: The earliest societies were hunter-
gatherer ones. Except for a very brief time, much of human history on earth has been
spent in communities of hunters and gatherers. Hunters and gatherers made a living
by hunting, fishing, and collecting wild food plants. These cultures are still present in
several parts of the world, such as a few arid areas of Africa, the jungles of Brazil, and
Guinea. Compared to contemporary, larger societies, the majority of hunting and
gathering tribes have less inequality. According to Giddens (2006), hunters and
gatherers aren't particularly interested in acquiring wealth beyond what they require to
meet their bare necessities.
Pastoral and agrarian societies: Around 20,000 years ago, a few hunting and
gathering tribes switched to cultivating a specific plot of land and raising
domesticated animals as a means of subsistence. Pastoral communities are those that
rely primarily on domesticated cattle. While agricultural societies produced crops.
Many communities have coexisted with agrarian and pastoral economies (Giddens
2006).
Social Safety Nets: Industrialized cultures usually have substantial social welfare
systems that give citizens access to a range of assistance, including pension plans,
health insurance, and unemployment benefits.
Political Stability: These civilizations frequently have the rule of law, democratic
institutions, and stable political systems. Political stability is essential for both
economic growth and social cohesion.
Environmental Concerns: The consequences of industrialization on the environment
are a major concern. Industrialized civilizations are emphasizing sustainability,
renewable energy, and environmental protection more and more in order to address
ecological challenges.
Industrialized societies have greatly benefited humanity and raised living conditions
while promoting technical advancement and cultural development. They also have to
deal with issues like environmental sustainability, injustice, and managing complex,
interconnected systems.
What causes societal change to spread so quickly in the contemporary age, which has
lasted for the past 200 years? Despite the complexity of the subject, it is simple to
pinpoint some of the influencing factors. It shouldn't be a surprise that we can
categorize them similarly to how social change has been influenced historically, with
the difference that we will include the physical environment's effect under the overall
relevance of economic aspects (Giddens 2006).
Cultural influences: Two examples of cultural factors that have influenced societal
change in modern times and contributed to the critical and inventive nature of the
modern worldview are the development of science and the secularization of ideas.
Conventions and habits are no longer taken for granted only because they are backed
by tradition that has withstood the test of time. Instead, the need for a logical
foundation for our way of life is growing.
Ideas have developed in both form and content along with how we think. The values
of self-improvement, freedom, equality, and democratic participation have all largely
evolved over the last two or three centuries. Such ideologies have sparked
revolutions and other processes of social and political upheaval. These ideas go
against conventional wisdom and promote constant lifestyle change for the benefit of
humanity. Despite having their roots in the west, these ideas have expanded around
the globe and are now practically applied everywhere (Giddens 2006).
significantly influenced by economic factors, but this influence also goes beyond the
world of business (Giddens 2006).
Political influences: The third major area of influences on changes in the modern
age is political events. Competition between governments to improve their power,
wealth, and military might has been a driving force for change throughout the past
two or three centuries. Only the elites often altered the political system in ancient
civilizations. This is not the case in modern political systems, as the public's daily
lives are constantly impacted by the decisions made by elected officials and other
government employees. Today, political decision-making has a significant impact on
and drives internal and external societal change. Political evolution has probably
influenced economic change during the last two or three centuries, just as economic
change has influenced politics. All industrialized nations today have extensive state
meddling in production, with the government being by far the largest employer.
Governments also play a significant role in fostering (and occasionally limiting) rates
of economic growth. (Giddens) In 2006.
Lesson-45
Lesson Overview
Michel Foucault
The conventional wisdom regarding the nature of scientific knowledge is at odds with
Foucault's revolutionary new approach to social theory. Foucault's archaeology is the
term used to describe this method, which permeated many of his early works. Unlike
other social scientists, who attempt to make sense of the strange by making
comparisons to the known. In order to make sense of the familiar by delving into the
past, Foucault set about doing the exact opposite. The notions, beliefs, and structures
of the present that are widely unseen because they are unfamiliar were vigorously
assailed by Foucault. For instance, he looked at how social evolution processes
developed the idea of sexuality, which has not always existed. Similar remarks can be
made regarding how we currently perceive sanity and insanity, normal and abnormal
behaviour, and other concepts. In his endeavour to make the present visible by
drawing on the past, Foucault sought to expose the underlying assumptions that
underlie our modern practices and beliefs. However, we are only able to comprehend
pieces of society, social evolution, and modernity as a whole (Giddens 2006).
Jurgen Habermas
German social theorist Jürgen Habermas thinks that changing the way we discuss
and approach the important economic, political, and social problems (like prejudice
towards immigrants) that plague our day is the only way to cure the modern
diseases that currently afflict us. He expands on the notion of communicative action
as a potential means of reclaiming the "proper" application of reason, i.e., to use
reasoned argumentation to analyse the values and presumptions that underlie all
social action and to criticize rational instrumental control. Habermas is unwavering
in his commitment to the Enlightenment's conception of reason. In other words, he
believes that rational public discourse can be utilized to further liberating objectives
such as greater economic and social equality as opposed to primarily being used to
advance tactical objectives such as social control, dominance, and oppression.
Given that current globalization pressures may "degrade the capacity for
democratic self-steering" both within and across countries, Habermas argues that
the need for public communicative reasoning is even more essential. He looks for
new or underutilized cultural resources that could be used to revive democratic
engagement as a consequence. It is unexpected that Habermas is suddenly focusing
on religion given his longstanding opposition to the idea that religion can liberate or
strengthen modern society politically. Therefore, in accordance with Habermas, a
modernity that is repentant and characterized by a number of social pathologies or
problems that need to be resolved may benefit from norms and ethical intuitions
that have religious roots: "A contrite modernity can find help in letting itself out of
its [economic and political] dead-end only through a religious orientation towards a
transcendent [non-material] point of reference" (Giddens 2006).
Post secular society: Habermas refers to how his ideas on religion have evolved
since 2001 and how they have been portrayed in various contexts as a "post-secular
society" in his writings. He uses the term "post- secular" to describe the
contemporary era as one in which religion has not disappeared or lost its
significance, as opposed to that which was founded on the idea of secularization
(e.g., Weber, Parsons). Instead, as Habermas now concedes, religion nevertheless
plays a large role in relatively secular cultures (like the UK and France). The phrase,
in the words of Habermas, describes secularized cultures where "religion maintains
a public influence and relevance, while the secularistic certainty that religion will
disappear globally in the course of modernization is losing ground." In light of this,
post-secular society "must adapt to the persistence of religious communities in a
secularizing environment" (Giddens 2006).
Ulrich Beck
A second German sociologist, Ulrich Beck, rejects the idea of post-secular We are
already entering a phase of what he calls the "second modernity," not a world that is
"beyond the modern." The second modernity is the globalization of modern
institutions and the freedom from the restrictions of convention and tradition of daily
life. The preceding industrial society is being replaced by a "risk society". In contrast
to postmodernists, who perceive disorder or a lack of order, Beck sees danger or
uncertainty. Risk management is the essential component of the global order.
Our sophisticated modernity(ies), despite taking many various forms, have provided
people and society unheard-of freedom and prosperity. The interaction between a
person and society, which Durkheim initially thought to be problematic, is still very
limited. Although some social institutions, such as religious institutions and some
family structure standards, may have lost some of their influence, it is also mediated
by worries caused by the increasing diffuseness, opacity, and ubiquity of risk and its
uncertainties. Risk is nonetheless harmful even if it is mostly caused by society,
particularly by the increased drive for economic prosperity and advancement (Beck
1992: 40). Since we can now travel around the globe fairly quickly, this efficiency
also applies to the movement of contaminated food and disease, which has the effect
of speeding up the spread of illness (such as the SARS outbreak, AIDS, and swine flu)
and bringing back illnesses that were believed to have disappeared or not exist (such
as tuberculosis in the US). In a similar line, advances in scientific technology have
enabled both new technologies with increased risk (such as military nuclear weaponry
technology) and new tactics for identifying and controlling various dangers (such as
nuclear medicine). Additionally, because of technologies like genetic profiling and
WebMD, we now have better access to and more understanding about the dangers that
are all around us (such as the risk of contracting cancer, living in a polluted area, etc.).
Risk is nothing new; it has always been an element of human society. But Beck (1992)
and Giddens (2003) both underline how unique our current degree of detail
understanding risk and its potential consequences is. According to Beck (1992), we
are unable to control or totally eliminate the uncertainty surrounding the likely
outcomes of many risks (Giddens 2006), therefore risk and its uncertainties influence
us all.
Manuel Castells
As Castells puts it, "humanity's nightmare of our machines taking control of our world
seems on the verge of becoming reality," though not in the form of government
computers or job-killing robots but rather as an electronic-based system for
conducting financial transactions (Giddens, 2006).
Castells does not reveal much about how these changes ate effecting gender. However,
he does say a good deal about their effects on personal identity and social life. In the
network society personal identity becomes a much more open matter. We don’t any
longer take our identities from the past, we have actively to make them in interacting
with others. This directly affects the sphere of the family and also more generally the
structuring of male and female identities. Men and women no longer get their
identities from traditional roles. Thus, women’s place was once in the home, whereas
that of men was to be out at work. That division has now broken down.
Castells calls the new global economy the automation. Like Habermas he thinks that
we no longer fully control the world we have created. Castells statements here echo
those made a century earlier by weber, who thought that the increase in bureaucracy
would imprison us all
in an iron cage. As castells puts it, humankind’s nightmare of seeing our machines
taking control of our world seems on the edge of becoming reality, not in the form of
robots that eliminate jobs or government computers that police our lives, but as
electronically based system of financial transactions (Giddens 2006).
Anthony Giddens
literature, the arts, philosophy, architecture, and cultural studies have all felt its effects
to a significant degree. Pakistan has seen a variety of repercussions, much like many
other countries, despite the fact that it is a global issue:
Art:Current art in Pakistan has also been influenced by postmodernism. Pushing the
limits of conventional creative expression, Rashid Rana and Shahzia Sikander are two
artists who have incorporated postmodern ideas and techniques into their works.
Media and Popular Culture: Postmodern ideas have entered Pakistani popular
culture through music, television, and cinema. For instance, music videos typically
use postmodern techniques to visually communicate stories and provide inter textual
connections.