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There are many educators who enthusiastically use Zinn in the classroom. But “ would have agreed
to stop the war.” Not only is Zinn certain about the history that’s happened. For either a quantitative
or a qualitative study, using an already validated survey instrument is easier to defend and does not
require a pilot study; however, Chapter 3 must contain a careful review of the instrument and how it
was validated by the creator. The population that will be used is identified, whether it will be
randomly or purposively chosen, and the location of the study is summarized. He is conflating draft
refusal with conscientious objection, which are not the same categories. In a qualitative study, it may
be assumed that participants be highly qualified in the study is about administrators. Consequently,
the colonial government recognizes the necessity of appealing to the lower class and begins
implementing economic policies to achieve this. They were treated as second class citizens as they
were not allowed ownership of land in the more fertile Eastern regions. When we deconstruct
Wineburg’s arguments piece by piece, the structure falls quickly. Teaching from the perspective of a
people’s history, on the other hand, is a way of analyzing historical information and asking critical
questions that reveal relationships of power. The focus of the Background of the Problem is where a
gap in the knowledge is found in the current body of empirical (research) literature. A gap in the
knowledge is the entire reason for the study, so state it specifically and exactly. Zinn’s language is
restrained when describing antiwar activism. Do not keep the reader waiting to find out the precise
subject of the dissertation. He accuses Zinn of not using footnotes, while not providing any evidence
for his own claims. He also implies that teachers use A People’s History of the United States
uncritically, as a text for students to read and memorize. When the research is finished, the
contribution to the knowledge will be the answer to these questions. And in such a world of conflict,
a world of victims and executioners, it is the job of thinking people, as Albert Camus suggested, not
to be on the side of the executioners. The People’s History of the United States is a landmark
scholarly achievement in this regard. Wineburg’s history is one of collecting statistics without
commentary, as if the statistics are inherently objective. Wineburg’s well-cited arguments and use of
history are elegant enough to plant seeds of doubt among readers, opening up the possibility that
Zinn was, in fact, being manipulative. Howard Zinn’s work represents a fundamental challenge to
this worldview. In this chapter it tells a story about slavery before and after the Civil War. The blacks
and natives were recognized for their physical strength and dexterity to do farm work. The struggle
for unity between classes was a driving force towards the revolution. Indeed, a whole century prior
to the revered American Declaration of Independence, Bacon and his contingency had given their
own manifesto titled Declaration of the People. (Chapter 3, page 106) In many ways this document
has more democratic credentials than its famous successor. The rest of this essay is an attempt to do
the same with respect to the first five chapters of the book in question. He brought a radical
transformation to the construction of history that was previously unheard of. In doing this, Wineburg
uses the issue of “evidence” as a way of discrediting the essential questions Zinn wants us to think
about in the study of history. In this context it is interesting to scrutinize the rationale and the
thought process of the author in his choice of chapter titles and their contents. Native Indians were
masters at exploiting natural resources to their best advantage.
Weinberg supplies a series of nameless Amazon.com reviews of Zinn’s book as proof of the zealotry
that Zinn inspires in readers. Nevertheless, Wineburg is critical of Zinn’s reliance on just two
“revisionist” scholars: Gar Alperovitz’s Atomic Diplomacy (1967) and Martin Sherwin’s A World
Destroyed (1975). Indeed, a whole century prior to the revered American Declaration of
Independence, Bacon and his contingency had given their own manifesto titled Declaration of the
People. (Chapter 3, page 106) In many ways this document has more democratic credentials than its
famous successor. Wineburg uses the facade of “evidence” to argue that a people’s history is an
untenable project that cannot support the real facts of history. I want my students to immediately
conjure up these images when our government comes knocking for the next war, so that they are
equipped to make conscientious choices about their role in subsequent conflicts rather than ignoring
such debates as the same empty abstractions they talk about in history classes. He is arguing that the
most important message that students take away from the story of the United States dropping bombs
on Japanese civilians is the inability of the U.S. government to make any other logical choice. Zinn
states that “these questions deserve thought,” language that does not coerce students to make any
specific conclusions about history, but rather to think critically about who writes and defines history.
He accuses Zinn of “chronological bait and switch,” arguing that Zinn is playing “fast and loose with
historical context,” in order to convince the reader to condemn U.S. participation in WWII. Wineburg
picks and chooses Zinn’s evidence and quotes in a way that frames Zinn as purely an ideologue
rather than a competent scholar. In his book “A People’s History of the United States” Zinn. Unlike
traditional narratives that distort or downplay the truth, Zinn's objective was to present a transparent
depiction of our country's past. In a qualitative study this would include the number of participants,
the geographical location, and other pertinent numerical data. In a quantitative study, the
instrumentation will be validated in Chapter 3 in detail. I want my students to contemplate the
possibilities for alternative readings of history and apply those same processes when evaluating world
events today. More importantly, the book has brought balance to historical recounting of events,
where erstwhile only the elite point of view was accepted and made available to the public. The
section is a brief two to four page summary of the major findings in the field of interest that cites the
most current finding in the subject area. Native Indians were masters at exploiting natural resources
to their best advantage. In this context it is interesting to scrutinize the rationale and the thought
process of the author in his choice of chapter titles and their contents. As for the second V, victory
on the battlefields of Europe and Asia, Zinn claims that an attitude of “ widespread indifference,
even hostility,” typified African Americans’ stance toward the war. Nonetheless, the colonies desire
an autonomous self-governance free from British influence. The skin color of the native Indians as
well as African slaves were both taken as sufficient justification for their subordinate status. His
interpretation, influenced by Marxism, offers an intriguing perspective from the viewpoint of the
people. Additional materials, such as the best quotations, synonyms and word definitions to make
your writing easier are also offered here. This disparity causes the poorer colonists to align with
British government due to their discontent with the upper-class colonists. Reading Zinn’s chapter
next to Wineburg’s critique gives us the opportunity to critically investigate these accusations, while
also seeing that the real target here is not “evidence” as much as it is a people’s history. The
distribution of wealth within the colonies is uneven, resulting in a disparity between social classes.
The question is important, not just as a matter of historical accuracy, but because any emphasis on
“natural” racism lightens the responsibility of the social system.” (Chapter 2, page 80). Hypotheses
are testable predictions to the gap in the knowledge. The history of any country, presented as the
history of a family conceals fierce conflicts of interest (sometimes exploding, most often repressed)
between conquerors and conquered, masters and slaves, capitalists and workers, dominators and
dominated in race and sex. When we deconstruct Wineburg’s arguments piece by piece, the structure
falls quickly.
Statements: requires them to present fairly (representing faithfully the effects of transactions) the
financial position and performance of an entity. In a qualitative study this would include the number
of participants, the geographical location, and other pertinent numerical data. The colonies longed for
independent self-government, and wealth was unevenly distributed, leading to a separation of
classes. Universities often arrange the content in a different order, but the subject matter is the same
in all dissertations because it is an empirical “opening statement” as might be found in a court of law.
(Note that a dissertation could also be five pages of text and 50 pages of pictures of dragonfly wings
and qualify for a Doctor’s degree in entomology.). Rather, he is addressing the hypocrisy implicit in
most textbook treatments of WWII — that the Germans were monsters and Americans and Brits
were the saviors; a just fight of good vs. evil. The contribution to the body of knowledge is
described, and summarizes who will be able to use the knowledge to make better decisions, improve
policy, advance science, or other uses of the new information. He claims the book is mainstream and
that many teachers assign it as the only history text. Wineburg focuses much of his attention on
Zinn’s handling of World War II. He ranted about the significant separation between the rich and the
poor class, the. A qualitative interview should contain no less than 10 open-ended questions and take
no less than 1 hour to administer to qualify as “robust” research. He is asking us to think about our
own nation’s history and the ways we create and support terrorism, racism, and militarism. He also
deleted the first few words of Zinn’s quote that begins with “there seemed to be...,” language that
qualifies what comes next. For example, while he has time to analyze anonymous Amazon.com
reviews, he chooses to skip the Howard Zinn papers currently housed at New York University’s
Tamiment Library, including letters sent to Zinn from students and teachers describing the impact of
his work on their understanding of history. More importantly, Wineburg’s assertion that the
distinctions between military and civilian targets were irrelevant is exactly the kind of statement that
Zinn wants us to critically analyze. Each research question will have both a null and an alternative
hypothesis in a quantitative study. By siding with the oppressed, the underprivileged, the victims,
the poor and the weak, he made their voices heard through his writing. It is not a creative writing
project in a creative writing class; hence, once a word or phrase is established in Chapter 1, use the
same word or phrase throughout the dissertation. This gave rise to a stead accumulation of feelings
of resentment and disappointment, the culmination of which was the outright militant rebellion
mastered by Nathaniel Bacon. His interpretation, influenced by Marxism, offers an intriguing
perspective from the viewpoint of the people. If we read Wineburg’s article without Zinn side by
side, it is easy to take Wineburg’s critique at face value and assume that Zinn was making untenable
statements about black resistance to WWII. It indicted the Berkeley administration for unjust taxes,
for putting favorites in high positions, for monopolizing the beaver trade, and for not protecting the
western farmers from the Indians. But when Zinn plies the counterfactual, he seems to know
something no one else knows — including historians who’ve given their professional lives to the
topic: “If only the Americans had not insisted on unconditional surrender — that is, if they were
willing to accept one condition to the surrender, that the Emperor, a holy figure to the Japanese,
remain in place — the Japanese would have agreed to stop the war.” Not might have, not may have,
not could have. Indeed, a whole century prior to the revered American Declaration of Independence,
Bacon and his contingency had given their own manifesto titled Declaration of the People. (Chapter
3, page 106) In many ways this document has more democratic credentials than its famous
successor. These are vitally important perspectives we need to encourage students of history to
consider. For these reasons, Wineburg warns, educators should be careful about using Zinn’s work in
the classroom. Old Major calls a meeting in the barn in which he speaks of the rebellion and
animalism. Nevertheless, Wineburg is critical of Zinn’s reliance on just two “revisionist” scholars:
Gar Alperovitz’s Atomic Diplomacy (1967) and Martin Sherwin’s A World Destroyed (1975). More
importantly, the book has brought balance to historical recounting of events, where erstwhile only the
elite point of view was accepted and made available to the public. The persons of such abomination
were none other than disadvantaged white settlers. What is interesting is what Wineburg does not
include from Zinn’s chapter — the quotes that reveal the real power of a people’s history.