30-Article Text-61-1-10-20210531
30-Article Text-61-1-10-20210531
30-Article Text-61-1-10-20210531
Abstract
Banditry is fast becoming alarming in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic to the extent that it poses a serious
security threat not only to the Northwest region but to Nigeria at large. The level at which bandits
operate within the landscape of Nigeria’s northwest has led to spree of kidnapping, maiming of
people, loss of lives, population displacements, loss of cattle, disruption of socio-economic activities
in general, and equally brought about an atmosphere of uncertainty, a situation that has become
worrisome to the government and the citizenry. This paper therefore examined the impact of banditry
on Nigeria’s security focusing on the northwest region. The paper adopted descriptive method, made
use of secondary sources of data while the Queer Ladder Theory (QLT) and Frustration-Aggression
Theory were employed as the explicatory framework. The paper posited that the presence of scarcely
governed spaces, the high level of unemployment with the attendant poverty, weak security system,
porosity of Nigeria’s borders and arms proliferations, among others, are the driving factors
accelerating banditry in the Northwest region of Nigeria. The paper further contends that the
banditry pervading Nigeria’s northwest undermines the security; peace and development of the
region and that the efforts made by stakeholders to combat the scourge have not yielded the desired
result. The paper thus recommended, among others, that government strategies and tactics should be
more proactive in prosecuting the war against banditry; create meaningful employment
opportunities for the youths with a view to addressing the endemic poverty that pervades the region.
Also, government should effectively monitor and secure our borders with the neighbouring countries
to checkmate illegal migration of people and arms proliferation while engaging in re-orientation of
the individuals to inculcate in them ethical values and reverence for life and human rights.
Keywords: Banditry, Cattle rustling, Impact, Kidnapping, Nigeria‟s Fourth Republic and Security.
Introduction
The pervasive banditry and its associated threats to security, which have enveloped the
Northwest region of Nigeria, particularly, Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, Sokoto and Niger States,
have become a worrisome national security issue of public concern (Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2016).
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Reports indicate the flourishing of bandit groups, whose members were seen displaying automatic
weapons, terrorising herders‟ settlements, farms, villages and the highways with the mission of
killing people, kidnapping and pillaging cows (Olaniyan, 2018). It was reported that between
October, 2013 and March, 2014, 7,000 cattle were rustled from commercial livestock farms and
traditional herders in Northern Nigeria (Bashir, 2014; Tauna, 2016) while about 330 attacks were
made by bandits and 1,460 deaths were recorded between January and July, 2019 (Abdullahi,
2019). In most cases, the bandits killed and maimed the people and raped the women before
dispossessing them of their cows (Akowe & Kayode, 2014) while in some instances, they also
kidnapped girls or women in the process (Adeniyi, 2015; Yusuf, 2015).
Suffice to say that the northwestern region of Nigeria encompasses seven states namely
Kano, Jigawa, Katsina, Kaduna, Zamfara, Sokoto and Kebbi. Five of these states, which are
Katsina, Kaduna, Zamfara, Sokoto and Kebbi have been mostly affected by the scourge of
banditry. Of these five states, Kaduna, Katsina and Zamfara have been the most critical hot spots.
It is however, pertinent to note that the incidences of banditry are not limited to northwestern
Nigeria. In fact, it is also prevalent in some parts of north-central region, in states like Niger,
Nasarawa, Benue and Plateau which are equally regarded as hotbeds (Kuna & Jibrin 2016).
Scholars like Gaye (2018), Olaniyan and Yahaya (2016),Suleiman (2017) and Mustapha
(2019) have advanced several factors for the cause and prevalence of banditry in Nigeria. Some of the
factors they argued include the fragility of Nigerian state, weak state institutions, especially the security
agencies, availability of grossly ungoverned spaces, porosity of Nigeria‟s borders with its neighbouring
countries and arms proliferation, weak leadership, corruption, unemployment and mass poverty.
Furthermore, despite the federal framework adopted by Nigeria‟s forefathers, Nigeria‟s security
architecture since the incursion of the military in Nigeria‟s politics is contrived in such a manner that
the control of every security outfit is placed in the hands of the President at the centre. Though the
governor is recognised by Nigeria‟s constitution as the Chief Security Officer of the state, in actual fact,
he wields no power over the police that could be put to use in times of crisis. This precarious situation
places every governor at the mercy of the President in the period of crisis at the state level denying him
the opportunity to confront security challenges with expediency and expertise. This is one of the
reasons why people are clamouring for restructuring that will, among others, effect the creation of state
police to meet the immediate needs of every state.
There is no gainsaying the fact that banditry poses a serious challenge not only to the security
of Northwest states but to the country at large in view of its ever increasing impacts and implications.
The level at which armed bandits operate within the northwest region calls for attention by both the
State and Federal governments, more especially, since the latter controls the state security apparatuses.
This complex situation of social violence and insecurity in the affected states had been on for almost a
decade now (Okoli & Ogayi, 2018). The increasing attacks of bandit groups have led to the destruction
of lives and properties, displacement of people from their communities; and a growing numbers of
widows; widowers and orphans, who now reside in Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps
following the continued attacks of armed bandits on both farming and pastoral communities across
different areas of the states (Okoli & Ochim, 2016; Mustapha, 2019).
Though the police is traditionally responsible for the maintenance of peace, law and order
within the nation, it appears that its personnel are being overstretched by the responsibility of securing
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the political process and political functionaries of the state apart from the fact that it is ill-equipped to
meet the challenges of contemporary security needs. In addition, Nigeria is under-policed, its personnel
is grossly inadequate, running short of the United Nations requirements or ratio of one police to four
hundred citizens. Furthermore, the salary of the police personnel is poor; welfare services are non-
existent while there has been no incentive to boost their morale. The general social discontent and
distrust among citizens have made the probable collaboration between the security men and the people
fragile thus inhibiting the efficient and effective performance of security agencies in successfully
confronting the bandit groups. This development has therefore, affected government efforts in
achieving the desired goal of crushing banditry in the Northwest region.
Against the backdrop of the upsurge in incidences of banditry in recent times, this paper
examined the phenomenon of banditry as it affects the security of the northwest region of Nigeria
in the fourth republic. For the purpose of analytical progression, this paper is divided into six
sections apart from the introductory aspect. The first section deals with the conceptual clarifications
and theoretical framework while the second section traces the evolution and historical development
of banditry. The third section discusses the factors promoting banditry as well as the dimensions and
recent incidences of banditry in Nigeria‟s northwest region. The fourth section reviews the effects of
banditry on the security of the northwest while the fifth section evaluates the efforts made at curbing
banditry in the northwest Nigeria and the sixth section offers the conclusion and recommendations.
Concept of Banditry
Conceptually, banditry is a derivative of the term bandit meaning an unlawful armed group
terrorising people and confiscating their properties. It is synonymous with the establishment of gang
groups who use small and light weapons to carry out attacks against people. In this regard, banditry
could mean a set-up criminal activity deliberately designed and carried out for personal gains. Due to
the complex nature of bandits' activities, Egwu (2016) in a restricted manner, described banditry as a
practice of stealing cattle and animals from herders or raiding of cattle from their ranches. In the
same vein, banditry is reflected in criminal escapades like cattle rustling, kidnapping, armed robbery,
drug abuse, arson, rape and the brazen and gruesome massacre of people of agrarian communities
with sophisticated weapons by suspected herdsmen and reprisal attacks from surviving victims, a
development that has been brought to the front burner of national security (Uche & Iwuamadi, 2018).
In his perception, Shalangwa (2013) regards banditry as the practice of raiding and
attacking victims by members of an armed group, whether or not premeditated, using weapons of
offence or defense, especially in semi-organised groups for the purpose of overpowering the victim
and obtaining loot or achieving some political goals. Such bandits are usually perceived as
outlaws, desperate and lawless marauders who do not have a definite residence or destination but
roam around the forest and mountains to avoid being identified, detected and arrested.
However, where the term banditry is connected to rural, it implies a group of rural outlawed
involved in illicit activities such as raiding of villages, kidnappings and cattle rustling for primitive
accumulation of wealth. Thus, bandits are gang groups terrorising and dispossessing local people or
travellers of their valuable items or properties such as merchandise, money, cattle, camel, and sheep,
among others. They operate within and along rural borders with the assistance of their local
collaborators including in some cases, state agents deployed to work for the safety and security of the
people (Abdullahi, 2019).
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In another sense, banditry refers to the incidences of armed robbery or allied violent
crimes, such as kidnapping, cattle rustling, and village or market raids. It involves the use of force,
or threat to that effect, to intimidate a person or a group of persons in order to rob, rape or kill
(Okoli & Okpaleke 2014). Economic or political interests motivate banditry. The former refers to
banditries motivated by the imperative of material accumulation while the latter has to do with
those driven by the quest to rob, to assault or to liquidate a person or a group of persons based on
political or ideological dispositions (Okoli & Ugwu, 2019).
Thus banditry, in the context of this paper, is defined as the totality of incidences of armed
robbery or allied violent crimes, such as kidnapping, cattle rustling, village raids as well as
highway raids which involves the use of force, or threat to that effect, to intimidate a person or a
group of persons in order to rob, rape, kidnap or kill the victims.
Understanding the Concept of Security and Insecurity
The term security has not till date been accorded a universal conceptual outlook due to the
fact that it has been considered from different perspectives. Some scholars like Igbuzor (2011) and
Oche (2001) while conceptualising security placed emphasis on the absence of threats to peace,
stability, national cohesion, political and socio-economic objectives of a country. It is conceived as to
be secure and free from both fear of physical, psychological abuse, violence, persecution, or death
and from want such as food, health and good job (Asmau & Abdulrasheed, 2020). Also, Omede
(2012) sees security as a dynamic condition which involves the relative ability of a state to counter
threats to its core values and interests.
Security can further be described as stability and continuity of livelihood (stable and
steady income), predictability of daily life (knowing what to expect), protection from crime
(feeling safe), and freedom from psychological harm (safety or protection from emotional stress
which results from the assurance or knowing that one is wanted, accepted, loved and protected in
one‟s community or neighbourhood and by people around (Nwanegbo & Odigbo, 2013). It also
focuses on emotional and psychological sense of belonging to a social group which can offer one
protection. This description of the foregoing structured the concept of security into four
dimensions. These dimensions can be woven together to give a composite definition of security as
the protection against all forms of harm whether physical, economic or psychological (Olabanji &
Ese, 2014).
It is, however, contended that security is not the absence of threats or security issues, but the
ability to rise to the challenges posed by these threats with expediency and expertise. It demands
safety from chronic threats and protection from harmful disruption (Igbuzor, 2011). Security
embraces all measures designed to protect and safeguard the citizenry and the resources of
individuals, groups, businesses and the nation against saboutage or violent occurrence (Ogunleye,
Adewale, Alese, & Ogunde, 2013).
On the other hand, the concept of insecurity connotes different meanings such as: absence
of safety; danger; hazard; uncertainty; lack of protection, and lack of safety. Beland (2005) opined
that insecurity is the state of fear or anxiety stemming from a concrete or alleged lack of
protection. It refers to lack or inadequate freedom from danger. Achumba, Ighomereho and Akpor-
Rabaro (2013) define insecurity from two perspectives. Firstly, insecurity is the state of being open
or subject to danger or threat of danger, where danger is the condition of being susceptible to harm
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or injury. Secondly insecurity is the state of being exposed to risk or anxiety, where anxiety is a
vague unpleasant emotion that is experienced in anticipation of some misfortune. From the
exposition above, the phenomenon of security or insecurity implies both physical occurrence and
psychological state of mind that constitutes a challenge to peace and development of both the
individuals and the societies. These definitions of either security or insecurity indicate that those
affected by insecurity in the Northwest region of Nigeria are many.
Theoretical Framework
This paper adopted Queer Ladder Theory (QLT) and Frustration-Aggression Theory as its
analytical frameworks. The origin of Queer Ladder Theory (QLT) is associated with an American
sociologist, Daniel Bell (1919-2011), who coined the idea of „queer ladder‟ in an attempt to explain the
instrumental essence of organised crime as a desperate means of socio-economic empowerment and
social climbing. This theoretical perspective has since fertilised into a popular theoretical framework
widely used in contemporary crime studies. The basic assumptions of QLT are; organised crime is an
instrumental behaviour, it is a means to an end; it is an instrument of social climbing and/or socio-
economic advancement; and it is a measure to accumulate wealth and build power (Mallory, 2007;
Okoli & Orinya, 2013).
Often ascribed to Queer Ladder Theory is the notion that organised crime thrives in contexts
where the government‟s capacity to dictate, sanction and deter crime is poor; where public corruption is
endemic; and where prospects for legitimate livelihood opportunities are slim (Nwoye, 2000; Lyman,
2007). Under these circumstances, the incentive to indulge in crime is high, while deterrence from
criminal living is low. In other words, the benefits of committing a crime surpass the costs and/or risks
involved. This creates pretext for criminal impunity and franchise (Okoli & Orinya, 2013).
Applied to the context of this paper, QLT enables one to come to terms with the prevalence
of organised crime in Northwest region of Nigeria. In this regard, it is observed that the phenomenon
of banditry in Northwest Nigeria has been driven by criminal quest for economic accumulation in an
environment. This has been worsened by the prevailing socio-economic discontent and attendant
livelihood crisis in the state, in addition to the seeming indolence of relevant government agencies
towards arresting the ugly situation. The concept of „Ladder‟ in QLT signifies untoward pattern of
social mobility. Hence, those who take to organised crime, such banditry, do so as a desperate means
of economic accumulation and socio-economic empowerment (Mustapha, 2019). Therefore, a
necessary consequence of this trend is prevalence in crime rate and a state of insecurity (Okoli &
Orinya, 2013).
The frustration-aggression theory was propounded by Fererabend & Feirauben, (1972) and
captured in a monograph by five scholars in Yale Institute of Human Relations in 1939. The major
assumption of the model is that aggression is always a consequence of frustration, and that the
occurrence of aggressive behaviour always presupposes the existence of frustration and, contrariwise,
that the existence of frustration always leads to some form of aggression (Dollard, Miller, Doob,
Mowrer, & Sears, 1939; Fererabend & Feirauben, 1972). They also defined frustration as an
interference with the occurrence of an instigated goal response at its proper time in the behaviour
sequence (Dollard et al., 1939). The interrogations and disputations that the perspective generated led
one of the proponents to intervene with some modifications of the central thesis.
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Thus, Miller (1941) noted that it was too general to assume that frustration must always lead
to aggression or that aggression is always propelled by frustration. His intervention led to the second
lap of the hypothesis which reflected a more acceptable reality that frustration produces instigations
to a number of different types of response, one of which is instigation to some form of aggression.
However, some years later, a significant modification came from Berkowitz (1989) who argued that
aggression can be driven by inherent personal benefits to the aggressor and not necessarily by past
wrongdoings and that people are more akin to attack when they discover that they are willfully
sabotaged or denied what it‟s legitimately theirs than when the interference is an accidental
occurrence. He surmised that frustrations are aversive events and generate aggressive inclinations
only to the extent that they produce negative effect (Berkowitz, 1989).
Thus, the increasing attacks of bandits across the country, most especially in the northwest
region, are largely driven by frustrations and struggles to generate economic assets. The alarming acts
of banditry such as cattle rustling, kidnapping, physical attacks and encroachments on farms are bred
by frustrations (Uche & Iwuamadi, 2018). Furthermore, Fererabend & Feirauben (1972) stipulates that
aggression is as a result of frustration which results from an individual‟s inability to attain their goals.
Accordingly, banditry is the product of aggressive behaviour which results from issues such as poverty
and unemployment, among others (Maureen & Blessing, 2018; Adegoke, 2019). Applying this to the
paper, banditry in the country is caused by the need of the disgruntled elements of the society to get out
of poverty and climb up the ladder in socio-economic considerations. That is why the phenomenon of
ransom taking is prevalent in banditry operations. However, where the ransom is not forthcoming,
bandits became more tensed and frustrated and resort to killing their victims. This is why the two
theories become mutually reinforcing and complementary in explaining the crisis at hand.
Evolution and Historical Development of Banditry
The concept of banditry has been changing over time, space and circumstances. A bandit
in the 19th century Europe and Americas was a freedom fighter whose aim was partly to ensure
the emancipation of the downtrodden from the upper class or colonised over the colonizer (Warto,
1994). Furthermore, bandits like Chucho el Roto, Herachio Bernel and Santanon were often
celebrated as heroes of Mexican independence (Robinson, 2009). Therefore, Mexicans have warm
regards and respect for those “social workers‟ termed bandits, while on the contrary, the State
often considered them as nuisance and outlaws that need to be eradicated (Watts, 1987).
Therefore, in some pre-industrial societies, peasants see bandits differently from the State not
as outlaws, hoodlums and miscreants but as avengers and bread winners. However, a bandit in
traditional African setting is entirely opposite to that of America and Europe. The former specialised in
armed robbery and other related crimes (Curott & Fink, 2008). The most common feature of banditry in
Africa has been maiming, killing and wanton destruction of property, hence, it has a direct relationship
with cattle rustling (Rufa‟i, 2018). Since most herdsmen could do anything possible to prevent the
rustling of their herds, then the bandit also apply force with the aid of Small Arms and Light Weapons
(SALWs) to effect the stealing of livestock (Addo, 2006). Hence, the application of force during
livestock theft is what is herein considered cattle rustling and armed banditry (Murtala, 2018).
From historical perspective, however, banditry is not something novel to West Africa. Its
origin and development are as old as the sub-region itself dating back to inter-tribal periods
characterised by conflicts and wars over scarce economic resources and territorial expansion for
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political influence. Most parts of Africa experienced these forms of conflicts during the slave trading,
colonial, and post-colonial periods. Though there have been remarkable changes on the nature and
pattern of banditry and other forms of conflicts in West Africa, the socio-economic and political
reasons remain significant in explaining the prevalence of the phenomenon in the sub-region
(Abdullahi, 2019).
Perhaps, this explains why the struggle for political independence and the subsequent
establishment of the post-colonial state in West Africa were considered as some of the major
events which shaped the pattern of banditry in the sub-region. It also suggests that socio-economic
and political realities could be used to explain the intensity, prevalence, and the dynamics of
banditry as evident in different parts of West Africa. For instance, in Tillaberi and Tahoua region
of Niger Republic, banditry such as cattle and sheep rustling as well as the killing of innocent
citizens in border communities has a strong connection with the general poverty situation of the
people arising from poor governance of the country (Abdullahi, 2019).
In Mali, the evolution and development of banditry have been related to religious extremism by
sectarian religious groups but further aggravated by weak state institutions as it relates to service delivery.
According to United Nation Office for West Africa and the Sahel report (2018), weak state institutions,
insurgency, and lawlessness have pushed more pastoralists into religious extremism, leading to rising in
bandits‟ activities in northern Mali. The frequency of bandits‟ activities has created tensions between
farmers and herders as well as exacerbated the proliferation of armed groups in different regions of Mali
(Abdullahi, 2019).
However, in Mauritania, trans-border banditry by the local groups as well as challenges
relating to resource management and distribution of pastoralists‟ lands explains the nature and pattern
of rural banditry in the country. Unlike Mali and Niger, competition over resources, particularly water
resources, pasture, and animal feeds led to a rapid increase of banditry in Mauritania (UNOWAS,
2018). Similarly, livestock theft is becoming a trans-border criminal activity affecting movement and
relations along Burkina Faso and Ghanaian border. Local bandit groups mostly Burkinabe connived
with traditional elites to rustle livestock and share the proceeds of their criminality (Abdullahi, 2019).
In Nigeria, it is pertinent to note that banditry is not novel. Anecdotal and scholarly
accounts have it that the phenomenon predated Nigeria‟s emergence as a political entity. In this
regard, Jaafar (2018) opines that there were recorded instances of banditry in the colonial Nigeria
as far back as the 1930s. Putting this claim in a sort of historical perspective, Jaafar explains:
In those days, wayfarers and merchants travelling along our local economic roads usually
faced the threats and dangers of ambush from nondescript bandits. Armed bandits and
criminals were known to be targeting goods ferried on the back of donkeys, camels and ox
carts. Those bandits on our trade routes would forcefully take those goods and disappear
into the bush. That is just one dimension of the problem then. In other instances, the
bandits would sometimes raid farming communities and villages with the intent of willful
killing and wanton destruction of property. During such raids, the bandits would destroy
virtually everything in their path, including valuables, farm produce, etc. This subculture
has been in existence even before the coming of colonialists to the territories of northern
Nigeria (Jaafar, 2018, p.2).
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In reference to the northwestern Nigeria, The Humanitarian (2018) avers that the region has a
long history of banditry. The first recorded case occurred somewhere between western Hausaland and the
Niger border in 1901, when a 12,000 strong camel train laden with assorted grains was attacked and 210
merchants killed. Although banditry is as old as Nigeria, it has nevertheless gradually transformed in
scope and dimension overtime from its rudimentary phase, as affirmed by the foregoing Jaafar‟s citation,
to a more complex and complicated pattern of criminality (Centre for Democracy and Development,
2015; Egwu 2016).
The modern transformation of banditry could be understood against the backdrop of the
prevailing security dialectics in Nigeria. Accordingly, gangs of criminal, often youth from farming
and herding communities and/or local bandits, take advantage of the growing insecurity, fear and
cyclical attacks to loot villages, engage in highway robbery, and rustle cattle for personal gain. Both
farming and herding communities often suffer from this criminality (Bagu and Smith, 2017; Okoli &
Ugwu, 2019).
Factors Promoting Banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest Region
Several factors have been adduced as the driving forces of banditry in Nigeria and most
especially in the northwest region of the country. Drivers of banditry in northwestern Nigeria consist in
some socio-existential conditions that characterise the interior as well as the frontiers of the region.
Prominent among these conditions are the scarcely governed spaces- the hinterlands, forestlands and
borderlines of the region. The northwestern hinterlands are marked by extremely dispersed rural
settlements, separated by rangelands and farmlands that are susceptible to violent contestations (Gaye,
2018).
They are also interspersed by diverse forested landscapes, some of which are dotted by
wetlands, rocks and caves. Apart from being separated from each other, they are equally far
separated from the centers of governance at the local and state levels. The forestlands of the region
are vast, rugged and hazardous. Most importantly, they are grossly under-policed to the point that
makes them conducive for all forms of jungle criminality. In view of this, violent crimes, such as
banditry, have festered and thrived in such forested areas. Most attacks occur in remote villages,
close to forested regions in the north-west where there is little security presence (Gaye, 2018).
In likewise manner, banditry occurs in large swathes of forest reserves that are generally
out of the reach of the Nigerian security operatives. Most of the bandit activities take place in
state-owned reserves such as the Kamuku, Kiyanbana, and Fagore forests in Northern Nigeria. The
forests offer perfect locations as hide outs for the criminals to evade arrest from security forces.
The reluctance of the Nigerian security operatives to enter these forest areas seems to be largely
due to inefficiency, connivance of the local people, lack of sophisticated equipment and poor
motivation of the Nigerian security forces (Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2016).
Another factor that promotes banditry in Nigeria is the high level of unemployment rate. The
National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) in 2019 puts Nigeria‟s unemployment rate at 23.1%, of which
youth unemployment is 55.4%. Equally, the proverty index in the Northwest is 77.7% (NBS, 2012;
Rosenje & Moliki, 2016). These figures have continued to drastically increase yearly as Nigerian
institutions keep graduating batches of youths with the prior impression of getting better jobs and
opportunities after graduation (Adegoke, 2019). The anxiety from Nigerian graduates that later turn to
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frustration, and then to aggression on the government is what has fuelled the emergence of most of
these bandit attacks and security threats in the country (Suleiman, 2017; Mustapha, 2019).
Furthermore,Kilishi, Mobolaji, Usman, Yakubu and Yaru (2014 as cited in Abdulkabir,
2017) canvassed that the rising wave of crime in Nigeria has been blamed on the increasing level of
unemployment. Thus, the idle youths tend to engage in illegal activities in order to meet up with
contemporary trends. Suffice to say that the youths easily get enticed to riches as a result of the
prevailing “get rich quick syndrome” that pervade the country. Hence, they tend to do whatever it takes
to get rich quick. Therefore, the Nigeria‟s high rate of unemployment, especially the increasing rate of
youth‟s unemployment is what majorly prompts the jobless youths in the country to resort to violent
crime like banditry (Adagba, Ugwu, & Eme, 2012; Epron, 2019).
There is no gain saying the fact that weak security system complements the alarming rate of
banditry in the northwest region of Nigeria. This could have possibly been caused by the inadequate
equipment for the security arm of government, both in weaponry and training (Achumba, Ighomereho,
& Akpor-Rabaro, 2013). This is in addition to poor attitudinal and behavioural disposition of security
personnel. In many cases, security personnel assigned to deal with given security situations lack the
expertise and equipment to handle the situations in a way to prevent them from occurring. Even when
these exist, some personnel get influenced by ethnic, religious or communal sentiment and are easily s
prejudiced by their personal interest to serve their people, rather than the nation (Achumba,
Ighomereho, & Akpor-Rabaro, 2013). Thus, instead of being national watch dogs and defending
national interest and values, and protecting people from being harmed by criminals, they soon become
saboteurs of government efforts, by supporting and fuelling insecurity through either leaking vital
security information or conniving with criminals to acquire weapons or to escape the long arm of the
law (Offem & Ichoku, 2015).
Moreover, poverty as well poor governance contributed significantly to the rising wave of
banditry in Nigeria. Adeolu (2018) noted that the failure of successive administrations in Nigeria to
address the challenges of poverty bedeviling the nation has made life burdensome and only the fittest
survive. In concurrence with Adebayo (2018) perception, Adeolu, (2018) noted that Nigeria has overtaken
India as the country with the largest number of people living in extreme poverty, with an estimated 87
million Nigerians, or around half of the country's population, estimated to be living on less than $1.90 a
day. Alao, Atere and Alao (2015) linked banditry, terrorism and other criminal acts to poverty. Although
not all forms of criminal acts could be linked to poverty, it has been contended that economic deprivation
influences people to resort to illegal means of meeting their daily needs. It was discovered that because of
the attractive benefits accruing from banditry activity, most people, especially the youths tend to join the
bandit gangs in the Northwest of Nigeria (Epron, 2014; Adegoke, 2019).
Another driving factor of banditry in northwestern Nigeria worthy of mentioning is the issue of
arms proliferation. There has been an incremental influx of small arms and light weapons (SALWs)
into Nigeria from the Sahel since the fall of Ghadaffi‟s regime in Libya (Gaye, 2018). These arms and
weapons end up in the hands of non-state actors like terrorists, militants and bandits, who use them to
terrorise individuals and communities. In September 2018, military troops in joint operations with
personnel of the Department of State Service (DSS) arrested two suspected illicit arms dealers along
Funtua-Gusau road with 1,479 rounds of 7.62mm (special) ammunition, on their way to deliver the
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weapons to armed bandits (Adeniyi 2018). Incidents such as this have been prevalent in the various
states of northwestern Nigeria where banditry has become the order of the day (Okoli & Ugwu, 2019).
Dimensions and Recent Incidences of Banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest Region
Okoli and Ugwu, (2019) claimed that there are four dimensions of armed banditry which will be
adopted for this study. These dimensions are village raids, highway robbery, kidnapping and cattle
rustling. Village raids are the invasion and marauding of rural communities with severe causalities on the
people. In most village raid, household, shops and markets are looting targets. While some time, it is seen
as reprisals attack on a rivalry village (Yaro & Tobias, 2019). The second dimension of armed banditry is
highway robbery, which is a phenomenon in the State. This occurred by the interception of motorists with
travelers on the various highways along Abuja-Kaduna-Zaria axis (Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014).
Kidnapping is a crime committed for ransom. Victims of the crime are often those perceived by
the perpetrators to possess money which will be paid as ransom based on individual
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socio-economic status. Kidnapping in Kaduna State involves highway-armed abduction whereby
travelers are ambushed and abducted by bandits and then taken to a hideout in the forest where their
relatives or associates are contacted for ransom payment (Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014). The last dimension
of banditry in Northwest region of Nigeria is cattle rustling. This is a form of organised cattle theft driven
by allied accumulative or profiteering inclinations. In other word, they are criminal gangs engaging in
organised rural banditry to profit from livestock theft (Gadzama, Saddiq, Oduehe & Dariya, 2018; Asmau
& Abdulrasheed, 2020).
However, the recent reported incidences of banditry which cut across the foregoing
dimensions in Nigeria‟s northwest are presented in the Table 1 below:
Table 1:Recent Incidences of Banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest Region
S/No Newspap Reporter(s Dates of Nature and Place of Attack Causalitie
er ) Publication s
1 The Gbenro March 31, Bandits attacked Bawan Daji Over 30
Punch Adeoye 2018 village of Anka LGA of people
Zamfara State and killed over were
30 people killed
2 The The Nation March 1, 21 killed in Kawaye village in 16 people
Nation 2019 Bagega community of Anka were
LGA of Zamfara State killed and
40 others
got
abducted
3 The The Punch June 9, 2019 25 killed in bandit attacks in 25 people
Punch Klahu, Tsage and Geeri were
villages in Rabah LGA of killed
Sokoto State
4 The Olaide July 4, 2019 11 killed in bandit attacks on 11 people
Punch Oyelude Kankara and Danmusa LGA of were
Katsina State killed
5 The The Nation August 19, Four villagers were killed in Death of 4
Nation 2019 banditry attacks in Tsayu villagers
village of Jibiya LGA of
Kastina State
6 The Maiharaji January 17, Zamfara bandit kill 31 persons Death of
Punch Altine 2020 in attacks at Babban Rafi 31 persons
Village in Gummi LGA and
Makosa Village in Zurmi LGA
of Zamfara State
7 Nigerian Muhamme March 2, Bandits kill 50 people in 50 people
Tribune d Sabiu 2020 villages in Igabi and Giwa were
LGA of Kaduna State killed
while
11
several
others
injured
8 The Olaide April 20, Bandits kill 47 villagers in A total of
Punch Oyelude 2020 multiple attacks on Kurechin 47 people
Atai, Kurecin Giye, Kurechin were
Duste, Makauwachi and Daule killed in
Villages in Kastina State all the
villages
9 The AbdulGafa April 24, Bandits kill seven and kidnap 7persons
Nation r 2020 one in Akwunakwo, Kabirasha were
Alabelewe and Damba villages in Chikun killed and
LGA of Kaduna State. 1 person
was
kidnapped
10 Nigerian Muhamma May 6, 2020 5 killed and DPO shot in 5 people
Tribune d Sabiu multiple bandit attacks at were
Faskari and Sabuwa LGA of killed, 1
Kastina State was
kidnapped
and DPO
was shot
11 The Maiharaji May 20, Bandits kill 12 in attack on Death of
Punch Altine 2020 three communites in Tsafe 12 people
LGA of Zamfara State and cart
away
animals
12 The Maiharaji June 5, 2020 Bandits kill 21 people in Maru Death of
Punch Altine and Talata-Mafara LGA of 21 people
Zamfara State
13 The Justina June 25, Four feared killed in Sunko, Death of 4
Nation Asishana 2020 Gavya and Marafa persons
communities in Manta District
of Shiroro LGA of Niger State
14 The Justina July 21, 2020 16 persons kidnapped in bandit 16 persons
Nation Asishana attacks in Magani and Tungan- were
Bajo communities of Rafi kidnapped
LGA, Niger State
15 The AbdulGafa July, 26, Bandits kill 10 in two attacks 10 persons
Nation r 2020 on 3 villages of Jema‟a and were
Alabelewe Kaura LGA of Kaduna State killed
16 The Olaide August 9, Eight bandits, two others Death of 2
12
Punch Oyelude 2020 killed after bandit attacks on villagers
Zamfarawa village in Batsari and 8
LGA of Kastina State bandits
17 Vanguard Vanguard September 4, Bandits kill 22 people, 22 people
2020 including 19 vigilantes in were
Dukku and Kagara towns, killed
Niger State
18 Vanguard Ibrahim September Bandits abduct 16 family 16 people
HassanWu 13, 2020 members at Udawa farming were
go community of Kaduna State abducted
19 Vanguard Ibrahim September Bandits invade Police Station DPO and
HassanWu 18, 2020 in Tangaza LGA of Sokoto 1
go State Inspector
were
killed and
2 women
abducted
20 Vanguard Wole October 12, Bandits kill 14 persons in 14 people
Mosadomi 2020 Ruwan Godiya village of were
& Shehu Faskari LGA of Kastina State killed, 3
Danjuma and Kagara town of Rafi LGA injured
of Niger State and 1
Bandits kill Southern Kaduna kidnapped
District Head and son
Death of 2
people
21 Vanguard Ibrahim November Bandits kidnap 8 ABU 8 Students
HassanWu 17, 2020 students on the Kaduna-Abuja were
go road kidnapped
Bandits kill Southern Kaduna
District head and son at Gidan
Zaki, Zangon Kataf LGA
22 Vanguard Wole November Bandits kidnap 14 and kill 14 people
Mosadomi 20, 2020 mobile policeman in Mariya were
LGA of Niger State kidnapped
and death
of a
policeman
23 Vanguard Ifeanyi November Armed bandits kidnap Imam, 17 18 persons
Nwannah 23, 2020 worshippers from a mosque in were
Kanoma District, Maru LGA, kidnapped
13
Zamfara State.
24 Vanguard Bashir December 1, Bandits invade Tashar Bama, 7 farmers
Bello 2020 Dogun Muaze and Unguwar including
Maigayya villages of Sabuwa nursing
LGA of Kastina state mother
were killed
and abduct
30 others
25 Vanguard Vanguard December 5, Bandits attack Kasuwan 1 person
2020 Magani town in Kajuru LGA was killed
of Kaduna State
26 Daily Daily Post December Kidnappers raid Pmahbe 3 persons
Post 10, 2020 Layout in Ushafa, Abuja were
abducted
27 The Uja December Gumen kill four and injure Death of 4
Nation Emmanuel 12, 2020 seven in Tse-Angbande in persons
Makurdi LGA of Benue State and 7
person
injured
28 Vanguard Vanguard December Banditry: Police confirm About 333
12, 2020 attack on Government Science students
Secondary School (GSSS) in missing
Kankara LGA of Katsina state
29 The Justina December Bandits kill ECWA Gospel 1 person
Nation Asishana 13, 2020 Kubwa Kuta in Chukuba was Killed
village of Shiroro LGA of and 20
Niger State others
were
kidnapped
Sources:Rosenje & Adeniyi‟s Compilation from Nigeria‟s Daily Newspapers (2020)
14
The Effects of Banditry on Nigeria’s Northwest Security
A new wave of crisis emerging in Nigeria‟s northwest region with the ongoing activities of
armed groups referred to locally as „bandits‟ in six states, namely Zamfara, Katsina, Sokoto, Kaduna,
Niger and Kebbi. Attacks have included shooting and killing, cattle rustling, kidnapping, rape, torching
of entire villages, and looting of valuables, and the numbers of fatalities and displaced people have
continued to increase. While more than 1,100 people were killed in 2018 in the six states, over 2,200
were killed in 2019, and more than 1,600 fatalities were recorded between January and June 2020
(Council on Foreign Relations, 2020). By September 2019, such attacks had internally displaced over
160,000 people and produced more than 41,000 refugees (World Food Programme, 2019; United
Nation High Commissioner for Refugees, 2019). Displacement numbers now stand at over 247,000
IDPs and some 60,000 refugees (Selim, 2020). An overview of the number of fatalities from banditry
attacks between January and December, 2019 and January to June, 2020 was presented in Diagram 1 &
2 respectively:
Diagram 1:
Diagram 2:
15
Large-scale farming and animal husbandry have been acknowledged to be the main economic
activities in the northwest (Council on Foreign Relations, 2020), with trading as an alternative source of
income. Most farmers cultivate yams (in Niger state), legumes, beans, millet, tomatoes, and rice (in
Zamfara, Katsina and Sokoto) (Council on Foreign Relations, 2020). Targeted attacks on farmers
throughout the year have made cultivation and harvest impossible. Bandits have warned farmers to stay
away from their farms, and about 26 farmers who ignored this order were killed in Batsari LGA of
Katsina state (Orjinmo, 2020). Farmers have been kidnapped for ransom, while bandits in Shiroro LGA
have demanded payments of up to $1,100 before farmers can access their farmlands (Muhammed, 2020).
Cattle rustling have also hampered animal husbandry in these areas. Violence and forced
displacement had left affected communities unable to rely on own-produced cereals for subsistence and
commercial farming, thus heightening the risk of food insecurity for displaced and non-displaced
populations (Anka, 2017). About 70% of the 309,000 IDPs in the northwest have insufficient food, with
global acute malnutrition rates among children reported to be as high as 18% and 31% in Sokoto and
Zamfara states respectively (WFP, 2019).
In like manner, the over 30.6 million people living in the six affected states face increased protection
concerns due to the continued escalation of the crisis. Since 2016, almost daily attacks by bandits have been
recorded in Zamfara, Katsina, and Sokoto prompting the Nigeria government to institute various security
operations in the northwest. There are risks of getting kidnapped specifically for ransom (Orijinmo, 2020).
Women and girls are susceptible to kidnap, sexual violence, and abuse, including rape. As banditry attacks
have continued, the affected population has expressed a lack of trust towards the army and police and their
ability to prevent the reoccurrence of this ugly development. Residents and survivors in affected states have
complained that response from the police and army were slow, and sometimes non-existent when they are
attacked (Council on Foreign Relations, 2020).
Thus, banditry by all accounts is undermining security, peace and development in Nigeria‟s
northwest region. While the unfolding crises could be linked to a set of factors, the threat to security in
the region already reeling from the effects of a decade-long Boko Haram insurgency in the northwest
cannot be over-stated. Therefore, affected communities started relying on local vigilantes for protection as
a result. In certain cases, people arm themselves to resist attacks and government‟s focus on fighting
Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast may also be hindering the strength of its response to insecurity in
the northwest.
Evaluation of Efforts made at Curbing Banditry in the Northwest
The Nigerian government‟s response to the security threat has been rather slow and generally
reactive. It was in 2014 that a concerted effort started to emerge. One such attempt involved the Nigerian
Police Force, under Inspector-General Suleiman Abba, launching the Task Force on Cattle Rustling and
Associated Crime. The task force was to be responsible for patrolling and operating in the context of
intelligence gathering on anti-rustling and related crimes, in addition to investigating and possibly
prosecuting reported cases of such crimes (Yusuf 2015). However, the task force has been relatively
inactive since its creation.
By 2015, some governors of northern states also started showing interest in the anti-rustling fight.
Between July and October of that year, they held two meetings in which they agreed to pool their resources to
fund a joint operation involving the military, the police, the state security service, and the Civil Defence Corps
in order to comb the forests that are believed to be havens for cow thieves in the affected states (Binniyat
2015). However, the agreement resulted in more talk than action.
16
In spite of the seeming failure of the attempts in the foregoing explication, the initiative was
effectively put into practice by the Niger State government when it established its own joint patrol,
codenamed Operation Sharan Daji. The operation which brings together the military, police, security
service, civil defence corps, and local vigilante groups works by proactively engaging with the bandits in
the forests. Within a week of its establishment, a total of 118 cows and 23 sheep had been recovered from
bandits (Channels TV, 2016). The same method of joint patrol operation was also put in place by the
Katsina State government in late 2015.
However, the most innovative response came from the Kaduna State government. The steps include
embedding security agents amongst herders to protect them against bandits; tightening state borders to prevent
trans-border influx of bandits; and, most importantly, implanting computer microchips in the animals to
monitor their movements and prevent armed bandits from stealing them (Jimoh, 2015). The Kaduna initiative,
termed the “El-Rufai Model,” represents a proactive and pre-emptive approach by the use of information and
communication technology (ICT) (Leadership, 2015). However, it remains a proposal, and nobody knows
when it will be implemented.
In addition, in order to alternatively manage the crisis situation, the idea of peace deal and amnesty was
initiated between Zamfara State government and the Leadership of these bandits in 2016. The State government,
having reviewed the impacts of the cohesive measures especially the use of Military and Mobile Police, came to
the conclusion that, the operation has not yielded the much desired result in spite of huge amount of funds
expended. Hence, the State government opted for negotiations with the armed bandits with a view to surrendering
their weapons to the State government as the best option for ensuring sustainable peace (Tangaza, 2014). The
government agreed to their demands and emphasised that, for the amnesty deal to be perfected; the bandits must
surrender their arms and should promise not to invade any community while the peace deal lasted. The
government also proposed some strategic measures of integrating the bandits back to their communities by
providing soft grant for them to commence business as well as bringing some of them closer to the government
(Anka, 2017; Mustapha, 2019).
Nevertheless, various state actions have reduced the incidence of bandit attacks and cattle rustling for
some times. On several occasions, thousands of cattle have been recovered and returned to owners. For
example, as of 7 March, 2016 the joint patrol team put in place by the Katsina government had recovered
12,000 cattle within a few days of operation (Elazeh 2016). In addition, a number of bandits have been arrested
and prosecuted. The security forces have also been able to invade some of the rustlers‟ hideouts, with the aid of
the military forces (Godwin 2016; Olaniyan & Yahaya, 2016).
Conclusion
The paper examined the impact of banditry on Nigeria‟s security focusing on the northwest region
of the country. The paper started with a general review of the issue of banditry from its inception. The paper
deduced that the menace of banditry is becoming worrisome as result of high level of unemployment, weak
security system, poverty, porosity of Nigeria‟s borders, arms proliferations and the presence scarcely
governed spaces which serve as hideouts to the bandits. Consequently, the paper reveals that there have
been high incidences of banditry attacks on farm settlements, villages, highways resulting in kidnapping and
cattle rustling in the region with attendant security challenges. The paper thus concluded that Nigeria
security has been quite tense and volatile in the northwest due to the alarming rate of banditry with the
attendant massive plundering and carnage, which has plunged the region into a state of insecurity in all
spheres of life.
Recommendations
17
In order to squarely deal with the menace of banditry in northwest region and Nigeria at large, the
following recommendations are made:
(1) Nigerian government should strategise to create meaningful employment for the youths trapped in
the phenomenon through the creation of programmes which aim at addressing the endemic poverty in
the northwest in particular and the country in general.
(2) Nigeria government should sustain the military efforts in prosecuting the war against banditry as well as
equip the security forces with both types of modern equipment and necessary incentives to enable them
carry out their duty without hindrances.
(3) There should be re-orientation to inculcate ethical values and reverence for life and human right
in the people and also the need to co-exist irrespective of religious or ethnic inclinations.
(4) Government at all levels should put in place functional security system like community policing to
supplement the operations of other security agencies as well as the need for proper orientation of
the Nigerian security personnel on the need to maintain peace and order in collaboration with the
local vigilante. The local vigilante understands the terrain of their communities/environment
better than the newly posted police officers from other states.
(5) Government should intensify efforts to mobilise financial and human resources to fund
disarmament, and de-radicalisation programmes to curtail the problems of arms proliferation
across the region.
(6)There should be adequate supply and installation of modern technology as well as increased
surveillance while border security personnel are urgently required to check trans-border crimes,
which are part of the igniting factors accentuating banditry in Nigeria.
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