Clausewitz
Clausewitz
Clausewitz
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes is
collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Connections
Jasmin Čajić
Peace Support Operations Training Centre, HQ Camp Butmir, 71000 Sarajevo,
Bosnia and Herzegovina, http://www.psotc.org
Abstract: This article argues that Clausewitz’s writing on war nearly 200
years ago is still relevant for contemporary conflict resolution from at
least three aspects: his idea that war is “the continuation of policy by
other means”; secondly his analysis of the nature of war and the trinity
theory; and finally his understanding of the nature of the strategy. The
analysis in this article found that, if there is good policy from which to de-
rive a strategy, and if we are able to apply it efficiently, with support of
the people and international community, we have created solid precondi-
tions to win the war.
In addition, Clausewitz’s view of the issues associated with war, strat-
egy and conflict resolution is important for understanding the major is-
sues and decision making even while history and reality constrain his ab-
stractions with today’s experience. His theories and concepts are as rele-
vant today as they were two hundred years ago. Therefore, the twenty-
first century strategists and leaders are recommended to take into con-
sideration Clausewitz’s theories on war and strategy because they are still
applicable today. In short, Clausewitz is a theorist for the twenty-first
century.
Keywords: Clausewitz, war, policy, strategy, conflict resolution, security.
Carl von Clausewitz has been studied extensively for 150 years by dedicated
scholars and is acknowledged to be one of the few truly great writers on war.
Many aspects of his ideas and concepts have received much attention in recent
years and continue to remain relevant, and are often used in today’s doctrines
and for civil-military educational processes. Thus, the purpose of this paper is
to analyze the most important theoretical aspects of war and strategy ex-
pounded by Clausewitz, some of which are enduring contributions to contem-
porary thought and still relevant to today’s strategists.
Three crucial points will be used to support this contention. The first point is
a conventional reference to his thinking: one the one hand, “war is an exten-
sion of policy;” on the other, “war is an act of force to compel our enemy to do
our will.” 2 The second point relates to his analysis of the nature of war and trin-
ity theory. The final point concerns his understanding of the nature of strategy.
To begin, one may pose a basic question: what are Clausewitz’s most im-
portant contributions to the theory of war insofar as they are relevant to strat-
egists today? In other words, what can a nineteenth century Prussian general
teach a twenty-first century executive or entrepreneur about the theory of
war?
Clausewitz applied a scientific, methodological approach to analyzing war in
all of its aspects. This article presents and examines his most important and
enduring contributions to the theory of war and strategy, and underlines their
most important aspects. Firstly, particularly noteworthy is his famous conclu-
sion that “War is merely the continuation of policy by other means.” 3 The es-
sence of this theory was Clausewitz’s description of the vertical continuum of
war (policy and strategy tactics), which he presents in the strategic “ends,
ways, and means” paradigm. According to this, Clausewitz explains that “…war
in itself does not suspend political intercourse… War cannot be divorced from
political life…” 4
The excerpts above reveal how Clausewitz refers to the political objective of
war. This observation accurately captures the key aspect of war: its subordina-
tion to politics. Clausewitz’s teaching about the relationship between politics
and war can therefore be concluded with this summary: “Theory will have ful-
filled its main task when it is used to analyze the constituent elements of war...
1
Tiha von Ghyczy, Bolko von Oetinger, and Christopher Bassford, eds., Clausewitz on
Strategy. Inspiration and Insight from a Master Strategist (New York: John Wiley,
2001), 185.
2
Carl von Clausewitz, On War (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press,
1989), 75.
3
Ibid., 87
4
Ibid., 605.
73
Theory then becomes a guide to anyone who wants to learn about war from
books.” 5
Clausewitz sees war as completely subordinate to policy. In On War, he ex-
plains that “The political object—the original motive for the war—will thus de-
termine both the military objective to be reached and the amount of effort it
requires.” 6 In his view, “war is thus an act of force to compel our enemy to do
our will.” 7 It seems fair to say that this definition remains relevant today, with
the caveat that current conflicts include all kinds of asymmetric threats (ter-
rorism, organized crime, drug cartels, and so on.) Clearly, this definition em-
phasizes the centrality of combat, which separates war from conflict. To sup-
port previous points, Clausewitz describes war as “…a clash between major in-
terests, which is resolved by bloodshed – that is the only way in which it differs
from other conflicts.” 8 This leads to a clear understanding of the distinction be-
tween war and conflict, particularly in today’s contemporary environment in
which the threats are often asymmetric threats. However, what differentiates
warfare today from the warfare conducted during Clausewitz’s time should be
kept in mind. A crucial difference lies in the non-kinetic aspect of contemporary
warfare – namely, in information warfare. As a result of globalization and tech-
nological development that enables instant messaging over different infor-
mation platforms, information campaigns have a vital role to play in winning
wars by winning hearts and minds, as well as by discrediting the enemy (for ex-
ample recently in Afghanistan between NATO and Taliban forces).
In history, as well as in the contemporary world and in the future, Clause-
witz’s theories of war provide the scientific laws through which one may under-
stand the nature of war. For him, however, war was not an activity governed by
scientific laws, but rather a clash of wills or moral forces. Accordingly, the suc-
cessful commander was not the one who knew the rules of the game, but the
one who through his genius created them. This is the theory and philosophy of
war that lends his work timeless value.
Clausewitz is further important today because of his efforts to grasp the in-
trinsic nature of war. His approach, philosophical in its method, is not to be in-
terpreted as a checklist or a quantitative measure on how to address a war.
When it comes to an extremely important point, the morality of war, Clause-
witz says: “the moral factor is the most fluid element of all, and therefore
spreads most easily to affect everything else.” 9 No theory could be of any
value, he maintains, that did not account for these interconnected elements –
the uncertainty of all information, the importance of moral factors, and, lend-
ing emphasis to both of these, the unpredictable reaction of the adversary. This
5
Ibid., 141.
6
Ibid., 81.
7
Ibid., 75.
8
Ibid., 149.
9
Ibid., 97.
74
is one reason, in Clausewitz’s view, why moral forces are so important. As an-
other significant reason for the highest importance of moral elements in war,
Clausewitz emphasizes that
They constitute the spirit that permeates war as a whole, and at an early stage
they establish a close affinity with the will that moves and leads the whole mass
of force, practically merging with it, since the will is itself a moral quantity.10
Clausewitz discusses the moral qualities demanded of the troops elsewhere,
concluding: “No matter how clearly we see the citizen and the soldier in the
same man … the business of war will always be individual and distinct. Conse-
quently, soldiers will think of themselves as members of a kind of guild.” 11
Moreover, warfare is “Trinitarian.” Simply put, it is about people, armed
forces, and government.12 These three aspects are like three different codes of
law. Among these aspects, people are the most sensitive in terms of supporting
war. Without public support, no war can be conducted successfully. To have
their constant support, it is extremely important that the pubic be well in-
formed in order to be able to judge between “right” and “wrong.” Naturally,
people’s support becomes strongest regarding what is right and wrong—in-
deed, it becomes completely unquestionable—when they are directly exposed
to a threat. This could be any kind of direct security threat to their country that
they perceive. However, it must be emphasized that, today, the success of the
“trinity” also depends on international support in at least two ways: the legality
of the war and international support to the governments in question. The im-
portance of international support could be seen in the case of the USA invading
Iraq in 2003, and also in the case of Afghanistan two years earlier.
At this stage, it is worth mentioning Bassford’s observations about Clause-
witz’s trinity model, in which he points out:
Clausewitz’s Trinity is all-inclusive and universal, comprising the subjective and
the objective; the unilateral and multilateral; the intellectual, the emotional, and
the physical components that comprise the phenomenon of war in any human
construct. Understanding it as the central, connecting idea in Clausewitzian the-
ory will help us to order the often confusing welter of his ideas and to apply
them, in a useful, comparative manner, both to the history of the world we live
in and to its present realities.13
No one can win war passively; it can only be won actively and decisively.
The combination of diplomatic, informational, military, and economic power
(DIME) has become essential in the contemporary world. Intelligence is ex-
10
Ibid., 184.
11
Ibid., 187.
12
Ibid., 89.
13
Christopher Bassford, “The Primacy of Policy and the ‘Trinity’ in Clausewitz’s Mature
Thought,” in Clausewitz in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Hew Strachan and Andreas
Herberg-Rothe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 74–90.
75
14
Geoffrey Parker, ed., The Cambridge History of Warfare (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2005), 1.
15
Clausewitz, On War, 128.
76
16
Ibid., 177.
17
Ibid., 177.
77
to wage war; if just one side wants a physical clash, it will occur; in fact, the ini-
tiating side has an advantage, as does the chess player with white pieces.
Likewise, morality is a psychological power that leads toward victory and
can be influenced by positive and negative ideology. It can bring either pure
and glorious victory or lead to war crimes with a moral alibi. Contrary to morals
that help to win, fog and friction are everlasting and inevitable intrusive factors
in war. That these factors can be reduced by training, discipline, and high tech-
nology leads to a conclusion that more developed nations have a better chance
at reducing them.
An essential element of support to the military during war is the backing of
the public, which is strongest when it is directly exposed to threat. Only an ac-
tive and decisive comprehensive approach can lead to victory. In terms of effi-
ciency, the most successful waging of war uses the Western approach with its
superior technology, discipline, and aggressive military tradition, along with the
ability to respond dynamically and the capacity to mobilize capital. Regarding
strategy, it is both an art and a science in using means to reach the ends of
policy. Determining strategy is a highly demanding activity for its makers in the
extremely complex contemporary world.
Ultimately, if good policy exists from which to derive strategy, and if it is
possible to apply it at a high level of efficiency alongside arguments that gain
the unwavering support of the people and the international community, there
will be favorable preconditions to win a war.
78