Discuss the interdependencies and impact of economic formulations ( especially

focusing on post 1990 reforms) on the social fissures like caste,class and gender.

Economics,like every other branch of social science is a multifaceted subject being determined
by fissures of various sociological factors like caste,class and gender. The post LPG era has
indeed changed the dynamics of relationship between the economy and the sociological factors
mentioned above, with the three being a consequential aspects of society and the main focus of
affirmative actions of the government.Thus, a detailed study is needed to comprehend this
syncretism and proper study of these fissures needed to be ascertained.

There is view that liberalisation would eventually brought down the scope for inter- group
disparities. The reason stated for these assertions are multiple which include shift in market
orientation to profit maximisation, which is not constrained by labour discrimination based on
narrow lenses of caste,class or gender . MNCs would put emphasis on proper utilisation of
resources without concerning the local hierarchies and prejudices. The greater integration of
India’s economy would create more avenues and impetus for marginalised groups to increase in
hierarchy and decrease inter group disparities.

Contrary to these set of assumptions, there are few other view to be reckoned with . It is
possible that marginalised group with their legacy of exclusion of non educational background
would not able to avail these glowing opportunities. Also these MNCs don’t work in vacuum and
they are well aware of the the local societal structure and sought to not interrupt it and pave the
hiring or managerial positions to local agents who inevitably furthers these marginalisation of
specific groups. Indeed, recent research in the mechanics of the hiring process in urban formal
labour markets (Deshpande and Newman 2007; Jodhka and Newman 2007) indicates that lip-
service to merit notwithstanding, managers show a deep awareness of the overlapping and
complex categories of caste, class, religion, and gender, and of the strong stereotypical beliefs
that merit is distributed along axes defined by these social identities. This is as true for private
domestic firms as it is for MNCs.

Each renewed controversy over affirmative action inevitably rekindles the debate over the
continued relevance or otherwise of caste as a category shaping economic outcomes in
contemporary India. At the moment, availability of data on caste categories is dictated by
the needs of the affirmative action policy, such that data are collected
by broad aggregate groups which contain within them several diverse jatis
• and tribes, not separately enumerated: Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), Other
Backward Classes (OBCs) and Others (the residual)

The caste question

The main source of economic disparity among various castes is the traditional link between caste
and occupation.The varna system reflected a rudimentary form of division but it operative
contemporary form of Jatti reflect a complex phenomenon accommodating the contemporary
needs.In independent India it is considered that this caste-occupation link would be indeed
broken due to modern economic restricting and new ideals. However, an examination of the
persistence or weakening
of the link between caste and occupation has to be done at two levels:one is that the top and
bottom of traditional hierarchy being allocated randomly and second is the supposed overlap
between position and traditional caste hierarchy modern occupation spectrum.Thus, various
databases and researched points out to inter caste disparities with higher caste having better
economic opportunities in comparison to lower castes or between broad aggregate groups of
SCs( or STs) or others exhibiting inter state variations.

One way of estimating this disparities is looking through the prism of monthly per capita
expenditure (MPCN). Based on NSS employment- unemployment surveys for 1983, 1993-4,
1999-2000, and 2004-5, we find that for rural and urban India, at the national level, the ratio of
SC-ST MPCE to Others' MPCE registered a sharp decline between the first two rounds, ot pick
up gradually over the remaining rounds. Hnatkovska et al. (2012) find a strong convergence
between SCs and Others in educational and occupational attainment as wel as in consumption
and wages and suggest that the convergence is driven by the narrowing of educational gaps.

To trace these inter state disparities among broad caste groups like SCs and others Ashwini
Deshpande has created a a'Caste Development Index' (CDI) based on onal attainment,
occupational five indicators of standard of living (educati
attainment, land ownership, livestock ownership, and consumer durable ownership) (Deshpande
2001), and calculated CDI values using the three rounds of the National Family and Health Survey
(NFHS) data for each of the caste groups, by state. She has also ranked the states on the basis
of state domestic product (SDP), CDI for SCs and disparity between SCs and others.Through
these criterion she has observed some interesting findings.

She has illustrated a clearer sense of pattern in relationship between material position of state ,
material strength of SCs and inter caste disparities. For instance Tamil Nadu with a ranking of 6
in material prosperity stood last in last two rounds of inter caste disparity and stood 13 out of 18
states if concerning the position the CDI for SCs . Uttar Pradesh , a poorer state as compared to
other Indian states have also recorded a poor record in index of CDI for SCs and inter state
disparities which clearly recognised this embedded incompatibility between material prosperity
of the state and material well being of lower groups.

Impact of liberalisation and globalisation on inter group disparities

The liberalisation and globalisation of Indian economy with world would also affect its social
fissures and economic relations between the communities which could either accentuate or
mitigate inter group disparities. It is argued that globalisation and greater integration of India’s
economy with that of world would open new opportunities and avenues for lower caste groups
and empowers Dalits si by 'universalising access to aspirations. The reference is to the process
of certain consumer goods being plentifully and cheaply available (for example, colour
televisions, mobile phones, refrigerators, and air conditioners) and within the reach of the Dalits,
goods that are supposed ot be 'material markers of pride. It
Is argued that this has broken the exclusivity of the 'predominantly Upper
Caste Consumer Club, aprocess aided also by the rise of Dalit entrepreneurs. Omvedt (2005)
argues that globalization is inevitable, already a reality for India and ti has many positive aspects.
Thus, instead of taking a
blind anti-globalization position (as she argues the Left and ecologists in India take), she
suggests that we need to think about a comprehensive and nuanced response of Dalits and
Adivasis to these changing realities. This sentiment is echoed by others in that Dalits are asked
to view globalization as an opportunity rather than as a threat.

On the other hand , it is also probable that it would deepen the disparities because of exclusion
of Dalits from the general tapestry of society which could hurt their economic prospects and
reap the benefits of this economic change.Given the existing educational disparities by caste,
prima facie ,it spreads that a large section of Dalits and women will not be prime candidates for
jobs . Additionally, research into pathways through which caste plays a role in urban , formal
labour markets suggests that Dalits even face direct and indirect discriminatory barriers even
after they acquire higher education from a reputed school or institution.

Class conflict - Left wing extremism

In these two decades of economic growth there is invariably a palpable increase in the numbers
of high net individuals as mentioned in wealth report by Merrill lynch global wealth management
report which exhibited that the cumulative wealth of Indian HNIs grew by 2 per cent in 2009-10
ot Rs 28,60,000 crore from a year ago. There is an also considerable growth of Indian middle
class defined by various standards . These two groups constitute most of the demand in urban
centres . One side of hte Indian growth story is reflected in the growth of the super rich and the
middle class. However, the other side of the story is rising inequality reflected in growing class
discontent which has found expression through the rise of the Maoist movement, which has
spread ot several states in India, including Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh,
Odisha, Maharashtra, and Karnataka. Today, this movement, christened left wing extremism'
(LWE) by the Indian state. Various researches have found various causes for these left wing
extremism .Boorah finds districts with low level literacy and less access to safe drinking water
thus linking to lack development and high poverty rate as manic reason for Maoist insurgency.
lyer finds that conflict is higher in poorer regions, with a large effect:
lyer finds that conflict is higher in poorer regions, with a large effect:
an increase in poverty by 10 percentage points is associated with 0.26 incidents of conflict per
district. This is quite high compared ot an average
of 70 incidents per district. A 10 percentage point increase in poverty is associated with 0.39
more deaths for an average district (compared to the mean level of 0.60 deaths per district).
Other than these other causes are social diversity , discrimination of land by based landed
magnates and zamindars and reduced access to forest cover and inability to practice their
traditional occupation. Thus, evidence suggests that poverty, illiteracy or more broadly, under-
development, combined with inequality in land ownership are the key factors responsible for the
sustained growth of the Maoist movement in
the last decade or so.

Official response to LWE

While the movement and its sym- pathizers view themselves as spearheading a revolution for
radical social transformation in response ot deprivation and inequality, the official view inverts
the cause and effect and sees the movement as causing deprivation in order to sustain its
ideology.

Following directly from this view, the mainstream official view is towards the elimination of the
movement through force. Increased Maoist activity has been met by increased police repression,
resulting in heavy casualties on both side. There are various state outfits like Greyhounds
(Andhra pradesh ) and salwa judum ( Chattisgarh) who indulge in State-sponsored counter-
violence, bypassing the due process of law and justice is now amatter of serious concern.

While this is the dominant approach, attempts have been made through the appointment of
commissions, most notably through the formation of
an expert group set up by the Planning Commission in 2008, to examine
the 'Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas. The group's report comprehensively
outlines multi-faceted sources of discontent in areas of Maoist activity, with detailed outline of
the multiple class-caste- gender disadvantages of Dalits, Adivasis, and women. The highlights,
in particular , the sources of tribal alienation and a deep sense of exclusion, since despite several
special and targeted policies, a majority of the Scheduled Tribes live in conditions of serious
deprivation and poverty.In addition to poverty
and illiteracy, the expert group highlighted the following causes of tribal discontent: 'absence of
self-governance, forest policy, excise policy, land related issues (forced evictions from land,
displacement) political marginalisation . The report also points out that 'failure to implement
protective regulations in Scheduled Areas, absence of credit mechanism leading to dependence
on money lenders and consequent loss of land and often violence by the State is rampant
(emphasis added).Thus the recommendations of these committees are needed to be taken into
account and comprehensive strategies should be taken to do away with the vice of income
inequality.
inequality.

Gender Disparites

Gender disparities in educational and occupational attainment persist in Indian society, drawing
considerable academic and policy attention. Gender wage gaps are a focus, with discrimination
measured by decomposing the wage gap into explained and residual components. Analysis of
employment-unemployment survey data from 2009-10 shows that the gender wage gap in India
is higher at lower parts of the wage distribution, indicating a 'sticky floor' phenomenon. Gender
wage gaps remained virtually unchanged for highly paid and poorly paid workers between
1999-2010. Gender wage gaps are substantial, particularly for the lower part of the wage
distribution, with discrimination highest among low wage earners. As many as 42 percent of
women in the regular wage salaried category earn less than the statutory minimum. The state
needs to step in decisively to address redistribution and ensure equitable distribution of gains
from growth across India's diverse population. Transparency, inclusivity, and accountability in
governance structures are essential for addressing disparities and ensuring equitable growth.

Name - Moksh kothari

Course - History ( Honours)
Roll No-11511