Pakistani Taliban

The Pakistani Taliban (Urdu: ‫)پاکستانی طالبان‬, formally called

the Tehreek-e-Taliban-e-Pakistan (‫تحریِک طالبان پاکستان‬,
abbr. TTP), is an umbrella organization of various Islamist armed
militant groups operating along the Afghan–Pakistani border.
Formed in 2007 by Baitullah Mehsud, its current leader is Noor Wali
Mehsud, who has publicly pledged allegiance to the Afghan Taliban
(Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan).[28][2] The Pakistani Taliban share a
common ideology with the Afghan Taliban and have assisted them in
the 2001–2021 war, but the two groups have separate operation
and command structures.[30][31]
 Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan

‫تحریِک طالبان پاکستان‬

Flags used by the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan[1]

Also known as Pakistani Taliban

(‫)پاکستانی طالبان‬

Leaders Baitullah Mehsud †[2]

(2007–09)
Hakimullah Mehsud †[3][4]
(2009–13)
 Fazal Hayat †[5]
(2013–18)
Noor Wali Mehsud
(since 2018)

Dates of operation December 2007 – present

Allegiance Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan

(self-declared, publicly rejected by
IEA)[6][7]

Headquarters Eastern
Afghanistan[8][9][10][11][12][13]

Ideology Wahhabism[14]
Islamic Fundamentalism[15][16][17][18]
Pashtunwali[19]
Sectarianism[20]
Separatism[21][22][23][24]

Size 25,000 in 2014[25]

 3,000–5,000 in Afghanistan in
2019 (according to U.S.
Department of Defense)[26][27]
3,000–5,500 in Afghanistan in
2022 (UN intelligence
estimates)[28]
7,000–10,000 in 2022
(Pakistani government
estimate)[29]

Allies Afghan Taliban (denied by

the Afghan Taliban)[30][31][6][7]
Islamic State[32][33]
Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-
Shariat-e-Mohammadi[34]
Islamic state Khorasan
group[35]
 Jundallah[36]
Al-Qaeda
Islamic Movement of
Uzbekistan
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi
Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan

Opponents China
Pakistan
United Kingdom
United States

Battles and wars Insurgency in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,

War in Afghanistan (2001–2021),
Global War on Terrorism

Designated as a terrorist group by United Nations [37]

Pakistan[38]
 Canada[39]
United Kingdom[40]
United States[41]

Most Taliban groups in Pakistan coalesce under the TTP.[42] Among

the stated objectives of TTP is resistance against the Pakistani
state.[2][43] The TTP's aim is to overthrow the government of
Pakistan by waging a terrorist campaign against the Pakistan armed
forces and the state.[44] The TTP depends on the tribal belt along
the Afghanistan–Pakistan border, from which it draws its recruits.
The TTP receives ideological guidance from and maintains ties with
al-Qaeda.[44] After the Pakistani military operations in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, some of the TTP militants escaped from Pakistan to
Afghanistan,[45] where some of them joined Islamic State – Khorasan
Province, while others remained part of the TTP.[46] As of 2019,
there are around 3,000 to 4,000 TTP militants in Afghanistan,
according to a United States Department of Defense report.[26][47][48]
Between July and November 2020, the Amjad Farouqi group, one
faction of the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, the Musa Shaheed Karwan group,
Mehsud factions of the TTP, Mohmand Taliban, Bajaur Taliban,
Jamaat-ul-Ahrar, and Hizb-ul-Ahrar merged with TTP. This
reorganization made TTP more deadly and led to increased
attacks.[49]

In 2020, after years of factionalism and infighting, the TTP under

the leadership of Noor Wali Mehsud underwent reorganization and
reunification. Mehsud has essentially steered the TTP in a new
direction, sparing civilians and ordering assaults only on security
and law enforcement personnel, in an attempt to rehabilitate the
group's image and distance them from the Islamic State militant
group's extremism.[50]
After the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021, Pakistan
was unable to persuade the Afghan Taliban to crack down on the
TTP.[51] The Afghan Taliban instead mediated talks between Pakistan
and the TTP, leading to the release of dozens of TTP prisoners in
Pakistan and a temporary ceasefire between the Pakistani
government and the TTP.[52][53][54] After the ceasefire expired on 10
December 2021, the TTP increased attacks on Pakistani security
forces from sanctuaries inside Afghanistan. The Pakistani airstrikes
in Afghanistan's Khost and Kunar provinces on 16 April 2022
appeared to have been conducted in retaliation to the surge in
terror attacks in Pakistan.[55]
History

Roots and development

The roots of the TTP as an organization began in 2002 when the

Pakistani military conducted incursions into the tribal areas to
originally combat foreign (Afghan, Arab and Central Asian) militants
fleeing from the war in Afghanistan into the neighboring tribal
areas of Pakistan.[56][57] A 2004 article by the BBC explains:

The military offensive had been

part of the overall war against
al-Qaeda. ... Since the start of the
operation, the [Pakistani]
military authorities have firmly
established that a large number
of Uzbek, Chechen and Arab
militants were in the area. ... It
was in July 2002 that Pakistani
troops, for the first time in 55
years, entered the Tirah Valley
(Orakzai Agency) in Khyber
tribal agency. Soon they were in
Shawal valley of North
Waziristan, and later in South
Waziristan. ... This was made
possible after long negotiations
with various tribes, who
reluctantly agreed to allow the
military's presence on the
assurance that it would bring in
funds and development work.
But once the military action
started in South Waziristan a
number of Waziri sub-tribes
took it as an attempt to
subjugate them. Attempts to
persuade them into handing
over the foreign militants failed,
and with an apparently
mishandling by the authorities,
the security campaign against
suspected al-Qaeda militants
turned into an undeclared war
 between the Pakistani military
and the rebel tribesmen.[57]

Many of the TTP's leaders are veterans of the fighting in

Afghanistan and have supported the fight against the NATO-led
International Security Assistance Force by providing soldiers,
training, and logistics.[43] In 2004 various tribal groups, as explained
above, that would later form the TTP, effectively established their
authority in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) by
concurrently engaging in military attacks and negotiating with
Islamabad. By this time, the militants had killed around 200 rival
tribal elders in the region to consolidate control.[2] Several Pakistani
analysts also cite the inception of U.S. missile strikes in the FATA
as a catalyzing factor in the rise of tribal militancy in the area.
More specifically they single out an October 2006 strike on a
madrassah in Bajaur that was run by the Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-
Shariat-e-Mohammadi as a turning point.[58]

In December 2007, the existence of the TTP was officially announced

under the leadership of Baitullah Mehsud.[2] It was formed in
response to Pakistan military operation against Al-Qaeda militants
in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in 2007.[44]

On 25 August 2008, Pakistan banned the group, froze its bank

accounts and assets, and barred it from media appearances. The
government also announced that bounties would be placed on
prominent leaders of the TTP.[59]

In late December 2008 and early January 2009, Mullah Omar sent a
delegation, led by former Guantanamo Bay detainee Mullah Abdullah
Zakir, to persuade leading members of the TTP to put aside
differences and aid the Afghan Taliban in combating the American
presence in Afghanistan.[43] Baitullah Mehsud, Hafiz Gul Bahadur, and
Maulavi Nazir agreed in February and formed the Shura Ittehadul
Mujahideen (SIM), also transliterated as Shura Ittehad-ul-Mujahideen
and translated into English as the Council of United
Mujahedeen.[43][60][61] In a written statement circulated in a one-
page Urdu-language pamphlet, the three affirmed that they would
put aside differences to fight American-led forces and reasserted
their allegiance to Mullah Omar and Osama bin Laden.[43][60] However,
the SIM did not last very long and collapsed shortly after its
announcement.[58][62]

Threats beyond Pakistan border

Qari Mehsud indicated in a video recorded in April 2010 the TTP

would make cities in the United States a "main target" in response
to U.S. drone attacks on TTP leaders.[63] The TTP claimed
responsibility for the December 2009 suicide attack on CIA
facilities in Camp Chapman in Afghanistan, as well as the
attempted bombing in Times Square in May 2010.[47][48][64][65][66]

In July 2012, the TTP threatened to attack Myanmar in the wake of

sectarian violence against Rohingya Muslims in the Arakan state.
TTP spokesman Ehsanullah demanded the Pakistani government sever
relations with Myanmar and close the Burmese embassy in
Islamabad, and warned of attacks against Burmese interests if no
action was taken. While the TTP has been conducting an insurgency
in Pakistan, its ability to expand operations to other countries has
been questioned. This was a rare occasion in which it warned of
violence in another country.[67][68]
Leadership crisis

In August 2009, a missile strike from a suspected U.S. drone killed

Baitullah Mehsud. The TTP soon held a shura to appoint his
successor.[69] Government sources reported that fighting broke out
during the shura between Hakimullah Mehsud and Wali-ur-Rehman.
While Pakistani news channels reported that Hakimullah had been
killed in the shooting, Interior Minister Rehman Malik could not
confirm his death.[70] On 18 August, Pakistani security officials
announced the capture of Maulvi Omar, chief spokesperson of the
TTP. Omar, who had denied the death of Baitullah, retracted his
previous statements and confirmed the leader's death in the missile
strike. He also acknowledged turmoil among TTP leadership following
the killing.[71]
After Omar's capture, Maulana Faqir Mohammed announced to the
BBC that he would assume temporary leadership of the TTP and that
Muslim Khan would serve as the organization's primary spokesperson.
He also maintained that Baitullah had not been killed, but rather
was in bad health. Faqir further elaborated that decisions over
leadership of the umbrella group would only be made in consultation
and consensus with a variety of different TTP leaders. "The
congregation of TTP leaders has 32 members and no important
decision can be taken without their consultation," he told the
BBC.[72][73] He reported to the AFP that both Hakimullah Mehsud and
Wali-ur-Rehman had approved his appointment as temporary leader
of the militant group.[74] Neither militant had publicly confirmed
Faqir's statement, and analysts cited by Dawn News believed the
assumption of leadership actually indicated a power struggle.[75]
Two days later Faqir Mohammed retracted his claims of temporary
leadership and said that Hakimullah Mehsud had been selected leader
of the TTP.[3] Faqir declared that the 42-member shura had also
decided that Azam Tariq would serve as the TTP's primary
spokesperson, rather than Muslim Khan.[4]

Under the leadership of Hakimullah, the TTP intensified its suicide

campaign against the Pakistani state and against civilian
(particularly Shia, Qadiyani and Sufi) targets.[58]

Designation as a terrorist organization

On 1 September 2010, the United States designated the TTP as a

Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) and identified Hakimullah
Mehsud and Wali ur-Rehman as specially designated global
terrorists. The designation of the TTP as an FTO makes it a crime
to provide support or to do business with the group and also allows
the U.S. to freeze its assets. The US State Department also issued a
$5 million reward for information on the two individuals'
locations.[41][76]

In January 2011, the British government moved to classify the TTP

as a banned terrorist organization under its Terrorism Act 2000.[40]

In July 2011, the Canadian government also added the TTP to its
list of banned terrorist organizations.[39]

Internal splits

In February 2014, a group of TTP terrorists under the lead of

Maulana Umar Qasmi broke away from the organization to form the
Ahrar-ul-Hind, in protest against the TTP's negotiations with the
Pakistan government.[77]
In May 2014 the Mehsud faction of the TTP defected from the main
group to form a breakaway unit called Tehreek-e-Taliban South
Waziristan led by Khalid Mehsud. The breakaway group was unhappy
with the various activities of the TTP, saying in a statement "We
consider kidnapping for ransom, extortion, damage to public
facilities and bombings to be un-Islamic. TTP Mehsud group believes
in stopping the oppressor from cruelty, and supporting the
oppressed."[78] The Mehsuds were widely seen as the most
important group in the TTP and their loss was regarded as a major
blow.[79] In February 2017, the TTP announced that the Mehsud
faction had rejoined the group, following the "defection of the
rogue elements to the rival parties".[80]

In August 2014, hardline elements of the TTP from four of the

seven tribal districts formed a separate group called Tehreek-e-
Taliban Pakistan Jamaat-ul-Ahrar, led by the Mohmand Agency
commander Omar Khalid Khorosani,[81] after disagreeing with
Fazlullah's order to fight the Pakistani Army's Operation Zarb-e-Azb
offensive in the Tribal Areas.[82] However, in March 2015, Jamaat-
ul-Ahrar's spokesman announced that they were rejoining the
TTP.[83] Some Uzbek and Arab fighters previously working with the
TTP reportedly began leaving Pakistan to go to Iraq to fight
alongside the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. In the same
month, Asmatullah Muawiya, the commander of the Punjabi Taliban,
announced that his faction was ending their armed struggle against
the Pakistani state.[84]

In October 2014, the TTP's spokesman, Shahidullah Shahid, and the

group's commanders in Orakzai, Kurram and Khyber tribal regions and
Peshawar and Hangu Districts defected from the TTP and pledged
allegiance to Islamic State (IS).[85]
Organizational structure

Overview

The TTP differs in structure to the Afghan Taliban in that it lacks a

central command and is a much looser coalition of various militant
groups, united by hostility towards the central government in
Islamabad.[21][22][23] Several analysts describe the TTP's structure as
a loose network of dispersed constituent groups that vary in size
and in levels of coordination.[58] The various factions of the TTP
tend to be limited to their local areas of influence and often lack
the ability to expand their operations beyond that territory.[86]

In its original form, the TTP had Baitullah Mehsud as its amir. He
was followed in the leadership hierarchy by Hafiz Gul Bahadur as
naib amir, or deputy. Faqir Mohammed was the third most
influential leader.[2] The group contained members from all of FATA's
seven tribal agencies as well as several districts of the North-West
Frontier Province (NWFP), including Swat, Bannu, Tank, Lakki Marwat,
Dera Ismail Khan, Kohistan, Buner, and Malakand.[2] Some 2008
estimates placed the total number of operatives at 30–35,000,
although it is difficult to judge the reliability of such
estimates.[56]

In the aftermath of Baitullah Mehsud's death, the organization

experienced turmoil among its leading militants. By the end of
August 2009, however, leading members in the TTP had confirmed
Hakimullah Mehsud as its second amir. Government and some TTP
sources told the media that Hakimullah Mehsud was killed in January
2010 by injuries sustained during a U.S. drone attack. Unconfirmed
reports from Orakzai Agency stated, after the death of Hakimullah
Mehsud, Malik Noor Jamal, alias Maulana Toofan, had assumed
leadership of the TTP until the group determined how to
proceed.[87][88]

Reuters, citing a report from The Express Tribune, indicated in July

2011 that Hakimullah Mehsud's grip on the TTP leadership was
weakening after the defection of Fazal Saeed Haqqani, the TTP
leader in the Kurram region, from the umbrella militant group.
Haqqani cited disagreements over attacks on civilians as reason for
the split. The paper quoted an associate of Mehsud's as saying that
"it looks as though he is just a figurehead now... He can hardly
communicate with his commanders in other parts of the tribal areas
... he is in total isolation. Only a few people within the TTP know
where he is."[89] A December 2011 report published in The Express
Tribune further described the network as "crumbling" with "funds
dwindling and infighting intensifying." According to various TTP
operatives, the difficulties stemmed from differences of opinion
within TTP leadership on pursuing peace talks with Islamabad.[90] In
December 2012 senior Pakistan military officials told Reuters that
Hakimullah Mehsud had lost control of the group and that Wali-ur-
Rehman was expected to be formally announced as the head of the
TTP.[91] However a video released later in the month showed
Hakimullah Mehsud and Wali-ur-Rehman seated next to each other,
with Mehsud calling reports of a split between the two as
propaganda.[92] Mehsud and Rahman were later killed in separate
airstrikes in 2013.[93][94]

In February 2020, the TTP reported the deaths of four TTP senior
leaders within a one-week period.[95] All of these four leaders,
among them former TTP deputy leader Sheikh Khalid Haqqani and
Hakimullah Mehsud group leader Sheharyar Mehsud,[96][97] were killed
within a month of each other as well.[95]
Current leaders

Noor Wali Mehsud (alias Abu Mansoor Asim) – Emir (chief) of

Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.[98]
Muzahim (alias Mufti Hazrat) – Naib emir (deputy chief) of
TTP.[99]
Omar Khalid Khorasani – Jamaat-ul-Ahrar faction.[98]
Hafiz Gul Bahadur – Powerful faction in North Waziristan.[100]
Aleem Khan Khushali – Faction active in North Waziristan.[101]
Muhammad Khurasani – Central spokesman of TTP.[102]

Media

The TTP's "media arm" is "Umar Media".[103] Umar Media provides a

"behind the scenes" look at Taliban attacks. Video clips are made in
Pashto with Urdu subtitles.[104][105] Umar Media also reportedly
operated a Facebook page which had been created in September 2012
and had a few "likes" and a "handful of messages written in
English". According to then TTP spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan, the
page was being "temporarily" used before the TTP would plan to
launch its own website. SITE Intelligence Group described the
Facebook page as a "recruitment center" looking for people to edit
the TTP's quarterly magazine and videos.[106][107] The page was soon
removed by Facebook and the account suspended.[107]

Relationship with other

militant groups
In a May 2010 interview, U.S. Gen. David Petraeus described the
TTP's relationship with other militant groups as difficult to
decipher: "There is clearly a symbiotic relationship between all of
these different organizations: al-Qaeda, the Pakistani Taliban, the
Afghan Taliban, TNSM [Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi].
And it's very difficult to parse and to try to distinguish between
them. They support each other, they coordinate with each other,
sometimes they compete with each other, [and] sometimes they
even fight each other. But at the end of the day, there is quite a
relationship between them."[47]

Director of National Intelligence and United States Navy Admiral,

Dennis C. Blair, told U.S. senators that the Pakistani state and
army meanwhile draw clear distinctions among different militant
groups.[108] While links exist between the Pakistani and Afghan
Taliban, the two groups are distinct enough for the Pakistani
military to be able to view them very differently.[109] American
officials said that the S Wing of the Pakistani ISI provided direct
support to three major groups carrying out attacks in Afghanistan:
the Afghan Taliban based in Quetta, Pakistan, commanded by Mullah
Muhammad Omar; the militant network run by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar;
and a different group run by the guerrilla leader Jalaluddin Haqqani,
all considered a strategic asset by Pakistan in contrast to the TTP
run by Hakimullah Mehsud, which has engaged the Pakistani army in
combat.[108]

Afghan Taliban

The Afghan Taliban and the Pakistani Taliban share the same
ideology and a dominant Pashtun ethnicity, but they are distinct
movements, differing in their histories, structures and
goals.[21][22][64][76][30] The two groups frequently don’t get along
with each other.[110] An Afghan Taliban spokesman told The New
York Times: "We don't like to be involved with them, as we have
rejected all affiliation with Pakistani Taliban fighters ... We have
sympathy for them as Muslims, but beside that, there is nothing
else between us."[43][111] Peshawar-based security analyst Brigadier
(retd) Muhamaad Saad believes the Taliban are not a monolithic
entity. "They can be divided into three broad categories: [Afghan]
Kandahari Taliban, led by Mullah Omar; [Afghan] Paktia Taliban, led
by Jalaluddin Haqqani and his son Sirajuddin Haqqani; and [Pakistani]
Salfi Taliban [TTP]," he said. "It's the Salfi Taliban who pose a real
threat to Pakistan. They may not be obeying the Taliban supreme
leader Mullah Omar."[112] Some regional experts state that the
common name "Taliban" may be more misleading than illuminating.
Gilles Dorronsoro of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
believes that "[t]he fact that they have the same name causes all
kinds of confusion."[21] As the Pakistani Army began offensives
against the Pakistani Taliban, many unfamiliar with the region
mistakenly thought that the assault was against the Afghan Taliban
of Mullah Omar.[21]
The TTP has almost exclusively targeted elements of the Pakistani
state.[47] The Afghan Taliban however have historically relied on
support from the Pakistani army in their campaign to control
Afghanistan.[58][113] Regular Pakistani army troops fought alongside
the Afghan Taliban in the War in Afghanistan (1996–2001).[114]
Major leaders of the Afghan Taliban including Mullah Omar, Jalaluddin
Haqqani and Siraj Haqqani are believed to have enjoyed safe haven in
Pakistan.[115] In 2006, Jalaluddin Haqqani was called a 'Pakistani
asset' by a senior official of Pakistan's Inter-Services
Intelligence.[115] Pakistan regards the Haqqanis as an important force
for protecting its interests in Afghanistan and therefore has been
unwilling to move against them.[115]

In 2007, Pakistani militants loyal to Baitullah Mehsud created the

Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan and killed around 200 rival Pakistani
leaders. They officially defined goals to establish their rule over
Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas subsequently
engaging the Pakistani army in heavy combat operations.
Intelligence analysts believe that these TTP's attacks on the
Pakistani government, police and army strained relations between
the Pakistani Taliban and the Afghan Taliban.[21] Afghan Taliban
leader Mullah Omar asked the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan in late 2008
and early 2009 to stop attacks inside Pakistan.

In February 2009, the three dominant Pakistani Taliban leaders

agreed to put aside their differences to help counter a planned
increase in American troops in Afghanistan and reaffirmed their
allegiance to Mullah Omar (and to Osama bin Laden).[43] The
agreement among the TTP leaders was short-lived, however, and
instead of fighting alongside the Afghan Taliban the rival Pakistani
factions soon engaged in combat with each other.[58][62]
Many Afghan Taliban officials resent the TTP's violent campaign
against Pakistan. Afghan Talibans and TTP have also conducted
attacks against each other. On 10 October 2013, heavily armed
Afghan Talibans attacked a TTP base in Kunar province of
Afghanistan. The attack resulted in the death of three TTP
commanders. However, TTP denied any losses.[116] Again on 25 June
2016, Afghan Talibans and TTP clashed with each other in the Kunar
province of Afghanistan. Afghan defense ministry claims that eight
TTP militants and six Afghan Talibans were killed in the clash.[117]
Moreover, Some Sources also claim that TTP was behind the death of
Nasiruddin Haqqani because TTP believed that Haqqani Network was
behind the death of Hakimullah Mehsud as they disclosed
whereabouts of Hakimullah Mehsud to US military in
Afghanistan.[118][110]
Since 2007, the TTP had been responsible for some of the worst
terrorist attacks in Pakistan, including the 2014 Peshawar school
massacre, and had targeted civilians and security forces in wave
after wave of suicide bombings, improvised explosive device (IED)
blasts, targeted killings and other forms of attacks. Following the
TTP's Peshawar school massacre, the leaders of the Afghan Taliban
condemned the TTP's actions on the school, saying it was "Un-
Islamic".[119]

However, despite the atrocities of the TTP, Pakistan was unable to

persuade the Afghan Taliban to crack down on the TTP when the
Taliban seized power in Kabul in August 2021.[51] Instead, the
Afghan Taliban mediated talks between Pakistan and the TTP that
led to the release of dozens of TTP prisoners in Pakistan. In
November 2021, the Afghan Taliban helped facilitate a one-month
ceasefire between the government of prime minister Imran Khan and
the TTP. The ceasefire was not renewed when it expired, however,
and the TTP emir, Noor Wali Mehsud, asked his fighters to resume
their attacks in Pakistan from 10 December 2021.[53][54]

Cross-border controversy

In July 2011, after Pakistani missile attacks against Afghan

provinces, Pakistani media reports alleged that senior Pakistani
Taliban leaders were operating from Afghanistan to launch attacks
against Pakistani border posts. According to the reports, Qari Zia-
ur-Rahman hosted Faqir Muhammad in Kunar province while Sheikh
Dost Muhammad, a local Afghan Taliban leader, hosted Maulana
Fazlullah in Nuristan province. Faqir Muhammad, who claimed
responsibility for a 4 July 2011 attack on a paramilitary checkpoint
and for similar attacks in June 2011 on several border villages in
Bajaur, stated during a radio broadcast, "Our fighters carried out
these two attacks from Afghanistan, and we will launch more such
attacks inside Afghanistan and in Pakistan." Afghan Taliban
spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid strongly rejected the reports and
denied the possibility of Pakistani Taliban setting up bases in
Afghan Taliban-controlled areas.[120][121] Tameem Nuristani, Governor
of Afghanistan's Nuristan Province, told The Express Tribune that
while the "Afghan Taliban have never carried out cross-border
attacks in Pakistan," TTP militants may have "safe-havens" in
Kunar and Nuristan in "areas where the government's writ does not
exist".[112]

In June 2012 a spokesman from the TTP's Malakand division revealed

to The Express Tribune that TTP militants "regularly move across
the porous border" to stage attacks against Pakistan but had only
been in Afghanistan for a few months previously, contrary to
Pakistani claims that the TTP had long used Afghan territory as a
staging ground.[122]

Both governments blame the other for harboring Taliban militants

along the shared border.[123] In 2009 Pakistan launched offensives to
force the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan from its territory in South
Waziristan.[124] Some analysts say the fighting pushed TTP
militants to the Nuristan and Kunar provinces of Afghanistan, where
they have regrouped to threaten Pakistani border regions.[125] The
Pakistani military claims "scanty presence" of NATO and Afghan
forces along the border has enabled militants to use these areas as
safe havens and launch repeated attacks inside Pakistan.[125] Afghan
officials state that the withdrawal of US forces out of parts of
Kunar province beginning in 2010 created a power vacuum that
militants filled.[126] They point to the fact that the Afghan state
in some areas has little control due to its war against the Afghan
Taliban which are supported by Pakistan according to many
international and Afghan institutions, analysts and officials.[109][127]
Pakistan vehemently denies this claim,[128] although some Afghan
Taliban commanders stated that their training was indeed overseen
by "ISI officers in a camp in Pakistan" and that they were being
armed by Pakistan to fight the Afghan state and international
troops in Afghanistan.[129][130][119]

Al-Qaeda

Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan has close ties to Al Qaeda, sharing

money and bomb experts and makers. John Brennan, President
Obama's chief counterterrorism adviser, said: "It's a group that is
closely allied with al-Qaeda. They train together, they plan
together, they plot together. They are almost
indistinguishable."[131] Ambassador-at-large Daniel Benjamin stated,
"The T.T.P. and Al Qaeda have a symbiotic relationship: T.T.P.
draws ideological guidance from Al Qaeda, while Al Qaeda relies on
the T.T.P. for safe haven in the Pashtun areas along the Afghan-
Pakistani border... This mutual cooperation gives T.T.P. access to
both Al Qaeda's global terrorist network and the operational
experience of its members. Given the proximity of the two groups
and the nature of their relationship, T.T.P. is a force multiplier for
Al Qaeda."[76] Ayesha Siddiqa of the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars describes the TTP as "a franchise of al Qaeda"
and attributes strong ties to al-Qaeda's acquisition of "a more local
character over the years."[22] Since the days of the Soviet era,
some al-Qaeda operatives have established themselves in Pashtun
areas and enmeshed themselves in the local culture.[23]

In 2008 Baitullah Mehsud met with Ayman al-Zawahiri in South

Waziristan. Prior to this meeting the Pakistani Taliban answered to
the Afghan Taliban and pro-Pakistan militant commanders. At the
time Pakistani authorities believed that Mehsud was in fact an al-
Qaeda operative.[86] In February 2009 Baitullah Mehsud, Hafiz Gul
Bahadur and Maulavi Nazir released a statement in which they
reaffirmed their allegiance to Osama bin Laden.[43][60]

Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant

According to United Nation report, ISIS core leadership sends funds

to TTP in Afghanistan to "outsource" attacks due to its depleted
manpower. The report also claims that ISIS would cease to exist in
Afghanistan without these funds.[32]

According to Borhan Osman, a senior analyst at International Crisis

Group (ICG), the Islamic State (IS) fighters who started the ISIS-K
branch of ISIS were TTP militants who had long settled in
Afghanistan. He claims that many members of the TTP fled Pakistan
and went to seek refuge in Afghanistan as a result of military
operations conducted by Pakistan security forces. In Afghanistan,
National Directorate of Security (NDS) tried to persuade them to
fight against Pakistan and the Afghan Taliban. Initially, only few of
them fought against Pakistan and Afghan Talibans. However, after
that TTP members in Afghanistan changed their allegiance to ISIS-K.
Initially, because of their good relations with Afghan armed forces,
the locals in Afghanistan thought that they were pro-Afghan
government forces based. They also claimed that they were there to
fight Afghan Talibans and Pakistan. However, after series of events,
ISIS-K also turned hostile towards to Afghan government and
locals.[132]
Ghazi Abdul Rashid Shaheed Brigade

The Ghazi Abdul Rashid Shaheed Brigade, whose name is commonly

shortened to Ghazi Brigade or Ghazi Force, emerged as a jihadi
organization after the Lal Masjid Operation of 2007. In 2009 the
Ghazi Brigade worked closely with the TTP during military
operations in the Swat Valley, and the two groups jointly planned
attacks on western targets in Islamabad.[133][134]

Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan

The TTP and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) have a long
history of collaboration. At one point prior to his appointment as
TTP chief, Baitullah Mehsud lived with Tohir Yo'ldosh, the IMU's
former leader, who became an ideological inspiration and offered the
services of his 2,500 fighters to Mehsud.[135] In April 2009 Muslim
Khan listed the IMU among the TTP's allies in an interview with
AP.[111] The IMU posted a video online in September 2010 that
featured footage of Yo'ldosh's successor, Abu Usman Adil, meeting
with Hakimullah Mehsud and Wali-Ur-Rahman Mehsud.[136] On 8 June
2014, the TTP accepted responsibility for conducting the Jinnah
International Airport attack. The militants who participated in the
attack were Uzbeks belonging to the IMU, and the TTP described the
attack as a joint operation between TTP and IMU.[137]

Tehreek-e-Taliban Punjab

The Tehreek-e-Taliban Punjab (Urdu/Punjabi/Saraiki: ‫تحریِک‬

‫)طالبان پنجاب‬, alternatively called the Punjabi Taliban, was a
network of members of banned militant groups based in South
Punjab, the southernmost region of Pakistan's most populous Punjab
province. The group was disbanded in September 2014 and is no
longer active.[138][139] Major factions of the so-called Punjabi Taliban
include operatives of Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan and
Jaish-e-Muhammad, who have previously supported the Kashmir
insurgency against India in Jammu and Kashmir, a disputed
territory administered by India that is claimed by Pakistan. TTP
has significant recruits from Punjab-based sectarian organizations
also called Punjabi Taliban.[140] The Punjabi Taliban have reportedly
developed strong connections with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan,
the Afghan Taliban, Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi and
various other groups based in the North West Frontier Province
(NWFP) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).[141][142]
It has increasingly provided the foot-soldiers for violent acts and
has played an important role in attacking Qadiyani, Shia, Sufi and
other civilian targets in the Punjab.[58][143]
The term "Punjabi Taliban" is politically sensitive among
Pakistanis,[58] given that Punjabis are the largest ethnic group in
the country and have historically been disassociated with the
Taliban, an organization that has Afghan and Pashtun roots.
Although the Punjabi Taliban are claimed and believed to be an
established militant group, the Government of Punjab has denied
and rejected their existence.[144] Shahbaz Sharif, the Punjab Chief
Minister, has claimed that the term Punjabi Taliban is "an insult to
the Punjabis" and accuses that it was coined by Rehman Malik
purposely on ethnic grounds.[145] During a 17 March 2010 cabinet
meeting Malik confirmed that Punjabi militants had joined
Waziristan-based Taliban to stage attacks inside Punjab.[142]
Georgetown University's C. Christine Fair writes that "the
movement is composed of Pashtuns and Punjabis, among other
Pakistani and even foreign elements."[58]
The Lahore police accused them of being responsible for the 3 March
2009 attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore.[146]

The group also claimed the 2009 Lahore bombing shortly after the
attack, although the attack was also claimed by Tehrik-i-Taliban
Pakistan,[147] and the May 2010 attacks on Qadiyani mosques in
Lahore which were aimed at the Qadiyani minority sect.[148]

Pamphlets found at the scene of the March 2011 assassination of

Shahbaz Bhatti implicated the Punjabi Taliban.[143][149]

On 24 August 2013, a spokesman for the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan

claimed that the head of the Punjabi Taliban faction, Asmatullah
Muawiya, had been stripped of his leadership for welcoming the
Pakistani government's peace talks offer. Muawiya responded by
saying that the Taliban central Shura (council) did not have the
capacity to remove him because the Punjabi Taliban is a separate
group. He added that his group has its own decision-making body
to decide leadership and other matters.[150] On 13 September 2014,
Muawiya announced that their faction was ending their armed
struggle to implement sharia within Pakistan, however it would
continue armed struggle in Afghanistan. He urged other warring
groups to end violence in Pakistan.[138][139]

Other groups

US officials admitted to The New York Times that they found it

increasingly difficult to separate the operations of the various
Pakistani militant groups active in the tribal areas of Pakistan.[48]
Individuals and groups that are believed to have a supportive
relationship with the TTP include:

Harkat-ul Jihad Islami (HuJI), an al-Qaeda-linked terror group[151]

 Ilyas Kashmiri[152] – killed
Qari Saifullah Akhtar[151] – killed
Jaish-e-Mohammed[58][111]
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi[58][153]
Lashkar-e-Taiba[111]
Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan[58]

Allegations of foreign
support/linkages
The Pakistani military and civilian leadership have repeatedly
alleged that the Indian intelligence agency RAW has been funding
and training TTP members using a network of Indian consulates in
Afghanistan along the Pakistani border.[154][155][156] The allegations
claim that when the TTP emerged, Afghan and Indian intelligence
agencies were quick to seize the opportunity to infiltrate and
utilize some of its elements, particularly Baitullah Mehsud's kin,
against the Pakistani government and its armed forces. Pakistan
claims that NDS (Afghanistan's intelligence agency) officials have
openly admitted to their involvement with Tehreek-e-Taliban.[157]

Afghanistan has always been safe 'sanctuary' for Tehreek-e-Taliban.

Mullah Fazlullah and his followers have been living in Afghanistan
since 2009. In 2012, United States military and intelligence
officials admitted that Mullah Fazlullah and his followers are living
in Kunar and Nuristan province of Afghanistan. However, the U.S.
military claimed that they are not targeting Mullah Fazlullah
because he is not their priority as he is not affiliated with Al-
Qaeda or with the insurgents who target U.S. or Afghan interest.
Moreover, the ISAF advisers believe that 'Afghan Army is allowing
them to operate in Afghanistan'.[158] Later on in 2017, Afghanistan
Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah admitted that Tehreek-e-Taliban
have a foothold in Afghanistan. However, he claimed that Afghan
Government is not supporting them.[159] Head of National Directorate
of security (NDS), Asadullah Khalid posted a tweet on Twitter where
he claimed that Tehreek-e-Taliban attack on Pakistan air force
Badaber Camp was Tit for Tat. His claim highlights NDS support to
Tehreek-e-Taliban.[160] In 2013, United States military captured
senior Tehreek-e-Taliban leader, Latif Mehsud, from an Afghan army
and intelligence convoy. The Afghan convoy was guarding Latif
Mehsud and taking him to National Directorate of Security (NDS)
headquarters. They were intercepted by U.S. military in Logar
Province of Afghanistan.[161][162]

Senior Afghan analyst Borhan Osman claims that the Pakistan

military offensive against the Tehrik-i-Taliban in Federally
Administered Tribal Areas forced many members of the TTP to flee
Pakistan and seek shelter in Afghanistan. Tehrik-i-Talibans were
welcomed in Afghanistan and were treated as 'guests' by the
Afghan Government and by the local people. Apart from Tehrik-i-
Talibans, many other militants groups like Lashkar-e-Islam and other
factions of Tehrik-i-Talibans were allowed to live in Afghanistan.
Tribal elders and locals from Achin, Nazin and Kot testify that the
militants were allowed free movement in the province and treatment
in Government run hospitals. When moving outside their hub, they
would go unarmed. National Directorate of Security (NDS) wanted
them to fight against the Pakistani government and the Afghan
Talibans. Initially, only few of them fought against Pakistan and
Afghan Talibans. However, that changed after TTP members in
Afghanistan changed their allegiance to ISIS-K. Once they pledged
allegiance to ISIS-K, they claimed that they were there to fight
Afghan Taliban and Pakistan. Because of their Anti-Afghan Taliban
and Anti-Pakistan attitude, many locals believed that ISIS-K were a
pro-government forces.[132]
In December 2014, after the Peshawar school massacre in which 132
children were killed, the Pakistani authorities again alleged that
there was significant proof of Indian support of TTP to destabilize
Pakistan and to counter Pakistan's Afghan policy.[163] The Pakistan
Army's official spokesman, Major General Asim Bajwa, said in the
aftermath of the attack that, "India is funding Taliban in the
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Balochistan," adding
that "...a banned outfit cannot function on such a big scale unless
foreign powers are funding it."[163] In addition to the Indian RAW
intelligence agency, the Pakistanis claim that Afghan intelligence
agencies are also involved in the support of TTP.[164] Notably, major
TTP leader Latif Mehsud was caught by U.S. troops in Afghanistan
while he was in a convoy escorted by Afghan Intelligence. American
forces captured the TTP leader and handed him over to Pakistani
authorities. This angered the Afghan President Hamid Karzai, since
Mehsud had been recruited for peace talks according to Afghan
authorities.[165]

In 2016, Latif Mehsud gave a public video confession during which

he claimed that Indian and Afghan intelligence agencies were
responsible for supporting the TTP and other militant groups against
Pakistan.[166]

The Sindh Home Ministry in November 2015, wrote a letter to the

Rangers and Police claiming Taliban had funded terrorist activities
in Karachi. According to the letter, RAW funded around Rs
20 million for terrorist activities in Karachi. "The funding has been
provided to banned Tehreek-e-Taliban Swat," the letter
claimed.[167]
Claimed and alleged attacks
The Pakistani government implicated the network in the
December 2007 assassination of Benazir Bhutto although the
group denies the charge. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency
also confirmed its belief of TTP's involvement in January 2008.
The Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariate-Mohammadi (TNSM) claimed
responsibility for a 23 December 2007 suicide bombing
targeting a military convoy on behalf of the TTP. The blast in
the Mingora area of the Swat Valley killed five soldiers and six
civilians.[2]
TTP spokesman Maulvi Umar claimed responsibility of 2008 Dera
Ismail Khan suicide bombing.
TTP spokesman Maulvi Umar claimed that the group was
responsible for 21 August 2008 suicide bomb attack on a
military complex.
TTP claimed responsibility for the 23 August 2008 Swat Valley
bombing.
Someone using the name Abdur Rehman claimed that the TTP was
behind a 6 November 2008 suicide bombing that targeted tribal
elders, who had gathered in the Bajaur tribal area to discuss
efforts to coordinate with the government against the Pakistani
Taliban. The blast took the lives of 16 and injured 31.[168]
On 13 November 2008, the TTP intercepted a military convoy
along the Khyber Pass bound for NATO troops in Afghanistan.
In telephone interviews with news media Mehsud claimed
responsibility for the 30 March 2009 attack on the police
training academy in Lahore.[169][170] He told the BBC that the
attack was in retaliation for continued missile strikes from
American drones for which the Pakistani government shared
responsibility. In the same interview Mehsud claimed two other
attacks: a 25 March attack on an Islamabad police station and a
30 March suicide attack on a military convoy near Bannu.[169]
Mehsud claimed responsibility for the Binghamton shooting,
saying they were in retaliation for continued missile strikes
from American drones. The FBI denied this claim and stated this
had nothing to do with Mehsud.[171]
Azam Tariq, spokesman of the TTP, claimed responsibility for a
suicide bombing at a security checkpoint along the Pakistan-
Afghan border near Torkham on 27 August 2009. Tariq said by
telephone that the attack was the first in retaliation for the
death of Baitullah Mehsud. Although the exact number of
casualties was unknown, a doctor at a nearby hospital told Dawn
News that they had received 22 bodies and local people working
at the blast site said they had retrieved 13 bodies.[172]
Azam Tariq claimed responsibility for a suicide attack that
killed five at the UN's World Food Programme Islamabad offices
on 5 October 2009.[173]
The TTP, through Azam Tariq, claimed responsibility for the
October 2009 attack on the army's headquarters at Rawalpindi.
Tariq told the Associated Press that the attack was carried out
by its "Punjabi faction" although the military insisted the
attack originated in South Waziristan.[174]
The militant group claimed responsibility for three separate
coordinated attacks in Lahore. 10 militants targeted buildings
used by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), the Manawan
Police Training School and the Elite Police Academy.[175]
The Pakistani Taliban, as well as the Afghan Taliban, claimed
responsibility for the 30 December 2009 attack on Camp
Chapman, a base of operations for the CIA, inside Khost
Province, Afghanistan. The TTP released a video of Hakimullah
Mehsud sitting next to the suicide bomber, Humam Khalil Abu
Mulal al-Balawi, a Jordanian national who had been working with
the CIA. In the video, al-Balawi states that the attack is in
retaliation for the killing of Baitullah Mehsud. Many analysts
doubted that the TTP acted alone.[64][65]
In a video posting on YouTube, Qari Hussain claimed that the
TTP was behind the May 2010 attempted car bomb in New York
City's Times Square.[176]
An attack on two minority mosques in Lahore during May 2010
was claimed by the Taliban.
In July 2010, the TTP claimed responsibility for a suicide
bombing in the Mohmand Agency. Two blasts occurred outside a
senior government official's office as people gathered to receive
relief supplies. As many as 56 people died and at least 100
suffered injuries.[177]
On 4 October 2010 the TTP claimed responsibility for an attack
near Islamabad on fuel tankers bound for NATO troops in
Afghanistan.[178]
In December 2010, the TTP claimed responsibility for a double
suicide bombing upon administrative buildings in the Mohmand
district's Ghalalnai village. The blast killed 40–50 people. The
purported head of the TTP in Mohmand, Omar Khalid, claimed
responsibility in a telephone call with the AFP.[179][180] The
military's chief spokesman, Major General Athar Abbas indicated
to Al Jazeera that the TTP attackers were based in neighboring
Afghanistan.[181]
In December 2010, the TTP in South Waziristan kidnapped 23
tribesmen who had recently attended meetings with the
Pakistani military.[182]
The TTP claimed responsibility for a 15 January 2011 attack on
NATO fuel tankers likely bound for the border crossing town of
Chaman. Azam Tariq told the AP, "We have assigned our fighters
to go after NATO supply tankers wherever in Pakistan."[183]
On 31 January 2011 Azam Tariq, on behalf of the TTP, claimed
responsibility of a suicide bombing in Peshawar that targeted
police. The blast killed 5 people (3 police and 2 civilians) and
injured 11.[184]
On 10 February 2011 the TTP claimed responsibility for a
suicide bombing at an army compound in Mardan that killed at
least 31 people. Azam Tariq told the AFP that the attack was in
response to repeated U.S. drone attacks and military incursions
in the tribal areas. He also threatened further attacks against
"those who protect the Americans".[185][186]
The TTP released a video of the execution of a former ISI officer
known as Colonel Imam. The TTP said they had carried out the
murder on 17 February 2011. His body was found near Mir Ali,
North Waziristan.[187][188][189]
On 8 March 2011 a car bomb explosion at a gas station in
Faisalabad killed at least 32 and injured 125. Pakistani Taliban
spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan claimed responsibility and stated
that the intended target was a nearby ISI office. He said that
the attack was in retaliation for the death of a Taliban
commander the previous year.[190][191]
On 9 March 2011 a suicide bomber attacked a funeral procession
in Peshawar. The procession consisted of many anti-Taliban
militiamen. Spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan said the Pakistani
Taliban had carried out the attack because the militiamen had
allied themselves with the Pakistani government and, by
extension, the United States.[192][193]
On 4 April 2011 two suicide bombers attacked a Sufi shrine in
Dera Ghazi Khan, Pakistan. The bombings occurred while
thousands of devotees were gathered for the annual Urs
celebrations at the shrine. The attack left more than 50 people
dead, as well as 120 wounded.[194] The Pakistani Taliban are
ideologically opposed to Sufism and claimed responsibility soon
after the attacks.[195]
Pakistani Taliban claimed responsibility for two remotely
detonated explosions that targeted two Pakistani Navy buses in
Karachi on 26 April 2011.[196]
Spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan claimed responsibility for a 28 April
2011 attack upon a Pakistani Navy bus in Karachi that killed
5.[196]
On 13 May 2011 the TTP claimed responsibility for a dual
suicide bomb attacks on a Frontier Constabulary (FC)
headquarters in Shabqadar, a town about 30 kilometers north of
Peshawar, in Charsadda District. The attack killed more than 80
and injured at least 115 people. Most of the casualties were FC
cadets. TTP spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan claimed that the attack
was retribution for the killing of Osama bin Laden.[197]
The TTP claimed responsibility for a 22 May 2011 attack on a
naval station in Karachi.[198]
A suicide bomber drove an explosives-laden pickup truck into a
Peshawar police building on 25 May 2011. The blast killed six
and wounded 30. The Pakistani Taliban claimed
responsibility.[199]
On 13 September 2011, five militants with assault rifles and
rockets attacked a school bus, killing the driver, four boys aged
10 to 15, and wounding two seven-year-old girls. TTP claimed
responsibility.[200]
On 1 December 2011 the TTP claimed responsibility for the
death of Hashim Zaman, an anti-TTP tribal leader, who was killed
in Hangu.[201][202]
TTP militants abducted 15 Pakistani paramilitary soldiers on 23
December 2011 from a fort in Mullazai. TTP spokesperson
Ihsanullah Ihsan announced on 5 January 2012 that the militant
group had executed the 15 paramilitary soldiers.[203][204] The
bodies were recovered close to a ravine and were mutilated
according to locals.[205] On 22 January 2012 the TTP released a
video showing the execution of the 15 soldiers.[206][207]
Ahmed Marwat, a spokesman for a Jandola faction of the TTP,
claimed to Reuters that Mohammed Merah, culprit of the
Toulouse and Montauban shootings, had received TTP training in
North Waziristan. However, Marwat denied the TTP's involvement
in the shootings, and the head of French intelligence indicated
they had no evidence that Merah belonged to any militant
Islamist group.[208] Pakistani officials allege that the TTP trained
85 French nationals between 2009 and 2012.[209]
The TTP Khyber Agency faction claimed responsibility for a 23
March 2012 bombing that targeted a mosque, run by Lashkar-e-
Islam (LeI), in Kolay village of Tirah Valley. The blast killed more
than a dozen people and injured at least six others. A TTP
spokesman told reporters that the attacks against the LeI would
continue.[210]
The TTP claimed responsibility for a 5 April 2012 suicide
bombing targeting a police vehicle in Karachi. The blast killed
two and injured nine.[211][212]
On 15 April 2012 the TTP claimed responsibility for a prison
break in Bannu. 384 convicts escaped although many were later
recaptured.[213][214]
A suicide bomb on 4 May 2012 killed 24 and wounded at least
45 in a Bajaur market . The TTP claimed responsibility.[215]
The Malakand branch of the TTP claimed responsibility for 24
June 2012 attacks on Pakistani security checkpoints near the
Afghan border. 13 Pakistani troops were reportedly killed while
14 militants died. The Pakistani military alleged that the
militants had crossed over from Afghanistan, but the TTP did
not confirm in claiming responsibility. The TTP also denied that
it had taken casualties.[216][217]
On 25 June 2012 the TTP claimed responsibility for gunfire on
Aaj News TV, a local station in Karachi. Two were injured.
Ehsanullah Ehsan said that the TTP was upset that it was not
receiving coverage equal to that of the Pakistani military and
government.[218][219]
On 9 July 2012 militants linked to the TTP attacked an army
camp near Gujrat city that killed seven soldiers and a policeman.
A pamphlet found at the scene indicated that attacks against
government installations would continue as long as Pakistan
allowed NATO to use its territory to transport supplies into
Afghanistan.[220][221]
The TTP claimed responsibility for a 16 August 2012 attack on
the Minhas Airbase in Kamra. The two-hour firefight resulted in
the deaths of nine insurgents and two soldiers. Three other
soldiers were wounded.[222]
On 16 August 2012 militants removed 22 Shiites from buses and
executed them in Mansehra District. The Darra Adam Khel faction
of the TTP claimed responsibility in a telephone interview with
Reuters.[223]
The TTP claimed responsibility for the 9 October 2012 school-
bus shooting of Malala Yousafzai, a young activist blogger, and
two other schoolgirls.[224][225] Supporting the attack, TTP
spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan stated "whom so ever leads a
campaign against Islam and Shariah is ordered to be killed by
Shariah." He added that it is "not just allowed … but
obligatory in Islam" to kill such a person involved "in leading a
campaign against Shariah... ."[226]
The TTP claimed responsibility for the 2014 Jinnah International
Airport attack, which was carried out jointly with the Islamic
Movement of Uzbekistan. The militants who participated in the
attack were Uzbek foreigners.[137]
The TTP claimed responsibility for the 2014 Peshawar school
attack which claimed 141 lives, including 132 school children
between eight and 18 years of age, with the remaining nine
fatalities being staff members of the school.[227][228]
A commander within the TTP claimed responsibility for the
Bacha Khan University attack, in which at least thirty students
and teachers were killed by as yet unidentified gunmen.
However, a spokesperson for the Pakistan Taliban denied the
group's involvement.[229]
On 20 January 2017. An IED placed in a vegetable crate, exploded
at a vegetable market in Parachinar. The Tehreek-e-Taliban
Pakistan claimed responsibility for the explosion. The blast
killed at least 25 people and injured at least 87 others.[230]
Tehrik-e Taliban claimed responsibility for an attack on 2
February 2018 in which 11 soldiers, including a captain of the
Pakistan Army were killed when a terrorist blew himself up
during a volleyball match in Swat valley.
Tehrik-i-Taliban claimed responsibility on 14 February 2018 for
an attack in which, their gunmen killed 2 Frontier Constabulary
soldiers in Quetta.[231]
On 11 October 2018 a roadside bomb targeted a vehicle
belonging to the Pakistani Army in the Ladha Subdivision of
South Waziristan, resulted in the deaths of three soldiers and
five wounded, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan claimed
responsibility for the attack.[232]
Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), claimed responsibility for the
attack on 27 July 2019, In which Pakistan army said that six of
its soldiers were killed when extremists from across the Afghan
border opened fire on a patrol in the tribal district of North
Waziristan.[233]
Militants of the Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan claimed responsibility
for an attack on 18 August 2019 in which least four people were
killed and six were wounded in a roadside bomb blast that
targeted a vehicle carrying members of a peace committee
helping the Pakistani government in its efforts against the
Taliban.[234]
On 14 September 2019, Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan, claimed
responsibility for the attack an attack on army patrolling party
which resulted in the death of one Pakistani soldier. The
patrolling party was attacked in Spinwam area in North
Waziristan.[235]
Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan, claimed responsibility for an IED blast
in Quetta, on 15 November 2019 in which 3 Pakistani soldier
were killed.
Hizbul Ahrar, a splinter group from the TTP claimed
responsibility for a bomb attack on 4 November 2019, that
killed 4 Pakistani soldiers in North Waziristan.[236]
In the year 2020, TTP claimed responsibility for 79 attacks that
killed 100 and injured at least 206. 80 Pakistan soldiers were
also killed in these attacks.[237]
On 14 January 2021, TTP militants killed 4 Pakistan Soldiers in
North Waziristan district.[24]
On 12 February 2021, TTP Gunmen ambushed a Army Check Post
in South Waziristan, the attack lead to deaths of 4 soldiers.[238]
On 23 February 2021, four women aid workers were killed in
Pakistan’s North Waziristan. The attack was claimed by TTP.[239]
On 8 March 2021, TTP militants killed a police officer in
Rawalpindi.[240]
On 21 April 2021, TTP claimed responsibility for a bomb
explosion in the parking lot of the Serena Hotel in Quetta,
killing four people and wounding 12 others. News Reports
suggested that the target was the Chinese ambassador.[241][242]
On 5 May 2021, Four Pakistani soldiers were killed in an attack
while they were working on fencing the Pakistan-Afghan border
in Zhob, Balochistan. The attack was claimed by TTP.[243]
On 10 May 2021, 3 Pakistani soldiers were killed in an attack,
claimed by TTP.[244]
On 22 May 2021, a Pakistani soldier was killed while working on
fencing the Pakistan-Afghan border. Responsibility of attack was
claimed by TTP.[245]
On 3 June 2021, TTP carried out an attack in Islamabad, in
which two Islamabad Police cops were killed.[246]
On 13 July, Pakistani soldiers conducted a rescue operation in
Kurram district to retrieve five telecommunications workers who
were abducted by the terrorist. The five telecommunications
workers were successfully rescued. Two Pakistani soldiers and
three members of Tehrik-i-Taliban were killed in the
operation.[247]
On 18 July 2021, TTP claimed responsibility for Twin attacks in
which 3 Pakistan soldiers were killed and 4 were injured.
Between 18 July and 30 July 2021, 24 Pakistan soldiers were
killed in attacks claimed by TTP.
On 1 August 2021, 2 Pakistani soldiers were killed and 9 were
wounded in attacks by TTP in South and North Waziristan.[248]
On 8 August 2021, TTP carried out an attack on a military post
in North Waziristan. 1 soldier were killed in that attack.[249]
On 13 August 2021, 1 Pakistan soldier was killed in South
Waziristan, attack was claimed by TTP.[250]
On 18 August 2021, A Pakistan Army soldier was killed during
an exchange of fire with terrorists at a checkpost in the South
Waziristan district.[251]
On 5 September 2021, 4 FC soldiers were killed in Quetta when
a TTP Suicide Bomber struck their Check post.[252]
On 6 February 2022, TTP claimed responsibility for an attack in
which five Pakistani soldiers were killed in firing from
Afghanistan.[253]
On 23 February 2022, 4 policemen were killed in after grenade
attack in Peshawar. TTP claimed responsibility for this
attack.[254]
On 23 March 2022, 4 Pakistani soldiers were killed by TTP
militants in North Waziristan.[255]
Involvement in the Syrian
Civil War
TTP have limited aims and focused objectives.[256] TTP have set up
camps and sent hundreds of fighters to Syria to fight alongside
rebels opposed to Bashar al-Assad in an effort to strengthen ties
with al Qaeda.[257][258][259]

See also
Pakistan
portal
war portal

List of Deobandi organisations

Tajikistani Taliban
Ansar ul-Mujahideen
 Fedayeen al-Islam
Haqqani network
Insurgency in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
Belligerents in the Syrian civil war
List of Militants fatality reports in Pakistan
Pakistan and state-sponsored terrorism
Pashtunistan
Targeted killing
Terrorism in Pakistan

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Further reading
"Who Is Who in the Pakistani Taliban: A Sampling of Insurgent
Personalities in Seven Operational Zones in Pakistan's Federally
Administered Tribal Area (FATA) and North Western Frontier
Province" (https://web.archive.org/web/20100604110518/htt
p://www.nps.edu/Programs/CCS/Docs/Pakistan/Pakistan_Taliban_B
ios.pdf) , Naval Postgraduate School Program for Culture and
Conflict Studies
"All Pakistan should be under sharia law, says Taliban
spokesperson" (http://www1.rfi.fr/actuen/articles/112/article_3
617.asp) , interview with Tehrik-i-Taliban spokesperson Muslim
Khan by Tony Cross, Radio France Internationale in English, April
2009
S. R. Valentine, "Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan: Ideology and
Beliefs" (https://web.archive.org/web/20110712231836/http://
www.humansecuritygateway.com/documents/PSRU_TehrikITalibanP
akistan_IdeologyBeliefs.pdf) , Pakistan Security Research Unit
(PSRU), Briefing Number 49, 8 September 2009.
S. R. Valentine, " 'We are the Soldiers of Islam': Tehriki Taliban
Pakistan and the Ideology of Dissent" (https://books.google.co
m/books?id=DOIE6IN1JMMC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA233#v=twopage&q&f
=false) , chapter 10. in U. Butt & N. Elahi (eds.), Pakistan's
 Quagmire: Security, Strategy, and the Future of the Islamic-
nuclear Nation, Continuum, 2010. ISBN 9780826433008.
Ben Brumfield, "Who are the Pakistani Taliban?" (https://editio
n.cnn.com/2012/10/17/world/asia/pakistan-taliban-profile/index.
html) , CNN, 17 October 2012

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