BERLIN t ACSA EUROPEAN CONFEREIYCE

A P P R O P R I A T I O N OF T H E O T T O M A N
HERITAGE IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA
BASCAR S W PROJECT ( 1 948-53)

DIJANA ALlC & MARYAM GUSHEH

The University of New South Wales

Recent scholarship on modernism outside the West

has begun to question the homogenized nature of the
"Modern Movement" and the "International Style." By
making reference to "Orientalist" discourse, scholars in
this field have brought to question Eurocentric aspects of
modernism such as the binary opposition between the
"East" and "West" and "modern" and "traditional." As
such, modernity is revealed as a multifaceted project
manifested in response to specific political and cultural
circumstances and structures of power. Particularly in
countries where modernity was introduced by the
educated elite or government officials, modern
architecture has shown to be synonymous with the
dominant political expression of national identity. This
paper aims to contribute to this discussion by examining
the emergence of modernity in Bosnia and Hercegovina, Fig. 1. Plan of Bascarsija (1878), Indicating Various
in the context of socialist Yugoslavia.' Religious Buildings3 A- Gazi Husref Bey's Mosque, B-
Within post-World War I1 Bosnia, the articulation of Orthodox Church, C- Jewish Synagogue. (Ayverdi, Ekrem
national identity led to a complex and layered procedure Hakki, Avrupa'Da Osmanli Mimari Eserleri Yugoslavia).
as the dominant political narrative, based on a secular and
united Yugoslavia,was paralleled by the Bosnian struggle conflicting national objectives.
for self definition and nationhood. In this context In the 15th century, Bascarsija was established as the
Bascarsija, the business district of Sarajevo established by commercial center of the city of Sarajevo. Based on the
the Ottomans, was of particular significance as its built principles of the vakuf, the urban structure of Bascarsija
fabric could be read as representative of both theYugoslav relied on the integration of commercial units with those
nation, as well as a cultural heritage unique to Bosnia. of public buildings and religious in~titutions.~ The Gazi
Despite the symbolic relevance of the Ottoman heritage Husref Beg Mosque (1531) with the hanikah (higher
to both national narratives, its affiliation with Islam was school of Sufi philosophy), the Kursumlija medresa
in conflict with Serb and Croat nationalism as well as the (Islamic school), the hawzam (bath house) and the
Yugoslav secularist tendencies. caravanserai (hotel) and bezistan (market place) were
This urban core became the subject of intense studies a typical conglomeration of buildings prevalent in Ottoman
by prominent architects, Grabrijan and Neidhardt, urban design. Despite Bascarsija's distinct Ottoman
culminating with Neidhardt's redevelopment proposal superstruct&e and the prominence of Islamic educational
for Bascarsija (1952-53). In an attempt to include the and religious institutions, its built fabric also
Ottoman heritage within a Bosnian national narrative, accommodated the presence of other religious groups.
Neidhardt resorted to a unique reading of "Islamic" and The Catholic church built by merchants from Dubrovnik
the "modern," where their oppositional relationship, was reconstructed during the fifteenth and seventeenth
known to him from Le Corbusier's practice, was century. The Orthodox population settled in the vicinity
dismantled and the two began to merge. This paper aims of the mainBascarsijaBazaarand established the Orthodox
to demonstrate that the modernist reading of the Ottoman church in 1539.
heritage along with the specific urban strategies employed Later that century the Sephardic Jews, expelled from
in the Bascarsija project were a reflection of Bosnia's Spain, settled their community in Sarajevo and built their
political and intellectual orientation in the 1940s and first synagogue in 1580. By the beginning of the 17th
1950s and indicative of a desire to synthesize seemingly century one could view the presence of Bosnia's four
1997 ACSA EUROI'EAh COhTFRFhCC t BtI!LI\

religious communities within the one square kilometer. architecture. In contrast to Le Corbusier's approach
With the decline of the Ottoman empire and Bosnia's where the picturesque, "primitive"and Islamic East served
annexation by the Austro Hungarian government, the as a critique o fWestern' rationalism,in Neidhardt's work
city developed fi~rtherwestallowing the area ofBascarsija the distinction between the Oriental and modern is
to gradually fall into disrepair. The socialist victory of removed and the two begin to merge. The association of
1945 found Bascarsija in a poor physical state and in need the Ottomanarchitecture,specificallythe Ottoman house
o f significant repair. Within the many conservation with stereotypical modernist forms, diverts Neidhardt's
schemes that followed two approaches dominated, interpretation of the Ottoman architecture from the Le
namely massive demolition or complete restoration.Juraj Corbusian model and towards the reading o f Oriental as
Neidhardt's proposal to turn Bascarsija into a socialist modern:
cultural centre made use o fboth techniques in a way that
significantly manipulated the reading o f Bascarsija: . . . Is Charshiya n o t a source of m o d e r n
Neidhard returned to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia architecture? Why do we look for inspiration
following three years of employment with Le Corbusier elsewhere, continuously getting it from second
(1933-1935).He was involved in a wide range of projects handsources, uthen we are a t its origins?. . . Aren't
including the master plan for the Algiers project.* Recent musandere- modern built in wardrobe? Aren't
scholarship has highlighted Le Corbusier's fascination secije- modern built i n couch and modern lout
with Islam, both as a source o f inspiration and as the furniture. [Aren't elements of Bosnian Oriental
romantic and picturesque "Other" associated with the architecture] the double height space, the single
19th century European political hegemony and the flight of stares, and the vegetation u40ichspills
Orientalist t r a d i t i ~ n . ~
In both instances, the Islamic into our dwellings [all elements of modern
architectural heritage was interpreted as a homogeneous architecttwe].l o
entity and the binary opposite to the modern,rational and
scientificarchitecture ofthe west. The theme oftraditional To understand the meaning behind the shift in
or regional versus the modern seemed to be recurring in Neidhardt's reading o f the Ottoman built fabric, from
Le Corbusier's work during the 1930s and 1 9 4 0 ~ . ~ picturesque to modern, and in particular the philosophy
As an employee o f Le Corbusier, Neidhardt was behind Neidhardt's Bascarsija project, it is helpful to
influenced by his mentor's ideas. In particular he was situate the project inits immediate political and historical
intrigued by the Algerian context, as the dialogue between context.
the Islamic and the modern echoed themes apparent in For the post-WWII Communist Party of Yugoslavia,
his native country, the Kingdom ofYugoslavia. Grounded Yugoslavism was based on the dialectics o f Yugoslav
in an Orientalist reading o f Islam, Neidhardt's analysis of nationalism-the unificationof the six states in a patriotic
the architectural heritage o f Yugoslaviabecame focused struggle for the liberation of Yugoslavia from ~ e r m a n ,
on the Ottoman architecture which he associated with a Italian and other occupiers- and internationalism, global
homogenized image o f the Orient.While this fascination unity of the working class people who would disregard
with the Oriental was shared by. foreign visitors and nationality in a struggle for a social revolution,
commentators on Yugoslavia, the promotion o f the industrializationand progress. Both objectives relied on
Ottoman heritage faced internal resistance as its cultural the ability of the Communist party to resolve the internal
legacy was associated with foreign supremacy and the nationalist tendencies and replace Serb-ness,Croat-ness
domination of the Catholic and Orthodox churches by and Muslim-ness with a secular Yugoslav culture that
Islam. would grant equal rights to all citizens.
The domestic rejection of Ottoman symbolism is The government's approach to combating internal
evident in Neidhardt's earlier projects which relied on nationalist tendencies was initially characterized by a
mainstream modernist notionsof housingfor the masses campaign against religion considered as the basis of the
emphasizing hygiene, transportation and pragmatic nationalist divide. Many Catholic and Orthodox churches,
design. Despite the 'rational' approach apparent in these monasteries,convents and seminaries were closed down.
projects, and their indifference to the- existing urban Suppression of the courts of the Islamic law took place in
context, Neidhardt continued his studies of the Ottoman 1946; a law forbidding women to wear the veil was
built heritage, a passion that was shared by his friend, the passed in 1950;religious schools were closed down and
architectural theoretician Dusan Grabrijan.- Their the teaching ofchildren in the mosques became a criminal
collaboration brought Neidhardt to Bosnia (1939), and offence. The Muslim cultural and educational societies
together they undertook intensive studies of Sarajevo's were abolished from 1947 and the Muslim printing house
built fabric during and afterWorld War11. They completed in Sarajevo was closed down and no Islamic text book
the bulk o ftheir work in the context ofTitoist Yugoslavia was issued in Yugoslavia until 1964."
and socialist p~licies.~ The government's initial harsh stance towards the
Their efforts culminated in the influential text, states' cultural and religious independence w a s softened
Architecture of Bosnia a n d the way towards modernity during the early 1950s, the years o f conflict with the
(1957), which contained Neidhardt's proposal for the Soviet Union. While resisting Stalin's threats to Tito's
redevelopment of Bascarsija.' It is through this text that independence, the Communist Party ofYugoslaviafound
Neidhardt articulates a unique relationship between itself increasingly isolated in the communist world and in
aspects o f Ottoman architecture -which he carefully desperate need of internal stability." Further, the
referred to a s "Bosnian Oriental" and "modern" persistence o f Serbian and Croatian nation a 1'Ism
 Clearly the construction of Bosnia's national identity
relied on the dialogue between two competing narratives.
Firstly, the more dominant Yugoslav notion of Bosnia as
a symbol of united Yugoslavia, and secondly the persisting
Muslim and secular Bosnians' claim to a unique cultural
heritage distinct from the neighboring Serbia and Croatia.'"
In response to the competing national narratives and
their search for cultural symbols, the built fabric of
Bascarsijabecame significant as the Ottoman architectural
legacy could be read as uniquely Bosnian and the
coexistence of all the main religious institutions could be
read as uniquely Yugoslav. YVhile Bascarsija's potent
symbolismand contribution to multiple national narratives
ensured its partial conservation, the extent and choice of
buildings restored posed political difficulties. Essentially
the problem was the association of the Bosnian Muslims
and their built heritage with the Ottoman colonial rule.
For socialist Yugoslavia the Ottoman architectural legacy
remained associated with aforeign rule and the restoration
of its architectural heritage could be interpreted as the
promotion of Islam, and a threat to the Catholic and
Orthodox population.
Fig. 2. Neidhardt's Proposal for Bascarsija, Plan.78A- Gazi Initially, the governments response to this dilemma
Husref Bey's Mosque, B- Orthodox Church, C- Jewish was massive demolition. In 1945 the City People
Synagogue, D- Catholic Church, E- New Graveyard, F- Committee formed a "demolition board" in charge of the
Czar's Mosque, G- New Public/ Cultural Buildings, H- New clearance which took place over a period of five years and
Residential Area for Cultural Workers. (Grabrijan, Dusan, & resulted in the destruction of 246 small shops. With the
Neidhardt, Juraj, Arhitektura Bosne i Put u Suvremeno). slogans such as "our history is not in old timber shutters,"
that "the shops have no historic or cultural value," and
encouraged the government to adopt a seemingly more that they are only a "fire hazard," and a "source of
lenient approach, allowing cultural and linguistic infection" the government justified their planning
characteristics of the nations of Yugoslavia to exist within decisions, which were ultimately resisted by significant
the boundaries of, and in harmony with, the "new" protest amongst prominent city figures.'' Changes in the
Yugoslav national consciousness.13 In this context, the political circumstances in the 1950s and the shift in
state of Bosnia gained particular political significance as government policies towards supporting the states'
its ethnic mix and history of multicultural coexistence cultural independence, marked a new approach towards
was compatible with the highly promoted socialist slogan Bascarsija, perceiving it as a single entity. Although
of "brotherhood and unity." The promotion of Bosnia as Bascarsija's conservation as an urban whole supported
a model for socialist Yugoslavia would have allowed the Bosnia's independent character, the threatening nature
government to combat divisionalist tendencies and to of Ottoman associations remained unresolved.
minimize the significance of national differences. It appears that Neidhardt would have been aware of
Competing with the Yugoslav notion of Bosnian
identity as a united and secular state was the confusion
over the status of Bosnian Muslims as either an ethnic,
religious or national community. Historically, Bosnia had
escaped transformation into a nation-state and did not
become a land inhabited by Bosnians, but the land of
Muslims, Serbs, Croats and Jews. Consequently, the
nationalist movements in Serbia and Croatia had managed
to tie the Bosnian Orthodox and Catholic population to
Serb and Croat national identities respectively, causing
significant confusion over the national status of the
Bosnian M ~ s l i m s . In
' ~ the 1940s the official position was
that this problem would eventuallyresolve itself as Muslims
would begin to identfi themselves as either Croats or
Serbs.Ii Uncertainty and pressure to declare themselves
as one or the other further contributed to the Muslim
resistance and enhanced their claim to a unique heritage
and national identity. This desire for a specific Bosnian
national identity, was shared by secular Bosnians whose Fig. 3. Neidhardt's Proposal for Bascarsija, Perspective.
search for a national definition was based on cultural (Grabrijan, Dusan, & Neidhardt, Juraj, Arhitektura Bosne i
heritage rather than'religion. Put u Suvremeno).
the problems of Ottoman symbolism, in particular its
religious associations. His reliance on the Ottoman house
as a symbol of Bosnian Oriental architecture shifts the
gaze from Ottoman religious institutions to a more secular
one, somewhat alleviating this dilemma In escaping the
religious components of the Ottoman legacy, Neidhardt
was able t o discuss the Ottoman house in abstract terms,
changing its symbolism from a colonial architecture to a
Bosnian regional building traditionwith essentiallyrnodern
qualities. In doing so he successfully distanced these
stmcturesfrom overtly Ottoman and religious associations,
creating a unique Bosnian architecture whose modern Fig. 4. Proposal to convert the Brusa Bezistan to the
qualities would influence and contribute to the National Liberation Museum. (Grabrijan, Dusan, &
architecture of the revolution. Neidhardt, Juraj, Arhitektura Bosne i Put u Suvremeno).
While Neidhardt's reading of the Bosnian house in
modernist terms was helpful indisassociating the Ottoman
connotations, the same techniques proved insufficient in function was replaced by activities regarded as more
dealing with the prominent religious monuments of suitable to the socialist society. Apart from religious
Bascarsija. In his proposal Neidhardt relied on a series of institutions, most other buildings acquired a new f k c t i o n .
urban strategies ranging from massive demolition, For instance the old hans were adapted for hotels and
selective restoration, the introduction of new structures, restaurants. The Brusa Bezistan was converted to a
and the importing of existing structures, all aimed at museum of the socialist revolution, Gazi Husref Beg
rupturing the link between the Bosnian Muslims and the Bezistan became anational restaurant, the hanikah became
Ottoman rule and their religion. The choice of restored an ethnographic museum and the medresawas made into
and imported structures, their proximity, f~mctionand an Oriental library.'"ile the proposal honored the
positioning, viewed in light of the political context, can original function of religious buildings, their independent
begin to highlight the complexities of the Bascarsija status would have been jeopardized by the socialist
project and the manner in which Neidhardt's urban policies which insisted on supervised religious activities.
policies addressed particular cultural and political Having redefined the role and function of existing buildings
dilemmas. and stripping them of their immediate context, Neidhardt
The disassociation of the Ottoman-built heritage emphasized particular links between isolated monuments
from the Ottoman political and religious structure was in Bascarsija. Specifically, the presence of all religious
primarily achieved through the dismantling of the vakuf institutions preserved as "sparkling jewels of the past"
system. The particular structure of the uakuf with its enabled the reading of Bascarsija as a place where all
integrated public and commercial buildings not only cultures and religions were united. Neidhardt's interest
helped to interlock the institutions of the town with in including all the main religious institution is clear as his
those of Islam, but it also ensured the economic funds proposal carefully extended the area of Bascarsija further
that secured the financial independence of public to the south, incorporating an existing Catholic church
buildings. Prior to the introduction of socialist policies, on the left bank of the river.'"
the authority of the vakuf and the interdependence of As a result of this expansion, the area of "new
public and private structures had ensured the application Carsija"included buildings of all the main religious groups:
of conservation policies to all components of the built the Jewish synagogue, the Catholic church, the Orthodox
fabric. Neidhardt's proposal completely ignored the church and the Muslim mosque. The tourists and visitors
principles of the vakzg He suggested amassive demolition to the new Carsija were presented with an exceptional
of surrounding structures deemed as i n ~ i g n ~ c aand
n t left opportunity for seeing the places of worship of all main
specific monuments as single floating objects. Religious religious groups in close proximity to each other, giving
buildings such as Gazi Husref Bey's mosque with its the impression that the socialist theme of brotherhood
surrounding complex of harem, water fountain, tul-be and unity was based on a solid cultural foundation.
and graveyards, as well as the Gazi Husref Bey's ~nedresa, As well as reducing religious monuments to symbolic
the Jewish Synagogue, the Old Orthodox church, the objects and properties of the state, the elimination of the
Catholic church, the Bascarsija mosque and other zukuf allowed the introduction of a new organizational
prominent public buildings were selected for preservation principle more suited to the socialist rule and the Marxist
and the area around them cleared of all structures. The view of history. Based on the belief "that historical
isolation of these monuments was enhanced by continuity was to be maintained at all costs," the Bosnian
surrounding them with open greenery, linked by winding history was portrayed as a linear and progressive
paths and the creation ofvistas. Devoid of their immediate development, on display within Bascarsija's redefined
context they were only to be viewed in relation to each boundaries." Low scale rows of shops, arcades, and
other or as backdrops to the new structures introduced. walkways rapped around the new carsija defining its new
The break between the Ottoman public and religious parameter. The entrance was marked by a monumental
institutions and their supporting commercial units allowed portal, a threshold separating the Bascarsija district from
these buildings to become financed and managed by the the Austro Hungarian quarter and opening vistas to a
state. As properties of the state the buildings original number of monuments on display. Passage through this
 BERLIN t ACSA ELJKOPEAN CONFERENCE 1997

N O V A Clearly Neidhardt's proposal extended the idea of

CARS JYA the socialist cultural centre into a theme park reflective of
Bosnia's political climate and the search for national
identity. In appropriating Ottoman heritage as Bosnian
Oriental architecture, that was firstly modern in quality
and secondlyunique to Bosnia and Hercegovina, Neidhardt
successfully fulfilled the claim to a Bosnian identity that
could contribute to Yugoslavia as a progressive,
m~~lticultural and secular state.
Neidhardt's merging of the Ottoman architecture
with that of the modern can be viewed as a unique
manifestation of modernity, indicating the manner in
which architectural practice responds to particular
structures of power. In reading the Bascarsija project in
its political context, our intention was not to represent
Neidhardt as an agent of the socialist government, but to
reveal the dialogue between politics and cultural
productions.
AlthoughNeidhardt's project aimed to satisfy multiple
claims to Bosnia's built heritage his project was never
Figure 5. Proposed Gate to the 'New Carsija: (Grabrijan,
built. Perhaps it was considered too radical, or rejected
Dusan, & Neidhardt, Juraj, Arhitektura Bosne i Put u
by hard line Serb and Croat nationalists who would have
Suvremeno)
objected to any Ottoman presence, and religious Muslims
for whom the diminished religious associations would
gateway marked the beginning of a journey which have been objectionable. Had the proposal been realized
demonstrated the sequences of Bosnia's history, from the it would have been a unique testimony to the socialist
prehistoric time to the socialist era. policies and national struggles that occupied Bosnia in
The representation of this history, primarily relied on the years between 1940s and 1960s.
visual objectsrangingfrom monuments to archaeological
findings, which were categorized and displayed in NOTES
museums. In the broadest terms Bosnia's history was
presented through existing, imported and new
' The Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina, in this paper,
will be referred to as Bosnia.
architectural artifacts. These included the medieval
tombs of Bosnian Bogumils whose resistance to both the The institution of vakuf was of enormous importance for the
urban settlements. Variousvakuf buildings, usually the most
Roman and the Greek church was perceived to be of a important ones in the town, often created the basic urban
unique quality inherent to the character of the Bosnian structure of the city. Norris, H. T., Islarn in rke Balkans, Religion
people. Following the Bogumils, the Ottoman period - and Sociev between Europe a n d the Arab World, (Columbia:
described as "Bosnian Orientaln- was represented University of South Carolina Press, 19931, pp. 50-52.
through the Bascarsija's mosques, grave stones, restored Base map taken from: Ayverdi, Ekrem Hakki, Avrupa'Da
residential houses brought from the suburbs and the OsmanliMirnari Eserleri Yugoslavia, (Istanbul: Fetih Cemiyeti),
conservation of isolated streets representative of the craft p. 396.
groups that occupied Bascarsija. Having dismantled the While working in Le Corbusier's office, Neidhardt was in-
link between Ottoman and colonial associations, these volved in a number of projects amongst which were: urban
buildings now secured a distinct position within Bosnia's proposals for Algeria 1933- 34 and Nemoxs (Algeria), Anvers,
history and were able to contribute to its culture. The Stockholmand studies of the future city- LaVille Radieuse. The
narrative culminated with the socialist revolution, extent of his contribution to the Algeria project is unclear but in
represented through modern structures and monuments a letter to his friend Mittel, 1933, Neidhardt mentioned his
arranged throughout the precinct. The most prominent involvement with the Algeriaproject suggesting that he contrib-
modern monument was the Institute of the Academy of uted to the development of Le Corbusier's idea of brise- soleil.
Science and Arts, "At the far end of the Charshiya might Karlic- Kapetanovic Jelica JurajNujdImrt, zivor idjelo, (Sarajevo:
be erected, as a symbol of socialist progress, a tall building Veselin Maslesa, 1990). p. 53. English translation of the title by
D. Alic, Juraj Neidhardt, life and work.
which would house either the Balkan Institute or the
Academy of Sciences and Art . . . [This zone] could Zeynep Celik, "Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism", As-
represent one of the finest architectural achievements in setnblnge 17, (December 1992). pp. 59- 77.
Yugoslavia. "" Regarding Le Corbusier's work from this period see: McLeod,
According to Neidhardt the design of these buildings Mary, "Le Corbusier and Algiers", Opposirions 19, 20 (Win./
was based on the modern qualities of the Bosnian Oriental Spr. 19801, pp. 53- 85.
house, whose scale, materials, geometric composition, Dusan Grabrijan was born in 1899 in Slovenia. He finished hlgh
and rhythm were to be echoed in the contemporary school inLjubljanain 1919, andsoonaftercommenced studying
architecture of Bosnia, indicating the contribution of architecture, graduating from theclass of the architect Plecnik in
Bosnia's heritage to the development of the new Yugoslav 1924. He holds a particular position in the development of
architecture in Sarajevo and Bosnia in the time before and after
culture.
ACSA EUROPEAN CONFEREhCE * REKLIY

WWII (from 1930s to 1950s). He was one of few qualified '"mila Buturovic, "Producing and Annihilating the Ethos of
architects working in Sarajevo at that time, and certainly the Bosnian Islam." Cultural Survival Quarrerly, (Sum. 1995), pp.
most prominent architectural theoretician. 29-33.
Karlic-Kapetanovic Jelica suggests a number of reasons for I' Malcolm indicates that in the 1948 Yugoslav census the Mus-
Neidhardt's arrival in Bosnia, the main one being his need to lims had three possibilities to declare their nationality as: Mus-
obtain a securejob and build some of his projects; in addition his lim Serbs, Muslim Croats or Muslims, nationally undeclared.
wife was Bosnian and his close friend Grabrijan was living there Their reluctance to choose either Serbian or Croatian national
at the time. identity resulted in: 72,000 Muslims declared themselves as
Original title Grabrijan, Dusan, & Neidhardt, Juraj, Arhitekrura Serbs, 25,000 as Croats, but 778,000 registered as undeclared.
Bosne i Pur u Suvremeno, op cit. The book was published as a The next census in 1953, produced a similar result. This time the
result of approximately fifteen years of work. official policy promoted a spirit of Yugoslavism and the cat-
D. Grabrijan & J. Neidhardt,ArlzitekturaBosnei Puru Suvremeno,
egory Muslim was removed from the census altogether but .
people were allowed to declare as Yugoslav. nationally unde-
o p cir. p. 1 1. clared. InBosnia, 891,800didso. Malcolm, Noel. op cit., p. 198.
For a thorough general history of Bosnia see Malcolm, Noel: l 6 In the confusion over the Muslim status the term "Muslim"
Bosnia- A Short History, (London: Macmillan, 1994). Malcolm became ambiguous as it was used for denoting a national group
notes that the Communist Party took a softer approach towards as well as a religious one. In this text we refer to Bosnian
the Orthodox church as some of its clergy served as 'progres- Muslims as a national group interested in a Bosnian nationalism
sive' priests in Tito's army. He also indicates that some of the rather than a culture based on the principles of Islamic religion.
measures introduced by the Communists were covertly resisted.
Islamic texts continued to circulate, children were taught in '' Bejtic, Alija, Srara Sarnjevska Carsija- jucer, ckinas i surm.
mosques, the dervish orders kept up their practices in private Osnove ISmjernice za Regenaraciju, (Sarajevo: Gradski Zavod
houses, and one student organisation, the young Muslims, za Zastitu i Uredjenje Spomenika Kulture, 1969), p. 61.
resisted the campaign against Islam until several hundred of its Illustrations used in this paper were originally published in
members were imprisoned in 1949-50. Malcolm, N op cir. pp. (original title): Grabrijan, Dusan, & Neidhardt, Juraj.Ar11itekrurci
195- 196. Bosne i Put u Suvremeno, op cit.
Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country, Yugoslav U n i y and l9 D. Grabrijan & J. Neidhardt,ArlzirektumBosne i PuruSuvreme~zo,
Communist Revolution 1919- 1953, (Cambridge: Harvard Uni- op cir. p. 137.
versity Press, 1996), pp. 174- 176. 20 The old Catholic church in the Bascarsija area burnt in the fire
After 1954 the general conditions of religious life in Yugoslavia of 1697. The Austro- Hungarians established a new town centre
improved, a new law was passed guaranteeing freedom of further west from Bascarsija; in 1884-89 they built a new Roman
religion (again) and placing churches under direct state control. Catholic Cathedral.
Vigorous programs of restoring Orthodox monasteries started W. Lesnikowski (ed), East European Modernism, Arclzirecrure
from 1956 onwards, partly for tourist purposes. From 1947 a in Czechoslovakia, Hungnq and Polcind Behwen Wars. (Lon-
state controlled Islamic association was permitted to operate, don: Thames and Hudson, 1996), p. 10.
together with its one carefully supervised medresa for training
the Muslim Clergy. Malcolm, N. op. cit., p. 196. ?' D. Grabrijan& J. Neidhardt,ArlzirekruraBosnei Putu Suvremeno,
op cir., p. 137.