Watson
Watson
Watson
Introduction
Australia has a persistent under-representation of students from low socioeconomic
backgrounds attending university (Bradley, Noonan, Nugent & Scales, 2008). Coupled
with only 29 percent of Australia's 25 to 34-year-olds holding degree-level qualifications,
this points to a notable under-representation of individuals from disadvantaged
backgrounds (Bradley et al., 2008). Educational inequality continues to be a significant
issue in Australia with only 16 percent of domestic enrolments in universities being from
the lowest SES quartile (Bradley et al., 2008). As Australia’s economy transitions and seeks
to compete globally, there must be increased participation in higher education to produce
the required highly skilled workforce (CSIRO, 2015). However, investment in higher
education indicates Australia lags behind other similar developed countries (OECD, 2015)
and Australia’s position is not expected to improve in the near future. Current budgetary
constraints and redirection of funds from the Higher Education Participation and Partnership
Program (HEPPP; Department of Education and Training, 2016) means disadvantaged
students will have fewer programs financed with the intention to increase access and
participation in higher education. In order to continue the development of a highly skilled
workforce, a shift in focus to support youth from disadvantaged backgrounds will be
required to ensure increased economic capacity and advantage for those constrained by
social immobility (Laming, 2012). Communities, including universities, will be forced to
find ways to improve educational attainment without the benefit of additional financial
674 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
support. The salient question for equity practitioners will be: by what means can we shift
focus to improve access and participation in university for students from disadvantaged
backgrounds?
Students’ educational expectations are influenced in ways that aspirations are not,
specifically, by economic contexts and availability of resources (i.e. cultural capital;
Bourdieu, 1986), and the value that families and communities place on education in ways
that aspirations are not (Johnston et al., 2014). Expectations to attend university play an
instrumental role in student motivation to transition from high school to university (Guo,
Parker, Marsh & Morin, 2015). Expectations to transition to university are driven by
students’ perceived likelihood of success as well as the intrinsic value they hold for
university education (Guo et al., 2015). Expectations of success and subjective task value
are major components of the expectancy-value model theorised by Eccles and colleagues
and have multiple sources of influence (Eccles, 2009; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). Eccles
(2009) theorised that expectation to go to university (also known as college) and the value
of a university degree are directly related to the identity formation process; personal
identity (i.e., being personally confident of doing well and personally valuing a university
degree) and collective identity (i.e. being socially acceptable to have a university degree as
per gender, race, or social class). Collective identity formation is influenced by
neighbourhood factors (Johnston et al., 2014). Ultimately for students the decision to go or not
to go to university is made considering a range of influences. Expectancy-value theory
posits that beliefs and values of significant others can act as a source of reinforcement,
information, and guidance in shaping the value that students place on university education
(Eccles, 2009). Thus, limited exposure to, knowledge about, and experience with
university for significant others (family) in young people’s lives, may negatively influence
students’ expectations to go to university, just as extensive exposure to university will
likely positively influence student expectations. Therefore the gap between initial
aspirations and later expectations to be able to attend university for students in low-SES
schools compared with students from high-SES schools is likely to widen (Kirk et al.,
2012). Thus, a combination of factors related to a student’s own beliefs, family influences,
Watson, Vernon, Seddon, Andrews & Wang 675
and school culture will act together to determine the gap between aspirations and
expectations and ultimately to influence subsequent university attendance or not (Kintrea,
St Clair & Houston, 2011).
Parental factors
School-family interactions are multidimensional, and the relationship between parental
involvement and student achievement varies (Harris & Goodall, 2007). Much of this
variation depends upon individual characteristics, and the context in which individuals live
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). A parent’s involvement in their child’s education is
informed by personal attitudes and beliefs, educational experiences, and interactions with
the school community (Fantuzzo, McWayne, Perry & Childs, 2004; Harris & Goodall,
2007, Reynolds & Clements, 2005). Moreover, studies examining parental academic
involvement in their children’s education, specifically academic socialisation, indicate that it is
a significant positive predictor of student academic aspirations and achievement (Hill &
Tyson, 2009). Academic socialisation refers to parental communication and transmission
of academic aspirations and value of education to their children (Hill & Tyson, 2009).
Academic socialisation increases the exposure of students to parental values that students
may internalise, which can act to direct and guide their academic goals and pursuits, and
build their social capital (Bourdieu, 1986; Hill & Tyson, 2009). Social capital can be
conceptualised as the potential social resources a student has access to within their
community (Bourdieu, 1986). Indeed, parental expectations, involvement with
schoolwork, and support of student autonomy positively influence high school
completion and are an imperative component of the development of student aspirations
to attend university (McCarron & Inkelas, 2006; Mello, 2009; Rumberger, 1995; Vallerand,
Fortier & Guay 1997).
Parental involvement with their children’s education can also take many forms conveying
both explicit and implicit expectations (Low, 2015). Parental discussion about university is
often included under overarching constructs such as parental encouragement or parental
involvement (Hill & Tyson, 2009; Low, 2015). Broad constructs limit the capacity of
scholars to disentangle what factors related to parental involvement specifically enable
students to enrol in university. It may be specific discussion between parents and their
676 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
children about university rather than discourse around general career and post-secondary
study options that result in an outcome of university enrolment. Furthermore, parents’
knowledge of, values for and exposure to university, which all feed into parent discussions
about university, cannot be considered in isolation from the students’ school
environment. That is, the school’s higher education culture strongly influences student
aspirations and expectations for university (Perna et al., 2008).
School culture
A school’s resources and ability to support students’ university pathways may also explain
the current gap for low-SES students between aspirations and expectations to study at
university (Kirk et al., 2012; Perna et al., 2008). Parents who have little university exposure
are limited in their ability to provide accurate information and guidance for navigating
university entry and requirements (Kirk, Lewis-Moss, Nielsen & Colvin, 2011). Given that
first-in-family (for study at university) status is more prevalent in low-SES regions
compared to high-SES regions, low-SES region students are therefore less likely to be
provided adequate university exposure and academic socialisation; this is a strong limiting
factor on the accrual of social capital (Kirk et al., 2011; Sanderfur, Meier & Campbell,
2006). For these low-SES students, schools are an independent and critical source of
information and support for aspirations to attend university. Thus, schools become
pivotal in the accumulation of social capital related to the benefits of university education
for low-SES students (Sanderfur, et al., 2006).
Research by Rowan-Kenyon, Perna and Swan (2011) examined high school environments
and student aspirations and showed that student educational aspirations was positively
associated with the quality and availability of school resources. These resources included
career counseling and university preparatory curriculum. Resource availability is a limiting
factor for low-SES schools, whereby lower SES schools have fewer resources to allocate
to programs to prepare students for transition from high school (Rowan-Kenyon, Perna
& Swan, 2011). Teachers can also be a source of knowledge about the workings of
university, considering their undergraduate training occurred at a university. However, the
first cohort of teachers in Western Australia to enter university via an alternative pathway,
rather than direct entry via external exams, was in 2008 (Pilkington & Lock, 2012),
therefore the majority of subject teachers would have limited knowledge of alternative
pathways to study at university and their discussions with students would reflect that
shortfall. As a result, students who attend low-SES schools often report limited and
sometimes misguided understanding of educational pathways for their desired occupation
(Rowan-Kenyon, Perna & Smith, 2011). Such findings suggest that the educational culture
of an entire school environment can influence university pathways and occupational
choices for students (Bordeiu, 1986; Sandefur, Meier & Campbell, 2006).
Community factors such as family SES, school financial resources, and the provision of
skills and knowledge to navigate university pathways impact student university aspirations
and expectations (Prodonovich et al., 2014). Low-SES populations are at risk of
experiencing significant barriers to university, which can result in financial instability and a
general lack of awareness of how higher education operates. Students and their families
Watson, Vernon, Seddon, Andrews & Wang 677
from these regions have limited capacity to recognise the utility of a degree for career
aspirations (Kirk et al., 2011). For low-SES students, this means that while they may aspire
to attend university, they may not expect to be able to achieve that goal. Although the
effect of parental involvement on student aspirations has been extensively researched (e.g
Fantuzzo et al., 2004; Hill & Tyson, 2009; LeCroy & Krysik, 2008; Low, 2015; Qian &
Blair, 1999; Rumberger, 1995; Suizzo et al., 2012; Taylor, Clayton & Rowley, 2004;
Vallerand et al., 1997), there is comparatively less research on specific factors which will
support the outcome of students enrolling in university. Therefore research is required to
investigate how the social capital provided by both schools and parents could interact and
impact upon student university education aspirations and expectations (Sandefur et al;
Meier & Campbell, 2006).
Method
Participants
Respondents were 548 (female n = 310) high school students from the Southwest
corridor of metropolitan Perth, Western Australia (Table 1. The sample comprised
predominantly Australian, Caucasian students from below-average SES schools, whose
parents primarily spoke English at home. Slightly more than one-third reported that they
would be first-in-family to attend university. Respondents were sampled from 12 of the
total 23 schools in the region where the Murdoch’s Aspirations and Pathways for University
(MAP4U) project is located. MAP4U is a Federal government funded project with a suite
of programs designed to grow and support university aspirations in the region.
Respondents completed the survey during semester one of 2014.
678 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
n %
SES Lower-middle quarters 402 73.4
Upper-middle quarters 146 26.6
School year level Year 7 25 4.6
Year 8 60 10.9
Year 9 35 6.4
Year 10 138 25.2
Year 11 148 27.0
Year 12 142 25.9
Cultural identity (a) Caucasian 447 81.6
ATSI (b) 29 5.3
Other 95 17.4
Language spoken at home English 507 92.5
Other 37 6.8
Place of birth Australia 388 70.8
Overseas 152 27.7
First in family Yes 210 38.3
No 297 54.2
Don't know 17 3.1
a. The cultural identity measure was a multiple response item, so some
participants have identified with multiple cultural identities.
b. Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander
Measures
Measures used in this study were taken from the 2014 Murdoch Tertiary Aspirations Survey
(MTAS) administered to students at schools participating in MAP4U programs. The
MTAS comprises items and scales from the Youth Activity Participation Study of Western
Australia (YAPS-WA) survey (Blomfield & Barber, 2009) and The Australian Survey of
Student Aspirations (TASSA) (Parke, Stratton, Gale, Rodd & Sealey, 2013). The self-report
survey design comprised sets of Likert-type scales to measure student university
aspirations, academic self-concept, school satisfaction, socialisation, and encouragement.
Demographic measures such as gender, year level, and cultural indicators were also
requested.
Gender was measured using a dichotomous response (Male = 0, Female = 1). For school-
SES, the Index of Community Socio-Educational Advantage (ICSEA) was used. The index allows
meaningful comparisons to be made between schools and is constructed from various
factors that correlate with educational outcomes, including individual-level SES
(Australian Curriculum, Assessment, and Reporting Authority [ACARA], 2015). The
higher the ICSEA, the higher the SES of the school. ICSEA values for the current sample
were published on the government My Schools website (ACARA, 2015). The ICSEA index
has a mean of 1000 and standard deviation of 100. Schools in our sample ranged from
approximately 880 to approximately 1080. School level SES has been used successfully in
Watson, Vernon, Seddon, Andrews & Wang 679
multilevel analysis where individual level SES has been difficult to measure in a school
student population (Blomfield & Barber 2011). The full range of ICSEA values was used
for the multilevel analysis; however for the descriptive examination of university exposure
the school-SES was dichotomised to compare lower and higher SES schools in the region.
Academic self-concept
Academic self-concept measured students' beliefs about their general abilities at school.
Items within the measure were drawn and adapted from existing scales (Marsh, 1992a,
1992b, 1992c) to measure academic self-concept, and showed acceptable internal
consistency (Cronbach alpha = .72). The scale comprised the mean of three items
including “I have the ability to be good at most subjects if I try.” Each item was measured
using a 6-point Likert scale, (1 = Not at all true for me to 6 = Very true for me). Higher
values indicate higher academic self-concept.
University aspiration
Student aspiration for university was measured using one item; “I want to go on to
university after high school”. The item was measured using a 6-point Likert scale, where 1
= Not at all true for me, to 6 = Very true for me.
University expectation
Student expectation to attend university was measured using the item “How likely is it that
you will go onto University after high school?” The item was measured using a 7-point
Likert scale, where 1 = Not at all likely to 7 = Very likely.
University exposure
Students’ exposure to university was measured using a set of multiple response items that
allowed participants to select the types of university-related experiences they had
encountered. The item was “What experiences have you had with a university?” with six
response options: I visited one with school/church/family; I know someone who goes to
university right now i.e. family or friends; I sometimes play sport at a university; Someone
from a university visited our school/ church/ youth centre; Never had an experience with
a university, and Other. For those who selected “Other”, space was provided to specify an
open-ended response. Less than five per cent of participants selected “Other”, with 16
(3%) of those indicating participation in a university enabling program. Thus, a
“University Enabling Program” response was created. All remaining “Other” responses
were identified and coded into the alternate fixed-response options. A sum score of
experience with university, ranging from 0 to 5, was then calculated for each participant. A
score of 0 indicated the individual had not experienced any form of contact with
680 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
Procedure
Prior to data collection, ethical clearance was obtained and approval to conduct research
issued from the university’s Human Research Ethics Committee. Data were collected
from high schools along the southwest corridor of Perth by letter of invitation to partake
in the MAP4U programs. Recruitment of participants for the survey was at the discretion
of each school, including the internal distribution of parent and student information and
consent packs to students. All final participants provided both their own written consent
and the parent/guardian's written consent before being surveyed. The rate of participation
in the survey cannot be determined due to the administrative procedures to recruit being
determined by the school.
The MTAS survey was administered during approximately 20 minute sessions at each
school. The survey was conducted early 2014. The survey was administered using 30 iPads
and an online survey software program, SurveyMonkey. Substitute paper and pen surveys
were used if requested by schools. Participants were informed of their right to
confidentiality and reminded that participation was voluntary.
Analysis plan
First, the bivariate correlations between the constructs were examined. Then, a series of
multilevel models were estimated. Given the hierarchically nested structure of students
within schools and our hypothesis concerning the main effects and interaction between
school-SES (the group level variable) on the individual level association, a multilevel
analysis was appropriate. As the students in the schools share the same actual and
potential higher education resources and culture (i.e., social capital; Bourdeiu, 1986),
multilevel analysis enabled controls for the non-independence for the variables of interest
(Raudenbush & Bryk, 2002). The multilevel analyses were conducted with the HLM7
program (Raudenbush, Bryk & Congdon, 2011).
In order to test the links between individual characteristics (university discussions with
parents), group characteristics (school-SES), and interactions (school-SES by university
discussions with parents) and university aspirations and expectations, a series of two-level
models were estimated following the steps outlined by Woltman, Feldstain, MacKay and
Rocchi (2012). Gender and academic-self-concept were included in all models as
covariates. Both continuous predictors at Level 1 (university discussions with parents and
academic self-concept) were group-mean centred, and the Level 2 predictor (school-SES)
was grand-mean centred. The within-person associations were modelled at Level 1, with
separate models estimated for each of the within-person independent variables. The
between-person variable, school-SES, was modelled at Level 2. Following the estimation
of university aspirations and expectations by the within-person and between-person
variables, cross-level interactions were investigated. If the group level variable is related to
the variability of the within-person slopes, then cross-level interactions are present (Hox,
Watson, Vernon, Seddon, Andrews & Wang 681
2002). To illustrate this, a significant cross-level interaction would indicate that the
association between the within-person independent variable (i.e., university discussions
with parents) and the dependent variable (i.e., university aspirations or expectations)
significantly varied by the between-person group variable (i.e., school-SES). The data set
had missing data for less than five per cent of the sample. Data that were missing were at
least missing at random (MAR) and so were imputed using multiple imputation method,
expectation-maximisation (Scheffer, 2002).
Results
University aspirations and expectations
Bivariate correlations and descriptive statistics for all variables are displayed in Table 2.
Student aspirations and expectations for university were strongly positively correlated.
University discussions with parents was strongly and positively correlated to university
aspirations and expectations. University discussions with parents were moderately and
positively significantly correlated with academic self-concept. All variables were somewhat
skewed to the higher end of the scale.
Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Expectation for university -
2. Aspirations for university .75*** -
3. School-SES .17*** .22*** -
4. Gender .13** .17*** 0.04 -
5. University discussions with parents .57*** .62*** .25*** .17*** -
6. Academic self-concept .50*** .54*** 0.08 -.00 .39*** -
Mean 5.13 4.81 977.29 0.56 3.27 4.81
SD 1.75 1.61 49.50 0.50 1.27 0.98
Minimum 1 1 - (a) - 1 1.67
Maximum 7 6 - (a) - 5 6.00
a. School ICSEA values are not provided to ensure confidentiality.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001
Multilevel modeling was used to investigate the hypothesis, that the link between parental
discussions about higher education and university aspirations and expectations would be
stronger for students from more disadvantaged schools. Results for the Level 1 analysis
682 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
showed that higher levels of university discussions with parents were significantly
associated with university aspirations and expectations (see Table 3). Students who
reported more frequent discussion about university with their parents reported higher
aspirations and expectations for university than those who discussed university less
frequently. Level 2 analyses showed that student aspirations and expectations for
university varied as a function of school-SES. Specifically, higher school-SES was
associated with higher aspirations and expectations for university. The interaction between
university discussions with parents and school-SES was significant for university
aspirations and approaching significance (p = .059) for university expectations. Firstly this
trend indicates that as school-SES increases the link between university discussions with
parents and university aspirations decreased, indicating that the positive link between
university discussions with parents and aspirations was stronger for students from lower
SES schools (see Figure 1). Secondly as the interaction between university discussions
with parents and school-SES was marginally significant for expectations for university the
strength of the positive link is reduced (see Figure 2.)
Table 3: Coefficients for the final model for both university aspirations
and university expectations, testing the cross-level interaction between
university discussions with parents (Level 1) and school-SES (Level 2).
University University
aspirations expectations
Coefficient SE Coefficient SE
Level 1 – Intercept 4.92*** 0.13 5.26*** 0.15
Student Gender 0.28** 0.10 0.19 0.12
Academic self-concept 0.56*** 0.06 0.56*** 0.06
University discussions with parents 0.39*** 0.07 0.40*** 0.08
Level 2 – School-SES 0.01** 0.002 0.01* 0.01
School University discussions with parents -0.004* 0.001 -0.003† 0.001
x school-SES (slope)
Note: †p < .10; *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001
Figure 1 displays the simple slopes for the association between university discussions with
parents and university aspirations across levels of school-SES. The positive association
between university discussion with parents and aspirations was strongest for students
from lower SES schools, becoming weaker for students from higher SES schools. The
intercept, however, was higher for higher SES schools.
Figure 2 displays the simple slope trends for the association between university
discussions with parents and university expectations across levels of school-SES. The
positive association between university discussion with parents and expectations was
strongest for students from lower SES schools, and only marginally weaker for students
from higher SES schools. The intercept, again, was higher for higher SES schools.
Watson, Vernon, Seddon, Andrews & Wang 683
5
University
aspirations
4
ICSEA = 900
3 ICSEA = 950
ICSEA = 1000
2
ICSEA = 1050
1
Never Often
University discussions with parents
6
University
expectations
5
4 ICSEA = 900
ICSEA = 950
3
ICSEA = 1000
2
ICSEA = 1050
1
Never Often
University discussions with parents
University experiences
A one-way between subjects ANOVA was conducted to compare lower and upper-middle
quarter SES school students’ university experience. Students attending upper-middle
quarter SES schools (M = 2.13, SD = .94) reported, on average, significantly more
university experience compared with the lower-middle quarter SES students (M = 1.43,
SD = 1.14), F(1, 528) = 42.60, p < .001, ƞ2 = .08. The results suggest that school-SES
may be associated with the frequency of university exposure a student is provided access
to. With a medium effect size, lower-middle quarter SES students reported almost one
university experience less compared to upper-middle quarter SES students.
In order to determine patterns amongst the university experience types between SES
student groups, frequencies for individual responses were examined. Figure 3 shows the
percentage of students in both the lower- and the upper-middle quarter groups who
reported each individual type of university experience. With the exception of “I
sometimes play sport at University”, all other group frequency comparisons differ
significantly (p < .05) using the chi-square test of independence. Significantly fewer lower-
middle quarter SES students compared to upper-middle quarter SES students, reported
prior visits to university, knowing someone who is currently attending university,
attending a University Enabling Program, as well as visit from a university representative
at their school. More than five times as many lower-middle quarter SES students reported
having had no experience with a university compared to upper-middle quarter students.
The extra exposure to university, or touch points, may be a contributing factor as to why
students from higher SES schools in the region aspire and expect to attend university at
similarly high levels across their reported frequency of university discussions with parents.
80
Lower middle quarter school SES
70 Upper middle quarter school SES
60
50
%
40
30
20
10
0
Visited a Know Play sports on Attending Visit from No university
university someone university University university experience
attending campus Enabling representative
university Program
Discussion
Parental involvement has long been thought to encourage aspirations and expectations for
university attendance (Hill & Tyson, 2009). This is particularly salient for students from
low-SES backgrounds as they experience barriers when it comes to understanding the
inner workings of university participation (Perna et al., 2008; Smith, 2011). Students from
high-SES backgrounds, compared to low-SES backgrounds, are more likely to have
parents who have attained a university education (Kirk et al., 2012), and as such, these
parents will have experiential knowledge (i.e., hot knowledge; Smith 2011) about university
and will be able to, through discussions about university, strongly influence their
children’s aspirations and expectation to go to university. However, their lower SES
counterparts are more likely to have parents who have not been to university therefore,
they have fewer opportunities to experience university discussion, which develops their
aspirations and expectations for university attendance (Sanderfur, et al., 2006). Even
though these parents have not attended university, findings from research suggest that
parents from lower SES areas still encourage academic achievement and involve
themselves in their children’s academic socialisation (Hill & Tyson, 2009; Low, 2015;
McCarron, & Inkelas, 2006). Therefore, in the present study we had two major goals: to
examine whether university discussion with parents positively predicted higher aspirations
and expectations towards attending university; and, to investigate whether this link was
particularly salient for students from lower SES schools. We also examined differences in
students’ reported exposure to university as a function of their school’s SES.
As hypothesised, students who reported more frequent discussion about university with
their parents reported higher aspirations and expectations for university attendance,
compared with those who reported fewer discussions about university. Our second
hypothesis was partly supported; university discussions with parents were more important
for lower SES students’ university aspirations compared to higher SES school students’
aspirations. For university expectations, however, discussions were equally as important
across levels of school-SES. Furthermore, in contextualising the multilevel effects our
results for student university exposure, it was revealed that students attending lower-
middle quarter SES schools reported fewer instances of university exposure when
compared to upper-middle quarter SES students. This may explain why parental
discussions play a critical, compensatory role for lower SES school students’ development
of university aspirations.
Our results indicate that the association between parental discussions and university
aspirations for higher SES students was not as strong as for lower SES students. It may be
that the higher SES school culture provides the context to develop aspirations to
university. Indeed previous research suggests schools often have unequal distribution of
resources that are conducive to university engagement (Perna et al., 2008), therefore, it is
possible that greater availability of resources in higher SES schools dilutes the critical role
played by parental discussions for these students’ university aspirations. Conversely, for
lower SES students, it is important for parents to fill the gap left by the limited university
exposure opportunities available to these students in lower SES schools. However, filling
the gap poses a challenge, as parents of lower SES students are less likely to have
686 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
experiential knowledge about university (i.e., hot knowledge; Smith 2011). This may explain
why parents from lower SES areas have fewer discussions about university with their
children. If parents are to fill this gap, they will require accurate and detailed information
about pathways and protocols surrounding university attendance (i.e., cold knowledge; Smith,
2011). Cold knowledge provided to lower SES parents may afford the same opportunities
for discussions about university that are frequently afforded to higher SES students. Such
resources could include career counseling, the provision of alternative entry pathway
support programs, and exposure to university through parent-school-university
partnerships. Partnerships developed between the MAP4U project, high schools in the
southwest metropolitan corridor of Western Australia and Youth Connect is one such
example whereby parents have attended workshops and activities to increase their
knowledge about university. In particular the program Parents as Career Transition Support
(PACTS; Youth Connect, 2014), was supported through the region to provide knowledge
for parents to navigate career options collaboratively with their children. Such a program
could be modified to specifically target supporting university transition for lower SES
parents who report low levels of hot knowledge about university.
The exploratory results for the differences for instances of university exposure between
SES groups indicated that students attending lower-middle quarter SES schools reported
exposure to fewer university experiences than their upper-middle quarter peers. These
results may indicate that the environments of upper-middle quarter SES schools are more
conducive than lower-middle quarter SES schools for university attainment due to
increased access to tangible university experiences. In fact, upper-middle quarter SES
schools had a greater percentage of students reporting on all instances of university
exposure (i.e. knowing someone from university, having visited a university, playing sport
on a university campus, and having someone from a university visit their school)
compared to lower-middle quarter SES schools. Furthermore, more lower-middle quarter
SES students reported never having experienced university when compared to the upper-
middle quarter SES students. For students attending a lower resourced school and
reporting fewer experiences with university, university discussions with parents play a
critical role in supporting these students’ aspirations and expectations. Without the same
exposure to university and support that upper-middle quarter SES students report,
instances of bidirectional, collaborative discussions with parents about university becomes
more instrumental for aspirations and expectations..
These results are consistent with existing research (Rowan, Perna & Swan, 2011), and the
school resource model posited by Perna (2006). The school resource model posits that
multiple layers of contexts, including university- and occupation-related information in a
student's immediate environment, and career counselling and university preparatory
curriculum in their school environment, collectively impact upon the development of
university aspirations and expectations (Perna, 2006). The results also support existing
literature that higher SES schools possess more resources in the form of university
exposure, while lower SES schools offer students less exposure to university.
Watson, Vernon, Seddon, Andrews & Wang 687
Implications
The results add empirical support to the theorised distinction between university
aspirations and expectations (Gale & Parker, 2014; Gale & Parker 2016; Gottfredson,
1981). The different pattern of results between the aspiration and expectation models
highlights the varying effect of cultural and social capitals on university aspirations and
expectations for students at higher SES schools. Previous research has shown that
students from lower SES regions do aspire to university (Prodonovich et al., 2014; Gale et
al., 2013), adjusting common rhetoric that there is a poverty of aspirations in these areas
(Prodonovich et al., 2014). However, often, for students in these lower SES regions, there
is a gap between their aspirations for a university degree and their perceptions of realising
this goal (i.e., expectations). Our results provide further evidence for this gap. However,
we build upon knowledge that within this study region there are differences in the way
that aspirations and expectations are built and supported by the social and cultural
elements that exist in students’ environment. Because the pattern of results differed for
student aspiration and expectation for university across different levels of SES, we
conclude that aspirations and expectations for university in the region are distinct
constructs and are differentially influenced by the students’ immediate cultural and social
environment. Indeed, our findings indicate that for those students from lower SES
schools, social capital (see Figures 1 and 2 slopes) is instrumental for building perceptions
of post-secondary transition due to lower cultural capital (see Figures 1 and 2 intercepts).
Despite comparatively high university aspirations amongst lower SES students there
remain a proportion of students who do not aspire to university. Although it is speculative
that these students could aspire for university with appropriate support, our results
demonstrate the importance of university discussion with parents for lower SES school
students’ aspirations. For expectations, however, parental discussions about university
were important for all students regardless of school-SES. These findings support Johnston
et al. (2015) who suggested that students from homogenous neighbourhoods share similar
social, economic and cultural conditions, which affect their education and employment
pathways. Given the disadvantaged region from which this sample is derived, the result
that parent discussions are influential for all students’ expectations regardless of school-
SES suggests that even students at higher SES schools in disadvantaged regions are
affected by homogenous neighbourhood factors. Specifically, students’ realisations of a
university pathway are informed and conditioned by the prevailing culture of the region
and as such, discussion with their parents provides the social capital required for them to
expect to attend university, just the same as the discussions do for students from lower
SES schools in the same region.
During the last decade school staff have experienced increasing workloads (Rowan-
Kenyon, Perna & Swan, 2011), so the implementation of new strategies to increase
parental knowledge about university, without adequate resourcing will be challenging. An
innovative strategy may be to look to universities to develop and engage outreach
strategies that target parents with the aim to build their knowledge and capacity to support
their child’s transition to university. This could be done by providing university exposure
opportunities to parents, similar to those currently offered to students, with the aim to
688 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
normalise parents’ attitudes and beliefs about university education. Further, by providing
factual and up to date information about university pathways, these types of programs
could build the capacity for parents to broaden the educational horizons of their child. By
illuminating what is possible for the child, parents can then more effectively support their
child’s aspirations to university and consequently transition their child’s aspirations to
expectations for university and ultimately attendance at university.
The interpretations stemming from the results of the present study are limited by several
methodological issues. Specifically, when considering the implications drawn from the
effect of school-SES, the restricted range of school ICSEA in the study region may reduce
the generalisability of the findings beyond the measured range of SES. The sample’s
school-SES ranged wholly within the middle quarters of the ICSEA scale (ACARA, 2015).
More specifically, the majority of the sample was from the schools in the lower-middle
quarter of ICSEA. Whilst this is representative of the region whose ICSEA ranges
between 850 and 1080, the limitation warrants replication using a more diverse range of
ICSEA.
Furthermore, the current study measured only the types of university-related exposures
the students had encountered, but not the frequency or quality of their engagement with
those experiences. For example, one student could have reported experiencing all options,
but may have experienced each type of university exposure only once. This student would
have scored highest on the summed scale of university experience. Conversely, another
student may have scored low because they only visit a university with their school.
However, their engagement with the university may be regular and more systematic
resulting in a stronger quality of exposure than the student who scores high but only
engages at a surface level. Future research should aim to measure both the frequency and
quality of university exposure to determine whether or not there is an effect of dose.
Conclusion
The results of this study indicate the importance of parents’ discussions about university
with their children while they are in high school. Furthermore, discussions about
university become particularly salient to support aspirations and expectations to go to
university for students from lower SES schools. Even for higher SES schools located in a
disadvantaged region, parental discussions about university are particularly important for
students’ expectations, because these discussions protect against prevailing neighborhood
factors, which can discourage the value of university study. Furthermore, this increase in
dialogue about university may compensate for limited exposure to university for under-
resourced schools. Students and parents in low-SES areas may benefit from increased
university exposure to develop knowledge and discussions about university and support
aspirations to build expectations to attend university.
Acknowledgements
We acknowledge the funding of this research by the Australian Government through a
Department of Industry, Innovation, Science, Research and Tertiary Education
(DIISRTE) Project Grant (2012-2016), administered by Murdoch University and entitled
Murdoch's Aspirations and Pathways for University (MAP4U) Project. We also acknowledge the
schools and the students who participated in Murdoch’s Tertiary Aspirations Survey.
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692 Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach using school-SES
Stuart Watson recently completed a PhD in the School of Applied Psychology, Griffith
University. He holds a Project Manager position on the Murdoch Aspirations and
Pathways for University Project [http://www.map4u.com.au] at Murdoch University in
Perth, Western Australia and provides consultancy for research methods and statistics.
His main research interests are supporting adolescents from low-SES backgrounds into
higher education, stress and coping, and the prevention of suicide.
Email: s.watson@murdoch.edu.au
Lynette Vernon completed a Bachelor of Science at the University of Western Australia
and a Diploma of Education at Edith Cowan University. She has taught science and
mathematics in schools across Western Australia. During her teaching she completed an
Honours degree in 2009 and is finishing her PhD studies. Lynette is the MAP4U
Director.
Email: l.vernon@murdoch.edu.au
Sarah Seddon completed a Bachelor of Psychology and a Bachelor of Criminology in
2016. Sarah is also currently working as a senior research assistant for the MAP4U
Project.
Email: s.seddon@murdoch.edu.au
Yolanda Andrews completed a Bachelor of Health Science in 2008 at Edith Cowan
University and completed a Master of Science (by research) at the University of Western
Australia in 2014. She has worked in school-based research investigating drug education,
road safety, cyber bullying, suicide prevention and Aboriginal health. Yolanda is a
MAP4U Research and Administration Coordinator.
Email: y.andrews@murdoch.edu.au
Angela Wang completed a Bachelor of Science in Psychology at the University of
Sydney in 2014. Angela then completed a Graduate Diploma in Psychology at Murdoch
University in 2015.
Email: angelawang.4@hotmail.com
Please cite as: Watson, S. J., Vernon, L., Seddon, S., Andrews, Y. & Wang, A. (2016).
Parents influencing secondary students’ university aspirations: A multilevel approach
using school-SES. Issues in Educational Research, 26(4), 673-693.
http://www.iier.org.au/iier26/watson.pdf