20bee0057 VL2023240104904 Da

DIGITAL ASSIGNMENT -1
HUM1012-INTRODUCTION OF SOCIOLOGY
NAME: ROSHAN K REG NUM: 20BEE0057
Topic: Evolution of Caste-Class Dynamics in India
Introduction:
Caste and class remain some of the most significant aspects of stratification in India,
among other dimensions of inequalities and exclusions based on economic positions
and social identities of individuals, such as gender, religion, race and ethnicity, and so
on (Bhowmik, 1992; Deshpande, 2000; Thorat, 2013; Patankar, 2015). A large body
of research has shown how caste and class are crucial in promoting and maintaining
the process of social exclusion of a significant portion of the people from the political,
economic, and cultural domains.
Analysis:
The percentages of the population that are STs, SCs, OBCs, and Others are around
8.45 percent, 18.57 percent, 43.58 percent, and 29.41 percent, respectively, in 2011–
12. The percentage of OBCs has grown by around 8 percentage points over the
research period, whereas the percentage of Forward castes has fallen by roughly 7
percentage points. The data presented in Figure 1 below indicates that there have been
no significant shifts in the ratio of SCs to STs over this time.
The class composition in the rural and urban sectors is shown in Tables 4.1 and 4.2,
respectively. Table 4.1 shows the distribution of classes in the rural population in
2011–12. Peasants, rural labourers, professionals, and NASE make up around 38.73
percent, 43.21 percent, 3.47 percent, and 14.59 percent of the total.22, There has been
a slight decrease in the percentage of peasants and rural labourers between 1999 and
2012, although the percentage of rural professionals and non-agriculture self-
employed. According to the thorough categorization of class categories, the proportion
of labor employed in agriculture has significantly decreased (by approximately 9.72
percentage points) during the course of the study, while the proportion of labor
employed in non-agriculture has significantly increased (by approximately 8.16
percentage points). During this time of rapid economic expansion, there appears to
have been a shift in the rural population away from agriculture, as indicated by the
general drop in the share of peasants and agricultural labor. This shift may be seen as
a natural course of growth.
Table 4.2 shows that the percentage of professionals and managers has grown by
approximately 2.78 percentage points in the urban sector, whereas the percentage of
regular and casual workers and the self-employed class has marginally decreased
throughout this time. In 2011–12, the percentages of the urban population that are
self-employed, regular and casual workers, professionals, and managers are around
40.2 percent, 40.21 percent, and 19.59 percent, respectively.
The median monthly per capita expenditure (MPCE) for each caste group in the rural
and urban sectors is shown in Tables 4.3 and 4.4. Table 4.3 shows that all caste groups
have witnessed an increase in the median MPCE in the rural sector, with OBCs
achieving the greatest improvements over the whole period. But over time, the
difference in the median MPCEs of STs and SCs compared to Others has grown,
whereas the difference in the median MPCEs of OBCs compared to Others has
somewhat decreased. Likewise, there has been a rise in the difference in the median
MPCE of STs and SCs compared to OBCs throughout this time frame. Table 4.4 also
suggests an increase in the median MPCE for all caste groups in the urban sector with
Others accounting for the highest gains. SCs, STs and OBCs have lower average
MPCE as compared to Others in 1999-2000 (i.e., they start from a lower base
To discern and deconstruct the ways in which the relationships between castes and
classes have evolved broadly during this era of rapid economic expansion, we create a
matrix that characterizes the population's class distribution across all caste groupings
and the caste makeup of all classes in both the rural and urban domains.
The distribution of classes among different caste groupings is seen in Table
4.5.22 It implies that throughout this era of rapid expansion, the peasant class has
suffered a fall in its percentage in the rural sector across all caste groups, with the
decline being more significant for OBCs and Others. In addition, the percentage of
workers has decreased for every caste group. 24- The proportion of OBCs in the
NASE class has decreased, while the number of STs, SCs, and Others has somewhat
increased. Additionally, the percentage of rural professionals among SCs, OBCs, and
Others has increased somewhat. According to Table 4.6, the percentage of self-
employed people in the urban sector has decreased for STs, SCs, and OBCs while
modestly increasing for Others throughout this time. It is evident that while the
percentage of regular or casual workers has decreased for SCs, OBCs, and Others, it
has climbed for STs. Also, the percentage of professionals and managers has increased
over time for all caste groups.
In the urban sector, STs and SCs were overrepresented in the classes of regular
and casual workers in 1999–2000, while they were underrepresented in the class of
self-employed people. Compared to the Forward castes, STs and SCs had 7.39 and
5.01 percentage points lower rates of self-employment, respectively, in 1999–2000.
Over the course of the study, their underrepresentation increased even more: in 2011–
12, the likelihood that a person was self-employed was 5.16 percentage points lower
for SCs and 7.53 percentage points lower for STs compared to Others. In a similar
vein, the data imply that throughout this time of rapid expansion, their individual
overrepresentations in the class of regular or casual workers have further increased.
Upon closer examination of the matrices, certain patterns of correlation between

various caste groups and classes become apparent. It is evident that underprivileged
caste groups like SCs and STs have the lowest representation in courses among
working people.which, like rural areas, have access to higher education and/or have
high median MPCEs professionals, farmers, and NASE in the rural area, in addition to
the professional class and in the urban sector, managers and independent contractors.
Additionally, they are highly concentrated on the lowest rungs of the consumption
ladder, the rural and urban labor classes a hierarchy.
The patterns of transitions for all conceivable combinations of caste and class in both
the rural and urban sectors are given in Tables 6.5 and 6.6. In the rural sector, there
are almost similar numbers of examples reflecting a weakening or strengthening of
caste-class ties, whereas there are more cases suggesting a strengthening of current
ties in the urban sector. The findings indicate that while there have been some partial
dilutions of the pre-existing caste-class ties, overall, throughout the time of rapid
economic expansion, the caste-class relationships have solidified.
These patterns indicate that although STs, SCs, and OBCs have generally achieved
some progress, the rates of advancement have differed depending on the caste and
class group. The differences between the Forward and the oppressed caste
groups.Castes have not gotten any smaller, and the ties that formerly existed between
the Classes and castes have mostly remained in place. Later, in section 6, we talk
about further empirical findings using a regression approach to investigate and discuss
these tendencies in greater depth.
Conclusion:
The interplay between caste and class within social dynamics is a complex and
nuanced phenomenon. Sociological theories, such as Marxism, Weberianism, and
intersectionality, offer valuable insights into understanding the intricate relationship
between these two systems. Data from India, a country with a deeply entrenched caste
system, illustrates how caste-based discrimination and economic disparities interact,
influencing social mobility, political representation, and overall quality of life.
In this analysis, we've seen that while caste and class are distinct, they are often
inseparable in practice, with caste functioning as a powerful determinant of an
individual's social identity and opportunities. To address the challenges posed by this
interplay, it is essential to acknowledge and confront both caste-based discrimination
and economic disparities, and to develop policies and interventions that recognize the
complex interaction between caste and class within social dynamics.

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Upon closer examination of the matrices, certain patterns of correlation between

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