The History of the Muslim in the Philippines

The Philippine Muslims was once a dominant group in the country. They have 500 years political history, so far the longest
political experience compared to other groups in the whole Philippines. Their culture is a blend of Islam and Adat. Adat is the
sum of both pre-Islamic culture and the philosophical interpretation of the Muslims on the teachings of Islam. It is itself the
lasting contribution of the Philippine Muslims to the country’s national body politic. However, to know the Muslim history, one
should understand the role of Islam in bringing about historical development. It is this Islam that actually produced heroic
resistance against western colonialism. The Philippine Muslims today became known as cultural communities owing to their
culture surviving foreign hegemonism to this day.
The history of the Philippine Muslims is part of the backbone of the historical development of the whole country. Filipino
historians like Dr. Renato Constantino asserted that no Philippine history can be complete without a study of Muslim
development (1990:29).
The Philippines has two lines of historical development. The first line, which is the older, came to develop in Mindanao and
Sulu. And this refers to the Filipino-Muslim line of historical development. Had not this line of historical development been
disturbed by western colonialism, Islam might have charted the entire destiny of the Philippine nationhood. External factors
swept into the country and brought the second line. The Hispanized Filipinos were central to the development of this second
line. This is the product of the great historical experiences of the Filipino people under western rule.

Roots
Mindanao and Sulu are the original homeland of the Philippine Muslims. These areas are now the third political subdivision
of the Philippines. They are located at the southern part of the country, and lie around hundred miles north of equator. The
areas occupy a strategic position at the center of shipping line between the Far East and the Malayan world. They are situated
north of Sulawise and to the west is the state of Sabah. Mindanao and Sulu has a total land area of 102,000 square kilometers. It
is a fertile region and known to be rich in agricultural plantation, marine and mineral resources. As reported, more than half of
the country’s rain forest are found in Mindanao. While its agricultural crops include rice, corn, root crops, vegetables, cassava
and fruits. Marine products like seaweed production, fish as well as gas and oil are dominant in the Sulu sea. Fifty nine percent
of tuna and sardines are largely taken from the Sulu sea. Mainland Mindanao has substantial mineral deposits. Zamboanga del
Sur has gold, silver, lead, zinc deposit; Davao oriental has chromite reserves; marble deposits for Davao del Norte and oil deposit
in South Cotabato. These huge resources of the southern islands have made Mindanao the land of promise.
However, the main concentration of the Philippine Muslim population is confined largely to the western side of Mindanao
down to the Sulu Archipelago. In mainland Mindanao, the Muslims are dominant only in Lanao and Maguindanao provinces.
While the rest of the Muslim populations are scattered in nearby provinces such as Zamboanga peninsula, North Cotabato,
Sultan Qudarat, South Cotabato, Davao Oriental, Davao del Sur and Sarangani island. In the Sulu Archipelago, the Muslims are all
dominant in three island provinces of Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi.

The Muslim Ethnic Groups

Ethnic is an Italian term for nation. An ethnic community may be defined as tribal group which has its own language, hold in
common a set of tradition different from others whom they are in contact. It has its own territory from which its ethnic identity
is derived, and thus becomes a uniting factor for group cohesion. The Muslim ethnic groups in Mindanao and Sulu are linked by
both ideological and geographical factors.
The Muslims in the south are also culturally linked to Muslim countries in Southeast Asia such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei
and the Patani of southern Thailand. They are composed of eleven ethnic groups. Each group has its own language but only a
few controls a political unit like a province or municipalities. Some groups speak one language with three variations like the
Maranao, Iranun and Maguindanaon. The Sama people have one language with many variation such as the dialect of the Jama
Mapun, and the Bangingi.

1. The Maranao. Literally, Maranao means people of the lake. Their homeland is called Lanao which means lake. Their oldest
settlement started around here, and up to this day, highly populated communities still dot the lake. Their language is similar to
Maguindanaon and Iranun. One shall be confused as to which of them owns the mother tongue since the Maranao and Iranun
can understand 60% of the Maguindanaon language. At any rate, these groups live in proximity. Continuous contact allows them
to develop or share a common practice including language.
The Maranao are concentrated in Lanao area. They occupy the most strategic place in Mindanao owing to their access to
Iligan bay in the north and Illana bay in the south. During the colonial period, they fought against the Spaniards, usually under
the flag of the Maguindanao sultanate. Like other Muslim ethnic groups, the Maranao are brave and have offered sacrifice in
defense of their homeland and Islam. Throughout the colonial period, Lanao was united as one province of the Maguindanao
sultanate. Seeing the importance of Lanao, the American colonial government in Manila encouraged landless Filipinos to
migrate to Mindanao. Most settlers targeted Lanao as their final destination. After about 50 years, the Filipino settlers became
established in the area north of Lanao. This eventually led to the division of Lanao into Del Norte and Del Sur beginning 1960s.
Lanao is a land rich in literature. Darangan is an example of this. The existence of darangan attests to the level of civilization
that the Maranao have achieved at one point.
Potential resources like lake and agricultural land are more than enough to support to make the goal of darangan into
reality. The lake in the heart of Lanao Del Sur is the biggest lake in the Philippines. It is so far the current source of energy supply
– at least supplying around 80% power grid of the whole Mindanao.
The Mindanao State University is located at Lanao’s capital, Marawi City. Most leaders in Mindanao are in fact products of
the MSU. Sixty percent of its best professors are Christians Filipinos.
Maranao society is a closed society. The entire municipalities of Lanao Del Sur, particularly at the vicinity of the lake are off
limits to outsiders. The lifestyle of the people are in their traditional attire, the malong and the abaya. This is the only place in the
Philippines whose lifestyle is not affected with the western trend. The Maranao contact to the outside comes through Iligan City
and Malabang. Iligan City is 40 minutes ride from Marawi City. Malabang a coastal town of Lanao Del Sur requires more than one
hour to reach. Under a long range plan of Christian movement in Mindanao, the Christians would penetrate the heart of Lanao
from three areas – from Iligan in the north, Malabang in the south and Wao from the east. They in fact controlled these areas for
long time already.
2. The Maguindanao. Originally, Maguindanaon is the name of the family or dynasty which came to rule almost the whole island
of Mindanao, particularly the former Cotabato. It later refers to the Muslim people who live in the Pulangi valley which sprawls
the Southwestern part of Mindanao. It is for this reason, the Maguindanaon are called people of the plain. They accepted Islam
at the last quarter of 15th century. Total Islamization of the whole Pulangi area succeeded only with the arrival of Sharif
Kabungsuan a prince from Johore who came to Mindanao after the fall of Malacca and nearby areas to Dutch colonialists in 1511.
The greatest contribution of the Maguindanao to civilization in Southeast Asia were the sultanates of Maguindanao and
Buayan. These sultanates rose almost simultaneously after the arrival of Sharif kabungsuan who founded the first sultanate in
Mindanao. During its heyday, the sultanate of Maguindanao did bring the whole mainland of Mindanao under its control. It
became the instrument of the Muslims in Mindanao in thwarting the western colonialism.
The Cotabato had been the seat of the Maguindanao sultanate. This is the ancestral land of the Maguindanao including the
hill ethnic group such as the Tiruray, Tasaday and Subanun. Because of its wide valley, Cotabato area has ever since the rice
ganary of the country. The colonialists had ever since been attracted to the fertile land of Cotabato. Many times, the Spaniards
made Cotabato as capital of Mindanao during their military occupation. This colonial plan, however succeeded only during the
American period. It was able to organize the first Filipino settlement in 1912.
The Maguindanao are the hardest hit of the Filipino settlement. Their political power diminished after long period of fighting
and resisting colonialism and Christianization, particularly at the beginning of the 20 th century. The Maguindanao fought alone
without foreign support during this period. However, by 1970s, three-fourth of their homeland were lost to Filipino settlers,
mostly Ilongo and Cebuano. The Manila government created in the area the five provinces of Maguindanao, Cotabato, South
Cotabato, Sultan Qudarat and Sarangani.
3. The Iranun. These people have inhabited the area bordering between Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao province. They claimed
to be the origin of these two ethnic groups. The language of the Maranao and Maguindanao is strongly rooted in the Iranun
tongue. The Iranun may perhaps be the mother language and the rest are just a mere dialects. For several centuries, the Iranun
formed part of the Maguindanao sultanate. Their culture received much influence from the Maguindanao rather than the
Maranao. There was a case in the past the seat of the Maguindanao sultanate was situated at Lamitan and Malabang that were
the strongholds of the Iranun society. They fought the western invaders under the flag of the Maguindanao sultanate. The
Iranun were excellent in maritime activity. They used to ply the route connecting the Sulu sea, Moro gulf to Celebes sea, and
raided the Spanish held territories along the way.
The Iranun have also attained a degree of social organization comparable to the Maguindanao or the Tausug. This is
evidenced by the datu system of leadership where a single leadership is recognized. An Iranun datu, like a sultan, wielded
central power over his people. On account of their small population, the Iranuns have been overpowered by their neighbor and
prevented them from having their own sultanate. Yet ethnic consciousness has been strong as the Iranun continued to preserve
their own ways of life and even to chart their own political destiny. Like other Muslim groups, the Iranuns are also advanced in
the field of education. They actively participate in local development; their professionals have managed to occupy key positions
in the government, run their own business entities and Islamic institutions like masjid and madrasa.
4. The Tausug. Prof. Muhammad Nasser Matli argued that the term Tausug is a slang word and originated from two words:
tau (people) and ma-isug (brave). Therefore, Tausug means brave people.
Before the coming of Islam, the Tausug had already established a central government. When Islam came, Tausug leaders
accepted Islam. They did not resist. As soon as they became Muslims they made themselves models by infusing Islamic values
and politics to the government. The result was the spread of justice in the land. Seeing the beauty of Muslim leadership, the
entire natives finally accepted Islam. The peaceful triumph of Islam in Sulu in the middle of the 13th century led to the
Islamization of local politics. This was the process that brought about the establishment of the Sulu sultanate in 1450. Many
Tausug leaders were sent outside Sulu to further strengthen the Sulu sultanate influence. This was the origin of the growth of
Tausug communities in Tawi-Tawi, Palawan, Basilan, Zamboanga, and Sabah. Up to this period, these places are still the favorite
destination of Tausug migrants who have been displaced by the wars and conflicts between the Muslims and the Philippine
government.
5. The Yakan. The term Yakan is a mispronunciation of the word yakal by the Spaniards. While the term Basilan has originated
from two words basi (iron) and balani (magnate). In the ancient time Basilan was thickly covered by the yakal trees. Foreign
people often mistook the name of the yakal trees as the native identity. During colonial period the Spaniards branded the
inhabitants of Basilan as Yakan, and became carried up to the present.s
Like other Muslim provinces, Basilan has been the target of Christian penetration since the Spanish era. Her rich resources
like timber and fertile agricultural land as well as her geographical proximity to Zamboanga City has made her vulnerable to
present capitalist exploitation and Christian domination. There have been already a number of municipalities where the Filipino
settlers have the upper hand. Isabela, Maluso, Lamitan and other communities have an overwhelming Christian population. And
their population growth and community expansion are kept on continuing. Vast tract of lands which are strategic are mostly
owned by the Filipino settlers. There are many areas where the Yakans become minoritized, and further displaced from their
own lands. In the areas where they are already minoritized the Yakans are exposed to marginalization. In politics, there are
many instances in the past, top leadership fell into the hands of the outside people.
The culture of the Yakans is similar to the Tausugs. Its inner foundation lies on the spirit of martabat. For the outer side,
religious institution like masjid and madrasa, artifacts and the vast number of Yakan professionals, ulema, politicians and
fighters reinforced further the strength of the Yakan culture. These two foundations are firmly planted in the heart of the
Yakans. This is their real strength. The challenge of the Yakans today is to steer their young generation to assert their rights and
develop confidence in their both material and non-material culture.
6. The Sama. The Sama identity derived from the term sama-sama which means togetherness or collective effort. The Sama
people are highly dispersed and scattered in the Sulu Archipelago. They are geographically diversified owing to their exposure
to maritime activities and fishing. There are five sub-clusters that make up the Sama people. Helping each other is recognized as
norm of the Sama people. Included in the Sama group are the Badjao known as the sea-gypsies of Sulu Archipelago and Celebes
sea. The Badjao people call themselves Sama Laut. In Malaysia, they are called Orang Laut. All these descriptions point to them as
being boat people. They always move from one island to another, living in their small boat for weeks or even months without
mooring or coming to town to buy their needs. The Badjao do not establish a permanent community like the Arab and the
Cossacks in central Asia. They have not able to develop a political institution that can advance their collective interest of their
society. Their social organization do not approach even the level of a clan, in a sense, because they have no recognized
community leader. Their social structure is leveled. Rich people or elitism is completely absent in Badjao society. All of them
belong to the poor strata. Family structure is the only factor that makes the Badjao society possible. Roles and duties are
allocated to every member from the parents down to their children, from the adult to the young ones. The father acts as leader;
the mother is responsible for cooking; children collect fire woods in the coastal areas, and helps gather sea food and fetch
water. As observed, the whole Badjao family constitutes also the economic unit, which means, all of them have to work
together (sama-sama) for their survival.
Poverty and backwardness are the two basic factors that keeps every Badjao family from sending their children to school.
Children are needed at home or must accompany their parents in search of their daily sustenance. This is the reason the Badjao
society suffers a high illiteracy rate. Less than one percent can read the Qur’an or Roman alphabet. Their present condition has
deteriorated. They are highly exposed to the oppression of Tausug warlords. They are often exploited in some economic
activities. Minimal reward or compensation are given for their labor, and low price for their commodities, like lobsters and fish.
The Sama people who inhabited Tawi-Tawi are called by their place of residence. Thus, there is the Sama Balimbing, Sama
Simunul or Sama Sibutu. These groups claim to be the origin of all Sama sub-groups scattered throughout the Sulu Archipelago.
They inhabited most major islands of Tawi-Tawi. While in the mainland the Sama concentration is confined to Balimbing and
Sapa-Sapa. These people have a high level of literacy rate compared to other Sama sub-group. Almost every Sama barangay in
the mainland has a public school. Higher institutional learning is also available such as the MSU-Tawi-Tawi and the Tawi-Tawi
Regional Agricultural College (TRAC). Most top government positions are held by Sama. Like the Tausugs, the Sama are exposed
to almost all fields of discipline and it is common to find them in national agencies occupying key positions.
The Sama Bangingi are also considered major group within the Sama ethnic group. Their dialect is just a variation of the
Sama language. Geographical distance being separated from other Sama groups by seas has caused the variation of their dialect
from their mother tongue. But, generally all Sama people understand each other. The Bangingi have a well-developed social
organization comparable to the Tausugs. Back to the sultanate period each Bangingi community had its own panglima and
maharajah as the highest and influential people in their society. The tip of Zamboanga peninsula, Pilas and Tungkil island were
once dominated and ruled by the Bangingi leaders. They had four strong Kuta at Zamboanga before the Spaniards occupied it.
The latter took several weeks before they were able to dislodge the Bangingi from their strongholds. The Bangingi were good
sailors. They were the first group in this country to reach Bengal bay and explore the Indian ocean. They discovered the
connection of Sulu sea , the straits of Malacca and the Indian ocean. Most of the sultanate expeditions to Visayas and Luzon
were commanded by the Bangingi warriors.
 The Bangingi unlike the Badjao are highly exposed to the Filipino society and its institution. Majority of them has studied in
the Filipino school, and managed to occupy key positions in the government. Unfortunately, they failed to build their own
institutions like school, political parties and businesses that are capable of effecting social changes in the society. There are only
individual initiatives. The Bangingi remain far from collective social progress.
Jama Mapun are another Sama sub-group. They call their dialect as pullun mapun which is part of the Sama language. The
term mapun stands for west. They call themselves as Jama Mapun because they are situated at the distant west of Sulu. They
are concentrated largely at the Turtle island, Cagayan de Tawi-Tawi an island municipality located at the border adjacent to
Sabah. They are also found in southern Palawan. Like the Bangingi, the Jama Mapun adopted permanent settlement, hence they
have a clear-cut social organization where the panglima is recognized as top community leader. During the Sulu sultanate
period, Jama Mapun used to be of a military strategic importance to the sultanate. It used to be the sultanate’s launching base
to secure the unquestioning loyalty of the panglima of Sabah and Palawan.
The whole Cagayan de Tawi-Tawi is recognized as local government unit, a municipality under the province of Tawi-Tawi.
With this the Jama Mapun have been subjected to central control from Manila since the days of the Philippine Commonwealth
government in 1936. Government school and agencies were put up there and placed under the control of the local people. The
island is seen as strategic place for the AFP forward force, because it is situated in the middle of the Sulu sea and South China
sea, and adjacent to Sabah. The government built airports, which the military can use for advance troop movements in the Sulu
sea.
7. The Sangil. The Sangil came from Sangihe an archipelago sprawling the Celebes sea just south of the Mindanao sea. Their
migration to Sarangani province and to the coastal areas of Davao del Sur and South Cotabato was ahead of the coming of Islam
to Southeast Asia. They embraced Islam later as a result of their continuous contact with their motherland, which became
Islamized, as well as with the emerging Muslim communities in Maguindanao and Sulu in the 14th century.
The Sangil speak a language similar to Bahasa, and in the Philippines, to Tausug. They also evolved their own social
organization associated with central leadership, which enabled them to wage battle against the Dutch and Spanish colonialism.
There were many instances the Sangil allied themselves to the Maguindanao sultanate. They used to contribute war paraws,
fighters and arms in major expeditions to Spanish held-territories. The Sangil have also high political and Islamic consciousness.
They are active in their struggle for self-determination as part of their strategy to have their culture and social institutions
preserved and developed further. They succeeded at last. In 1992, the Sarangani province was born intended to contain the
clamor of the Sangil.
8. The Kaagan. The Kaagan inhabited mostly Davao areas. They became Muslims as a result of contact with the
Maguindanao sultanate, and later strengthened with the arrival of some Tausug groups who helped to organize the Kaagan
society. No wonder the Kaagan language has many bahasa sug root words. With the departure of the Tausug and Maguindanao
influences at the height of the Filipinization process. Most of them have been marginalized and were helpless to improve their
society because their social organization did not improve as those in Lanao and Sulu.
9. The Kolibugan. The term kolibugan is a Sama word which means “half-breed”. Originally, they are part of the Subanun
ethnic group, an indigenous people inhabiting the interior of the Zamboanga peninsula. Their neighbors, particularly the Sama
Bangingi and the Tausugs called these Islamized Subanun as Kolibugan because their culture has been altered by their Muslim
neighbors and for years there has been intermarriage with other groups that produced new generations, hence they are called
Kolibugan. These people still speak the Subanun language and retain the Subanun type of social organization, which is limited to
clan orientation with less political inclination. Today, the term Kolibugan is applied to all Subanun who moved to coastal areas
and intermarried with the Muslims, and finally embraced Islam.
10. The Palawan. The early Muslim inhabitants in mainland Palawan were the Panimusan. These people became Muslims as a
result of close contact with the Sulu Sultanate. Many Tausug during the sultanate period came to Palawan in order to introduce
Islam to the local people. The Muslim concentration is mostly in the southern part of Palawan such as Batarasa, Rizal, Quezon,
Brooke’s Point and Espanola. In these municipalities the Muslims are likely dominant and hold political power. Isolated Muslim
communities are also found in Narra, Roxas, Taytay and Aborlan.
Since the collapse of the Sulu sultanate, contact between the Palawani and the Tausugs was almost lost. They have been
isolated to each other as there is no direct trade or cultural link between the two people.
11. The Molbog. The Molbog are mainly confined in the Balabac islands located at the southern tip of Palawan. They received
Islamic influence and later embraced Islam from Brunei Muslim missionaries. The propagation of Islam was active during the
15th century when Muslim principalities rose from the eastern side of the Malay peninsula and Borneo. At this period, the Brunei
sultanate was expanding its influence to the Philippines and Palawan is not far from Brunei. The Sulu sultanate also helped to
strengthen Islam among the Molbog.

Historical Gap
Historical gap is a period between two or more events keeping the new generation detached from the old ones. The new
generation can no longer determine the culture of the past, and eventually may chart its own course different from their
predecessors. This is the case with the two periods of the Bangsamoro history: the sultanate era, the US colonial period up to
the present. The US era in the Philippines brought historical gap distancing the sultanate era from the present. The culture of
the people underwent transformation in 50 years time under US rule. 50 years thereafter, the people developed a new culture
which is no longer the same orientation as what was then. The conventional approach to this problem of historical gap is the
reliance of the historians on the study of artifacts, the root of civilization, and the life of the leaders in order to move their mind
centuries back.
By nature, jihad requires collective action or sufficient participation from the Muslims preferably to be led by the
government under a righteous imam. This is the meaning of jihad to be known as fardhu kifaya. There must be a group of
Muslims if not the entire masses who shall carry out the jihad fi sabilillah. Failure to carry jihad will make the whole community
or state in a state of sin. But if there is a section of Muslim population that rises up for jihad, the entire Muslims become free
from sin. Jihad becomes fardhu ‘ayn or individual obligation when the enemy sets a camp for about 300 kilometers from the
population center of the Muslims. This is the opinion of Imam Shafie. Clearly, jihad is the main factor that kept the Bangsamoro
society in the face of western onslaught. Jihad as fardhu ‘ayn sustains the continuity of the jihad up to the present.

Islam in the Philippines

The rise of Islamic political institutions in Southeast Asia in the early 15 th century is viewed as the culmination of Islamization
after about 200 years when the Arabs introduced Islam direct to the masses. This political development was a turning point in
the history of the people because it revealed two important things: the formation of the Muslim nationalism and the birth of the
first Muslim society in this country. Islam for this matter changed the political course of Mindanao and Sulu from the feudalistic
as well as from colonialistic. The survival of Islam as ideological force in the south is an indication that their political course
remained in the Islamic orbit.
Sulu was the first Muslim community in the south to establish a centralized government, the Sultanate of Sulu in 1450. The
introduction of this sultanate implies that the indigenous institution became Islamized. This sultanate was a superstructure
imposed without destroying the old foundation. This was one of the reasons that made the Sulu Sultanate strong. Hashim
Abubakar was the founder and the first sultan of the Sulu sultanate. His father was an Arab from Hadramaut; his mother was a
princess from Johore. According to the Tausug salsila, Abubakar belongs to a sharif lineage, which is one of the descendants of
Nabi Muhammad (S,.A.W.). The term sharif is a title of nobility. When Abubakar rose to power, he assumed five titles affixed to
his name, thus his official name runs as follows: paduka, mawlana, mahasiri, sharif sultan Hashim Abubakar.
The Sulu sultanate is multi-ethnic. At the height of its power in the early part of the 18th century, its territory encompassed
the whole Zamboanga peninsula, Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, Palawan and Sabah. On the same period, the sultanate began to
intensify its foreign relations with neighboring Muslim principalities in Brunei, Makassar, Manila, Cebu (before Spanish era),
Maguindanao, Buayan and Batavia including China. This foreign relations of the Sulu sultanate involved trade, mutual friendship
and military alliance. The sultanate had in fact dispatched ambassadors to different places and also received ambassadors from
other countries.
Dr. Majul describes the history of the Sulu sultanate as had been one of war. Since 1578 up to the 1927, the Sulu sultanate
was at the forefront of the struggle for freedom and national liberation. It was able to survive two major colonial waves: the
Spanish and the US colonialism. Despite its political decline in the beginning of the 19 th century, the Sulu sultanate maintained
her status as independent sultanate from 1450 to 1936.
The spread of Islam to Mindanao between 1450 and 1500 was part of the political goal of the Sulu sultanate. A Maranao oral
report revealed that the first Tausug preachers reached the Lanao lake before the arrival of foreign Muslim missionaries,
possibly the Malay preachers. This report is sufficient to establish the fact the Muslim settlements had gradually thrived in the
Illana bay up to the lake area and the Pulangi valley. People from these areas were already used to come to Jolo for trade as well
as for Islamic learning. It is for this account that Sulu became known in history as the center of Islamic learning in this country.
The full Islamization of the west coast of Mindanao was accelerated with the arrival of Muhammad Sharif Kabungsuwan.
Like Abubakar, the first sultan of Sulu, Sharif Kabungsuwan is also an Arab and a descendant of Nabi Muhammad (S.A.W.). His
Malay sounding name attests his forefathers had settled long time in Johore. Kabungsuwan and his followers arrived Malabang
in 1515. He was accompanied by large group of Sama people who according to Dr. Kurais, a Sama scholar Kabungsuwan had
passed by Tawi-Tawi and picked up some Sama people to accompany him in his journey to Mindanao. This means that the
coming of Kabungsuwan to Mindanao was not accidental. It was the Sama people who guided him to Mindanao. During this
period, inter-island contact was already in place. Both the Sama and the Iranun had already explored the many sea routes in the
Sulu archipelago.
It was not long after his arrival that Sharif kabungsuwan established the Sultanate of Maguindanao, possibly in 1516. The rise
of this sultanate is almost similar to that of Sulu, should be viewed as the culmination of Islamization in Mindanao. It was
actually a political necessity. Clearly, the sultanate was adopted as an instrument to consolidate the emerging Muslim
communities.
The first seat of the political power of Maguindanao was Slangan and Maguindanao. Originally, these areas were the
bastions of Iranun political activities. When the sultanate passed into the Maguindanao family and dynasty, the seat of power
was moved to Pulangi valley. The term Maguindanao actually referred to a family. It was the royal family with which Sharif
Kabungsuwan was linked through affinity. Since Maguindanao family became a symbol of Muslim power in Mindanao, their
name became the official designation of Muslims throughout the Pulangi valley.
 In the upper Pulangi valley the ruling datus were the Buayan family. Because of their influence, the whole areas were called
Buayan. The political institution of the Buayans became Islamized as a result of the marriage of the Buayan prince to the
daughter of Sultan Sharif Muhammad Kabungsuwan. After the death of Kabungsuwan, the Buayan family founded the
Sultanate of Buayan as independent entity from the Maguindanao sultanate. The existence of two sultanates in mainland
Mindanao strengthened Islam but often the source of friction between the Buayan group and the Maguindanao. In lull times,
these sultanates fought each other for political supremacy over Mindanao. They also fought together against their common
enemy in the face of foreign aggression.
One of the best Maguindanao rulers was Rajah Buisan who was the leading commander during the third stage of the Moro
wars. He was remembered for his famous speech at Dulag, Leyte where he delivered his message inspiring the datus of Leyte to
rise against the Spaniards. In his battle against the Spaniards, he aligned himself with Rajah Sirungan the ruler of the Buayan
sultanate. Both leaders had for several times joined forces in their expedition to the north. The Buayan leaders managed to gain
supremacy in the Pulangi valley only after the death of Rajah Buisan. The latter was succeeded by his son Sultan Qudarat. During
his ascension to power, Qudarat was too young. It was for this reason the Maguindanao sultanate became overwhelmed. It
took more than ten years for Sultan Qudarat to build his political power over the whole of Mindanao. He is remembered for his
political prowess in uniting the two sultanates and the rest of the people in Mindanao under his strong leadership. Sultan
Qudarat is also remembered for his famous speech challenging the Maranao datus to oppose the Spanish encroachment in
Lanao lake.
The political hold of the Maguindanao sultanate over Mindanao however did not last long. Dynastic quarrels often broke out
among the Muslim leaders. In the later part of the 18 th century, the Maguindanao sultanate loosened its hold upon the Buayan
(Majul, 1997:31). Its steady decline continued up to the arrival of the American colonialists in 1900. This decline created a vacuum
of leadership and finally led to the rise of small principalities in Mindanao, while others proclaimed their own sultanates as in the
case of the 18 royal houses in Lanao area. The rise of Lanao royal houses in the face of the decline of the Maguindanao sultanate
signaled the disintegration and break-up of asabiyah (tribal solidarity) among the Muslims in mainland Mindanao.
The current continued political assertion of the Maranao people should beviewed from the political development on the part
of their society, which began to evolve as a political institution towards the later part of the 18 th century. This development did
not move further.The struggle of Amai Pakpak, a great Maranao fighter, was short-lived. While building his own political clout,
he suffered defeat in the hands of the Spanish invading forces in March 10, 1895. His dream of a strong political organization
was not realized and was further arrested with the introduction of US imperialism in 1900. Although the Lanao royal houses still
exist, they are no longer viewed as political force of the society.
Muslims’ Contribution to National Struggle
The Muslim resistance in the Philippines is viewed as an extension of the crusade, only the fight was no longer between the
Europeans and the Arabs but between the Spaniards and the Moros. Dr. Cesar Adib Majul described this resistance as the Moro
wars. In his analysis Majul divided the Moro wars into six stages. The first phase of this war began with the arrival of Legaspi
who led the invasion of Muslim settlement in Manila under Rajah Sulayman in 1571. It ended with the invasion of Brunei in order
to destroy its sphere of influence in the northern part of the Philippines, and also to isolate the Sulu sultanate in the south.
Before the hostilities began, the Spanish general Francisco de Sande sent a letter first to the Brunei sultan. The important part
of the letter was that the Brunei sultanate has to stop the sending of Muslim missionaries to any place in the Philippines. This
letter could be a concrete evidence revealing the bottom line of the Spanish colonialism – Christianization and imperial conquest
of the whole Southeast Asia.
With the Spanish victory in Luzon and also in the Brunei expedition, the Spaniards moved to the second phase of their
colonial ambition – the need to make vassals of the chiefs of Sulu and Maguindanao. In June 1578, the Spaniards explored the
Sulu Archipelago and even threatened to attack Sulu. They did not however stay for long, and withdrew after a compromise
negotiation was reached with the Sulu leaders. From here, the Spaniards proceeded to Maguindanao but failed to establish
contact with the Muslim leaders. The following year the Spaniards under Capt. Gabriel de Rivera conducted another military
mission to the Cotabato area. Their main intentions were to make the Muslims pay tribute; induce them not to allow foreign
missionaries; inform the Maguindanao about the Spanish victory in Brunei, gather information about the Muslims and their
strength and to know the relationship between the Maguindanao and the Ternatans and other people in Indonesia.
Since this second expedition, the Spaniards had been focusing their goal on the conquest of Mindanao and Sulu. After
eleven years, in 1591 the Spaniards went through with their military expedition to Maguindanao the seat of Muslim power in
Mindanao. They assumed that once Mindanao is toppled it would be easier to extend their influence to Sulu and Brunei. The
Spaniards, however, found a fierce armed Muslim resistance. It took them five years to finally establish military garrison at
Tampakan in 1596. But this too was short-lived. The Maguindanao applied more armed pressure by carrying out a series of
offensives against the Spanish fort at Tampakan. Seeing the Muslims had the political power to oppose, the Spaniards
abandoned Tampakan in 1597 and repositioned themselves at La Caldera in Zamboanga peninsula.
In the third stage of the Moro war, the Muslims changed their military strategy from defensive to offensive. They now
brought the war to the enemy’s territory. In 1599, Datu Salikula and Datu Sirungan the chiefs of Maguindanao and Buayan
respectively launched a joint force attacking a major Spanish base in central Visayas. They were able to mobilize 3,000 warriors
with 50 paraws. In 1602, another offensive was carried out by the Muslims and this was so far the biggest offensive ever
organized. The Muslims gathered 145 paraws – 50 vessels manned by the Ternatans, Sangil and Tagolanda; 60 by the
Maguindanao and 35 by the Yakans of Basilan. These forces were commanded by Datu Buisan, the successor of Datu Salikula,
and Datu Sirungan. Because the Spaniards were too weak to attack Maguindanao, they instead attacked the Sulu sultanate.
They thought that Sulu was easy to defeat. They laid siege to Jolo for three months but the sultanate forces were able to
repulse them.
When the news reached the Maguindanao on October 29, 1603, Rajah Buisan together with his allies from Sangil and Ternate
led another invasion of Central Visayas. They invaded Dulag, Leyte a place where Rajah Buisan delivered his historic speech
calling the Leyte Datus to fight the Spaniards. Aware of the political implication of Buisan’s speech as well as the continuous
surge of Muslim raids in Visayas, the Spaniards opted for good relationship. They sent a special envoy for peace negotiations.
This peaceful overture of the Spaniards led to the signing of peace treaty on September 8, 1605. This treaty, however, did not
hold for long because of the Spanish invasion of Ternate in April 1608. The Maguindanao chief construed this action as violation
of the treaty. He ordered, therefore, the resumption of military raid of Spanish garrison in Central Visayas. This in turn forced the
Spaniards to sign another peace treaty in March 1609. This treaty put the war to rest for at least 25 years.
The war resumed between the Spaniards and the Muslims in 1627 but by this time the war was now with the Sulu sultanate.
This was triggered by a maltreatment suffered by Sulu envoy, Datu Ache. On his way home from Manila, his ships were
intercepted by the Spaniards, and all of them were brought back to Manila and humiliated. This incident angered the sultanate
leadership. Rajah Bungsu the sultan of Sulu led 2,000 warriors, and attacked the Spanish base and ship yard in Camarines Sur
and Central Visayas.
In 1628, the Spaniards retaliated against this Sulu attack. They organized an expedition composed of 200 Spanish officers and
1,600 native allies. They were able to defeat the Sulu forces, but withdrew immediately for fear of a counter-attack. Despite this
setback, the Sulu sultanate still managed to send another expedition in 1629. By this time the Sulu forces were now commanded
by Datu Ache. They attacked the Spanish settlements in Camarines, Samar, Leyte and Bohol. The Spaniards, likewise, invaded
Sulu again in March 17, 1630. They almost doubled their forces from 1,600 to 2,500. But at the time they landed in Sulu, the
sultanate forces were slready highly prepared for battle. In the ensuing war, the Spanish commander Lorenzo de Olaso was
wounded, which prompted his forces to withdraw. The following year 1631, the Sulu warriors launched another invasion aimed
at Leyte, the seat of Spanish power in Visayas.
In Maguindanao, Sultan Qudarat continued to consolidate his power throughout Mindanao in preparation for new invasions.
The Buayan and the Sangil leaders were brought under his control. He also established contact with the Sulu sultante. In order
to concretize this contact, Sultan Qudarat made a marriage alliance by marrying the daughter of Rajah Bungsu, the sultan of
Sulu in 1632. This paved the political alliance between the two sultanates of Mindanao and Sulu. These two sultanates mustered
a coordinated military attack and joint invasion of Central Visayas. Their first joint invasion was in 1634 when they mobilized
1,500 warriors who landed at Dapitan, Leyte and Bohol.
The challenge now before the Spanish colonial regime in Manila was how to stop the Muslim invasion of its held-territories.
After drawing lessons on the military behavior of the Muslims, the Spaniards changed their approach by establishing a forward
force at the enemy’s territory so that the war’s trend could be reversed. This was the focus of the fourth stage of the Moro
wars. The Spaniards captured Zamboanga and established a military base on April 6, 1635. This lasted for 29 years until the Sulu
warriors drove them out of their stronghold. This was so far one of the greatest achievements of Rajah Bungsu, the sultan of
Sulu at this period.
This Spanish base at Zamboanga became the lunching pad for attacking Muslim settlements as well as the sultanate’s capital
of Jolo and Lamitan in the Maguindanao area. Lamitan the seat of the Maguindanao sultanate was captured by the Spaniards on
March 13, 1637. Qudarat’s forces of about 2,000 suffered defeat and was forced to move to the interior. Seventy-two Muslims
were decapitated and the Spaniards put their heads on spikes for display (Majul, 1996:135). The Spaniards did this to instill fear.
But two years later, in 1639, Sultan Qudarat re-established his forces and held his court at Pulangi. In Sulu, the Spanish attack
continued until Jolo, the sultanate capital fell after a three-month battle in January 1, 1638. This was the period when the
Spaniards occupied Jolo and the sultanate court was moved to Dungun, Tawi-Tawi. The sultanate reorganized its forces and
even secured the support of the Dutch in Batavia, Indonesia. On March 25, 1644, Rajah Bungsu dispatched his son, Pangiran
Salikala for this purpose. Having prepared the logistics, the sultanate ordered a final offensive against the Spaniards with the
Dutch navy which bombarded the Spanish garrison at Jolo. After about a year of military confrontation, the Spaniards opted to
stop the war and signed a peace treaty and evacuated all their forces from Zamboanga to Manila because of an impending
Chinese attack of Manila.
The 5th stage of the Moro war commenced in 1718 when the Spaniards reoccupied Zamboanga. A huge military base known
as Fort Pillar was built, and thus provoked the Sultanate of Sulu. Immediate reprisal was made but this failed to dislodge the
Spaniards. The Sulu sultanate under Sultan Badar-uddin asked the support of Maguindanao sultanate and the Dutch at Batavia.
Sultan Badar-uddin sent his Datu Bandahara and the Nakhuda to Batavia in order to appeal for military assistance as well as to
strengthen the relationship which was established in 1644. Finally, the Sulu sultanate and the Maguindanao sultanate agreed to
field 104 paraws with combined force of 3,000 warriors who made a new offensive on Zamboanga at the end of December 1720.
This offensive however did not succeed. But, the Sulu sultanate was still firm in its struggle to push out the Spaniards from
Zamboanga. Both powers adopted a mixed policy of diplomacy and military. This showed that neither of them can be easily
extinguished. It was through exchanges of envoys, despite the existence of war, that a peace treaty was signed in December 11,
1726 between the Sulu sultanate and the Spanish colonial government in Manila.
During this period, the Sulu sultanate expanded its foreign relations to China. Sultan Badar-uddin sent ambassador to China
in 1717; and again in 1733. The objective of China policy is to inform the Chinese leaders about the long war between Sulu and
Manila. The sultanate wanted to enlist the military support of the Chinese government. It probably secured some help. The
peace treaty deteriorated when Sultan Badar-uddin attempted to capture Zamboanga in December 6, 1734 while some Sulu
warriors attacked Taytay in northern Palawan. In response, the Spaniards invaded Jolo in 1735 and drove out the sultanate court
for second time, which then transferred to Dungun, Tawi-Tawi. The war came to stop when the two powers signed another
peace treaty in February 1, 1737.
While the power of the Sulu sultanate and Maguindanao approached a steady decline, the military power of the Spaniards
grew faster when the steam boat was introduced to the Spanish naval force. The Muslim fleets were no longer a match with the
Spanish modern fleets. The Spaniards had already foreseen a major invasion when the right time comes.They assured
themselves that the final conquest of Mindanao and Sulu is just a matter of time.
The 6th stage of the Moro war is the Spaniards’ dream of Mindanao conquest. It commenced with the 1851 Spanish invasion
of Sulu and ended towards the end of the Spanish rule in the Philippines. As a matter of strategy the Sulu sultanate under Sultan
Pulalun upon realizing the invulnerability of the Spanish forces, negotiated a peace treaty with the enemy. The treaty was signed
in April 30, 1851. But just like other treaties in the past, this treaty failed to hold peace for long. The Spaniards had already
calculated that the sultanates of Mindanao and Sulu were weak to resist the Spanish conquest. In Manila, the Catholic hierarchy
intensified its propaganda to win the support of the people about the possible war in the south. Roman Martinez Vigil a
Spanish priest wrote the theory of a just war. He exhorted the war against Jolo as a just war, a holy war in the name of
Christianity. Rich people and Chinese capitalists in Manila responded enthusiastically to this call. They were able to raise P 20
million for the Spaniards.
Anchored on a just war principle, the Spaniards organized 9,000 troops led by Governor-General Jose Malcampo. These
troops were sent to Sulu accompanied with hundreds of priests and sisters. They secured 11 transports, 11 gunboats, and 10
steamboats. They landed at Jolo in February 21, 1876. Aware of the Spaniards grand design, the Sulu Sultan Jamalul Azam
assembled his military leaders for discussion on how to contain if not frustrate the Spanish invasion. The sultan proclaimed the
jihad and ordered the use of the concept of parrang sabil as last recourse. The wise plan of the sultan was proven correct and
effective. The sultanate managed to negotiate another treaty in July 22, 1878, thus saved his people from further destruction.
At the Mindanao front, the Spaniards were already successful in destroying the power of the Maguindanao sultanate. The
Maranao, Iranun and other ethnic groups began to wield their respective powers independently. These people launched their
own wars separately. They parted from each other to the extent that the Maranao put up their own sultanate since the
Maguindanao sultanate could no longer exercise a central rule over Mindanao. For centuries these Maranao people were
overshadowed by the Maguindanao. They fought wars against Spain under the flag of Maguindanao sultanate or sometime
under Sulu sultanate as in the case of the Iranun. One of the best wars led by the Maranao was the heroic stand of Datu Amai
Pakpak in defense of Marawi in 1891 and 1895. Generally, all Muslim ethnic groups in Mindanao and Sulu supported the war
against colonialism. They were the people behind the survival of the two sultanates of Sulu and Maguindanao in the face of
foreign aggression.
The Moro war actually did not end with the destruction of the Spanish colonialism in the Philippines. The Spaniards left but
the American colonial forces came in and continued the same colonial goals under the pretext of civilizing the natives. Since the
orientation of the Moro war is the same as that of the Spanish time, the Moro-American war should be viewed as the 7 th stage of
the Moro war. In Sulu despite the declining power of the Sulu sultanate, the Tausug warriors who opposed the continued
presence of another white colonialists, waged a series of battles against the Americans. Panglima Imam Hassan who held the
post of district commander from Luuk, Sulu under the Sulu sultanate was the first Tausug leader to defy the sultan’s order to
work with the Americans for common good. He could not be convinced with the overall mission of the US colonialism in the
country. As an Imam, Panglima Hassan looked at the presence of the US forces a threat to Islam and the Muslim society. He
instead proceeded with his military plan leading his 3,000 warriors who fought the American forces in Jolo in early November
1903. Armed only with kris and some rifles, these Tausug warriors attacked the enemy’s garrison which was equipped with
modern weapons. After a week of siege, the enemy were finally able to break their lines and forced the panglima’s followers to
withdraw.
Despite his defeat, Hassan’s military action won wider sympathy from the masses. He toured the island of Sulu promoting his
cause inspiring the local leaders to resist the US colonialism. Within a short period Hassan’s propaganda bore a positive effect
upon the Muslim masses. The Americans were portrayed as the enemy of Islam; that they came to the Muslim land in order to
continue the unfinished goal of the Spanish colonialism. More so, the Muslims became apprehensive when the US forces
hoisted their flag in major centers and further required the Muslims to fly the US flag in their ships. At the same time, they
introduced a new land system in order to facilitate the collection of land taxes from the Muslims. These policies invited
antagonism from the people.
In January 1906, three prominent Tausug leaders took a bold opposition to the American policies and their occupation of the
Muslim land. These were Imam Sahirun, Ma’as Abdullatif, and Panglima Sawadjaan. These leaders assembled their 1,000
followers and put up their camp at Bud Dahu about six kilometers from Jolo, the capital of Sulu. From here a small group was
organized and sent to raid military outposts and villages that tended to support the enemy. The Americans became
apprehensive that the growing opposition of the Tausug might go out of hand. At first, they sent civilian negotiators to convince
the defiant leaders to surrender to the US colonial government. The negotiators attempted several time to convey the message
of the Americans officials but the defying leaders stood firmly with their stand of non-recognition of the US colonial
government. The Americans therefore decided to take Bud Dahu by force.
On March 6, 1906, Gen. Leonard Wood the governor of the Moro province, ordered the assault of Bud Dahu. His forces were
composed of 790 men and divided into three groups; each group was charged to attack from only three narrow passages
leading to the camp of the Muslims. Using high powered guns, the US army stormed the Muslim strongholds with mortar
throughout the afternoon and gradually took a closer move in the evening. The Muslims armed only with kris used an
indigenous approach of warfare by using logs rolled off from the top intended to hit the advancing US troops who tried to
approach the narrow passage from the slopes of the mountain. From the Muslim accounts, a great number of US forces were
killed as the logs fell down one after the other from the mountain tops. The US army, however, succeeded in getting to the
mountain top. In the early morning of March 7, 1906, the US army fired upon the Muslim camps at close range. The Muslims
rushed in and fought decisively in the open field. Only six survived who managed to retreat and report the news of what
transpired in the so called battle of Bud Dahu.
The cause of the Bud Dahu heroes did not end, however with their martyrdom. Just months from the Bud Dahu battle, Ma’as
Jikiri led a small group in attacking the American military outposts. He fought for about three years until his martyrdom during
the fight against the US army in 1909. Ma’as Jikiri’s heroic stand inspired his countrymen up to the present. He was the only
Tausug leader who in the course of war never retreated or ran away before the enemy even when outnumbered or
overwhelmed. Even the American army commended his valor. Ma’as Jikiri is the only foreign enemy of the Americans whose
statue now stands at the Washington museum.
The spirit of the war never subsided. It continued to unleash nationalistic fervor until another major battle erupted – the
battle of Bud Bagsak in 1913. Bud Bagsak is a medium sized mountain and located about 50 kilometers east of Jolo. This battle
was led by Panglima Amil the leader of the 500 forces that holed up at Bud Bagsak. The war began in June 9 and ended in June
14, 1913. All Muslim warriors met their martyrdom in the five day battle against the well-equipped US army. Their defeat marked
the end of organized Muslim resistance during the first 10 years of the US colonialism in the Philippines. The so called episode of
“kris versus krag” came virtually to an end. There were a few more minor battles, but never again did the Moros place a
formidable force in the field against the Americans. The Muslims fought a grand fight at Bud Bagsak against superior weapons
(Hurley,1985:30). This decline paved the way for the signing of the Kiram-Carpenter Agreement in August 20, 1915 where the
sovereignty of the Sulu sultanate was taken over by the US colonial government. The collapse of the Sulu sultanate, in turn, led
to the integration of Mindanao and Sulu into the colonial politics. Since then, the opposition of the Muslims in Mindanao and
Sulu shifted from armed confrontation to peaceful movement in the form of protest and demonstration. It took about 14 years
for the Tausug fighters led by Laksamana Usab to carry out armed fighting when they fought the US army at the Bud
Langkuwasan adjacent to Bud Bagsak in 1927. Usab was appointed laksamana (runner) by the Sulu sultan. He parted ways with
the sultan because he did not want the US policy in the Muslim land. He took the leadership for fighting the US colonialism. He
called a summit meeting of Tausug leaders at Likup, Indanan, Sulu in early 1927. In the meeting, all leaders agreed to contribute
fighters who come from different parts of Sulu and its islands. Usab’s struggle culminated with the battle of Bud Langkuwasan
where most of his forces including himself embraced martyrdom.

Muslim Legacy
Just like other Muslim nations in Southeast Asia, national identity of the Philippine Muslims was shaped by Islam and further
developed in the course of their heroic struggle against western colonialism. Right after the first encounter with foreign
aggressors in 1570 at Manila, the Philippine Muslims won a distinct honor as “Moro”, an identity put forward by the aggressors
after the Moors of Spain. They were called Moros only on account of their Islamic ideology and their culture being similar to the
Moors who conquered Spain for 785 years. To the Spaniards, the term Moro would also mean Muslim. Since then, the Muslims
in this country have been identified in Southeast Asia and across the Muslim world as the Bangsamoro people. This identity is
officially recognized by the Organization of Islamic Countries. This is the reference by which the historians and government
legislators recognized the official designation of the Muslims in the country and is now enshrined in the Muslim Organic Act of
1989.
The history of the Bangsamoro people is no doubt ranked as the first line of historical development of the Philippines. The
Muslims’ sultanate institution, the religious legacy of Islam and the Muslim adat have nurtured the doctrine of Bangsamoro
nationalism. The cohesiveness of the 11 Muslim groups under the spirit of Islamic brotherhood is a living reality of Bangsamoro
nationalism. This should form part of the Philippines’ political foundation. It is within this context by which the struggle of the
Bangsamoro people finds a just treatment in Philippine history.
INDIGENOUS PEOPLE
According to some estimates, there are close to 100 indigenous peoples, exclusive of the Muslim groups, though the exact size
of the indigenous population remains unclear: while the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples estimates that there are
approximately 11.3 million indigenous peoples in the Philippines, for example – a figure amounting to around 11- 12 per cent of
the population – some civil society estimates suggest they may comprise between 10 and 20 per cent of the population.
There is a great variety of social organization and cultural expression among these communities. Some specialize in wood-
carving, basket-making and weaving. Others are known for their embroidery, appliqué and bead-making. They range from the
Bontoc and Ifugaos, who built the renowned rice terraces in the mountainous interior of Luzon, to indigenous peoples
practising shifting cultivation or hunter-gathering.
A significant number of indigenous peoples in central Luzon are Protestant Christians, having been converted by American
missionaries in the early twentieth century and educated in missionary schools. For others there is a considerable difference in
terms of integration with lowland Christian Filipinos. Some have intermarried. Others have remained isolated. There is little
general agreement on the names and numbers of these indigenous communities.
While some of these indigenous peoples emerged from early waves of Malay or Proto-Malay migrants, about 27 of them, such
as Aeta and Ati, are Negritos that were already long-established in the Philippines: they are thought to be the descendants of
the earliest settlers to the archipelago, who may have migrated there through land bridges from the Asian mainland some
30,000 years ago.
A common geographical distinction is often made between Igorot (Tagalog for ‘mountaineer’) on Luzon, and Lumad
(‘indigenous’) for those in Mindanao, with others in Luzon and the Visayas using their collective name, such as the Manobo,
Mangyan, etc. Ten upland tribal groups on Luzon have been identified: Ifugao, Bontoc, Kankanay, Ibaloi, Kalinga, Tinguian,
Isneg, Gaddang, Ilongot and Negrito. Ifugaos of Ifugao province, Bontocs of Mountain and Kaling-Apayao provinces and
Kankanay and Ibaloi of Benguet province were all wet-rice farmers who have for centuries worked their elaborate rice terraces.
Groups such as the Ibaloi were the most influenced by Spanish and American colonialism and lowland Filipino culture because of
the extensive gold mines in Benguet, the proximity of the city of Baguio, good roads and schools, and a consumer industry in
search of folk art. Other mountain peoples of Luzon include Kalinga of Kalinga-Apayao province and Tinguian of Abra province,
who employ both wet-rice and dry-rice growing techniques. Isneg of northern Kalinga-Apayao, Gaddang of the border between
Kalinga-Apayao and Isabela provinces, and Ilongot of Nueva Vizcaya province all practise shifting cultivation. Although Negritos
formerly dominated the highlands, by the early 1980s they were reduced to small groups living in widely scattered locations,
primarily along the eastern ranges.
The other concentration of indigenous communities is in central and southern Philippines. The Lumad tribal groupings of
Mindanao include Ata, Bagobo, Guiangga, Mamanwa, Magguangan, Mandaya, Banwa-on, Bukidnon, Dulangan, Kalagan,
Kulaman, Manobo, Subanon, Tagabili, Takakaolo, Talandig, and Tiruray or Teduray. The Lumad groups of Mindanao have faced,
and continue to face, long-term displacement and legalized land dispossession, which is also a threat to other indigenous
communities in the Philippines. The southern Philippine island peoples of Mindanao are resource-rich and were formerly under-
populated compared to the northern island peoples of Luzon. Thus, throughout the twentieth century, there was a steady
migration of Christian lowland Filipinos into areas previously occupied and dominated by Lumad and Moros. These migrations
were initially encouraged by the American authorities, when the Philippines was under their rule, and were given further
impetus by central government authorities after independence by the development of plantation agriculture, logging
concessions and hydro-electric and geothermal energy schemes. Lumad are now outnumbered in their ancestral lands.

Historical context
The Spanish crown, by virtue of colonization, claimed rights over the islands and the authority to dispose of the land. Later, the
US authorities institutionalized their legal powers to dispose of all land and voided all the previous land grants by Moro or
Lumad chiefs, as well as others throughout the Philippines, that had been made without government consent. Only individuals
or corporations could register private claims to land ownership. This left no room for the concept of ancestral or communal
land, which the indigenous Lumad had held to be sacred and not subject to individual title or ownership.
Through the efforts of the Lumad of Mindanao, and their supporters among the lowland Christian Filipino community, two
important provisions were written into the 1987 Constitution. Article XII (5) obliges the state to ‘protect the rights of indigenous
cultural communities to their ancestral lands to ensure their economic, social and cultural wellbeing’, while Article XIV (17)
commits the state to ‘recognize, respect and protect the rights of indigenous cultural communities to preserve and develop
their cultures, traditions and institutions’.
However, the state also continued to maintain rights to land, and national development policies continued to be shaped by
powerful economic interests and political forces. Lumad continued to seek the return of lands taken from them through
harassment and illegal manipulation and seek the revocation of all plantation permits and logging concessions. They sought self-
government within their ancestral lands with their customary laws, and the preservation of their indigenous cultures. In all these
matters, Lumad faced an up-hill battle.
Greater democracy after the end of the regime of President Ferdinand Marcos led to a number of favourable changes. In the
same year, the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (1997) was adopted, with a National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP)
established under this legislation. The former recognized indigenous peoples’ native title to land and their (limited) rights of
self-determination and free exercise of culture. It also offered an option of applying for a ‘Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title’.
However, these positive steps in relation to indigenous peoples’ rights have not proved as effective in their activities as might
have been hoped. This was partly due to legal challenges as to the constitutionality of both, which was not resolved favourably
by the Supreme Court of the Philippines until 2002. In addition, the full recognition and implementation of the rights of
indigenous peoples that are contained in the 1997 Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act still faced many hurdles: there have been
criticisms that the 2004 removal of the NCIP from the President’s Office to the Department of Agriculture, for example,
weakened its position and influence, while the disbandment of Task Force 63 (a body and mechanism which promotes inter-
agency cooperation on indigenous peoples’ issues) indicated the low priority that state authorities were actually giving to the
rights of indigenous peoples.
Following recommendations by the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples that the NCIP call for a ‘National
Consultative Assembly’ (with the objective of including indigenous peoples and organizations in the planning and
implementation of the Commission’s activities), the NCIP convened a National Forum in November 2006. This led to the
establishment of the Indigenous Peoples’ Consultative Body (IPCB), operating at a national, regional and provincial level. The
composition of IPCB is tripartite, including representatives of NCIP, indigenous peoples’ organizations and NGOs. Despite
criticism concerning their membership, the establishment of these bodies was seen as a positive development towards
enhanced participation by indigenous peoples in the making and implementation of NCIP policies.
While indigenous peoples have in theory a right to mother tongue education under the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997,
this right is still unimplemented. An Institute for Indigenous Peoples’ Education set up a handful of ‘pilot schools’ to respond in a
more receptive way to the culture and traditions of indigenous peoples, but teaching in indigenous languages is not part of the
official state curriculum. Privately established indigenous schools, which occasionally teach in local community languages,
continue to meet obstacles from Department of Education authorities in the registration process and in recent years have been
attacked by armed groups, many of whom are suspected to be linked with security forces, due to suspicions that the schools are
promoting support for the communist insurgency.

Current Issues
Although most indigenous communities live in isolated rural areas, a growing number are migrating to cities in search of better
livelihoods and social services. Many are driven from their traditional lands by militarization, tribal conflicts and the expansion of
large-scale development projects, which frequently bring little or no benefits to local communities, particularly women: many
indigenous women, unable to secure employment with the mining companies and leave to find work in urban areas, suffering
extreme poverty in cities like the northern city of Baguio or the capital city, Manila. They often face poverty and exclusion as a
result of their limited formal education and the fact that their skills may not be suited to an urban context. In Baguio – where
indigenous people make up over 60 per cent of the population – it is estimated that some 65 per cent of indigenous migrants
suffer from extreme poverty. Many of them are migrant women working as vendors in the city streets, where they are regularly
pestered by police as part of the government’s anti-peddling drive.
The long running conflict between the military and the New People’s Army (NPA) in the mountains of Mindanao – lasting some
50 years and with a total death toll of more than 40,000 lives since it began – has had particularly devastating impacts on the
Lumad people, a cluster of 18 indigenous communities in Mindanao. Many Lumad civilians have been caught in the conflict,
subjected to militarization within their communities or targeted with extrajudicial killings and torture. Thousands have been
displaced while fleeing violence by security forces. According to a joint stakeholders’ report to the UN Universal Periodic
Review on the Philippines in September 2016 submitted by KATRIBU National Alliance of Indigenous Peoples, 102 extrajudicial
killings of indigenous peoples were committed by the previous Aquino administration. Since President Rodrigo Duterte took
power, these murders – despite making calls for an end to the killings of Lumad – have continued, with military, vigilantes and
private security forces suspected of carrying out the attacks. Many of the victims have been notable opponents of mining, oil
palm plantations, corruption and government abuses.
A peace roadmap that was approved in 2016 included plans for negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the
Philippines (NDFP). After over 40 rounds of talks under five different Philippine governments, the two parties met again in
August 2016 in Oslo, Norway, for the first formal peace talks in five years. The NDFP is an umbrella group of communist
organizations, representing the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the NPA, in the negotiations. The
2016 formal talks in Oslo included a timeline for negotiations, initiating a ceasefire, negotiating immunity for NDFP members,
and an amnesty for detained political prisoners, the latter of which brought negotiations to a standstill with the previous
government. The two parties agreed to an open-ended ceasefire, which managed to maintain a fragile peace throughout the
year, despite not yet being able to agree to the terms of an official bilateral ceasefire agreement. The negotations subsequently
collaped, with Duterte claiming in July 2017 that he planned to resume fighting against the NPA due to their failure to respect
the terms of the ceasefire. While he offered to resume talks in early 2018, uncertainty has persisted. There have, however, been
localized peace talks leading to some 8,000 people surrendering by the end of 2018.
Alongside the communist rebellion, an Islamist insurgency has also contributed to widespread insecurity in Mindanao: while
agreement was reached in 2018 with the largest group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), to hold a plebiscite in January
2019 on the creation of a larger autonomous Muslim region known as Bangsamoro, a large number of ISIS-affiliated extremist
groups continue to operate outside the framework of any peace agreement.
Lumad communities have often been caught in the crossfire of the protracted civil conflict in the southern Philippines, and
regularly accused of harbouring communist sympathies. Alternative education has become the target of particular scrutiny and
distrust, with the military accusing indigenous schools of promoting communist propaganda. State officials have drawn outrage
for recommending the introduction of new schools run by the military. The Save Our Schools Network has accused the army and
pro-government militias of staging premeditated attacks on alternative education institutes in order to marginalize indigenous
land and cultural rights: local estimates suggest that there were 95 attacks on Lumad schools in the southern Philippines
between September 2014 and 2015, an average of eight cases per month.
One of the most notorious incidents took place in September 2015, when a troop of armed men stormed an alternative Lumad
school in the southern Philippines. Teachers and students were dragged from their dormitories and rounded up, together with
hundreds of other civilians, in the small village of Diatagon in Lianga, Surigao del Sur. Two indigenous leaders – known for their
work protecting the community’s ancestral lands against encroachments from mining companies – were hauled in front of the
crowd and executed at point-blank range. One of the victims in particular, Dionel Campos, was the chairperson for Mapasu, an
indigenous organisation striving for ancestral land rights. The head of the alternative school, Emerito Samarca, was later found
in one of his classrooms, with his throat cut and two gunshot wounds in his abdomen. Samarca, who was slain at Lianga, was
also a vocal campaigner against large-scale development projects that fuel violence and displacement in the southern
Philippines. The government denied any involvement in Samarca’s murder, claiming the attackers merely dressed up in army
fatigues that matched the insignia of the nearest battalion. Approximately 3,000 Lumad indigenous people were forced to flee
in the wake of this incident, resulting in an extended period of displacement.
This treatment, driven by the belief that Lumads are supporting the NPA insurgency, has resulted in indiscriminate killings and
widespread displacement of indigenous communities. There has been limited change since Duterte took power: in 2017, for
instance, he accused indigenous schools of supporting the rebellion and threatened to bomb them. This situation creates
further barriers for Lumads, who have some of the lowest educational levels in the Philippines, in accessing schooling. Part of
the problem is the entrenched discrimination towards indigenous youths within the centrally managed school system, which
often treats them as outsiders and second-class citizens. The time and cost of travelling long distances to reach public schools
also place insurmountable burdens on many Lumad families. Indigenous activists in the southern Philippines insist that the right
to a free and culturally tailored education is fundamental to defending indigenous heritage and rights, which are often
intimately tied to the protection of ancestral lands and resources. The government’s failure to investigate crimes against Lumad
schools has left the communities more vulnerable to further attacks and encroachments.
Land rights remain an ongoing issue for indigenous communities, many of whom still lack official recognition of their ancestral
land. Under the 1997 Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act, 221 ‘Certificates of Ancestral Domain Title’ (CADT’s) had been issued by
March 2018, covering over 5.4 million hectares. While this may sound impressive, the process has involved the land rights of
indigenous communities totalling only 1.2 million people. Besides this, the process to obtain a title remains difficult and lengthy:
in 2012, an additional procedure was added in the attempt to address jurisdictional issues between agencies, but it has slowed
the process even further. After the titles are issued, they must be registered with the Land Registration Authority, to make the
titles more robust against land incursion. Less than 50 of the 182 CADT’s issued by September 2016 had been registered.
Even land recognized as indigenous under these certificates can still be lost to development projects, since mining and other
projects can be pursued if a certificate of ‘Free, Prior and Informed Consent’ (FPIC) is obtained from affected indigenous
communities. A number of indigenous peoples have repeatedly reported that they have been deceived, threatened and even
seen some of their people assassinated, in order for companies to receive these FPICs. Many claim that a string of murders of
indigenous leaders have been linked mainly to their defence of their ancestral lands. Development projects being undertaken,
such as mining, the Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway and various eco-tourism projects have caused the indigenous Aetas to leave
the area around Mount Pinatubo. Indigenous land also continues to be redistributed directly to non-indigenous settlers by the
Department of Agrarian Reform, through the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program.

Philippines

The number of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines is unknown, but it is estimated that between 10% and 20% of the
country's population. The Philippines has adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples,
but has not yet ratified ILO Convention 169.

Republic Law 8371, known as the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA), was enacted in 1997. It has been praised for its
support for the cultural integrity of Indigenous Peoples, the right to their lands and the right to self-directed development of
these lands.

A more substantial implementation of the law is still sought, as the Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines continue to live
in geographically isolated areas with lack of access to basic social services and few opportunities for widespread
economic activities, education or political participation.

The Igorot, the Lumad and the Mangyan

The last census of 2010 included an ethnic variable for the first time. However, an official figure for the Indigenous
Peoples of the Philippines has yet arrived, and it is estimated that the country's indigenous population is between 10%
and 20% of the national population, which currently stands at around 102.9 million.

The indigenous groups in the mountains of northern Luzon are collectively known as Igorot, while the groups on the
southern island of Mindanao are collectively called Lumad. There are smaller groups collectively known as Mangyan in
the central islands, and even smaller and scattered groups in the central islands and Luzon, including several groups of
hunter-gatherers in transition.

Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines have retained much of their traditional, pre-colonial culture, social institutions and
living practices. In general, they live in geographically isolated areas with lack of access to basic social services and few
opportunities for major economic activities, education or political participation. In contrast, commercially valuable natural
resources such as minerals, forests and rivers are found mainly in their areas, which makes them continuously vulnerable
to aggression against development and land grabbing.