The New Grove Dictionary of Music & Musicians
The New Grove Dictionary of Music & Musicians
The New Grove Dictionary of Music & Musicians
Editions: Ausgewählte Werke von Leopold Mozart, ed. M. Seiffert, DTB, xvii,
Jg.ix/2 (1908) [S]Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart’s Werke, ed. J. Brahms and
others (Leipzig, 1877–1905/R [W]Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart: Neue
Ausgabe sämtlicher Werke, ed. D. Berke, W. Plath, W. Rehm and others
(Kassel, 1955–91) [NMA]Leopold Mozart: Ausgewählte Werke, i: Sinfonien,
ed. C. Eisen, Denkmäler der Musik in Salzburg, iv (Bad Reichenhall, 1990)
[incl. detailed list] [E]
for detailed lists see also Seiffert, 1908, Theiss, 1942, and Carlson, 1976
vocal
Sacred cants. (orats), applausus, school dramas: Christus begraben (I.A.
Weiser), Salzburg, 1741, rev. 1755, music lost, libs A-Sub, ed. in S;
Antiquitas personata, Salzburg, 1742, pr. scenario Su, ed. in S; Christus
verurteilt (Weiser), Salzburg, 1743, music lost, lib Su (1743), Sca (1749);
Der Mensch ein Gottesmörder (Weiser), by 1753, parts I-BZf (see
Tagliavini, C1963; Münster, A1965); Geistliches Schäfergedicht, oder Der
gute Hirte (J.A. Schachtner), after 1754, music lost, lib A-Su; Oratorium
pro Quadragesima, score CH-BEl (see Eisen, C1987); other Passion
cants., lost, presumably incl. 2 extant arias ?11 April 1755, D-Bsb*, s4.18,
ed. in S; Weicht, zweifelnde Klagen, s4.19, A-Wgm*; So straft Herodes
die Verräter, s4.20, Wn*, ed. in S; Applausus, 1753, comp. for St Peter’s,
lost (see Martin, A1913, p.355)
Masses: Missa solemnis, C, s4.1, by 1753, parts A-Wgm, D-Ahk, Asa;
Missa solemnis, C, s4.2, before c1760, parts A-Ssp, D-Mbs, ed. R. Kubik
(Neuhausen, 1981), frag. draft OF* = k115, ed. in W xxiv/28 and by W.
Schulze (Stuttgart, 1983) (see Pfannhauser, C1971–2); Missa, A, parts A-
Sd; Missa brevis, F, k116 and k6417B and kaA18–19, frags. D-Bsb*, F-
Pn*, US-STu*, ed. in W xxiv/33 (see Plath, C1971–2); San-Ag, C, s4.11,
formerly D-Ahk, lost; Missa 1ma Ssmae Trinitatis, C, s4.4, score, A-Sca,
doubtful; Mass, C, kaC1.08, parts Wn, CZ-Pnm, doubtful, numerous other
sources attrib. W.A. Mozart, pubd as Duae missae, no.1 (Munich, n.d.)
and as Mozart’s Masses 8 (London, n.d.), ? by F. Gleissner (see Köchel);
Missa solemnis, C, s4.3, kaC1.20, doubtful, ? by C. Vogel; Gl-Cr-San, A,
s4.5, spurious, by J.E. Eberlin; Missa pastoritia, C, spurious, by B.
Grueber (see Plath, C1966, C1974)
Lits: Litaniae de venerabili, C, s4.6, 1 movt D-Bsb*, parts formerly Ahk,
ed. in S; Litaniae Lauretanae de BVM, E , s4.7–8, before c1760, A-Sca*,
rev. parts Sd with ob solo by W.A. Mozart (see Eisen, C1991), ed. in
NMA, X:28, Abt.3–5/i (1973); Litaniae Lauretanae, F, s4.9, parts A-Sd;
Litaniae Lauretanae, G, s4.10, before c1760, parts Sd; Litaniae de
venerabili sacramento, D, 1762, Sd* (see Senn, C1971–2), ed. in NMA,
X:28, Abt.3–5/i (1973); Litanei, D, formerly LA
Other church music: Dixit Dominus, Mag, C, 1750s, parts D-Asa;
Miserere, F, s4.12, formerly Ahk, lost; Tantum ergo, C, s4.16, before
c1760, parts A-Sd, Ssp; Veni Sancte Spiritus, C, s4.17, parts Ssp, KR,
ed. in Kurthen C1921; Offertorium de tempore et sub exposito venerabili
(Convertentur sedentes), D, s4.13, before c1760, kaC3.09, parts Ssp, D-
FW, ed. in W iii/23; Offertorium de Ssmo Sacramento (Parasti mensam),
A, s4.14, score A-Wgm, parts Sd, ed. in S; Off SS Trinitate (Omnes hodie
coelestium), D, by 1757, parts D-Asa, TIT, A-Wgm; Off (Rorate caeli), B ,
parts HR-Zh; Off (Jubilate Domino), C, before c1760, parts D-Asa, A-KR;
Off (Beata es virgo Maria), C, parts SEI; Sequenza (Veni Sancte Spiritus),
GÖ*, doubtful; Ad sacram Communionem (Confitemini domino), F, s4.15,
before c1760, parts SsP; Cantata pro Communione (Pulcherrimus
mortalium), A, before c1760, parts D-Asa; Cantata ad Communionem
(Surgite mortui), C, by 1756, parts TIT; Aria de BVM (Helle Sonn der
dürstren Sterne), D, parts Asa; Aria (Trauere, o verwaiste Seele), F, ?
c1750, parts A-Sn; Aria pro adventu (Christen auf), E , parts Sn; Aria pro
Adventu (Nur im Paradeis), D, parts Sn
Secular lieder: Bey dem Abschiede (Du dauerst mich) (J.C. Günther) and
Die Rangordnung (Den Schönen, die mit holden Blicken), D-DÜk*; Der
Mensch seufzt stets in Kreuz und Weh, 1 Jan 1761, H-Bn*; Die
grossmütige Gelassenheit (Ich hab’ es längst gesagt) (Günther), k149, A-
LIm*, ed. in W vii/1; Die Zufriedenheit im niedrigen Stande (Ich trachte
nicht nach solchen Dingen) (F.R.L. von Canitz), k151, LIm*, ed. in W vii/1;
Geheime Liebe (Was ich in Gedanken küsse) (Günther), k150, H-Bn*, ed.
in W vii/1; 15 Lieder (C.F. Gellert), kaC8.32–46, possibly by L. Mozart
(see Plath, C1971–2); cadenzas for arias by J.C. Bach, k293e (see Plath,
C1971–2)
symphonies
C: no.1, s3.1, parts D-Bsb; no.2, ‘Sinfonia da camera’, s3.2, by c1760,
parts HR, ed. in Diletto musicale, no.938 (Vienna, 1989); no.3, s lost work
no.1, kaC11.01, 1st vn part Mbs, movt i ed. H. Engel, MJb 1951, 22–33;
no.4, parts CH-Zz (as ‘Partia’)
D [nos. 1–13]: no.1 ‘De gustibus non est disputandum’, s3.3, parts D-HR,
ed. in The Symphony 1720–1840, ser. B, vii (New York, 1984); no.2 ‘De
gustibus non est disputandum’, s3.4, parts HR; no.3 ‘Non è bello quello
che è bello mà quello che piace’, s3.5, parts HR; no.4, s3.6, parts HR;
no.5 ‘Sinfonia da camera’, s3.7, parts HR, ed. in S; no.6, s3.8 by c1760,
parts HR; no.7, s3.9, parts HR; no.8, s3.10, parts HR; no.9, s3.11, by
c1760, parts HR; no.10, s3.12, parts HR; no.11, s3.13 by 1751, parts HR;
no.12, s3.14 by 1761, parts CH-Zz, D-HR, Rtt; no.13 ‘Non è bello quello
che è bello mà quello che piace’, s3.15, parts HR, ed. in The Symphony
1720–1840, ser. B, vii (New York, 1984)
D [nos. 14–25]: no.14, s3.16, k81/73l, ?1770, probably by W.A. Mozart
(see Seiffert, C1908, pp.xxxviii ff, Köchel, 6/1964 and Eisen, C1986),
parts A-Wgm (attrib. W.A. Mozart), ed. in W 24/4, NMA, IV:11/ii; no.15,
s3.17, by 1772, frag. parts A-Sca, D-HR, Rtt; no.16, frag. parts HR;
no.17, s lost work no.2, by 1761, parts RUh; no.18, s lost work no.3, by
1753, parts A-Sca, ed. in E; no.19, s lost work no.4, by 1766, lost; no.20,
parts Ik; no.21, parts Ik; no.22, ? by 1753, definitely by 1760, parts D-
Asa; no.23 ‘Jagd Parthia’, by 1768, formerly A-LA, lost; no.24, by 1768,
frag. parts D-Asa; no.25, by 1771, parts DO dated 1771; no.26, parts Rtt,
ed. in E
E : no.1, by 1768, formerly A-LA, lost
F: no.1, s3.18, by c1760, parts D-HR, ed. in The Symphony 1720–1840,
ser. B, vii (New York, 1984) and in Diletto musicale, no.939 (Vienna,
1989); no.2, s3.19, by 1751, parts HR, ed. in E; no.3, s3.20, ? by 1753,
definitely by 1760, parts Mbs, Asa, version with 2 hn, ed. W. Höckner
(Hamburg, 1959); no.4, s lost work no.5, by 1761, parts MÜu; no.5, by
1760, parts Tl dated 1760; no.6, ? by 1748, definitely by 1768, parts Asa,
ed. in E
G [nos. 1–9]: no.1, s3.21, parts D-HR; no.2 ‘Sinfonia burlesca’, s3.22,
parts Asa, HR, ed. in S; no.3 ‘Sinfonia pastorale’, s3.23, kaC11.13, by
1753, parts Asa, BAR, HR, MS copies in score A-Wgm, D-Bsb, ed. K.
Janetzky (Zürich, 1979); no.4, s3.24, parts HR; no.5, s3.25, by 1768,
parts Asa, HR, ed. in E; no.6, s3.26, parts HR; no.7, s3.27, by c1760,
parts HR, ed. in E; no.8, s3.28, kaC11.09, by 1775, attrib. L. Mozart in
Breitkopf catalogue suppl.X (1775), 3, but cf Köchel (6/1964), edn
(Leipzig, 1841); no.9 ‘Sinfonia da caccia’, s3.29, parts HR, A-Wgm, ed. in
S
G [nos. 10–20]: no.10, s lost work no.6, by 1761, lost; no.11, s lost work
no.7, by 1766, lost; no.12, s lost work no.8, by 1766, lost; no.13, s lost
work no.9, by 1766, parts Marburg, Hessisches Landesarchiv; no.14, by
1768, parts D-Asa; no.15, by 1768, formerly A-LA, lost; no.16, ?1767,
definitely by 1769, parts D-Asa, ed. in NM, no.217 (1965), attrib. W.A.
Mozart by Abert (C1964, also MJb 1964); no.17, by 1753, parts A-Gd, ed.
in Diletto musicale, no.293 (Vienna, 1970); no.18, by 1753, parts Gd, ed.
H.C.R. Landon (London, 1956); nos.19–20, both by 1768, formerly LA,
lost
A: no.1, s3.30, by 1766, parts D-Asa, ed. in E; no.2, by 1751, inc. parts
Mbs; no.3, lost, listed in Karlsruhe catalogue (see Eisen, C1987)
B : no.1, s lost work no.10, by 1753, parts D-Asa; no.2, s lost work no.11,
by 1761, formerly A-LA, lost; no.3, s lost work no.12, by 1766, lost; no.4,
by 1768, formerly LA, lost; no.5, by 1753, parts Gd, ed. in Diletto
musicale, no.294 (Vienna, 1970); no.6, kaC11.02, ? by 1756, definitely by
1768, formerly LA, also circulated in version with 2 ob, 2 hn, W viii/i (see
Köchel, 6/1964, and Eisen, A1986); no.7, formerly D-ZL, lost; no.8, s1.12,
by 1761, arr. kbd in Raccolta delle megliore sinfonie, iii (Leipzig, 1761)
a: life
A. Buff: ‘Mozarts Augsburger Vorfahren’, Zeitschrift des
historischen Vereins für Schwaben, xviii (1891), 1–36
F. Martin: ‘Kleine Beiträge zur Musikgeschichte Salzburgs,
insbesonders zur Biographie Michael Haydns’, Mitteilungen
der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde, liii (1913),
355–62
F. Wagner: ‘Ein neues Bild Leopold Mozarts’, Mozart-Jb 1929,
303–6
F. Posch: ‘Leopold Mozart als Mensch, Vater und Erzieher der
Aufklärung’, Neues Mozart-Jb 1941, 49–78
H.F. Deininger, ed.: Augsburger Mozartbuch (Augsburg, 1942–
3) [incl. A. Sandberger: ‘Festrede gehalten anlässlich der
Eröffnung des Augsburger Mozarthauses’, 30–39; E.F.
Schmid: ‘Mozart und das geistliche Augsburg’, 40–202]
E.F. Schmid: Ein schwäbisches Mozartbuch (Lorch and
Stuttgart, 1948)
E.F. Schmid: ‘Leopold Mozart’, Lebensbilder aus dem
bayerischen Schwaben, ed. G.F. von Pölnitz and others, iii
(Munich, 1954), 346–68
E.F. Schmid: ‘Neues zu Leopold Mozarts Bildungsgang’, Acta
mozartiana, iii/1 (1956), 21–4
H.F. Deininger, ed.: Neues Augsburger Mozartbuch (Augsburg,
1962) [incl. O.E. Deutsch: ‘Ein Rezept für den sterbenden
Vater Mozart’, 329–31; A. Layer: ‘Leopold und Wolfgang
Mozarts schwäbischer Bekannten- und Freundeskreis in
Salzburg’, 293–315; ‘Beziehungen von Leopold und
Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart zu Musikern des Augsburger
Domstiftes’, 245–61; ‘Mozart und der fürstbischöflich
Augsburgische Hof’, 263–92; E.F. Schmid: ‘Neues zu
Leopold Mozarts Bildungsgang’, 200–04; W. Senn: ‘Zur
Erbteilung nach Leopold Mozart’, 383–95; E. Valentin: ‘“Was
der Schüler beobachten mus … ”’: zu Leopold Mozarts
Lehrtätigkeit’, 321–8]
R. Münster: ‘Neues zu Leopold Mozarts Augsburger
Gymnasialjahren’, Acta mozartiana, xii (1965), 57–60
L. Wegele: ‘Augsburg und die Mozart’, Musik in der Reichsstadt
Augsburg (Augsburg, 1965), 149–62
R. Münster: ‘München und Wasserburg am Inn als Stationen der
Mozartreisen von 1762 und 1763’, Acta mozartiana, xv
(1968), 32–41
A. Layer: ‘Leopold Mozart im Urteil seiner Zeitgenossen’,
Schwäbische Blätter für Heimatpflege und Volksbildung, xx
(1969), 84–8
L. Wegele, ed.: Leopold Mozart, 1719–1787: Bild einer
Persönlichkeit (Augsburg, 1969)
E. Hintermaier: Die Salzburger Hofkapelle von 1700 bis 1806:
Organisation und Personal (diss., U. of Salzburg, 1972)
J.H. Eibl: ‘Die Mozarts und der Erzbishcof’, ÖMz, xxx (1975),
329–41
A. Layer: Musikgeschichte der Fürstabtei Kempten (Kempten,
1975), esp. 54–5: ‘Joseph Ignaz Bieling, ein Schüler Leopold
Mozarts’
A. Layer: Eine Jugend in Augsburg: Leopold Mozart 1719–1737
(Augsburg, 1975)
M.H. Schmid: Mozart und die Salzburger Tradition (Tutzing,
1976)
F. Lanegger: Mozart Vater und Sohn: eine psychologische
Untersuchung (Zürich, 1978)
J. Mančal: ‘Leopold Mozart und Augsburg’, Bayerisches
Kulturmosaik (1985), no.1, pp.26–9
C. Eisen: ‘Contributions to a New Mozart Documentary
Biography’, JAMS, xxxix (1986), 615–32
J. Mančal: ‘“…durch beyhülff hoher Recommendation …”: Neues
zu Leopold Mozarts beruflichem Anfang’,
Sechsunddreissegstes Deutsches Mozartfest der Deutschen
Mozart-Gesellschaft: Programm (n.p., 1987), 23–36
W. Baer, ed.: Leopold Mozart zum 200. Todestag, Stadtarchivs
Augsburg, 23 May–16 Aug 1987 (Augsburg, 1987)
[Exhibition catalogue]
J. Mančal: ‘Neues über Leopold Mozart: Gedanken zum 200.
Todestag’, ÖMz, xlii (1987), 282–91
W. Plath: ‘Leopold Mozart 1987’, Leopold Mozart und Augsburg
(Augsburg, 1987), 11–25; repr. in W. Plath: Mozart-Schriften,
ed. M. Danckwardt (Kassel, 1991), 379–88, and Leopold
Mozart: auf dem Weg zu einem Verständnis, ed. J. Mančal
and W. Plath (Augsburg, 1994), 171–82
F. Langegger: ‘Leopold Mozart als Persönlichkeit’, MJb 1987–8,
107–14
A. Mann: ‘Leopold Mozart als Lehrer seines Sohnes’, MJb 1989–
90, 317–51
S. Puntscher Reikmann: ‘Der Mensch als Kunstwerk des
Menschen: Gedanken zum ästhetisch-pädagogischen
Projekt Leopold Mozarts’, MJb 1989–90, 17–21
J. Mančal: ‘Zum Verhältnis Leopold Mozarts zu Wolfgang
“Amadé” Mozart: Prolegomena zur Strukturbestimmung
einer personalen Beziehung und ihrer
Wirklichkeitsorganisation im Zeitalter der Aufklärung und des
Absolutismus’, Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereins für
Schwaben, lxxxiv (1991), 191–245; lxxxv (1992), 233–71
J. Mančal: ‘Fürsterzbischof, Vizekapllmeister, Konzertmeister:
Nacht, Musik und die Mozarts’, Acta mozartiana, lxi (1994),
79–94
J. Mančal: ‘Die Riesen von Leopold Mozart: die Station
Wasserburg’, Acta mozartiana, lxi (1994), 126–33
J. Mančal: ‘Zur “Verfremdung” historischer
Entfremdungsprozesse am Beispiel Leopold Mozarts’,
Leopold Mozart: auf dem Weg zu einem Verständnis, ed. J.
Mančal and W. Plath (Augsburg, 1994), 183–95
J. Mančal, ed.: Beiträge zur Leopold-Mozart-Forschung, ii (1996)
[incl. P. Petrobelli: ‘Leopold Mozart e la “Ausbildung” di
Wolfgang’, 103–4; J. Mančal: ‘Der Mensch als Schöpfer
seiner Wirklichkeit’, 145–70; A. Raab: ‘“Im Lichtkreis seines
Sohnes, ohne den er im Dunkeln stände”: Leopold Mozart
im Verstandnis der Mozart Biographik’, 187–96]
R. Halliwell: The Mozart Family (Oxford, 1998)
b correspondence, documents, notebooks, iconography
H. Abert: ‘Leopold Mozarts Notenbuch von 1762’, Gluck-Jb
1917, 51–87
H. Klein: ‘Ein unbekanntes Gesuch Leopold Mozarts von 1759’,
Neues Mozart-Jb 1943, 95–101
A. Kozár: Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756–1791) im Spiegel
der Briefe seines Vaters Leopold Mozart: ein Beitrag zur
Kulturgeschichte des 18. Jahrhunderts (diss., U. of Graz,
1955)
H. Klein: ‘Unbekannte Mozartiana von 1766/67’, MJb 1957, 168–
85
D.-R. de Lerma: ‘Händel-Spuren im Notenbuch Leopold
Mozarts’, Acta mozartiana, v (1958), 15–16
D.-R. de Lerma: ‘The Nannerl Notebook’, MR, xix (1958), 1–5
H. Klein: ‘Drei unbekannte Tagebuchnotizen über Leopold
Mozart’, Neues Augsburger Mozartbuch, ed. H.F. Deininger
(Augsburg, 1962), 317–20
O.E. Deutsch: ‘Some Fallacies in Mozart Biography’, The
Creative World of Mozart, ed. P.H. Lang (New York, 1963),
144–9
L. Wegele: ‘Ein Brief Leopold Mozarts an seinen Augsburger
Verleger Johann Jakob Lotter’, Acta mozartiana, xiii (1966),
36–42
W. Plath: ‘Leopold Mozarts Notenbuch für Wolfgang (1762): eine
Fälschung?’, MJb 1971–2, 337–41
R. Schaal: ‘Ein angeblich verschollener Brief von Leopold
Mozart’, Acta mozartiana, xxvi (1979), 50–51
A. Goldmann: ‘“Verzeihen sie mir meine Freyheit”: Leopold
Mozart und Meinrad Spiess’, Acta mozartiana, xxxiv (1987),
54–63
J. Mančal: ‘Leopold Mozart: Brief an Meinrad Spiess’, Acta
mozartiana, xxxiv (1987), 77–82
A. Hamerníková: ‘“Licitations-Protocall über die Leopold
Mozartische Verlassenschaft” im Familienarchiv Berchtold’,
MJb 1991, i, 122–5
E. Mikanova: ‘Postůzalostni spisy Leopolda Mozarta v
československych archīvech [Documents from the estate of
Leopold Mozart in Czech and Slovak archives]’, HV, i
(1992), 16–21
R. Angermüller: ‘Leopold Mozarts Verlassenschaft’, MISM, xl/3–
4 (1993), 1–32
c works
L. von Köchel: Chronologisch-thematisches Verzeichnis
Sämtlicher Tonwerke Wolfgang Amade Mozart (Leipzig,
1862; rev. 2/1905 by P. Graf von Waldersee; rev. 3/1937 by
A. Einstein, repr. 4/1958, 5/1963, with suppl. 3/1947; rev.
6/1964 by F. Giegling, A. Weinmann and G. Sievers, repr.
7/1965)
M. Friedlaender: ‘Leopold Mozarts Klaviersonaten’, Die Musik,
iv/1 (1904–5), 38–40
W. Renz: ‘Leopold Mozart als Komponist’, Die Musik, iv/4 (1904–
5), 351–61
M. Seiffert: Foreword to Ausgewählte Werke von Leopold
Mozart, DTB, xvii, Jg.ix/2 (1908/R) [with list of works; see
review by J. Liebeskind, ZIMG, xi (1909–10), 361]
G. Schünemann: ‘Leopold Mozart als Komponist’, AMz, xxvi
(1909), 1039–40
W. Kurthen: ‘Studien zu W.A. Mozarts Kirchenmusikalischen
Jugendwerken’, ZMw, iii (1921), 194–222, 337–81
E.H. Mueller von Asow: ‘Ein ungedrucktes Skezzenblatt
Mozarts’, Neues Mozart-Jb, i (1941), 175–80
E.L. Theiss: Die Instrumentalwerke Leopold Mozarts nebst einer
Biographie (diss., U. of Giessen, 1942; extracts in Neues
Augsburger Mozartbuch, ed. H.F. Deininger (Augsburg,
1962), 397–468) [with list of works]
E. Valentin: ‘Musikalische Schlittenfahrt, ein Wolfgang Amadeus
Mozart zugesprochenes Gegenstück zu Leopold Mozarts
Werk’, in Augsburger Mozartbuch, ed. H.F. Deininger
(Augsburg, 1942–3), 441–51
E.F. Schmid: ‘Leopold Mozart und die Kindersinfonie’, MJb 1951,
69–86
H.C. Robbins Landon: ‘Two Orchestral Works Wrongly
Attributed to Mozart’, MR, xvii (1956), 29–34
W. Plath: ‘Beiträge zu Mozart-Autographie, I: die Handschrift
Leopold Mozarts’, MJb 1960–61, 82–117
L.F. Tagliavini: ‘Un oratorio sconosciuto di Leopold Mozart’,
Festschrift Otto Erich Deutsch, ed. W. Gerstenberg, J.
LaRue and W. Rehm (Kassel, 1963), 187–95
A.A. Abert: ‘Methoden der Mozartforschung’, MJb 1964, 22–7
[on Wolfgang’s and Leopold’s Lambach symphonies]
A.A. Abert: ‘Stilistischer Befund und Quellenlage: zu Mozarts
Lambacher Sinfonie KV Anh.221 = 45a’, Festschrift Hans
Engel, ed. H. Heussner (Kassel, 1964), 43–56
W. Plath: ‘Ein “neues” Mozart-Manuskript in Augsburg’, Acta
mozartiana, xiii (1966), 86–9
R. Münster: ‘Wer ist der Komponist der “Kindersinfonie”?’, Acta
mozartiana, xvi (1969), 76–82
M.H. Schmid: Die Musikaliensammlung der Erzabtei St. Peter in
Salzburg. Katalog I: Leopold und Wolfgang Amadeus
Mozart, Joseph und Michael Haydn (Salzburg, 1970)
K. Pfannhauser: ‘Epilegomena Mozartiana’, MJb 1971–2, 268–
312
W. Plath: ‘Zur Echtheitsfrage bei Mozart: 2. Leopold Mozart’,
MJb 1971–2, 19–36; repr. in W. Plath: Mozart Schriften, ed.
M. Danckwardt (Kassel, 1991), 179–201
W. Senn: ‘Das wiederaufgefundene Autograph der
Sakramentslitanei in D von Leopold Mozart’, MJb 1971–2,
197–216
W. Plath: ‘Leopold Mozarts Pastoralmesse: unecht?’, Acta
mozartiana, xxi (1974), 16–18
A. Weinmann: ‘Neue Ergebnisse der RISM-Quellenforschung’,
ÖMz, xxix (1974), 440–42 [on Serenade in D, no.7]
D.M. Carlson: The Vocal Music of Leopold Mozart (1719–1787):
Authenticity, Chronology and Thematic Catalogue (diss., U.
of Michigan, 1976)
G. Allroggen: ‘Mozarts Lambacher Sinfonie: Gedanken zur
musikalischen Stilkritik’, Festschrift für Georg von Dadelsen
zum 60. Geburstag, ed. T. Kohlhase and V. Scherliess
(Neuhaussen, 1978), 7–19; repr. in Leopold Mozart: auf dem
Weg zu einem Verständnis, ed. J. Mančal and W. Plath
(Augsburg, 1994), 119–30
R. Münster: ‘Neue Funde zu Mozarts symphonischen
Jugendwerk’, MISM, xxx/1–2 (1982), 2–11; repr. in Leopold
Mozart: auf dem Weg zu einem Verständnis (Augsburg,
1994), ed. J. Mančal and W. Plath, 131–41
N. Zaslaw: ‘The “Lambach” Symphonies of Wolfgang and
Leopold Mozart’, Music and Civilisation: Essays in Honor of
Paul Henry Lang, ed. E. Strainchamps, M.R. Maniates and
R. Hatch (New York, 1984), 15–28; repr in Leopold Mozart:
auf dem Weg zu einem Verständnis, ed. J. Mančal and W.
Plath (Augsburg, 1994), 143–56
N. Zaslaw and C. Eisen: ‘Signor Mozart's Symphony in A-minor
K.Anh.220 = 16a’, JM, iv (1985–6), 191–206
C. Eisen: The Symphonies of Leopold Mozart and their
Relationship to the Early Symphonies of Wolfgang Amadeus
Mozart: a Bibliographical and Stylistic Study (diss., Cornell
U., 1986)
W. Plath: ‘Leopold Mozart und Nannerl: Lehrer und Schülerin:
Fragmentarische Bemerkungen zu zwei Fragmenten’,
Festschrift für Arno Forchert zum 60. Gebertstag, ed. G.
Allroggen and D. Altenburg (Kassel, 1986), 127–30
C. Eisen: ‘Leopold Mozart Discoveries’, MISM, xxxv (1987), 1–
10
G. Krombach: ‘Leopold Mozart, Michael Haydn und die
Kirchenmusik in Salzburg’, Singende Kirche, xxxiv/2 (1987),
53–9
C. Eisen: ‘The Symphonies of Leopold Mozart: their Chronology,
Style, and Importance for the Study of Mozart's Earliest
Symphonies’, MJb 1987–8, 181–3
S. Gerlach: ‘Textkritische Untersuchungen zur Autorschaft der
“Kindersinfone” Hoboken II:47’, Opera incerta:
Echtheitsfragen als Problem musik wissenschaftlicher
Gesamtausgaben: Mainz 1988, 153–88
C. Eisen: ‘Problems of Authenticity among Mozart's Early
Symphonies: the Examples of K.Anh.220 (16a) and 76
(42a)’, ML, lxx (1989), 505–16
M. Staehelin: ‘Übersehenes zur Mozart-Überlieferung’,
Quaestiones in Musica: Festschrift für Franz Krautwurst zum
65. Geburtstag, ed. F. Brusniak and H. Leuchtmann (Tutzing,
1989), 591–607, esp. 606
M.H. Schmid: ‘Zu den Klaviersonaten von Leopold Mozart’, MJb
1989–90, 23–30
C. Eisen: ‘The Mozarts' Salzburg Copyists: Aspects of
Attribution, Chronology, Text, Style and Performance
Practice’, Mozart Studies (Oxford, 1991), 253–307
N. Delius: ‘Ein Flötenkonzert von Leopold Mozart’, Tibia, iii
(1994), 209–11
E. Illing: Berchtoldsgaden musick: a Study of the Early Texts of
the Piece Popularly Known in England as Haydn’s Toy
Symphony and in Germany as Haydns Kindersinfonie, and
of a Cassation attributed to Leopold Mozart which embodies
the Kindersinfonie (Melbourne, 1994)
C. Eisen: ‘The Mozarts' Salzburg Music Library’, Mozart Studies
2 (Oxford, 1997), 85–138
d violin method
K. Gerhartz: ‘Die Violinschule von Leopold Mozart (1756)’,
Mozart-Jb 1929, 243–302
K. von Fischer: ‘Eine Neubearbeitung von Leopold Mozarts
Violinschule aus dem Jahre 1804: ein Stilvergleich’, Mf, ii
(1949), 187–92
W. Egk: ‘Anmerkungen zur Violinschule von Leopold Mozart’,
Gestalt und Gedanke, iv (1957), 28–35
W. Lidke: ‘Übereinstimmung und Gegensatz der Violinschulen
von Leopold Mozart und Louis Spohr’, Festschrift Louis
Spohr, ed. G. Kraft, P. Michel and H.R. Jung (Weimar, 1959),
7–25
E. Melkus: ‘Über die Ausführung der Stricharten in Mozarts
Werken’, MJb 1967, 244–65
R. Stowell: Violin Technique and Performance Practice in the
Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries
(Cambridge, 1985)
P. Petrobelli: ‘La cultura di Leopold Mozart e la sua
“Violinschule”’, MJb 1989–90, 9–16
A. Rosenthal: ‘Leopold Mozart's “Violinschule” Annotated by the
Author’, Mozart Studies, ed. C. Eisen (Oxford, 1991), 83–99
R. Stowell: ‘Leopold Mozart revised: Articulation in Violin Playing
during the second half of the Eighteenth Century’,
Perspectives on Mozart Performance, ed. R.L. Todd and P.
Williams (Cambridge, 1991), 126–57
Mozart
(2) Maria Anna (Walburga Ignatia) Mozart [‘Nannerl’]
(b Salzburg, 30/31 July 1751; d Salzburg, 29 Oct 1829). Pianist,
daughter of (1) Leopold Mozart. She received her first music
lessons from her father in 1758; in 1764 Leopold considered her
‘one of the most skilful pianists in Europe’ (letter of 8 June). From
1762 to 1767 Nannerl travelled with her family on various musical
tours; from 1769 onwards she was no longer permitted to show
her artistic talent on travels with her brother, as she had reached
a marriageable age. While Wolfgang triumphed as a composer
and virtuoso abroad, she remained with her mother in Salzburg.
Wolfgang praised her compositions and encouraged her to
continue composing, but her father never mentioned her work,
and none of it survives. Whereas Mozart disobeyed his father
and married a woman of his choice, Nannerl, who was an avid
reader and theatre-goer, obviously adopted the prescriptive and
pedagogical literature of the late Enlightenment and lived as the
epitome of contemporary ideas of femininity (piety, self-sacrifice,
propriety, modesty). She apparently renounced her love for the
captain and private tutor Franz d'Ippold and in accordance with
her father's wishes married Johann Baptist von Berchtold zu
Sonnenburg (b 22 Oct 1736; d 26 Feb 1801), a government
official and magistrate at St Gilgen, in 1784. Besides bringing up
five children of Berchtold's, she bore three children, Leopold
Alois Pantaleon (1785–1840), Jeanette (1789–1805) and Maria
Babette (1790–91). Her brother, who wrote several works for her,
including the Prelude and Fugue k394/383a, remained closely
attached to her. In St Gilgen Nannerl received most of Mozart's
piano concertos up to k467, and copies in her handwriting exist
(now in A-Ssp). It has falsely been assumed that Nannerl
quarrelled with her brother about their father's legacy; however,
as a woman she had no legal power, and the negotiations were
conducted by her husband.
In 1792 Nannerl wrote down some recollections about her late
brother for Schlichtegroll; her material (in A-Sm) was also used
by Nissen. Parts of her diaries and some letters also exist. She
was later wrongly accused of criticizing her sister-in-law
Constanze as not being a ‘fitting girl’ for Mozart (see Rieger,
1990, pp.240–41) but, as the manuscript shows, this sentence is
not written in her handwriting but in that of Albert von Mölk.
After her husband's death in 1801 Nannerl returned to Salzburg
with her two surviving children. She gave piano lessons and
helped publishers find missing works by her brother. Mozart's son
Franz Xaver visited her in 1821, which gave her great pleasure.
She was blind from 1825, and when Vincent and Mary Novello
visited her in 1829 they found her ‘blind, languid, exhausted,
feeble and nearly speechless’; Mary Novello also remarked on
her poverty and loneliness. Clearly her lifestyle in old age did not
reflect her affluence, for her estate turned out to consist of the
large sum of 7837 gulden. She was buried in the churchyard of
the abbey of St Peter, Salzburg.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
W. Hummel: Nannerl: Wolfgang Amadeus Mozarts Schwester
(Salzburg, 1952)
N. Medici di Marignano and R. Hughes, eds.: A Mozart
Pilgrimage: Being the Travel Diaries of Vincent and Mary
Novello in the Year 1829 (London, 1955/R)
D.-R. de Lerma: ‘The Nannerl Notebook’, MR, xix (1958), 1–5
W. Hummel, ed.: Nannerl Mozarts Tagebuchblätter mit
Eintragungen ihres Bruders Wolfgang Amadeus (Stuttgart,
1958) [see also K. Pfannhauser, MISM, viii/1–2 (1959), 11–
17]
W. Plath: ‘Leopold Mozart und Nannerl: Lehrer und Schülerin’,
Festschrift Arno Forchert, ed. G. Allroggen and D. Altenburg
(Kassel, 1986), 127–30
E. Rieger: Nannerl Mozart: Leben einer Künstlerin im 18.
Jahrhundert (Frankfurt, 1990)
E. Rieger: ‘Die gefesselte Phantasie der Frau: ein neuer Blick
auf Nannerl Mozart’, MJb 1991, 115–21
R. Halliwell: The Mozart Family: Four Lives in a Social Context
(Oxford, 1998)
Mozart
(3) (Johann Chrysostom) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
(b Salzburg, 27 Jan 1756; d Vienna, 5 Dec 1791). Austrian
composer, son of (1) Leopold Mozart. His style essentially
represents a synthesis of many different elements, which
coalesced in his Viennese years, from 1781 on, into an idiom
now regarded as a peak of Viennese Classicism. The mature
music, distinguished by its melodic beauty, its formal elegance
and its richness of harmony and texture, is deeply coloured by
Italian opera though also rooted in Austrian and south German
instrumental traditions. Unlike Haydn, his senior by 24 years, and
Beethoven, his junior by 15, he excelled in every medium current
in his time. He may thus be regarded as the most universal
composer in the history of Western music.
1. Ancestry and early childhood.
2. Travels, 1763–73.
3. Salzburg, 1773–80.
4. The break with Salzburg and the early Viennese years, 1780–
83.
5. Vienna, 1784–8.
6. The final years.
7. Early works.
8. Works, 1772–81.
9. Works, 1781–8.
10. Works, 1789–91.
11. Aftermath: reception and scholarship.
WORKS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
1. Ancestry and early childhood.
Mozart was baptized on the day after his birth at St Rupert's
Cathedral as Joannes Chrysostomus Wolfgangus Theophilus.
The first two names record that 27 January was the feast day of
St John Chrysostom, while Wolfgangus was the name of his
maternal grandfather and Theophilus a name of his godfather,
the merchant Joannes Theophilus Pergmayr; Mozart sometimes
preferred the Latin form, Amadeus, but more frequently Amadè,
Amadé or the German form Gottlieb. He was the seventh and
last child born to Leopold Mozart and his wife Maria Anna, née
Pertl (b St Gilgen, 25 Dec 1720; d Paris, 3 July 1778); only he
and the fourth child, (2) Maria Anna (‘Nannerl’), survived.
The name Mozart (spelt in a variety of forms including Mozarth,
Mozhard and Mozer) is first recorded for a Heinrich Motzhart in
Fischach, in 1331, and appears in other villages south-west of
Augsburg, notably Heimberg, from the 14th century; the paternal
ancestry of the family has been traced with some certainty to
Ändris Motzhart, who lived in the Augsburg area in 1486. Several
early member of the family were master masons (i.e. architects),
builders, craftsmen and sculptors; two, in the late 16th and early
17th centuries, were artists. Mozart's great grandfather David
(c1620–1685) was a master mason, his grandfather Johann
Georg (1679–1736) a master bookbinder in Augsburg. His
mother's family came mainly from the Salzburg region and
followed middle-class occupations. Her father, Wolfgang
Nikolaus Pertl, held important administrative and judicial posts at
Hüllenstein, near St Gilgen, but a bout of ill-health pushed him
into debt and his family was left destitute.
Until 1773 the Mozart family rented an apartment on the third
floor of the house of Johann Lorenz and Maria Theresia
Hagenauer, who had a thriving grocery business with
connections in several important European cities. They also
acted as bankers to the Mozarts, establishing credit networks for
Leopold during the tours of the 1760s. It was to the Hagenauers
that most of Leopold's early letters, now the most important
source of information about Mozart's travels during the 1760s,
were addressed. Many of them were intended for public
circulation: Leopold was keen to impress the children's triumphs
on the archbishop, the Salzburg nobility and his wide circle of
friends and acquaintances.
As far as is known, Leopold was entirely responsible for the
education of his children, which was by no means restricted to
music but also included mathematics, reading, writing, literature,
languages and dancing; moral and religious training were part of
the curriculum as well. (A later biographical dictionary, B.
Pillwein's Biographische Schilderungen (Salzburg, 1821),
suggests that the court singer Franz Anton Spitzeder also gave
the young Mozart musical instruction, but this assertion is
uncorroborated.) Mozart showed his musical gifts at an early
age; Leopold noted in Wolfgang’s sister's music book (the so-
called Nannerl Notenbuch, begun in 1759) that Wolfgang had
learnt some of the pieces – mostly anonymous minuets and other
binary form movements, probably German in origin, but also
including works by Wagenseil, C.P.E. Bach, J.J. Agrell and J.N.
Tischer as well as Leopold Mozart himself – when he was four.
According to Leopold, Wolfgang's earliest known compositions, a
miniature Andante and Allegro k1a and 1b, were written in 1761,
when he was five. More substantial are the binary form minuets
in F major k2 and k5 and the Allegro in B k3, composed
between January and July 1762.
Mozart's first known public appearance was at Salzburg
University in September 1761, when he took a dancing part in a
performance of Sigismundus Hungariae rex, given as an end-of-
term play (Finalkomödie) by Marian Wimmer with music by the
Salzburg Kapellmeister Ernst Eberlin. In 1762 Leopold
apparently took Wolfgang and Nannerl to Munich, where they
played the harpsichord for Maximilian III Joseph, Elector of
Bavaria (no documentation survives for this journey, which is
known only from a later reminiscence of Nannerl Mozart). A tour
to Vienna lasted from September to December 1762. The
children appeared twice before Maria Theresa and her consort,
Francis I, as well as at the homes of various ambassadors and
nobles (the empress sent the children a set of court clothes,
which they wore for the well-known paintings done later in
Salzburg, probably by P.A. Lorenzoni). The trip was a great
success: in October the imperial paymaster presented the
Mozarts with a substantial honorarium and a request to prolong
their stay; the French ambassador, Forent-Louis-Marie, Count of
Châtelet-Lomont, invited them to Versailles; and Count Karl von
Zinzendorf, later a high state official, wrote in his diary that ‘the
poor little fellow plays marvellously, he is a child of spirit, lively,
charming; his sister's playing is masterly’.
The family returned to Salzburg on 5 January 1763. Leopold was
promoted to deputy Kapellmeister on 28 February, and that
evening Mozart played at court as part of Archbishop
Schrattenbach's birthday celebrations; the Salzburg court
chronicle records that there was ‘vocal music by several
virtuosos, among whom were, to everyone's astonishment, the
new vice-Kapellmeister's little son, aged seven, and daughter,
aged ten, performing on the harpsichord, the son likewise on the
violin, as well as one could ever have hoped of him’. On 9 June
the family set out on a three-and-a-half-year journey through
Germany, France, the Low Countries, England and Switzerland.
It was the first of five tours undertaken during the next decade.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
2. Travels, 1763–73.
Travelling by way of Munich, Augsburg, Ludwigsburg, the
summer palace of the Elector Palatine Carl Theodor at
Schwetzingen, Mainz, Frankfurt, Coblenz and Aachen, the
Mozart family arrived at Brussels on 4 October 1763; in each of
these places the children either performed at court or gave public
concerts. From there they pressed on to Paris. The children
played before Louis XV on 1 January 1764, with public concerts
following on 10 March and 9 April at the private theatre of M.
Félix, in the rue et porte Saint-Honoré. In Paris Mme Vendôme
published Mozart's two pairs of sonatas for keyboard and violin,
k6–9, his first music to appear in print.
The family arrived in England on 23 April, first lodging at the
White Bear Inn in Piccadilly; the next day they moved to the
house of the barber John Cousins, in Cecil Court. They played
twice for George III, on 27 April and 17 May 1764 (in a letter of
28 May, Leopold enthusiastically recounted to Hagenauer the
friendly greeting the king gave them at a chance meeting in St
James's Park), and were scheduled to appear at a benefit for the
composer and cellist Carlo Graziani on 23 May; however,
Wolfgang was taken ill and was unable to perform. The Mozarts
mounted their own benefit on 5 June, at the Great Room in
Spring Garden; later that month Mozart performed ‘several fine
select Pieces of his own Composition on the Harpsichord and on
the Organ’ at Ranelagh Gardens, during breaks in a performance
of Handel's Acis and Galatea. Further benefit concerts followed
on 21 February and 13 May 1765. At some time during their visit
to London, Mozart was tested by the philosopher Daines
Barrington, who in 1769 furnished a report on him to the Royal
Society (published in its Philosophical Transactions, lx (1771),
54–64). Barrington's tests were typical of others that Mozart was
set elsewhere on the Grand Tour and, later, in Vienna and Italy:
I said to the boy, that I should be glad to hear an
extemporary Love Song, such as his friend Manzoli
might choose in an opera. The boy … looked back
with much archness, and immediately began five or
six lines of a jargon recitative proper to introduce a
love song. He then played a symphony which might
correspond with an air composed to the single
word, Affetto. It had a first and second part, which,
together with the symphonies, was of the length
that opera songs generally last: if this extemporary
composition was not amazingly capital, yet it was
really above mediocrity, and shewed most
extraordinary readiness of invention. Finding that
he was in humour, and as it were inspired, I then
desired him to compose a Song of Rage, such as
might be proper for the opera stage. The boy again
looked back with much archness, and began five or
six lines of a jargon recitative proper to precede a
Song of Anger. This lasted also about the same
time as the Song of Love; and in the middle of it, he
had worked himself up to such a pitch, that he beat
his harpsichord like a person possessed, rising
sometimes in his chair. The word he pitched upon
for this second extemporary composition was,
Perfido. After this he played a difficult lesson, which
he had finished a day or two before: his execution
was amazing, considering that his little fingers
could scarcely reach a fifth on the harpsichord. His
astonishing readiness, however, did not arise
merely from great practice; he had a thorough
knowledge of the fundamental principles of
composition, as, upon producing a treble, he
immediately wrote a base under it, which, when
tried, had very good effect. He was also a great
master of modulation, and his transitions from one
key to another were excessively natural and
judicious; he practised in this manner for a
considerable time with a handkerchief over the
keys of the harpsichord.
The Mozarts left London on 24 July 1765, travelling by way of
Canterbury (where a concert was announced, but apparently
cancelled) and Lille to Ghent and Antwerp, arriving at The Hague
on 10 September. There the children gave two public concerts
and played before the Princess of Nassau-Weilburg, to whom
Mozart later dedicated the keyboard and violin sonatas k26–31.
They moved on to Amsterdam in January, returning to The
Hague for the installation of Wilhelm V on 11 March – it was for
this occasion that Mozart composed the Gallimathias musicum
k32 – and in April they set out again for Paris, arriving there in
early May. The Mozarts remained in Paris for two months; their
patron, Baron Grimm, who had paved their way there earlier,
commented on Mozart's ‘prodigious progress’ since early 1764.
The final stage of the homeward journey took the Mozarts to
Dijon, Lyons, Lausanne, Zürich and Donaueschingen, where they
played for Prince Fürstenberg on nine evenings. From
Donaueschingen they pressed on to Dillingen, Augsburg and
Munich, arriving back in Salzburg on 29 November. On the day of
their arrival, Beda Hübner, librarian at St Peter's, wrote in his
diary (in A-Ssp):
I cannot forbear to remark here also that today the
world-famous Herr Leopold Mozart, deputy
Kapellmeister here, with his wife and two children,
a boy aged ten and his little daughter of 13, have
arrived to the solace and joy of the whole town …
the two children, the boy as well as the girl, both
play the harpsichord, or the clavier, the girl, it is
true, with more art and fluency than her little
brother, but the boy with far more refinement and
with more original ideas, and with the most
beautiful harmonic inspirations … There is a strong
rumour that the Mozart family will again not long
remain here, but will soon visit the whole of
Scandinavia and the whole of Russia, and perhaps
even travel to China, which would be a far greater
journey and bigger undertaking still: de facto, I
believe it to be certain that nobody is more
celebrated in Europe than Herr Mozart with his two
children.
Leopold Mozart is often portrayed as an inflexible, if
consummate, tour manager, yet much of the ‘Grand Tour’ was
not planned in advance. When he left Salzburg, Leopold was
undecided whether to travel to England; nor was it his intention to
visit the Low Countries (letter of 28 May 1764). There were also
miscalculations. It is likely, for instance, that the Mozarts
outstayed their welcome in London: by June 1765 they were
reduced to giving cheap public displays at the down-market
Swan and Hoop Tavern in Cornhill (see McVeigh, G1993). On the
other hand, it is not widely appreciated how difficult travel could
be at this time: routes were often unsafe and almost always
uncomfortable (Leopold marvelled in a letter of 25 April 1764 at
his successful crossing of the English Channel, an experience
that was surely unknown to his friends in Salzburg), expenses
were substantial, and he was frequently mistreated, ignored or
prevented by potential patrons from performing. In a letter
completed on 4 November 1763 he wrote from Brussels:
We have now been kept [here] for nearly three
weeks. Prince Karl [Charles of Lorraine, brother of
Emperor Francis I and Governor of the Austrian
Netherlands] … spends his time hunting, eating
and drinking … Meanwhile, in decency I have
neither been able to leave nor to give a concert,
since, as the prince himself has said, I must await
his decision.
(Quotations from the Mozart family correspondence are based on
the translations in Anderson, A1938, 3/1985.)
Nevertheless, these unexpected detours – which added nearly
two years to the tour – also reaped rich musical rewards: at every
stage of their travels the Mozarts acquired music that was not
readily available in Salzburg or met composers and performers
who did not normally travel in south Germany and Austria. At
Ludwigsburg they heard Nardini (on 11 July 1763 Leopold wrote
to Salzburg, ‘it would be impossible to hear a finer player for
beauty, purity, evenness of tone and singing quality’), and in
Paris they met, among others, Schobert, Eckard and Honauer,
from whose sonatas, as well as sonatas by Raupach and C.P.E.
Bach, Mozart later chose movements to set as the concertos k37
and 39–41. Their stay in London brought Mozart into contact with
K.F. Abel, Giovanni Manzuoli and most importantly J.C. Bach,
with whom the family became intimate and whose influence on
Mozart was lifelong. Years later, when Wolfgang was in Paris,
Leopold upheld Bach as a model composer (letter of 13 August
1778):
If you have not got any pupils, well then compose
something more …. But let it be something short,
easy and popular … Do you image that you would
be doing work unworthy of you? If so, you are very
much mistaken. Did Bach, when he was in London,
ever publish anything but similar trifles? What is
slight can still be great, if it is written in a natural,
flowing and easy style – and at the same time
bears the marks of sound composition. Such works
are more difficult to compose than all those
harmonic progressions, which the majority of the
people cannot fathom, or pieces which have
pleasing melodies, but which are difficult to
perform. Did Bach lower himself by such work? Not
at all. Good composition, sound construction, il filo
– these distinguish the master from the bungler –
even in trifles.
It is also safe to say that on the ‘Grand Tour’ Mozart began to
absorb his father's opinions about various national styles and
how to conduct himself in public. In Paris on 1 February 1764,
Leopold wrote of the Royal Chapel at Versailles:
I heard good and bad music there. Everything sung
by individual voices and supposed to resemble an
aria was empty, frozen and wretched – in a word,
French – but the choruses are good and even
excellent … the whole of French music is not worth
a sou.
In this he anticipated by many years Mozart's comment on 5 April
1778, when he was again in Paris, that
at Mannheim [the choruses] are weak and poor,
whereas in Paris they are powerful and excellent …
What annoys me most of all in this business is that
our French gentlemen have only improved their
goût to this extent that they can now listen to good
stuff as well. But to expect them to realize that their
own music is bad or at least to notice the difference
– Heaven preserve us!
More importantly, perhaps, Mozart also took to heart his father's
negative opinions of Salzburg, repeating them almost verbatim in
his letters of the late 1770s and early 80s. As early as 19 July
1763 Leopold wrote from Schwetzingen:
The orchestra is undeniably the best in Germany. It
consists altogether of people who are young and of
good character, not drunkards, gamblers or
dissolute fellows.
Mozart, some 15 years later, wrote to his father (letter of 9 July
1778):
one of my chief reasons for detesting Salzburg [is
the] coarse, slovenly, dissolute court musicians.
Why, no honest man, of good breeding, could
possibly live with them! Indeed, instead of wanting
to associate with them, he would feel ashamed of
them … [The Mannheim musicians] certainly
behave quite differently from ours. They have good
manners, are well dressed and do not go to public
houses and swill.
Mozart remained in Salzburg for nine months. During this time he
wrote three vocal works: a Latin comedy, Apollo et Hyacinthus,
for the university; the first part of the oratorio Die Schuldigkeit
des ersten Gebots, a joint work with Michael Haydn and Anton
Cajetan Adlgasser; and the Grabmusik k42 (to which he added a
concluding chorus with introductory recitative, c1773). On 15
September 1767 the family set out for Vienna. Presumably
Leopold had timed this visit to coincide with the festivities
planned for the marriage of the 16-year-old Archduchess
Josepha to King Ferdinand IV of Naples. Josepha, however,
contracted smallpox and died on the day after the wedding was
to have taken place, throwing the court into mourning and
inducing Leopold to remove his family from Vienna, first to Brünn
(Brno) and then to Olmütz (Olomouc) where both Mozart and
Nannerl had mild attacks of smallpox.
Shortly after their return to Vienna in January 1768, Leopold
conceived the idea of securing for Mozart an opera commission,
La finta semplice, but intrigues at court conspired to defeat his
plan (the Mozarts' side of the story is preserved in detail in the
surviving correspondence). He wrote an indignant petition to the
emperor in September, complaining of a conspiracy on the part
of the theatre director Giuseppe Afflisio (d’Affligio), who
apparently claimed that Wolfgang's music was ghost-written by
his father, and proving Mozart's output by including a list of his
compositions to that time (see Zaslaw, A1985). Presumably as
compensation for the suppression of the opera, in December
Mozart directed a performance before the imperial court of a
festal mass (k139), an offertory (k47b, lost) and a trumpet
concerto (k47c, lost) at the dedication ceremony of the
Waisenhauskirche; the Wienerisches Diarium reported on 10
December 1768 that Mozart performed his works ‘to general
applause and admiration, and conducted with the greatest
accuracy; aside from this he also sang in the motets’. That same
month he completed the Symphony k48. Earlier, in October,
Mozart may have given a private performance of his one-act
Singspiel Bastien und Bastienne at the home of Dr Franz Anton
Mesmer, the inventor of ‘magnetism therapy’ (later parodied in
Così fan tutte).
On the return journey to Salzburg, the Mozarts paused at
Lambach Abbey, where father and son both presented
symphonies to the library (the controversy over the attribution of
the two works, Leopold Mozart's G9 and Mozart's kAnh.221, is
summarized in Zaslaw, L1989). They arrived home on 5 January
and remained there for nearly a year. La finta semplice was
performed at court on or about 1 May, and Mozart wrote the
Mass k66 in October for the first Mass celebrated by his friend
Cajetan (Father Dominicus) Hagenauer, son of the family's
Salzburg landlord. Other substantial works from this time include
three orchestral serenades (k63, 99 and 100), two of which were
probably intended for performance as ‘Finalmusik’ at the
university's traditional end-of-year ceremonies, possibly some
shorter sacred works (k117 and 141) and several sets of dancing
minuets (k65a and 103; k104 and 105 are by Michael Haydn,
possibly arranged by Mozart). By the age of 13, then, Mozart had
achieved a significant local reputation as both a composer and a
performer. On 27 October he was appointed, on an honorary
basis, Konzertmeister at the Salzburg court.
Less than two months later, on 13 December, Leopold and
Wolfgang set out on their own for Italy. The journey followed the
now usual pattern: they paused at any town where a concert
could be given or where an influential nobleman might wish to
hear Mozart play. Travelling by way of Innsbruck and Rovereto,
they arrived at Verona on 27 December. While there, Mozart
played at the Accademia Filarmonica and had his portrait
painted, probably by Saverio della Rosa (fig.2); the piece of
music shown on the harpsichord, almost certainly by him, is
otherwise unknown (k72a; but see Heartz, O1995). At Mantua,
on 16 January, Mozart gave a concert typical of his public and
private performances at the time: it included a symphony by him;
prima vista and extempore performances of concertos, sonatas,
fugues, variations and arias; and a small number of works
contributed by other performers. The Gazzetta di Mantova, in a
report on the concert (19 January 1770), described Mozart as
‘incomparable’.
From Mantua the Mozarts travelled to Milan where Wolfgang
gave several performances at the home of Count Karl Firmian,
the Austrian minister plenipotentiary, including a grand academy
on 12 March that may have included the newly composed arias
k77, 88 and Anh.2; presumably as a result of his performances
and compositions, Mozart was commissioned to write the first
opera, Mitridate, re di Ponto, for the carnival season in
December. Father and son left Milan on 15 March, bound for Lodi
(where Mozart completed his first string quartet, k80), Parma,
Bologna (where they met the theorist and composer Padre
Martini) and Florence, where Mozart became reacquainted with
the castrato Manzuoli and newly acquainted with the English
composer Thomas Linley, a boy of his own age. From there they
passed on to Rome, arriving on 10 April, in time for Holy Week;
Mozart made a clandestine copy of Allegri's famous Miserere
(traditionally considered the exclusive property of the papal
choir), and may have composed two or three symphonies (k81,
95 and 97). After a brief stay in Naples, where Mozart gave
several concerts and heard Jommelli's Armida (which he
described on 5 June 1770 as ‘beautiful, but much too broken up
and old-fashioned for the theatre’), they returned to Rome, where
on 5 July Pope Clemens XIV created Mozart a Knight of the
Golden Spur (fig.3). Father and son set out again on 10 July,
returning to Bologna and the summer home of Count Pallavicini.
There Mozart may have completed the Symphony k84, as well
as some sacred works and canons, and he received the libretto
and cast-list for his Milan opera. Before they left Bologna he was
admitted to membership of the Accademia Filarmonica; the
original autograph of his test piece, the antiphon k86, has
annotations by Padre Martini, suggesting that he may have had
help.
Work on the composition of Mitridate, re di Ponto began in
earnest after the Mozarts' return to Milan on 18 October 1770.
The libretto, by Vittorio Amadeo Cigna-Santi, after Racine, had
been set by Quirino Gasparini for Turin in 1767 and Leopold in
his letters described various intrigues among the singers,
including the possibility of their substituting certain of Gasparini's
settings for Mozart's. In fact the setting of ‘Vado incontro al frato
estremo’ found in the earliest scores of the opera has been found
to be by Gasparini; apparently the primo uomo, D'Ettore, was
unwilling to sing Mozart's now lost version (Peiretti, J1996).
There were three recitative rehearsals, two preliminary orchestral
rehearsals and two full ones in the theatre, as well as a dress
rehearsal; Leopold's letter of 15 December gives the useful
information that the orchestra consisted of 14 first and 14 second
violins, 6 violas, 2 cellos, 6 double basses, 2 flutes, 2 oboes, 2
bassoons, 4 horns, 2 trumpets and 2 keyboards. The première,
at the Regio Ducal Teatro was on 26 December; including the
ballets (by other composers), it lasted six hours. Leopold had not
been confident that the opera would be a success, but it was,
running to 22 performances.
The Mozarts left Milan on 14 January 1771, stopping at Turin,
Venice, Padua and Verona before returning to Salzburg on 28
March. The 15-month Italian journey had been an extraordinary
success, widely reported in the international press: on 20 March
1770 the Notizie del mondo of Florence carried a notice of the
‘magnificent academy’ given at Count Firmian's, while the
Hamburg Staats- und gelehrte Zeitung described Mozart's
‘extraordinary and precocious musical talent’ in a report sent from
Rome on 22 May. The same newspaper's account of Wolfgang's
Venice concert of 5 March 1771 (published on 27 March) neatly
sums up the professional and personal accomplishments of the
tour:
Young Mozart, a famous keyboard player, 15 years
old, excited the attention and admiration of all
music lovers when he gave a public performance in
Venice recently. An experienced musician gave him
a fugue theme, which he worked out for more than
an hour with such science, dexterity, harmony and
proper attention to rhythm that even the greatest
connoisseurs were astounded. He composed an
entire opera for Milan, which was given at the last
carnival. His good-natured modesty, which
enhances still more his precocious knowledge, wins
him the greatest praise, and this must give his
worthy father, who is travelling with him,
extraordinary pleasure.
Even before their return to Salzburg in March 1771, Leopold had
laid plans for two further trips to Italy: when the Mozarts were in
Verona, Wolfgang was commissioned to write a serenata or festa
teatrale, Ascanio in Alba, for the wedding in Milan the following
October of Archduke Ferdinand and Princess Maria Beatrice
Ricciarda of Modena; that same month the Regio Ducal Teatro at
Milan had issued him with a contract for the first carnival opera of
1773, Lucio Silla (an oratorio commissioned for Padua, La
Betulia liberata, seems never to have been performed).
Accordingly, Mozart spent barely five months at home in 1771,
during which time he wrote the Paduan oratorio, the Regina coeli
k108, the litany k109 and the Symphony k110. Father and son
set out again on 13 August, arriving at Milan on 21 August: They
received Giuseppe Parini's libretto for Ascanio in Alba on 29
August; the serenata went into rehearsal on 27 September and
the première took place on 17 October. Hasse's Metastasian
opera Ruggiero, also composed for the wedding festivities,
received its first performance the day before; according to
Leopold, Ascanio ‘struck down Hasse's opera’ (letter of 19
October 1771), a judgment confirmed by a report in the
Florentine Notizie del mondo on 26 October: ‘The opera has not
met with success, and was not performed except for a single
ballet. The serenata, however, has met with great applause, both
for the text and for the music’. The Mozarts remained in Milan
until 5 December; Wolfgang wrote the curiously titled ‘Concerto ò
sia Divertimento’ k113 (later revised for Salzburg performance;
see Blazin L1992) and the Symphony k112. He also may have
sought employment at court, but his application was effectively
rejected by Ferdinand's mother, Empress Maria Theresa, who in
a letter (12 December 1771) advised the archduke against
burdening himself with ‘useless people’ who go ‘about the world
like beggars’.
The third and last Italian journey began on 24 October 1772;
probably Mozart had been sent the libretto and cast-list for the
new Milan opera, Lucio Silla, during the summer, and had also
set the recitatives. On his arrival at Milan, these were adjusted to
accommodate changes made by the poet, Giovanni de Gamerra.
He then wrote the choruses, and composed the arias for the
singers in turn, having first heard each of them so that he could
suit the music to their voices. The première, on 26 December,
was a mixed success, chiefly because of a patchy cast;
nevertheless, the opera ran for 26 performances. In January
Mozart wrote the solo motet Exsultate, jubilate for the primo
uomo in the opera, Venanzio Rauzzini (in Salzburg, about 1780
he revised the motet, probably for the soprano Francesco
Ceccarelli to sing at the Dreifaltigkeitskirche; see Münster,
I1993).
Leopold and Wolfgang arrived back in Salzburg on 13 March
1773. Mozart's days as a child prodigy were over; although he
later travelled to Vienna, Munich and, more importantly,
Mannheim and Paris, the 1770s can fairly be described as
dominated by his tenure at Salzburg. For the most part, his
career as both performer and composer was focussed on his
court activities and a small circle of friends and patrons in his
native town.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
3. Salzburg, 1773–80.
Archbishop Schrattenbach, who died on 16 December 1771, the
day after Wolfgang's return from the second Italian tour, was
succeeded in March 1772 by Hieronymus Colloredo. An
unpopular choice whose election was bitterly contested,
Colloredo sought to modernize the archdiocese on the Viennese
model, but his reform, while generally favouring cultural life in the
city by attracting numerous prominent writers and scientists, met
with local resistance. The court music in particular suffered, and
many traditional opportunities for music-making were eliminated:
the university theatre, where school dramas (the nearest
Salzburg equivalent to opera) had been performed regularly
since the 17th century, was closed in 1778; the Mass was
generally shortened; restrictions were placed on the performance
of purely instrumental music as well as some instrumentally
accompanied sacred vocal music at the cathedral and other
churches; and numerous local traditions, including the firing of
cannons and the carrying of pictures and statues during church
processions as well as the famous pilgrimage to Pinzgau, were
abolished. Concerts at court were curtailed; in a letter of 17
September 1778 Leopold Mozart complained:
Yesterday I was for the first time [this season] the
director of the great concert at court. At present the
music ends at around 8.15. Yesterday it began
around 7.00 and, as I left, 8.15 struck – thus an
hour and a quarter. Generally only four pieces are
done: a symphony, an aria, a symphony or
concerto, then an aria, and with this, Addio!
Certainly these changes profoundly influenced traditional
composition and performance in Salzburg. Yet they also
encouraged other kinds of musical activity. In 1775 Colloredo
ordered that the Ballhaus in the Hannibalgarten be rebuilt, at the
city's expense, as a theatre for both spoken drama and opera.
The first troupe to play there, directed by Carl Wahr, included in
its repertory the comedy Der Zerstreute (after J.F. Regnard), with
incidental music by Joseph Haydn (Symphony no.60, ‘Il
distratto’), while Gebler's tragedy Thamos, König in Ägypten may
have been performed with incidental music by Mozart.
Schikaneder's troupe visited in 1780; Mozart composed the aria
kAnh.11a (of which only a fragment survives) for his production
of Die zwei schlaftlosen Nächte (Edge, K1996). Private
orchestras were also established, the first of them by Colloredo's
nephew, Count Johann Rudolf Czernin. Nevertheless,
Colloredo's reforms served ultimately to impoverish Salzburg's
musical life, and his policy of promoting Italians at the expense of
local German talent – Domenico Fischietti was appointed
Kapellmeister in 1772, and Giacomo Rust in 1777 – was a
frequent cause for complaint. This may have been a sticking-
point for Leopold Mozart in particular, who as deputy
Kapellmeister since 1763 had reasonable expectations for
promotion; as early as 1763 he had lamented the power and
influence of Italian musicians in Germany, attributing his failure to
secure an audience with Duke Carl Eugen of Württemberg to the
intrigues of his Ober-Kapellmeister, Jommelli. In Paris in 1764 he
wrote to Hagenauer: ‘If I had one single wish that I could see
fulfilled in the course of time, it would be to see Salzburg become
a court which made a tremendous sensation in Germany with its
own local people’.
Mozart composed prolifically during the early years of Colloredo's
rule: between 1772 and 1774 he wrote the masses k167, 192
and 194, the litanies k125 and 195, the Regina coeli k127, more
than a dozen symphonies (from k124 to k202), the Keyboard
Concerto k175 (possibly for organ) and the Concertone for two
solo violins k190, the serenade k203, the divertimentos k131,
166 and 205 and the Quintet k174 (presumably modelled on
similar works by Michael Haydn; see Seiffert, in Eisen and
Seiffert, N1994). Financially the family prospered: in late 1773
they moved from their apartment in the Getreidegasse, where
they had lodged with the Hagenauers, to a larger one, the so-
called Tanzmeisterhaus, in the Hannibalplatz (now the
Makartplatz). No doubt this move reflected Leopold's
consciousness of their status in Salzburg society: the family was
socially active, taking part in shooting parties and in constant
music-making and often receiving visitors. Nevertheless,
encouraged by rumours of a possible opening at the imperial
court, Leopold took Wolfgang to Vienna in July 1773. Nothing
came of this, but the sojourn, which lasted four months, was a
productive one for Mozart: he composed a serenade (k185,
possibly intended as a Salzburg Finalmusik) and six string
quartets (k168–73). The more intense style of the quartets (two
of which, k168 and 173, include fugal finales) has traditionally
been attributed to Mozart's presumed contact with Joseph
Haydn's latest quartets, in particular opp.9, 17 and 20, although it
is more likely that they reflect common elements of the Viennese
quartet at the time (Brown, H1992).
Mozart returned from Vienna in late September, and with the
exception of three months spent in Munich between December
1774 and March 175 for the composition and première of La finta
giardiniera, the libretto of which is generally thought to have been
prepared by Coltellini after Goldoni, he remained in his native city
until September 1777. In the absence of any sustained family
correspondence, his activities can only be surmised; no doubt
they included performing at court and in the cathedral, frequent
musical gatherings at home, considerable social activity and
composition. Among the few documented events of these years
are the composition of Il re pastore for the visit to Salzburg of
Archduke Maximilian Franz on 23 April 1774 and Mozart's
participation in celebrations marking the 100th anniversary of the
pilgrimage church at Maria Plain in 1774.
It was about this time that Mozart began to withdraw from the
Salzburg court music although the root cause of his
dissatisfaction remains unclear. The family letters document
Leopold's frustrating inability to find suitable positions for both of
them; they frequently complain of longstanding troubles with
Colloredo, who is described as rude and insensitive. There was
also the irritation of being outdone in the court music by Italians,
who were better paid than local musicians. Yet there is no
compelling evidence of Colloredo's mistreatment of the Mozarts
early in his rule. Wolfgang's serenata Il sogno di Scipione,
originally composed for the 50th anniversary of Schrattenbach's
ordination, was reworked early in 1772 and performed as part of
the festivities surrounding Colloredo's enthronement; on 21
August 1772 he was formally taken into the paid employment of
the court, as Konzertmeister (a post he had held in an honorary
capacity for nearly three years) with an annual salary of 150
gulden, while Leopold continued to run the court music on a
periodic basis and was entrusted with securing musicians, music
and instruments; and the Mozarts travelled to Italy, Vienna and
Munich. Their discontent with Salzburg – and Colloredo's
eventual rejection of them – must therefore have had grounds
beyond the conditions of their employment, Colloredo's difficult
personality, his attempts to reform music-making in Salzburg or
his general belt-tightening.
No doubt Colloredo was displeased by Leopold's excessive pride
and his superior manner (in November 1766 Leopold had written,
‘after great honours, insolence is absolutely not to be
stomached’) and in particular by his continuing attempts to leave
the court. Both in Italy (1770–71) and in Vienna (1773) Leopold
had attempted to find jobs that would permit the family to leave
Salzburg, and not for the first time. As early as 30 October 1762,
when he was in Vienna, he wrote a thinly veiled threat to
Hagenauer: ‘If only I knew what the future will finally bring. For
one thing is certain: I am now in circumstances which allow me to
earn my living in Vienna’; and in London he was offered a post
that, after much consideration, he rejected. Leopold frequently
wrote of his plans in his letters home, often in cypher, to prevent
them from being read and understood by the Salzburg censors.
But it is likely that they were well known to Colloredo, who had
good connections both in Vienna and in Italy. Maria Theresa's
description of the family as like ‘beggars’ may have represented
a common view among some of the European nobility.
Mozart's rejection of court musical life was transparent. He
continued to compose church music, the primary duty of all
Salzburg composers, but with little enthusiasm: his output
between 1775 and 1777, including the masses k220, 257–9, 262
and 275, the litany k243 and the offertory k277, was meagre
compared with Michael Haydn's. Instead, Mozart established
himself as the chief composer in Salzburg of instrumental and
secular vocal music. Four violin concertos (k211, 216, 218 and
219; k207 was composed earlier, in 1773) and four keyboard
concertos (k238, k242 for three keyboards, k246 for two and
k271, presumably for the otherwise unknown French pianist Mlle
Jeunehomme), the serenades k204 and 250, the ‘Serenata
notturna’ k239 and numerous divertimentos (including k188, 240,
247 and 252) all date from this time; he also composed several
arias, including Si mostra la sorte k209, Con ossequio, con
rispetto k210, Voi avete un cor fedele k217 and Ombra felice …
Io ti lascio k255. It is likely that Mozart's cultivation of
instrumental music, which in many cases he wrote for private
patrons rather than the court, was encouraged by Leopold, who
during his heyday had been the most prominent and successful
local composer of symphonies and serenades. Yet this may also
have been a miscalculation. Leopold apparently failed to
recognize that the conditions of musical life in the archdiocese, to
say nothing of musical taste, had changed since the 1750s.
Matters came to a head in the summer of 1777. In August Mozart
wrote a petition asking the archbishop for his release from
employment, and Colloredo responded by dismissing both father
and son. Leopold, however, felt he could not afford to leave
Salzburg, and so Mozart set out with his mother on 23
September. The purpose of the journey was clear: Mozart was to
secure well-paid employment (preferably at Mannheim, which
Leopold had described in a letter of 13 November 1777 as ‘that
famous court, whose rays, like those of the sun, illuminate the
whole of Germany’) so that the family could move. Mozart first
called at Munich, where he offered his services to the elector but
met with a polite refusal. In Augsburg he gave a concert including
several of his recent works and became acquainted with the
keyboard instrument maker J.A. Stein; in a letter of 17 October
he described Stein's pianos as damping
ever so much better than [Späth's] instruments.
When I strike hard, I can keep my finger on the
note or raise it, but the sound ceases the moment I
have produced it. In whatever way I touch the keys,
the tone is always even. It never jars, it is never
stronger or weaker or entirely absent; in a word, it
is always even.
He also embarked on a relationship with his cousin, Maria Anna
Thekla (the ‘Bäsle’), with whom he later engaged in a
scatological correspondence. Although obscene humour was
typical of Salzburg (Mozart's parents sometimes wrote to each
other in a similar vein), Solomon (F1995) has argued that the
relationship between Wolfgang and the Bäsle may have been
sexual; Schroder (F1999) offers a more contextualized reading of
the letters.
From Augsburg Mozart and his mother went on to Mannheim,
where they remained until the middle of March. Wolfgang
became friendly with the Konzertmeister, Christian Cannabich,
the Kapellmeister, Ignaz Holzbauer, and the flautist J.B.
Wendling; he recommended himself to the elector but with no
success. His Mannheim compositions included the keyboard
sonatas k309 and 311, the Flute Quartet k285, five accompanied
sonatas (k296, k301–3, k305, possibly inspired by the sonatas of
Joseph Schuster) and two arias, Alcandro lo confesso … Non sò
d'onde viene k294 and Se al labbro mio non credi … Il cor
dolente k295; he was also asked by Ferdinand Dejean, an
employee of the Dutch East India Company who had worked in
eastern Asia for many years as a physician, to compose three
flute concertos and two flute quartets, but in the event failed to
fulfil the commission and may have written only a single quartet.
The aria k294 was composed for Aloysia Lange, the daughter of
the Mannheim copyist Fridolin Weber. Mozart, who was in love
with Aloysia, put to Leopold the idea of taking her to Italy to
become a prima donna, but this proposal infuriated his father,
who accused him of dilatoriness, irresponsibility over money and
family disloyalty.
In a letter of 11–12 February 1778, Leopold ordered his son to
Paris; at this time it was also decided that his mother should
continue to accompany him, rather than return to Salzburg, a
decision that was to have far-reaching consequences for both
father and son. Wolfgang arrived in Paris on 23 March and
immediately re-established his acquaintance with Grimm. He
composed additional music, mainly choruses (kA1), for a
performance of a Miserere by Holzbauer and, according to his
letters home – which are less than entirely truthful – a sinfonia
concertante kAnh.9/297B, for flute, oboe, bassoon and horn. Like
the Miserere choruses, the sinfonia concertante, allegedly
suppressed by Joseph Legros, is lost (the convoluted history of
this work, and the possibility that part of it survives in
kAnh.9/C14.01, is described in Levin, M1988). A symphony
(k297) was performed at the Concert Spirituel on 18 June and
repeated several times (as described in his letters, Mozart
composed two slow movements, of which the one in 6/8 is
probably the original), while a group of ballet pieces, Les petits
riens, composed for Noverre, was given with Piccinni's opera Le
finte gemelle.
Mozart was unhappy in Paris: he claimed to have been offered,
but to have declined, the post of organist at Versailles, and his
letters make it clear that he despised French music and
suspected malicious intrigue. He was not paid for a flute and
harp concerto (k299) that he had composed in April for the Court
of Guines, and his mother fell ill about mid-June. Although
Grimm's doctor was called in to treat her, nothing could be done
and she died on 3 July. Mozart wrote to his father to say that she
was critically ill, and by the same post to Abbé Bullinger, a close
friend in Salzburg, telling him what had happened; Leopold was
thus prepared when Bullinger broke the news to him.
These events triggered another round of incriminating letters:
Leopold accused Mozart of indolence, lying and improper
attention to his mother; for his part Mozart defended himself as
best he could. Although this correspondence is frequently taken
to represent the first – and most compelling – evidence of an
irreparable fissure in the relationship between Wolfgang and his
father, it reflects more on their attempts to come to grips with an
overwhelming family tragedy. Leopold's implicit suggestion that
Mozart was partly responsible for his mother's death cannot be
taken seriously. Stuck in Salzburg, grieving for his wife and
worrying about his son, Leopold must have felt himself a helpless
bystander; his only recourse was by letter, after the event. Not
surprisingly, he sometimes wrote insensitively and hurtfully. His
uncompromising devotion to Mozart, however, was never in
question. It is significant – given his belief in the fragility of
existence (see especially Halliwell, F1998) – that in his first letter
to Wolfgang after learning of Maria Anna's death, he does not lay
blame but is concerned chiefly with his son's well-being.
Mozart stayed with Grimm for the remainder of the summer. He
had another symphony given at the Concert Spirituel, on 8
September (his claim in a letter of 11 September that it was a
new work appears to be untrue), and renewed his acquaintance
with J.C. Bach, who had come over from London to hear the
Paris singers before composing the opera Amadis de Gaule.
Mozart also wrote a scena, now lost, for the castrato Tenducci.
But his friendship with Grimm, to whom he owned money,
deteriorated, and on 31 August Leopold wrote to inform him that,
following the death of Adlgasser, a post was open to him in
Salzburg, as court organist with accompanying duties rather than
as violinist; the archbishop had offered an increase in salary and
generous leave. Mozart set out for home on 26 September.
Grimm put him on the slow coach through Nancy, and
Strasbourg to Mannheim, where he heard Benda's melodrama
Medea and resolved to write one himself (the work, Semiramis, if
started, was never performed and is now lost; Mozart later wrote
a melodrama for the incomplete Singspiel Zaide). Leopold,
however, was infuriated that Mozart had gone to Mannheim,
where, since the removal of Carl Theodor's court to Munich,
there were no opportunities for advancement. Mozart reached
Munich on 25 December and remained there until 11 January; he
was coolly received by Aloysia Weber, now singing in the court
opera. Finally, in the third week of January 1779, he arrived back
in Salzburg.
Immediately on his return Mozart formally petitioned the
archbishop for his new appointment as court organist. His duties
included playing in the cathedral, at court and in the chapel, and
instructing the choirboys. Reinstated under favourable
conditions, he seems at first to have carried out his duties with
determination: in 1779–80 he composed the ‘Coronation’ Mass
k317, the Missa solemnis k337, the vespers settings k321 and
339 and the Regina coeli k276. Nevertheless, Colloredo was not
satisfied: in an ambiguously worded document appointing
Michael Haydn court and cathedral organist in 1782 he wrote:
‘we accordingly appoint [J.M. Haydn] as our court and cathedral
organist, in the same fashion as young Mozart was obligated,
with the additional stipulation that he show more diligence … and
compose more often for our cathedral and chamber music’. The
cause of Colloredo's dissatisfaction may have lain in Mozart's
other works of the time: the Concerto for two pianos k365, the
Sonata for piano and violin k378, the symphonies k318, 319 and
338, the ‘Posthorn’ Serenade k320 (fig.5), the Divertimento, k334
the Sinfonia concertante for violin and viola k364, incidental
music for Thamos, König in Ägypten and Zaide. Few of these
works would have been heard at court, where instrumental music
was little favoured; the production of theatrical music was the
domain of the civil authorities.
Mozart's contract with Colloredo did not specify his compositional
obligations as a composer: it stated only that ‘he shall as far as
possible serve the court and the church with new compositions
made by him’. As Colloredo's criticism makes clear, however, he
expected Mozart to take a more active role in the court music.
During his final years in Salzburg, then, Mozart reverted to the
pattern of 1774–7: he put in appearances at court as both
performer and composer, but half-heartedly; his music-making
was intended instead chiefly for a small circle of friends and the
local nobility.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
4. The break with Salzburg and the early Viennese years,
1780–83.
In the summer of 1780, Mozart received a commission to
compose a serious opera for Munich, and the Salzburg cleric
Giovanni Battista Varesco was engaged to prepare a libretto
based on Danchet's Idomenée. The plot concerns King
Idomeneus of Crete, who promises Neptune that if spared from a
shipwreck he will sacrifice the first person he sees and is met on
landing by his son Idamantes. Mozart began to set the text in
Salzburg; he already knew several of the singers, from
Mannheim, and could draft some of the arias in advance.
Mozart arrived in Munich on 6 November 1780. Both the
performing score of the opera (not taken into consideration by
the Neue Mozart-Ausgabe; see Münster, J1982) and Mozart's
letters to his father, who was in close touch with Varesco, offer
insights into the genesis of the work and its modification during
rehearsal. The matters that chiefly occupied Mozart were, first,
the need to prune an overlong text; secondly, the need to make
the action more natural; and third, the need to accommodate the
strengths and weaknesses of the singers. Several cuts were
made in December, during rehearsals, and Mozart continued to
trim the score even after the libretto was sent to the printer at the
beginning of January; a second libretto was printed to show the
final text (although in the event still more adjustments were
made, as the performing score makes clear). Much of the secco
and accompanied recitative was cut, as well as sections of the
ceremonial choral scenes and probably three arias in the last act.
In a letter of 15 November to his father, Mozart described his
concerns for both dramatic credibility and the singers'
capabilities:
[Raaff] was with me yesterday. I ran through his first
aria for him and he was very well pleased with it.
Well – the man is old and can no longer show off in
such an aria as that in Act 2 – ‘Fuor del mar ho un
mar nel seno’. So, as he has no aria in Act 3 and as
his aria in Act 1, owing to the expression of the
words, cannot be as cantabile as he would like, he
wishes to have a pretty one to sing (instead of the
quartet) after his last speech, ‘O Creta fortunata! O
me felice!’ Thus too a useless piece will be got rid
of – and Act 3 will be far more effective. In the last
scene of Act 2 Idomeneo has an aria or rather a
sort of cavatina between the choruses. Here it will
be better to have a mere recitative, well supported
by the instruments. For in this scene which will be
the finest in the whole opera … there will be so
much noise and confusion on the stage that an aria
at this particular point would cut a poor figure – and
moreover there is the thunderstorm, which is not
likely to subside during Herr Raaff's aria, is it?
The opera was first given on 29 January 1781, with considerable
success. Both Leopold and Nannerl, who had travelled from
Salzburg, were in attendance, and the family remained in Munich
until mid-March. During this time Mozart composed the recitative
and aria Misera! dove son … Ah! non son’ io che parlo k369, the
Oboe Quartet k370 and possibly three piano sonatas (k330–32
although these many equally date from his first month in Vienna).
On 12 March Mozart was summoned to Vienna, where
Archbishop Colloredo and his retinue were temporarily in
residence for the celebrations of the accession of Emperor
Joseph II; he arrived on 16 March, lodging with the archbishop's
entourage. Fresh from his triumphs in Munich, Mozart was
offended at being treated like a servant, and the letters that he
wrote home over the next three months reflect not only
increasing irritation and resentment – on 8 April the archbishop
refused to allow him to perform for the emperor at Countess
Thun's and thereby earn the equivalent of half his annual
Salzburg salary – but also a growing enthusiasm for the
possibility of earning his living, at least temporarily, as a
freelance in Vienna. Matters came to a head on 9 May: at a
stormy interview with Colloredo, Mozart asked for his discharge.
At first he was refused, but at a meeting with the chief steward,
Count Arco, on 8 June, he was finally and decisively released
from Salzburg service, ‘with a kick on my arse … by order of our
worthy Prince Archbishop’ (letter of 9 June 1781).
About this time Mozart moved to the house of the Webers, his
former Mannheim friends, who had moved to Vienna after
Aloysia's marriage to the court actor Joseph Lange, although in
order to scotch rumours linking him with the third daughter,
Constanze, he moved again in late August to a room in the
Graben. He made a modest living at first, teaching three or four
pupils, among them Josepha von Auernhammer (for whom he
wrote the Sonata for two pianos k448) and Marie Karoline,
Countess Thiennes de Rumbeke, cousin of Count Johann
Phillipp von Cobenzl, the court vice-chancellor and chancellor of
state (whom Mozart had met in Brussels in autumn 1763). He
also participated in, or had works performed at, various concerts:
the Tonkünstler-Societät gave one of his symphonies on 3 April
(Mozart later applied for membership in the society, which
provided pensions and benefits for the widows and orphans of
Viennese musicians, but he failed to provide a birth certificate
and his application was never approved); and on 23 November
he played at a concert sponsored by Johann Michael von
Auernhammer. Later Mozart participated in a series of Augarten
concerts promoted by Philipp Jakob Martin. At the first of these,
on 26 May 1782, he played a two-piano concerto with Josepha
von Auernhammer (the programme also included a symphony by
him). Mozart's own first public concert took place on 3 March
1782, possibly at the Burgtheater. The programme included the
concertos k175 (with the newly composed finale k382) and k415,
numbers from Lucio Silla and Idomeneo, and a free fantasy; on
23 March Mozart wrote to his father that the new concerto finale
was ‘making … a furore in Vienna’. During this period he also
played regularly at the home of Baron Gottfried van Swieten,
where Handel and Bach were staples of the repertory.
By the end of 1781, Mozart had established himself as the finest
keyboard player in Vienna; although he was not without
competitors, few could match his pianistic feats. The most
serious challenge, perhaps, came from Clementi, with whom
Mozart played in an informal contest at Emperor Joseph II's
instigation on 24 December. Clearly Mozart was perturbed by the
event: although he was judged to have won, and Clementi later
spoke generously of his playing, Mozart in his letters repeatedly
disparaged the Italian pianist. It is likely that Clementi's skill took
Mozart by surprise; the emperor must have been impressed as
well, for he continued to speak of the contest for more than a
year. That same month saw the appearance of Mozart's first
Viennese publication, a set of six keyboard and violin sonatas
(k296 and 376–80, of which two, k296 and 378 had been
composed earlier). They were well received; a review in C.F.
Cramer's Magazin der Musik (4 April 1783) described them as
‘unique of their kind. Rich in new ideas and traces of their
author's great musical genius’.
The most important composition of this period, however, was Die
Entführung aus dem Serail, the libretto of which was given to
Mozart at the end of July 1781. Originally planned for September,
the première was postponed until the following summer (Mozart
had completed the first act in August 1781). The opera was a
great success: Gluck requested an extra performance,
Schikaneder's troupe mounted an independent production in
September 1784 (although the aria ‘Martern aller Arten’ was
replaced because the orchestra was incapable of performing the
obbligato solos), and productions were soon mounted in cities
throughout German-speaking Europe. The earliest lengthy
obituary of Mozart, in the Musikalische Korrespondenz der
Teutschen Filarmonischen Gesellschaft of 4 January 1792,
described the work as ‘the pedestal upon which his fame was
erected’.
In his letters to Leopold, Mozart described in detail several of his
decisions in composing the opera. He wrote on 26 September
1781:
in the original libretto Osmin has only [one] short
song and nothing else to sing, except in the trio and
the finale; so he has been given an aria in Act 1,
and he is to have another in Act 2. I have explained
to Stephanie the words I require for the aria
[‘Solche hergelaufne Laffen’] – indeed, I had
finished composing most of the music for it before
Stephanie knew anything whatever about it. I am
enclosing only the beginning and the end, which is
bound to have a good effect. Osmin's rage is
rendered comical by the use of the Turkish music.
In working out the aria I have … allowed Fischer's
beautiful deep notes to glow. The passage ‘Drum
beim Barte des Propheten’ is indeed in the same
tempo, but with quick notes; and as Osmin's rage
gradually increases, there comes (just when the
aria seems to be at an end) the Allegro assai,
which is in a totally different metre and in a different
key; this is bound to be very effective. For just as a
man in such a towering rage oversteps all the
bounds of order, moderation and propriety and
completely forgets himself, so must the music too
forget itself. But since passions, whether violent or
not, must never be expressed to the point of
exciting disgust, and as music, even in the most
terrible situation, must never offend the ear, but
must please the listener, or in other words must
never cease to be music, so I have not chosen a
key foreign to F (in which the aria is written) but one
related to it – not the nearest, D minor, but the more
remote A minor. Let me now turn to Belmonte's aria
in A major, ‘O wie ängstlich, o wie feurig’. Would
you like to know how I have expressed it – and
even indicated his throbbing heart? By the two
violins playing in octaves. This is the favourite aria
of all who have heard it, and it is mine also. I wrote
it expressly to suit Adamberger's voice. You see the
trembling, the faltering, you see how his throbbing
breast begins to swell; this I have expressed by a
crescendo. You hear the whispering and the sighing
– which I have indicated by the first violins with
mutes and a flute playing in unison.
Mozart had already described his concern for naturalness, in
both composition and performance, in a letter written in Paris on
12 June 1778:
Meis[s]ner, as you know, has the bad habit of
making his voice tremble at times, turning a note
that should be sustained into distinct crotchets, or
even quavers – and this I never could endure in
him. And really it is a detestable habit and one that
is quite contrary to nature. The human voice
trembles naturally – but in its own way – and only to
such a degree that the effect is beautiful. Such is
the nature of the voice; and people imitate it not
only on wind instruments, but on string instruments
too and even on the keyboard. But the moment the
proper limit is overstepped, it is no longer beautiful
– because it is contrary to nature.
Shortly after the première of Die Entführung, on 16 July, Mozart
decided to go forward with his marriage to Constanze Weber,
which he had first mooted to his father the previous December.
Events gave him little choice: probably through his future mother-
in-law's scheming, he was placed in a position where because of
his alleged intimacy with Constanze he was required to agree to
marry her or to compensate her. Mozart wrote to his father on 31
July 1782, asking for his approval, on 2 August the couple took
communion together, on 3 August the contract was signed, and
on 4 August they were married at the Stephansdom. Leopold's
grudging consent did not arrive until the next day. The marriage
appears to have been a happy one. Although Mozart described
Constanze as lacking wit, he also credited her with ‘plenty of
common sense and the kindest heart in the world’, and his letters
to her, especially those written when he was on tour in 1789 and
when she was taking the cure at Baden in 1791, are full of
affection. There is little reason to imagine that she was solely, or
even primarily, to blame for their chronic financial troubles, which
surfaced only weeks after their marriage; the truth probably lies
somewhere nearer Nannerl's statement, in 1792, that Mozart was
incapable of managing his own financial affairs and that
Constanze was unable to help him.
Mozart's departure from Salzburg, and his wedding to
Constanze, triggered another acrimonious exchange with
Leopold (whose letters from this period are lost, but their
contents can be inferred from Mozart's). Leopold accused
Wolfgang of concealing his affair with Constanze and, worse, of
being a dupe, while Wolfgang, for his part, became increasingly
anxious to defend his honour against reproaches of improper
behaviour and his alleged failure to attend to his religious
observations; he chastised his father for withholding consent to
his marriage and for his lukewarm reaction to the success of Die
Entführung. Mozart had reason to be upset: not only had Leopold
repeatedly pressed him to return home, but in his dealings with
Colloredo Mozart had been told by Count Arco that he could not
leave his post without his father's permission. Despite his
numerous successes in Vienna, he felt thwarted in his attempt to
achieve a well-earned independence.
Presumably in order to heal the rift with his family, Mozart
determined to take Constanze to Salzburg to meet his father and
sister, although to Leopold's irritation the visit was several times
postponed. The success of Die Entführung had catapulted
Mozart to prominence: the opera was performed at the
Burgtheater on 8 October, in the presence of the visiting Russian
Grand Duke Paul Petrovich (Mozart directed from the keyboard,
as he explained in a letter of 19 October 1782, ‘partly to rouse
the orchestra, who had gone to sleep a little, partly … in order to
appear before the royal guests as the father of my child’); and
between November and March 1783 he played at concerts
sponsored by Auernhammer (at the Kärntnertortheater), the
Russian Prince Dmitry Golitsïn, Countess Maria Thun, Philipp
Jakob Martin (at the casino ‘Zur Mehlgrube’), his sister-in-law
Aloysia Lange (at the Burgtheater; according to Mozart's letter of
12 March, Gluck, who attended, ‘could not praise the symphony
and aria too much’), Count Esterházy and the singer Therese
Teyber. On 23 March Mozart gave his own academy at the
Burgtheater, in the presence of the emperor. The programme
may have included the Haffner Symphony k385 (composed in
July 1782 to celebrate the ennoblement in Salzburg of Siegmund
Haffner) and improvised variations on an aria from Gluck's La
rencontre imprévue.
Mozart composed several new works for these occasions,
including the piano concertos k413–15, later published by Artaria
(although Mozart may not have conceived them as a set, the
autographs show that some time in the spring of 1783 he
thoroughly revised all three together), and three arias, k418–20,
intended for a production of Pasquale Anfossi's Il curioso
indiscreto at the Burgtheater on 30 June 1783. He also began
work on the so-called ‘Haydn’ quartets. The first, k387, was
completed in December 1782; the second, k421, was finished in
June 1783, while Constanze was giving birth to their first child,
Raimund Leopold, born on 17 June. (Mozart and Constanze had
six children, four of whom died in infancy: Raimund Leopold
(1783), (5) Karl Thomas, Johann Thomas Leopold (1786),
Theresia (1787–8), Anna Maria (1789) and (6) Franz Xaver
Wolfgang.)
Mozart and Constanze eventually set out in July (Raimund
Leopold, who was left behind, died on 9 August); they remained
in Salzburg for about three months. Later correspondence
suggests that the visit was not entirely happy – Mozart was
anxious about the success of the visit and about his father's
reaction to Constanze – but details are lacking. While there, he
probably composed his two violin-viola duos for Michael Haydn,
who was behindhand with a commission from the archbishop,
and parts of the Mass in C minor (k427, never completed) had
their first hearing, possibly with Constanze singing, at St Peter's
on 26 October. On the return journey to Vienna, Mozart paused
at Linz, where he composed a symphony (k425) for a concert;
the Piano Sonata k333 may also date from this time.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
5. Vienna, 1784–8.
With his return to Vienna in late November 1783, Mozart entered
on what were to be the busiest and most successful years of his
life. On 22 December he performed a concerto in a concert
mounted by the Tonkünstler-Societät, and on 25 January 1784
he conducted a performance of Die Entführung for the benefit of
Aloysia Lange. He gave three subscription concerts in the private
hall of the Trattnerhof in March, and a grand musical academy at
the Burgtheater on 1 April; the programme included a ‘quite new’
symphony, possibly the Linz (k425), a new concerto (k450 or
451), the Quintet for piano and wind (k452) and an improvisation.
The 1785 season was similar: there where six subscription
concerts at the Mehlgrube beginning on 11 February (including
the first performance of the D minor Concerto k466) and another
grand academy at the Burgtheater on 10 March. It was chiefly for
these concerts that, between February 1784 and December
1786, Mozart composed a dozen piano concertos (from k449 to
k503), unquestionably the most important works of their kind.
Perhaps in recognition of his risen star, in February 1784 Mozart
started keeping a list of his new works, the Verzeichnüss aller
meiner Werke, recording the incipit and the date of each (see
fig.6). The catalogue is a primary source of information
concerning Mozart's compositional activities during the 1780s,
documenting among other things several lost compositions,
including the aria Ohne Zwang, aus eignem Triebe k569, the
contredanses k565 and an Andante for a violin concerto k470.
In addition to his public performances, Mozart was also in
demand for private concerts: in March 1784 alone he played 13
times, mostly at the houses of Count Johann Esterházy and the
Russian ambassador, Prince Golitsïn. By the same token, visiting
and local virtuosos and concert organizations frequently gave
newly commissioned works by him in their programmes: on 23
March the clarinettist Anton Stadler mounted a performance of
the Wind Serenade k361, and on 29 April Mozart and the violinist
Regina Strinasacchi played the Sonata k454. (Mozart is said to
have performed from a blank or fragmentary copy; it is clear from
the autograph that the violin part was written first and the piano
one added later.) The Tonkünstler-Societät gave the cantata
Davidde penitente (k469, arranged from the unfinished Mass in C
minor k427) in March 1785; Mozart played a concerto for the
same group in December. These works and performances
brought Mozart considerable acclaim. A review of the December
Tonkünstler-Societät concert noted ‘the deserved fame of this
master, as well known as he is universally valued’ (Wiener
Zeitung, 24 December). Earlier that year Leopold Mozart, who
visited Wolfgang in Vienna in February and March 1785, wrote to
Nannerl describing a quartet party at Mozart’s home at which
Haydn told him, ‘Before God and as an honest man I tell you that
your son is the greatest composer known to me either in person
or by name. He has taste and, what is more, the most profound
knowledge of composition’.
His publications were numerous. Torricella brought out the three
sonatas k333, k284 and k454; in July 1784 Lausch advertised
manuscript copies of six piano concertos; and in February 1785
Traeg offered copies of three symphonies. The most significant
publications, however, were possibly the three concertos k413–
15, published by Artaria in March 1785, and the six quartets
dedicated to Haydn, brought out by Artaria in September of that
year. The success of these works seems to have brought about a
fundamental shift in Mozart's attitude to composition and
publishing. After mid-1786, several works were planned primarily
with a view to publication rather than public performance; these
include the piano quartets k478 and 493, the three piano trios
k496, 542 and 548, the C major and G minor string quintets k515
and 516, the Hoffmeister Quartet k499 and the Sonata for piano
and violin k526.
Although opera remained central to Mozart's ambitions
throughout this period, there was no opportunity to build on the
success of Die Entführung: by late 1782, Joseph II decided to
close down the Nationaltheater (which he had founded in 1776 to
promote German-language culture) and to re-establish Italian
opera. Mozart was quick to capitalize on the change, although he
had little luck in finding a suitable text; on 7 May 1783 he wrote to
his father, ‘I have looked through at least a hundred librettos and
more, but I have scarcely found a single one with which I am
satisfied’. He therefore asked Leopold to have Varesco, the
Salzburg poet and librettist of Idomeneo, provide a text. This was
L'oca del Cairo, which Mozart received from Salzburg in June
1783. He may have worked on it during his visit to Salzburg, but
the project was apparently abandoned by the end of the year, by
which time he had sketched out seven pieces, including a large
sectional finale. In 1785, or possibly earlier, he began work on Lo
sposo deluso, ossia La rivalità di tre donne per un solo amante,
which he based on the libretto used by Cimarosa for his opera Le
donne rivali of 1780 (see Zaslaw, in Sadie, B1996), but this too
was left incomplete: of the five surviving numbers – an overture,
a quartet, a trio and two arias – only the trio, ‘Che accidenti, che
tragedia’, is completely orchestrated. A one-act comedy, Der
Schauspieldirektor k486, was given early in 1786 in the Orangery
at Schloss Schönbrunn, together with Salieri's Prima la musica e
poi le parole (both were commissioned for a visit by the
Governor-General of the Austrian Netherlands), and in March a
private performance of a revised version of Idomeneo was given
at Prince Auersperg's; among other changes, Mozart wrote the
duet ‘Spiegarti non poss'io’ (k489) to replace ‘S'io non moro a
questi accenti’ and the scena and rondò ‘Non più, tutto ascoltai
… Non temer, amato bene’ (k490) to replace the original
beginning of Act 2.
The topic of Mozart's first documented collaboration with Lorenzo
da Ponte, Le nozze di Figaro (fig.7) was no doubt carefully
chosen: Beaumarchais' play, La folle journée, ou Le mariage de
Figáro, had been printed in German translation in Vienna in
1785, although performances by Schikaneder's theatrical
company had been banned; further, it was a sequel to
Beaumarchais' Le barbier de Séville, ou La précaution inutile, of
which Paisiello's operatic version, given at Vienna in May 1784,
had been a great success. Work on Figaro was started by
October or November 1785, and the opera came to the stage of
the Burgtheater on 1 May 1786. The initial run was a success:
many items were applauded and encored at the first three
performances, prompting the emperor to restrict encores at later
ones to the arias. Letters from Leopold to Nannerl Mozart make it
clear that there was a good deal of intrigue against the work,
allegedly by Salieri and Vincenzo Righini, while a pamphlet
published in Vienna in 1786 (Ueber des deutsche Singspiel des
Apotheker des Hrn. v. Dittersdorf; see Eisen, A1991) similarly
claims that ‘[The foreign partisans] … have completely lost their
wager, for Mozart's Nozze di Figaro … [has] put to shame the
ridiculous pride of this fashionable sect’. An equally biting
comment appeared in the Wiener Zeitung for 11 July: ‘Herr
Mozart's music was generally admired by connoisseurs already
at the first performance, if I except only those whose self-love
and conceit will not allow them to find merit in anything not
written by themselves’.
The allegedly seditious politics of the opera may be overstated:
Da Ponte was careful to remove the more inflammatory elements
of Beaumarchais' play, and the characters and events of the
opera are well situated within the commedia dell'arte tradition.
Nevertheless, social tensions remain, as in Figaro's ‘Se vuol
ballare’, the Act 2 finale, and the Count's music early in Act 3.
Individual arias also reflect the social standing of the various
characters: this may be exemplified by a comparison of Bartolo's
blustery, parodistic vengeance aria ‘La vendetta’ and the Count's
‘Vedrò, mentr'io sospiro’, with its overtones of power and
menace, or between the breadth and smoothness of the
Countess's phraseology as opposed to Susanna's. Ultimately,
however, Figaro may be no more than a comic domestic drama,
though not without reflecting contemporary concerns about
gender and society (see Hunter, J1999).
The presumed political implications of Mozart's masonic activities
may also be overstated. On 11 December 1784 he had become
a freemason at the lodge ‘Zur Wohlthätigkeit’ (‘Beneficence’),
which in 1786, at Joseph II's orders, was amalgamated with the
lodges ‘Zur gekrönten Hoffnung’ (‘Crowned Hope’) and ‘Drei
Feuern’ (‘Three Fires’) into ‘Zur neugrekrönten Hoffnung’ (‘New
Crowned Hope’) under the leadership of the well-known scientist
Ignaz von Born. The society was essentially one of liberal
intellectuals, concerned less with political ideals than with the
philosophical ones of the Enlightenment, including nature, reason
and the brotherhood of man; the organization was not anti-
religious, and membership was compatible with Mozart's faith
(Landon, G1982, suggests that an anonymous oil painting
showing a meeting of a Viennese lodge includes, in the lower
right corner, a portrait of Mozart; fig.8). Mozart frequently
composed for masonic meetings: the cantata Die Maurerfreude
k471, for tenor, male chorus and orchestra, was written to honour
Born, and various versions of the Maurerische Trauermusik k477
were given in 1786 (Autexier, L1984); several songs and other
occasional works, too, were composed for lodge meetings. The
masonic style is not restricted to music intended exclusively for
lodge performance, but appears elsewhere in Mozart's works,
with respect to both general themes, as in Die Zauberflöte, and
specific musical constructions: Sarastro's aria ‘O Isis und Osiris’,
with its strophic, antiphonal structure, is identical in form with
other Viennese masonic songs of the 1780s.
Mozart had first made his way in Vienna by taking pupils, and he
continued to do so throughout the mid-1780s: the most important
of these was Johann Nepomuk Hummel, who lodged with him
between 1786 and 1788. Mozart also taught the English
composer Thomas Attwood, whose surviving exercises (now in
GB-Lbl; ed. in NMA, X:30/i) testify to Mozart's careful, systematic
teaching methods, and perhaps carry hints as to how Mozart
himself had been taught (see Heartz, H1974). The ‘English’
connection was already strong at the time of Figaro: the first Don
Curzio was Michael Kelly (in fact an Irishman), and the first
Susanna the soprano Nancy Storace; it is likely that Nancy's
brother, Stephen – who later pilfered part of the ‘Rondo alla turca’
of the Sonata k331 in his opera The Siege of Belgrade – also
consulted informally with Mozart on matters of composition.
(After his return to London, Storace prepared a series of
publications which included in 1789 the first edition of the Piano
Trio k564, in a text that differs from the first Viennese edition of
1790; he probably received a copy of the work from Mozart
himself.)
The impending departure of the English contingent from Vienna,
planned for the spring of 1787, led Mozart to consider a journey
to London during late 1786, but that idea foundered when
Leopold took a strong stand against the proposed journey and
refused to look after Mozart's children (of Mozart's six children,
only two, Carl, born in 1784, and Franz Xaver, born in 1791,
survived to adulthood). Mozart did, however, accept an invitation
to Prague, where Figaro had been a great success. He spent
approximately four weeks there, from 11 January 1787, and
clearly relished his popularity in the city. He directed a
performance of Figaro and gave a concert including a new
symphony written for the occasion (the Prague, k504 – there is
reason to believe that Mozart originally intended to perform the
Paris Symphony with a new finale, but, having written it, decided
to compose an entirely new symphony altogether; see Tyson,
D1987). And it was about this time that the Prague impresario
Pasquale Bondini commissioned Mozart to write an opera for the
following autumn. On his return to Vienna, Mozart asked Da
Ponte for another libretto.
The plot of Don Giovanni, based like that of Figaro on tensions of
class and sex, dates back at least to the time of Tirso de Molina
(1584–1648), although Da Ponte drew on the most recent stage
version, a one-act opera with music by Giuseppe Gazzaniga and
a libretto by Giovanni Bertati, given in Venice in February 1787.
Mozart left for Prague on 1 October; the première was planned
for 14 October 1787, but because of inadequate preparation,
Figaro was given instead and the new opera was postponed until
29 October, when it earned a warm reception. Mozart directed
three or four performances before returning to Vienna in mid-
November. During this time he also visited his friends the Dušeks
at their villa outside Prague; he wrote the difficult aria Bella mia
fiamma k528 for Josefa, an old Salzburg friend. Don Giovanni
was staged in Vienna in May 1788, with several adaptations:
Leporello's escape aria in Act 2 was replaced by a duet with
Zerlina; Ottavio's ‘Il mio tesoro’ in Act 2 was replaced by ‘Dalla
sua pace’ in Act 1, and Elvira was given a magnificent
accompanied recitative and aria, ‘In quali eccessi … Mi tradì
quell'alma ingrata’.
The two Da Ponte operas, along with the increasing success of
his publications, initiated a new phase in Mozart's career. Not
only did he now give fewer concerts – a grand academy at the
Burgtheater on 7 April 1786, less than a month before the
première of Figaro, was his last in that venue (the programme
probably included the C minor Piano Concerto k491) – but other
genres came to the fore in his output, including the symphony.
The final symphonic triptych, composed between June and
August 1788, was apparently intended for a concert series that
autumn (Eisen, L1997); it is striking that Mozart chose these
works, rather than concertos, for what may have been his first
public concert appearance in two years. Whether these changes
were also related to Mozart's appointment the previous
December as court Kammermusicus, however, is unclear.
Apparently he was required to do little more than write dances for
court balls; nevertheless, Mozart welcomed the appointment,
both for the dependable income it provided and for its
advancement of his standing in Viennese musical circles. There
is little reason to think that the relatively small salary of 800
gulden (Gluck, the previous incumbent, was paid 2000 gulden)
was an insult to Mozart, for the post was superfluous to begin
with; Joseph II later remarked that he had created the vacancy
solely to keep Mozart in Vienna.
The death of Leopold Mozart in May 1787 may have initiated a
fallow period for the composer, albeit at some months' distance:
Mozart wrote relatively few works immediately following the
Prague première of Don Giovanni, among them dances and
piano music, songs and arias and at least part of a piano
concerto (k537) in addition to the three new items for the
Viennese première of his opera. A similar fallow period had
followed the death of his mother in Paris in July 1778. Leopold's
death also marked the final breakdown of the Salzburg Mozart
family. Only Nannerl, who in 1784 had married the magistrate
Johann Baptist Franz von Berchtold zu Sonnenburg and moved
to St Gilgen, remained, and except for settling their father's
estate, Mozart apparently failed to keep in contact with her (his
last known letter to her is dated 2 August 1788). Nannerl was
hurt by Mozart's lack of attention, so much so that when asked in
1792 to describe his life in Vienna, she pleaded ignorance,
despite the fact that she had become personally acquainted with
Constanze in 1783 and still had in her possession numerous
letters from her father, many of them detailing Mozart's activities
at the time.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
6. The final years.
Mozart's financial circumstances in Vienna can be measured in
part by the locations and sizes of the numerous lodgings he
rented there. In January 1784 he moved to the Trattnerhof, and
in September of that year to an apartment, now Domgasse 5, in
the heart of the town, close to the Stephansdom. By mid-1788,
however, he had removed to the distant suburb of Alsergrund,
where rents were considerably cheaper. It is from this time that a
dismal series of begging letters to his fellow freemason Michael
Puchberg survives. One refers to the poor response to his string
quintet subscription, another to embarrassing debts to a former
landlord, and a third to dealings with a pawnbroker; the letters
continued well into 1790.
Mozart's finances during the Vienna years must be counted a
mystery. Although he was never forced to do without a maid or
other luxuries typical of a person of his standing, his finances
were unstable. Estimates of his earnings are at best incomplete
and unreliable. His main sources of income included profits from
his public concerts and payments from private patrons; money
earned from teaching; honoraria for publications; and, from 1788,
his salary as court Kammermusicus. During his early years in
Vienna Mozart's performances represented a good source of
income. His subscription series of 1784 attracted well over 100
patrons at 6 gulden for three concerts, and, according to
Leopold, he took in 559 gulden from his Burgtheater academy on
10 March 1785. He also must have received cash or other
rewards from the princes Esterházy and Golitsïn, at whose
homes he frequently performed; for his contest with Clementi
Joseph II gave him 50 ducats. After 1786, however, this concert-
giving income largely disappeared.
Teaching provided less, although Mozart enterprisingly
formulated a scheme to ensure some regularity of payment,
which he described to his father in a letter of 23 January 1782: ‘I
no longer charge for 12 lessons, but monthly. I learnt to my cost
that my pupils often dropped out for weeks at a time; so now,
whether they learn or not, each of them must pay me 6 ducats’.
Publications may also have brought in substantial sums,
although the payment of 450 gulden that Mozart received from
Artaria for the six quartets dedicated to Haydn was exceptional;
he received less for the symphonies and the sonatas, quintets
and other chamber works printed during the 1780s. On occasion
he acted as his own publisher, sometimes with sorry results: a
subscription for his string quintets in 1788 apparently failed. In
1791, however, he apparently sold copies of Die Zauberflöte for
100 gulden each. For the composition of an opera Mozart
generally received 450 gulden; payments of this amount are
documented for Die Entführung, Figaro and La clemenza di Tito
(for Così fan tutte see below); his share of the profit from Die
Zauberflöte, however, is unknown.
Mozart's day-to-day expenses, on the other hand, have been
little explored. In addition to rent and food, his income had to
cover substantial medical bills (chiefly resulting from Constanze's
frequent cures), child-rearing expenses and a costly wardrobe
(only some of the prices he paid for maintaining his standing in
Vennese society, though gladly it seems). By all accounts he was
generous to his friends, sometimes lending them money. Other
expenses on other items must be taken into consideration as
well, among them books, music and manuscript paper.
Documents show that Mozart was in debt to the publisher Artaria
throughout the 1780s, although it is unclear whether this
represents monies owed before or after honoraria paid by Artaria
for his published works (Ridgewell, G1999).
The estate documents are difficult to interpret. Mozart was in
debt at the time of his death, but not to an excessive degree: the
value of his estate, less than 600 gulden, was set against debts
of about 900 gulden. However, this does not take into account a
judgment of more than 1400 gulden awarded by the courts in
November 1791 to Prince Karl Lichnowsky, who had sued
Mozart, for unknown reasons (details of the affair and its
resolution are known only summarily from an account in the
Viennese archives; see Brauneis, G1991). Nevertheless,
Constanze managed not only to pay off Mozart's debts but also
to collect the value of the estate. It may be that she was provided
for by Mozart's friends and patrons, chief among them van
Swieten, or that her finances were secured by the sale of
Mozart's music and the income from numerous benefit concerts.
Between 1788 and 1790, van Swieten contributed to Mozart's
welfare by having him arrange for private performance several
works by Handel, including Acis and Galatea (k566, November
1788), Messiah (k572, March 1789) and Alexander's Feast and
the Ode for St Cecilia's Day (k591 and 592, both July 1790). But
the situation in Vienna at the time was complicated by the
Turkish war. One effect of this campaign was a general decline in
musical patronage during 1788 and 1789, with fewer concerts
than there had been earlier in the 1780s. (The war did provide
Mozart with opportunities for composition, however, including the
‘Kriegslied’ Ich möchte wohl der Kaiser sein k539 and the works
for mechanical organ, k594, 608 and 616, presumably composed
for performance at a mausoleum established in memory of Field
Marshal Gideon Laudon, hero of the Siege of Belgrade.)
Perhaps in an effort to alleviate his financial woes, or even to
escape what he may have perceived as an oppressive Viennese
atmosphere, Mozart undertook a concert tour of Leipzig, Dresden
and Berlin in the late spring of 1789. Details of the journey are
scarce. At Dresden he played chamber music privately and
performed at court, in addition to playing in an informal contest
with the organist J.W. Hässler, while at Leipzig he reportedly
improvised at the Thomaskirche organ in the presence of the
Kantor, J.F. Doles, a former Bach pupil. Mozart may have sold
some compositions in Potsdam and Berlin, and he attended a
performance of Die Entführung. Nevertheless, the journey was
not without its rewards. In Leipzig Mozart renewed his
acquaintance with Bach's music, obtaining a score of the motet
Singet dem Herrn ein neues Lied! (bwv225); its impact is evident
not only in the chorale of the Armed Men in Die Zauberflöte but
also, more substantially, in the contrapuntal disposition and
character of the finales of his two last string quintets, k593 and
614. And he was probably invited by King Friedrich Wilhelm II, an
amateur cellist, to compose quartets and keyboard sonatas.
Almost certainly he started work on this commission on the return
journey to Vienna: the score of k575 (see fig.10) and part of that
of k589 are written on manuscript paper originating from a mill
between Dresden and Prague. When the quartets were finally
published by Artaria in 1791, however, they lacked a dedication
altogether. Mozart wrote to Puchberg on 12 June 1790, ‘I have
now been obliged to give away my quartets … for a pittance,
simply in order to have cash in hand’.
His continuing financial problems notwithstanding, Mozart's
circumstances were beginning to improve by late 1789. In
addition to the first of the ‘Prussian’ quartets, he wrote two
replacement arias for a new production of Figaro on 29 August
(‘Al desio di chi t'adora’ k577 and ‘Un moto di gioia mi sento’
k579, first heard at a Tonkünstler-Societät concert in December),
as well as substitute arias for productions of Cimarosa's I due
baroni (k578), probably for a German-language version of
Paisiello's Il barbiere di Siviglia (k580), and for Martín y Soler's Il
burbero di buon cuore (k582 and 583). His work attracted
international interest: the poet Friedrich Wilhelm Gotter intended
to offer Mozart his opera libretto Die Geisterinsel (in the event not
set until 1796, by Friedrich Fleischmann), and in April 1791
Mozart was apparently offered a pension by two groups of
patrons, one in Amsterdam, the other in Hungary.
His main energies, however, were given to the composition of
Così fan tutte, his third collaboration with Da Ponte and the only
one of the Da Ponte operas for which there is no direct literary
source (although, like Don Giovanni, it has sources in Tirso de
Molina). It may be that the libretto was wholly original to Mozart
and the poet, for the subject is sometimes claimed to have been
suggested to Mozart and Da Ponte by Joseph II himself,
allegedly on the basis of a recent real-life incident. However, it is
known that the libretto was initially offered to Salieri, who set
some early numbers and then apparently abandoned it (Rice,
J1987). Così fan tutte is widely reckoned to be the most carefully
and symmetrically constructed of the Da Ponte operas. The three
men (the two officers Ferrando and Guglielmo and their friend
don Alfonso) and the three women (the sisters Dorabella and
Fiordiligi and their servant Despina) each have an aria in each
act; and the ensembles are calculated so that the four principals
are kept in their pairs (officers and sisters), and given relatively
little personal identity, until well on in Act 2, by which time the
sisters are emotionally affected by their disguised lovers. At this
point, the pervasive element of parody characteristic of the opera
gives way to music more personal in tone, reflecting the
characters' differing moral dilemmas.
Little is known of the opera's genesis. It was rehearsed at
Mozart's home on 31 December and at the theatre on 21 January
1790 (Puchberg and Haydn probably attended both); the
première was on 26 January. There were four further
performances, then a break because of the death of Joseph II in
February, and five more in the summer. Mozart apparently
expected to receive 900 gulden for its composition, twice the
usual amount, but documents survive only for a payment of 450
gulden (Edge, G1991). Although the opera was a success –
receipts from the court theatre box offices show that it was one of
the most heavily attended of the season (Edge, G1996) – it soon
came to be criticized for its apparent moral shortcomings: female
fickleness, in particular, was found shocking, and it is made more
so by the convention (standing equally in Figaro and Don
Giovanni) that the action should span no more than 24 hours.
The opera is susceptible of other interpretations, however. Its
appeal to commedia dell'arte traditions explains some of the
characters and their behaviour, including the use of poison,
disguises and elevated rhetoric (Goehring, J1993), while its
balance of sympathy and ridicule presents a commentary on the
strength and uncontrollability of amorous feelings and the value
of a mature recognition of them.
Joseph II died on 20 February 1790, and with the accession of a
new emperor, Leopold II, Mozart hoped for a preferment at court;
none was forthcoming. Unlike his predecessor, Leopold (who
until his coronation had ruled in Florence as Grand Duke of
Tuscany) had musical tastes that were thoroughly Italian. During
the two years of his reign he transformed Viennese musical
theatre: he planned to replace the old Burgtheater with a
magnificent new house, he reintroduced the ballet and revived
opera seria, and he reformed comic opera. Although these
changes were seemingly reactionary, they nevertheless looked to
the future: they were responsible at least in part for the
composition of Die Zauberflöte and La clemenza di Tito, both of
which were influential in the early 19th century (Rice, J1995).
In order to take advantage of the coronation festivities, in which
he had no official role, Mozart went in September 1790 to
Frankfurt, taking his brother-in-law Franz de Paula Hofer and a
servant. They arrived on 28 September, and Mozart gave a
public concert on 15 October; though musically a success it was
poorly attended and financially a failure. On the return journey
Mozart gave a concert at Mainz, heard Figaro at Mannheim, and
played before the King of Naples at Munich. He reached home
about 10 November, joining Constanze at their new apartment in
central Vienna, to which she had just moved.
A trip to England became a possibility again that autumn. Mozart
was tendered an invitation for an opera, but declined (he was
also promised an engagement like Haydn's by J.P. Salomon).
During the winter months he composed a piano concerto (k595,
possibly performed on 9 January 1791 by his pupil Barbara
Ployer at a concert held by Prince Adam Auersperg in honour of
the visit to Vienna of the King of Naples; see Edge, G1996) and
the last two string quintets (k593 and 614). He played a concerto
at a concert organized by the clarinettist Josef Bähr and an aria
and a symphony were give at the Tonkünstler-Societät concerts
in April. That same month Mozart secured from the city council
the reversion to the important and remunerative post of
Kapellmeister at the Stephansdom, where the incumbent
Leopold Hofmann was aged and ill; he was appointed assistant
and deputy, without pay, but in the end Hofmann outlived him.
It was for the festivities at Leopold II's coronation in Prague that
Mozart composed La clemenza di Tito. Reports published soon
after his death suggested that it had been written in only 18 days,
some of it in the coach between Vienna and Prague, although it
is more likely that it written over a period of six weeks. The
impresario Domenico Guardasoni signed a contract with the
Bohemian Estates on 8 July, and his first choice to compose a
coronation opera (either on a subject to be suggested by the
Grand Burgrave of Bohemia or, if time did not permit, on
Metastasio's La clemenza di Tito, 1734), was Salieri. But Salieri
refused the commission and the work fell to Mozart. Possibly this
was in mid-July: the fact that Guardasoni's contract included an
‘escape clause’, allowing him to engage a different composer,
suggests that he may already have expected Salieri to decline
and discussed with Mozart the possibility of composing the
opera. The text was arranged by Caterino Mazzolà, who cut
much of the dialogue and 18 arias while adding four new ones,
as well as supplying two duets, three trios and finale ensembles.
In his catalogue, Mozart described Tito as ‘ridotto a vera opera’.
The première took place on 6 September.
Mozart's works were widely published in 1791 – Viennese
dealers produced nearly a dozen editions of his works in that
year alone – and were intended for audiences that ranged far
beyond court circles. Among them were the string quintets k593
and 614 (December 1790 and March 1791, respectively), the
Concerto k622 for Anton Stadler (for whose basset-clarinet, with
its downward extension of a major 3rd, Mozart also probably
intended the Quintet k581), the Masonic cantata Laut verkünde
unsre Freude k623, the aria Per questa bella mano k612, the
piano variations on Ein Weib ist das herrlichste Ding k626, the
motet Ave verum corpus k618, Die Zauberflöte k620 and the
Requiem k626. Die Zauberflöte, written for Emanuel
Schikaneder's suburban Theater auf der Wieden, was well under
way by 11 June, as a reference in a letter to Constanze makes
clear; possibly it was complete in July except for three vocal
items, the overture and the march. The opera has several
sources, among them Liebeskind's Lulu, oder Die Zauberflöte,
published in Wieland's collection of fairly tales, Dschinnistan
(1786–9); this was a source for other operas given at the
Freihaustheater and its rival, the Leopoldstädter-Theater
(including Benedikt Schack's Der Stein der Weisen, to which
Mozart may have contributed several passages in addition to
parts of the duet ‘Nun, liebes Weibchen, ziehst mit mir’ k625; see
Buch, k1997). Many of the ritual elements are derived from Jean
Terrasson's novel Sethos (1731), which has an ancient Egyptian
setting, from contemporary freemasonry and possibly from other
theatrical works of the time. The whole belongs firmly in the
established traditions of Viennese popular theatre. C.L.
Giesecke, a poet, actor and member of the lodge ‘Zur
neugekronten Hoffnung’, later claimed to be the author of the
libretto, but his assertion lacks plausible support. The arguments
in favour of Schikaneder's authorship seem incontrovertible.
Although the opera was well received – contemporary opinion on
the music was universally favourable – critics found the text
unsatisfactory (the Staats- und gelehrte Zeitung of Hamburg
reported on 14 October that ‘the piece would have won universal
approval if only the text … had met minimum expectations'). One
hotly disputed point concerns a possible reshaping of the plot
while composition was in progress. The opera begins as a
traditional tale of a heroic prince (Tamino) rescuing a beautiful
princess (Pamina) at the bidding of her mother (the Queen of
Night) from her wicked abductor (Sarastro). In the Orator's
scene, however, it transpires that the abductor is beneficent and
that it is the princess's mother who is wicked. Although it is
tempting to think that this shift can only represent a change in
plan by Schikaneder and Mozart (traditionally explained as an
attempt to avoid duplicating a rival production, Wenzel Müller's
Kaspar der Fagottist, oder Die Zauberzither), the moral
ambiguities that demand explanation if it does not – Sarastro's
employment of the evil Monostatos, for example, or the Queen
and her Ladies' gifts of the benevolently magical flute and bells to
Tamino and Papageno, or Pamina's fear of Sarastro – are not out
of line with Viennese popular theatrical traditions, nor with
symbolic interpretations of the work. It has also been argued that
Tamino's confrontation with the Orator represents a recognition
scene, a standard operatic situation also found in Figaro, Don
Giovanni and Così fan tutte (Waldoff, J1994).
Much has been written about freemasonry in the opera. It is
unlikely, as has been asserted, that the authors intended the
characters to stand for figures involved in the recent history of
the movement. They are better understood as generalized and
symbolic figures: for instance, Tamino and Pamina are ideal
beings seeking self-realization and, especially, ideal union. In this
Die Zauberflöte may be thought to pursue the theme of
selfconscious knowledge predicated in Così fan tutte. More
broadly, the opera is susceptible to interpretation in light of the
philosophical, cosmological and epistemological background of
18th-century freemasonry as an allegory of ‘the quest of the
human soul for both inner harmony and enlightenment’
(Koenigsberger, J1975, and Till, J1992). Such interpretations
help to explain how what may superficially seem a mixture of the
musically sublime and the textually ridiculous melds into an
opera not only theatrically effective but also of a philosophical or
religious quality. Goethe tried to write a sequel to it, and
Beethoven pointedly quoted from the opera in his Fidelio.
Probably in mid-July, Mozart was commissioned by Count
Walsegg-Stuppach, under conditions of secrecy, to compose a
Requiem for his wife, who had died on 14 February 1791; work
on this was postponed at least until October 1791, after the
completion of La clemenza di Tito and Die Zauberflöte. It is likely
that Mozart was aware of Walsegg's identity: his friend Puchberg
lived in Walsegg's Vienna villa, and the inclusion of basset-horns
in the score suggests that Mozart could count on the participation
of specific players, who would have been booked far in advance
for a date and place already known to him. Later sources
describe Mozart's feverish work at the Requiem, after his return
from Prague, with premonitions of his own death, but these are
hard to reconcile with the high spirits of his letters from much of
October. Constanze's earliest account, published in
Niemetschek's biography of 1798, states that Mozart ‘told her of
his remarkable request, and at the same time expressed a wish
to try his hand at this type of composition, the more so as the
higher forms of church music had always appealed to his genius’.
There is no hint that the work was a burden to him, as was widely
reported in German newspapers from January 1792 onwards.
By the time of Mozart's final illness, he had completed only the
‘Requiem aeternam’ in its entirety; from the Kyrie to the
‘Confutatis’, only the vocal parts and basso continuo were fully
written out. At the ‘Lacrimosa’ only the first eight bars are present
for the vocal parts, along with the first two bars for the violins and
viola. Sketches for the remaining movements, now mostly lost,
probably included vocal parts and basso continuo. Mozart was
confined to bed at the end of the November; he was attended by
the two leading Viennese doctors, Closset and Sallaba, and
nursed by Constanze and her youngest sister, Sophie. His
condition seemed to improve on 3 December, and the next day
his friends Schack, Hofer and the bass F.X. Gerl gathered to sing
over with him parts of the unfinished Requiem. He was possibly
also visited by Salieri. That evening, however, his condition
worsened, and Closset, summoned from the theatre, applied cold
compresses; the effect was to send Mozart into shock. He died
just before 1 a.m. on 5 December. The cause of his death was
registered as ‘hitziges Friesel Fieber’ (severe miliary fever, where
‘miliary’ refers to a rash resembling millet-seeds) and later
diagnosed as ‘rheumatische Entzündungsfieber’ (rheumatic
inflammatory fever) on evidence from Closset and Sallaba. This
seems consistent with the symptoms of Mozart's medical history
(Bär, G1966, 2/1972), more so than various rival diagnoses, such
as uraemia (favoured by Greither, G1970, 3/1977), and Davies,
G1989); there is no credible evidence to support the notion that
he was poisoned, by Salieri or anyone else.
Mozart was buried in a common grave, in accordance with
contemporary Viennese custom, at the St Marx cemetary outside
the city on 7 December. If, as later reports say, no mourners
attended, that too is consistent with Viennese burial customs at
the time; later Jahn (F1856) wrote that Salieri, Süssmayr, van
Swieten and two other musicians were present. The tale of a
storm and snow is false; the day was calm and mild.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
7. Early works.
It is likely that the full extent of Mozart's original output during the
1760s will never be known. Not only were many of his early
autographs heavily corrected by his father, but it is clear that
some works, such as the pasticcio concertos k37 and 39–41 and
to a lesser extent the J.C. Bach arrangements k107 (fig.12), were
jointly composed. Other compositions, among them the Sonata
for keyboard and violin k8, take over, wholly or in part,
movements first written by Leopold. A related problem concerns
Leopold's Verzeichniss of 1768, which describes ‘13 symphonies
for 2 violins, 2 oboes, 2 horns, viola, and basso, etc.’ (Zaslaw,
A1985). Of the early works in the genre attributed to Wolfgang,
only eight are demonstrably genuine and known to have been
composed by this time, while another four are of uncertain
authorship and date. Even if all these symphonies are genuine
and early, at least one other is missing. Leopold's list describes
additional lost works, including six divertimentos in four parts for
various instruments, six trios for two violins and cello, solos for
violin and bass viol, minuets, marches and processionals for
trumpets and drums. Also, as with many composers of the time,
several works are known only from sources with no direct
connection to the composer. Some may be authentic, but in other
cases there is insufficient evidence for or against Mozart's
authorship (for the symphonies see Eisen, L1989).
Accounts of Mozart's early stylistic development often fail to take
these problems into consideration: demonstrably authentic works
are often compared with, and analysed alongside, works only
insecurely attributed to Mozart. The inevitable result is a
patchwork story of progression and regression. When only the
demonstrably authentic works are considered, however, not only
does the progression in Mozart's style appear more linear, but
individual works, often dismissed as showing no significant
evidence of Mozart's development, can be seen to represent new
plateaux in his sophistication as a composer. In the case of the
symphonies this is especially apparent in the works composed
up to about 1771. His earliest works in the genre, composed
before 1767, are based on models that he encountered on the
‘Grand Tour’. All are in three movements, lacking a minuet and
trio, and are scored for two oboes, two horns and strings. The
first movements are in expanded binary form, in common time,
and have tempo indications of Allegro, Allegro molto or Allegro
assai, while the second movements, also in binary form, are in
2/4 time and are marked Andante. The concluding fast
movements are generally in rondo form and are marked Allegro
assai, Allegro molto or Presto, with 3/8 time signatures. For the
most part, these works show a remarkable grasp of the principles
of J.C. Bach's symphonic style, including the dramatic contrast of
a forte motto opening and a piano continuation, together with
hints of cantabile second subjects. In Vienna in 1768, however,
Mozart adopted the common four-movement cycle, as well as
local formal preferences: k48, for example, is the first of his
symphonies to include a first movement in a fully worked-out
sonata form. Still later, in Italy, he reverted to the three movement
pattern with its attendant busy string figuration, lighter textures
and less melodic thematic material (but still including full
recapitulations, albeit with little or no preceding development).
k74, with its linked first two movements, may originally have been
intended as an opera overture.
While these symphonies are indebted to models encountered by
Mozart during his travels during the 1760s and early 1770s,
several depart from local norms in significant ways. The first
movement of k16 is an expanded binary form of a type more
common among Viennese symphonies; k19 includes a brief
diversion based on the dominant minor, a procedure common
among Salzburg symphonies of the 1750s; and k22 includes an
extended orchestral crescendo and recurrence of tutti primary
material at the middle and end of the movement, typical of
Mannheim. k112, composed at Milan on 2 November 1771, is
unusual for its inclusion of a minuet and trio. This symphony in
particular represents a significant advance: it is the first by
Mozart to include genuine development, rather than a mere
retransition to the recapitulation; it explores a new tonal
relationship between minuet and trio (previously always in the
subdominant but here in the dominant); and it begins to break
down the association, previously strictly upheld, of thematic or
motivic material with function. The beginning of the transition, at
bar 10, is obscured by a re-use of the symphony's stable opening
bar as a jumping-off point for the modulation, an effect
heightened by the structure of the opening idea. In earlier
symphonies with similarly constructed opening material – an
aggressive, forte and often unison triadic idea followed by a
softer motif characterized by conjunct motion – the first idea is
more or less literally repeated; in k112, however, the repetition of
the opening is initially lacking and is reserved for the first
important cadence, where it serves not only to bring the
symmetrical pair of five-bar phrases to a conclusion, but also to
represent the first element in a two-bar phrase at the beginning
of the transition. This reinterpretation of previously-heard material
creates an impression not only of unity, but also of ambiguity, and
was to become a standard feature of Mozart's symphonies, and
his style in general, during the 1770s and later.
Some departures from local norms may have resulted from
Mozart's acquaintance with local Salzburg repertories, which
have been underestimated in discussions of his development as
composer of orchestral music. His father was the leading
symphonist in the archdiocese, and works by several other
composers, including Caspar Christelli, Ferdinand Seidl,
Adlgasser and Michael Haydn, were known to Mozart during the
1760s. Many of these include Viennese and Italian features that
he encountered at source only later on the ‘Grand Tour’, as well
as novelties of their own. Salzburg also provided Mozart with
opportunities for composition: the three serenades k63, 99 and
100 were probably composed there in the summer of 1769.
Following local traditions best represented by Leopold Mozart,
each has six or more movements plus an associated introductory
(and perhaps valedictory) march. More relaxed in style than
symphonies, the serenades show their most refined invention in
the slow movements, of which one generally has a concertante
part (for violin in k63 and for oboe in k100, which also has
concertante parts in a fast movement and the trio of one of its
minuets, a pattern that later became standard). The chief
influence of Salzburg, however, was on Mozart's church music.
The Missa brevis k49, although composed in Vienna in 1768,
displays all the features of the Salzburg missa brevis tradition
best represented in the works of Eberlin: in the Kyrie, a slow
introduction to the main part of the tutti; solo and tutti writing in
the Gloria and Credo, with fugal endings to both; a three-section
Sanctus and a solo quartet Benedictus; and a simple, chordal
tutti Agnus followed by a lively triple-time ‘Dona nobis pacem’.
Many other features derive from Italian church music, which was
widely disseminated and performed in Salzburg for several
decades before the 1760s (Eisen, H1995). Among these are a
preference for da capo arias, which is particularly strong in
Mozart's solo church music, including the Regina coeli k108, with
its large, busy orchestra and soprano solos. The Litaniae de
venerabili altaris sacramento k125 of 1772 is a more
sophisticated and individual work, with strong choral writing,
strikingly contrasting arias and an opening Kyrie in an elaborate
ritornello structure with three levels – orchestra, chorus and
soloists.
In Salzburg, Mozart was also acquainted, both directly and
indirectly, with Italian theatrical music even before his numerous
tours. Italian operas were often given at court during
Schrattenbach's reign, and their style informed the local near-
equivalent, the so-called Finalkomödien, or school dramas, given
annually at the Salzburg Benedictine University to mark the end
of the academic year. Mozart composed only one work in this
genre, Apollo et Hyacinthus, which includes full da capo arias
and a striking dialogue for the angry Melia and the innocent
Apollo, where changes in texture and key support the sense of
drama; it is in many respects a successor to his earlier ‘sacred
Singspiel’ Die Schuldigkeit des ersten Gebots k35.
La finta semplice, by contrast, gave Mozart his first opportunity to
compose opera buffa, which required a command of the Italian
language, an ability to delineate emotions quickly, a thorough
knowledge of a wide range of effective orchestral clichés, and a
control of the extended, multi-sectional finales of the Goldoni-
Galuppi tradition favoured in Vienna. His next two dramatic
works, Ascanio in Alba k111 and Il sogno di Scipione k126, were
of the serenata or festa teatrale type. Ascanio is a leisurely work,
with pastoral choruses and ballets interspersed with the arias,
while Il sogno di Scipione is less tellingly characterized: the arias
are lengthy and contain much bravura writing. The most
significant of the early dramatic works, however, is the opera
seria Lucio Silla, which is less convention-bound and more
individual than Mozart's first opera seria, Mitridate, re di Ponto
(modelled in several details of form and treatment on the setting
by Quirino Gasparini; see Tagliavini, J1968). This is particularly
true of the role of Junia, whose opening aria alternates between
an intense Adagio and a fiery Allegro, and whose choral scene at
her father's tomb recalls Gluck; the terzetto ‘Quell' orgoglioso
sdegno’, in which the tyrant Sulla expresses his anger, is an early
example of simultaneous differentiated characterization. Mozart
was clearly pleased with several of the arias, which he had
recopied in the later 1770s and early 1780s; he may have
performed ‘Pupille amate’ in Vienna as late as Carnival 1786.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
8. Works, 1772–81.
The pervasive influence of the Italian style lingered on well into
the 1770s: it not only informs La finta giardiniera and Il re pastore
but is also found in the church music, including the litanies k195
and 243 (the second of which embraces a variety of styles
including simple homophonic choruses as well as dramatic ones,
fugues, a plainchant setting and expressive arias with florid
embellishment). Several symphonies, among them k181 and
184, are in three movements, without a break, on the pattern of
the Italian overture, while the A major Symphony k201,
composed in April 1774, combines southern grace with an
intimate, chamber music style as well as full-bodied orchestral
writing and a Germanic predilection for imitative textures.
No doubt Mozart's interest in counterpoint, as well as a general
deepening of his style at this time, was stimulated by his visit in
1773 to Vienna, where he composed six string quartets. For all
its pan-European popularity, the string quartet was little cultivated
in Salzburg, where the chief forms of chamber music were the
trio for two violins and bass and, during the 1770s, the
divertimento for string quartet and two horns (Mozart wrote
several such works, including k247 and 287). An altogether more
intellectual approach is evident in the quartets: imitative textures
are found not only in development sections but in first statements
of thematic material as well, while the finales to k168 and k173
are both fugal. Similarly, Mozart's first original keyboard concerto,
k175 (possibly intended for organ), exploits counterpoint in ways
not previously found in his orchestral music. The finale in
particular starts with an imitative gesture that returns in various
guises throughout the movement. The Symphony in E k184, its
Italianisms notwithstanding, includes a C minor Andante whose
main theme is also built on imitation, and the coda to the first
movement of the Symphony k201 is a contrapuntal tour de force
(the long development section of the finale also includes
imitations between basses and first violins). The stormy
Viennese style is most apparent in k184 (which was adopted in
the 1780s as the overture to T.P. Gebler's Thamos, König in
Ägypten, for which Mozart also wrote incidental music) and in the
G minor Symphony k183. Some of this drama is carried over into
the serenades of the mid-1770s, including k185, 203, 204 and
250 (Haffner), which although more relaxed in tone nevertheless
frequently touch on a range of affects far beyond those typical of
the genre. It was the serenade, in any case, that by 1775 had
gained the upper hand in Mozart's orchestral output; there are no
Salzburg symphonies – redactions of serenades aside – dating
from between 1774 and 1779.
The church music that Mozart composed during this period
mostly conforms to Salzburg traditions. The absence of soloists
in the Mass k167 recalls Michael Haydn's Missa S Joannis
Nepomuceni of 1772, while in k275 the distribution of solo and
tutti, as well as the contrapuntal endings to the Gloria and Credo,
the imitative entries at the beginning of the Sanctus and the solo
at the Benedictus are reminiscent of Eberlin. Colloredo's church
music reforms, described by Mozart in an oft-cited letter to Padre
Martini of 4 September 1776 (‘a mass, with the whole Kyrie, the
Gloria, the Credo, the epistle sonata, the offertory or motet, the
Sanctus and the Agnus, must last no more than three-quarters of
an hour’), inform the brevity and style of k192 and 194: both
include a minimum of word repetition, simple choral declamation
and sparing musical treatment of text meanings, as well as
unbroken settings of the Gloria and Credo without extended final
fugues. Similar economies are found in k257, 258 and 259. Not
all church music composed in Salzburg at this time was subject
to Colloredo's reforms, however. A letter written by Leopold
Mozart on 1 November 1777 describes a mass by Michael
Haydn, the Missa S Hieronymi, that lasted an hour and a quarter.
And k262 is a long and elaborate work which includes, besides
concluding fugues to the Gloria and Credo, contrapuntal writing
even at the Kyrie and ‘Et incarnatus’, and extended orchestral
ritornellos.
If the church music mostly fell in step with Salzburg traditions, the
symphonies, serenades and concertos of the earlier 1770s differ
from other orchestral music composed there not only in their
imaginative scoring, formal variety and diverse characters, but
also in their susceptibility to critical readings. In the Symphony
k133, the opening hammer-strokes do not return at the start of
the recapitulation, which begins with the second group, but they
appear to be ‘realized’ in the coda, where the weakly articulated
theme first heard in the second bar is repeated with strong,
downbeat root motion, reproducing the forte dynamic of the
hammer-strokes. Not only does this gesture provide stability and
closure otherwise lacking in the movement, but there seems little
doubt that Mozart considered it quite deliberately. The autograph
shows that he originally intended the passage to represent a
coda; by cancelling the first ending, however, he integrated it into
the movement proper, rather than distancing it from the action
(fig.13). Almost certainly it was works such as this that in
Salzburg provoked dissatisfaction with Mozart. For his part, he
complained that ‘there is no stimulus [there] for my talent. When I
play or when any of my compositions is performed, it is just as if
the audience were all tables and chairs’.
Shortly before his departure for Paris in autumn 1777 Mozart
composed the Piano Concerto k271, which in its scale, mastery
of design, virtuosity, elements of surprise (the piano entry in the
third bar is unprecedented) and exploitation of the most profound
affects, particularly in the recitative sections of the disturbing C
minor Andantino, far exceeds his earlier orchestral music. (Some
parallels can be found in the violin concertos k216, 218 and 219
of 1775: the first two also have finales in a variety of tempos and
metres, while in k219 the soloist is introduced in the first
movement by a poetic Adagio episode, and there is a notable
‘Turkish’ episode in the minuet finale.) In many ways, k271
represents a new, more elaborate style that was to become
Mozart's norm in the late 1770s. No doubt personal factors
contributed to this development. It is difficult to forgo altogether
the notion that the Paris–Mannheim journey of 1777–9, which
violently wrenched Mozart from adolescence to manhood,
dramatically influenced the style and substance of his music.
Whether as a result of ‘foreign’ influences or merely a desire to
accommodate his works to a specific public, the music that
Mozart composed in Mannheim and Paris frequently recalls local
styles. Nannerl Mozart remarked of the Piano Sonata k309,
written for Christian Cannabich's daughter Rosina, that ‘anyone
could see it was composed in Mannheim’ (letter of 8 December
1777; Leopold, perhaps more astutely, described it on 11
December 1777 as having ‘something of the mannered
Mannheim style about it, but so little that your own good style is
not spoilt’). Nannerl’s observation may refer to the sharp dynamic
contrasts in the first two movements and the affectation of the
Andante; a similar atmosphere is evident in the next sonata,
k311. The A minor Sonata k310, on the other hand, follows up
the tradition of fiery keyboard writing that Schobert and others
had pursued in Paris (although the tripartite Andante cantabile,
with its agitated outburst at the centre of the movement, is
without expressive precedent). In his six sonatas for keyboard
and violin published in Paris (k301–06), Mozart also took over
some features of Joseph Schuster's accompanied divertimentos
(which he praised in a letter of 6 October 1777 to his father),
notably in the structure of the first movement of k303, where the
Adagio introduction represents the first subject and recurs at the
recapitulation. The sonatas exhibit a wide variety of styles and
affects, ranging from the eerie, almost claustrophobic, E minor
k304 to the quasi-orchestral k302 (similar variety can be found in
the piano sonatas of the mid-1770s, among them the mannered
k282 and the orchestral k284). Perhaps the most important
orchestral work composed at this time was the Paris Symphony
k297. Following Leopold's advice, Mozart carefully tailored the
work to local taste, beginning with the obligatory premier coup
d'archet and continuing with powerful unison and octave
passages, brilliant tuttis and exposed passages for the wind.
Scored for two flutes, two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons,
two horns, two trumpets, timpani and strings, the symphony
consciously exploits the soundscape of the large Paris orchestra.
Formal and textural variety abounds in the works of the mid- to
late 1770s. Frequently, as in the Piano Sonata k280, Mozart
avoids settling on the dominant (the same process characterizes
the Haffner Symphony k385 of 1782), while some works,
including the Piano Sonata k311, reverse the order of the
material in the recapitulation. Within the recapitulation itself,
Mozart finds effective new ways of avoiding a modulation to the
dominant, often incorporating further development that relies on
earlier transitional material but does not literally duplicate it. A
good example is the Paris Symphony, where the introduction of a
C in the basses at bar 175 pushes the harmonies to the
subdominant side while also, incidentally, serving to disorientate
the listener. Because the movement has no internal repeats, the
drop to C conjures up memories of the surprising introduction of
B at the start of the development, which serves as the jumping-
off point for a modulation to the distant key of F major;
consequently, on first hearing the recapitulation may seem to
represent a ‘new’ development.
Many of these styles and techniques remained with Mozart after
his return to Salzburg in 1779. This is less true of his church
music, perhaps, than of his other works, although the Credo of
the Coronation Mass k317 has a symphonic thrust lacking in his
earlier works and is broken off by an Adagio ‘Et incarnatus’; in
this respect it shares with Mozart's instrumental compositions of
the time a selfconscious exploitation of musical and affective
disruption. In the ‘Posthorn’ Serenade k320, for example, Mozart
recalls the striking formal gesture of the Sonata k303, repeating,
at the start of the recapitulation, the music of the slow
introduction, rewriting it in the prevailing tempo. In the
symphonies k318 and 338 Mozart manipulates the recapitulation.
k338 repeats only a part of the first theme, reserving the rest for
the final cadence, while k318 is altogether novel in its formal
outlines, incorporating an Andante after the development and
then returning to the second subject before only partly restating
the first. Both the Serenade k320 and the magnificent Sinfonia
concertante for violin and viola k364 make extensive use of
Mannheim-style crescendos. The Andante of k364 in particular
represents a peak in Mozart's orchestral style at this time: its rich
orchestral textures, with divided violas, verge on the extravagant,
while the unwillingness of the soloists to cadence, as they force
each other on, often to higher tessituras, gives the movement an
almost ecstatic character. (In this regard the Andante is similar in
character to the Adagio non troppo of the G minor String Quintet
k516, although part of the effect there is harmonic, deriving from
the unexpected shifts between minor and major.)
Idomeneo marks the end of this development; it is
unquestionably the most complex and opulent work composed
by Mozart before his permanent move to Vienna in early 1781.
Although nominally an opera seria, Idomeneo departs
substantially from that tradition. With its French source, it is more
natural in its expression of emotion and more complex in
structure, with a greater emphasis on the participation of the
chorus; its scoring, for the virtuoso Mannheim orchestra now at
Munich, is exceptionally full and elaborate. The influence of
Piccinni's French operas, as well as that of Gluck's reform works,
is strong.
A remarkable feature of the opera is its abundance of orchestral
recitative, which sharply reflects the sense of the words. It also
uses recurrent motifs. Certain phrases recur throughout the
opera, referring consistently to individual characters and their
predominant emotions, including Ilia's grief, Electra's jealousy
and Idamantes' feelings about the sacrifice (Heartz, J1974). The
key treatment is sometimes unorthodox and invariably
expressive, as in Electra's D minor first aria, ‘Tutte nel cor vi
sento’. Here Mozart reaches a recapitulation in C minor before
returning to the home key; he then modulates, without changing
speed, into the music of the tempest, also in C minor and making
use of a motif similar to that of the aria. The opera's orchestration
includes many new and brilliant details, among them the
evocative flute, oboe and violin passages in ‘Fuor del mar’ and
the use of sustained wind against inexorable string triples and
muted trumpet fanfares in ‘O voto tremendo’. Perhaps the most
admired number of the opera is the powerful Act 3 quartet, in
which Idamantes resolves to seek death, a tour de force in which
intensely chromatic music truthfully embraces four characters'
diverse emotions.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
9. Works, 1781–8.
Possibly as a result of the natural development of Mozart's style,
or through a wish to accommodate his changed circumstances,
the extravagance of Mozart's ‘late Salzburg’ works gave way,
after his permanent move to Vienna, to leaner, more transparent
textures and a less ornamental manner. This is true particularly
of the six accompanied sonatas published in December 1781
(although only four of them, k376–7, 379 and 380, were
composed there; k296 was written at Mannheim, and k378 at
Salzburg in 1779 or 1780). At the same time, however, they are
broader in conception than the earlier sonatas, with greater
forward thrust and, in k380, a deepened sense of rhetorical
contrast between full chords and rapid passage-work. Above all,
they display a new relationship between the instruments.
Although they remain piano sonatas with accompaniment, and
contain passages where the violin part could be omitted without
damaging the sense of the music, the violin nevertheless
increasingly carries essential material, melodic or contrapuntal,
and engages in dialogue with the keyboard. The violin part has
even greater prominence in k454, composed for Regina
Strinasacchi, while in k526, arguably the finest of Mozart's
accompanied sonatas, the two instruments are equal in
importance. The same trend is evident in the piano trios k496,
502, 542 and 548.
This new equality of partnership is best reflected in the string
quartets and quintets of the early to mid-1780s, including the six
string quartets dedicated to Haydn, which Mozart described in his
dedication of 1 September 1785 as ‘the fruits of a long and
laborious endeavour’, a claim borne out by the relatively large
number of quartet fragments from this time as well by numerous
corrections and changes in the autographs (fig.14; the thorny
question of the textual relationship between Mozart's autograph
and the first edition, published by Artaria in 1785, is described in
Seiffert, N1997). That Mozart sought to emulate Haydn's quartets
op.33, but not to imitate them slavishly, can hardly be doubted:
like Haydn's, Mozart's quartets are characterized by textures
conceived not merely in four-part harmony, but as four-part
discourse, with the actual musical ideas linked to a freshly
integrated treatment of the medium. Later critics described them
as prime examples, together with those of Haydn and
Beethoven, of the ‘classical’ quartet, as opposed to the quartor
concertant or quatuor brillant. According to Koch, they were the
finest works of their kind.
Counterpoint in particular takes on a new aspect in the quartets.
In the first movements of k421 and 464, each of the principal
themes is subjected to imitative treatment; the Andante of k428
follows a similar procedure, supported by increased
chromaticism (which is characteristic of the quartet as a whole).
The coda of the first movement of the ‘Hunt’ Quartet k458, like
the coda of the earlier A major Symphony k201, draws on the
latent imitative potential of the movement's main thematic
material, while the famous introduction to the ‘Dissonance’
Quartet k465 represents an extreme of both free counterpoint
and chromaticism. Similar effects can be observed in the C major
and G minor quintets of 1787, k515 and 516.
The finale of k387 represents a different use of counterpoint,
which is treated not so much as a texture in and of itself, but as a
structural topic. Here the main, stable thematic material is
represented first and foremost by fugatos, while transitional and
cadential material is generally composed in a melody-and-
accompaniment buffo style. This procedure is reversed in the
final movement of the Piano Concerto k459, where fugato
represents transition and is explosively elaborated in the double
fugue of the central episode. The hidden, but inherently
contrapuntal nature of Mozart's material in general is already
adumbrated in the C minor Fugue k426 for two pianos and its
later version for strings k546, where the seemingly commonplace
Baroque subject erupts at the end of the movement in the
previously unimaginable guise of a melody accompanied by
aggressive sawing-away in the upper parts. No doubt Mozart had
conceived this possibility as early as 1782 while arranging for
string quartet several fugues by Bach and Handel: a similar
procedure is found at the conclusion of his version of the D
minor fugue from book 2 of Bach's Das wohltemperirte Clavier.
The wind music, including the three substantial serenades k361,
375 and 388, shows Mozart's interest in texture in different ways,
including the use of novel combinations of instruments (Peter
Shaffer, in his play Amadeus, puts into Salieri's mouth an
evocative description of the opening bars of the Adagio from the
Serenade for 13 instruments, k361). The C minor Mass k427,
meanwhile, includes grave choruses (some in eight parts, as well
as the customary four), among which the ‘Qui tollis’ is built on an
ostinato bass of the Baroque descending tetrachord pattern.
Several solo items, such as the ‘Domine Deus’ duet and the
‘Quoniam’ trio, are almost Handelian in their counterpoint,
figuration and bare continuo textures. The Trio for clarinet, viola
and piano k498 and the Quintet for piano and wind k452 are both
uniquely scored.
Mozart's deliberate attention to even the smallest details of
texture, scoring, rhythm and articulation as elements of both
affect and style is evident from the numerous erasures, changes
and revisions in his autographs. At bar 106 of the first movement
of the D minor Piano Concerto k466, for example, he originally
wrote the upper string parts as alternating quaver rests and
quavers, continuing the pattern of the previous two bars, but he
changed these to straight quavers in anticipation of the
approaching imperfect cadence. The second movement was
initially conceived to begin with the orchestra (as an erased piano
marking in the first violin part shows) and to include trumpets and
drums, and in a possibly related correction, trumpets and drums
were omitted from the two final bars of the first movement. In the
final movement, at bar 181, Mozart for the first time writes slurs
in the accompanying second violin, viola, cello and double bass
parts, possibly because their figure here ascends where
previously it had descended.
That texture is also a matter of formal significance for Mozart is
especially clear in the case of the piano concertos. The
structures of the first movements have been related to sonata
form, Baroque ritornello forms and aria forms. Although varied in
their structural details, they nevertheless follow a broadly
consistent outline, consisting of seven large units: (1) an opening
ritornello including a first theme, a more lyrical group and a
concluding group; (2) the first solo, reiterating the first theme and
then modulating to the dominant for a secondary group and a
coda; (3) a medial ritornello, usually based on the opening
ritornello; (4) a development-like section, representing the first
part of the second solo; (5) a recapitulation, representing the
second part of the second solo and largely following the first solo
(but omitting the modulation); and (6) a concluding ritornello,
using material from the medial ritornello and interrupted by (7) a
cadenza. The second and third movements are more varied. The
former include romances, binary movements, rondos and
variations; the finales, although mostly sonata rondos, also
include variations and sonata forms.
Viewed chronologically, the piano concertos make increasing use
of dialogue between the soloist and the orchestra (both as a
whole and in its individual sections); the solo keyboard writing,
meanwhile, becomes increasingly varied and demanding. A new
feature is the use of a soloistic continuo part in the orchestral
outbursts that interrupt the large solo sections. (For a fuller
discussion of structural aspects of the concertos, see Concerto,
II.)
While the model of the early operatic aria is at least partly
relevant to Mozart's Viennese concertos, it does not apply to Die
Entführung or the three Da Ponte operas, Le nozze di Figaro,
Don Giovanni and Così fan tutte: by the 1780s Mozart had more
or less left earlier aria forms behind (Webster, M1996). Several
different formal types can nevertheless be identified, including
binary forms (Die Entführung, ‘Traurigkeit’), ABA forms (Don
Giovanni, ‘Dalla sua pace’, Così, Un ‘aura amorosa’), complex
two-part forms (Figaro, ‘Aprite un po' quegl'occhi’ and Don
Giovanni, ‘Vedrai, carino’), one-part undivided forms (Die
Entführung, ‘Im Mohrenland’), rondo (in the modern sense; Così,
‘Donne mie’) and rondò (Figaro, ‘Dove sono’; see Webster,
J1991). In every instance, however, a formal scheme is designed
to express the text. The solo arias, rather than representing
action, simultaneously portray a variety of complementary or
conflicting emotions, one of which usually gains the upper hand.
‘Non più andrai’ is not so much about Cherubino's implied growth
from adolescence to manhood as about Figaro's overwhelming
need to gloat; the conflict between achieving peace of mind and
inflicting punishment on Belmonte is resolved, in ‘O, wie will ich
triumphieren’, in favour of strangulation; and Don Giovanni's
rampant sexual desires overwhelm ‘Fin ch'han dal vino’, as the
final phrase spins, like him, nearly out of control, unable to
cadence. Otherwise, the arias often reflect differences in the
standing of the various characters – Bartolo's ‘La vendetta’ is
blustery and parodistic, the Count's ‘Vedrò, mentre io sospiro’,
menacing – or express social tension: Figaro's ‘Se vuol ballare’ is
a good example (Allanbrook, J1982).
The ensembles sometimes carry more complex kinds of
expression: the Letter Duet in Figaro is a dramatic tour de force,
the music representing the dictation of a letter, with phrases
realistically repeated and a condensed recapitulation serving for
the reading-back of the text. But it is the finales in particular that,
following opera buffa tradition, carry the action forward: changes
in tempo, metre, tonality and orchestration resolve existing
tensions while creating new ones, always closely allied to the
action. Whether they represent meaningful or intentional tonal
structures, however, is uncertain. By the same token, the notion
that the operas exhibit large-scale tonal planning from start to
finish has recently come under attack; many of the key
successions cited as evidence of high-level organization are
fairly common among Viennese opere buffe in general (Platoff,
J1997). In at least parts of some individual operas, however,
tonal planning appears to be deliberate. The Act 2 finale to Don
Giovanni, for example, mirrors almost exactly the tonal action of
the opera's overture and Introduzione. Both begin in D (minor–
major in the overture, major in the finale) and then proceed by
way of F (Leporello, Don Giovanni's dance band) to B (Don
Giovanni is chased from Anna's bedroom and confronts her
father, Elvira confronts Don Giovanni) before returning abruptly to
D. The similarity is reinforced by the virtual avoidance of a strong
A major in both sections, while the conclusion of the action and
the final sextet reverse the minor–major progression of the
overture. Strikingly enough, it is the two outer sections of the
opera that correspond to the traditional Don Giovanni story; the
action ‘inside’ this frame is the unique contribution of Da Ponte
and Mozart.
Shortly after the completion of Figaro, and hard on the heels of
k503, the last of the concertos composed between 1784 and
1786, came the first of Mozart's ‘late’ symphonies, the Prague
k504. While preserving much of the traditional D major brilliance,
this work depends more on the arrangement and development of
motifs than on thematic material; its surface is more varied, and
more complex, than that of any previous orchestral work by him.
The first movement in particular has a structure of great
originality. The second-group idea starts as a chromatically
inflected variant of the first, with a contrapuntal and sequential
continuation, before a distinctive lyrical theme appears, while the
development includes contrapuntal workings of various of these
motifs and elides with the recapitulation, which fuses the two
groups in unexpected ways. The variety of topics and figures
alluded to, the integration of learned and galant counterpoint, and
the rhetorical strategies of the Prague all make it a ‘difficult’ work,
both conceptually and in terms of performance (Sisman, L1997).
No less difficult are the final three symphonies, k543, 550 and
551, composed in the summer of 1788. k543, like the Prague,
includes a long and at times sharply dissonant, tonally wayward
introduction, the very sound of which – including clarinets but not
oboes – is unprecedented for the time. This was, probably, the
most hastily written of the three: the autograph is among Mozart's
most careless, showing numerous mistakes of an elementary
sort (instrumental lines are misidentified, necessary clefs and
accidentals are omitted, and many parts are written on the wrong
staves). More than the G minor or the ‘Jupiter’, the E major
Symphony relies on instrumental doublings, although this, too,
contributes to its weighty effect. No less remarkable is the
enharmonic writing in the A major Andante con moto, where E
is reinterpreted (in bars 92–3) as D , leading to an outburst in B
minor. Similar enharmonic and chromatic writing is found in the
development of the first movement of the G minor Symphony,
which begins with the first-group material in F minor; in the
finale, the development begins with a tonally disorientating
flourish before embarking on a four-part contrapuntal working-out
of the material, ending in the remote key of C minor, where the
music pauses before being wrenched back to the tonic for the
recapitulation. It is the finale of the ‘Jupiter’, however, that is best
known, although its supposedly ‘fugal’ writing does not strictly
merit that description; rather, it represents an example of musica
combinatoria, for the various independent motifs heard earlier in
the movement are brought together in the coda to create a fugato
in five-part invertible counterpoint. In all three of these works, as
well as the Prague, the disposition and handling of the orchestra
are unique. Building on his experience with concerto and opera,
Mozart brought to the symphony orchestra a new understanding
of its possibilities both as a corporate body and as a collection of
individuals. The textures and gestures range from the most
grandiose and ‘symphonic’ to the most intimate and chamber
music-like; the obbligato orchestral ensemble achieves its first
perfection in these works.
Mozart's return to the symphony, no doubt related to the
increasing prestige of the genre in the mid-1780s, may reflect a
fundamental change in his persona as a composer and his ideas
of self-presentation. The final triptych forms a natural conclusion,
both stylistically and biographically, to this period. But it is also
fair to identify a similarly fundamental change in the works
composed from 1784 onwards: beginning with the Concerto
k450, Mozart's music is significantly more complex, more
expansive, larger in scale and more difficult than previously (that
Mozart himself may have been in some way aware of this is
documented perhaps by the thematic catalogue of his works that
he began at this time; fig.6). This change is apparent from a
comparison between the earlier three of the six quartets
dedicated to Haydn, written in 1782–3, and the later three,
written in 1784–5. Similarly, the Concerto k449, completed in
February 1784 but, as the autograph shows, probably begun
over a year earlier, is stylistically more akin to the less ambitious
early Viennese concertos (k413–15) than to its successors.
During the 19th century, this division of Mozart's works into two
stylistic phases, the first up to the end of 1783, the second from
1784 onwards (a division tacitly recognized by theorists, who
almost exclusively cite the later works), fused with then current
biographical views of the composer as a divinely inspired genius
– by implication a paragon of balance, regularity, symmetry and
logic – to endorse a view of the ‘Classical style’, and Mozart's
relationship to it, that has persisted in writings on the composer
until the end of the 20th century. As a result, several anomalous
works, chief among them the final three symphonies and the C
minor Concerto k491, are sometimes seen as representing a
social rebellion, a ‘critical world view’, or Mozart's disillusionment
with the Viennese musical public (see McClary, M1986, Kerman,
M1991, and Subotnik, J1984, but in light of Powers, H1995). It is
just as valid, however, to see these works as assertions of self-
awareness. Mozart's plays of wit and his elaborate musical
sophistication are not restricted to a handful of works: the abrupt
shift from B major to B minor in the central episode of the finale
of the Concerto k456 or the precipitous modulation from B to F
minor in the first movement of the Trio k563, the introduction of
new themes in the development sections of the quartets k458
and 464, the three simultaneous dances in the Act 1 finale of
Don Giovanni and the over-elaborate, almost decadent,
ornamentation in the slow movement of the Concerto k450 all
testify to a style that in general is concerned less with thematic
unity and regularity than with disjunction and surprise. The final
apotheosis of the ‘Jupiter’ does not represent a revelation of the
symphony's teleological goal, nor is it a comment on the social
‘norms’ implied by that formulation. Rather, it signifies a self-
realization of ‘the intellectual force that activates the structure of
the work … that side-steps the coherence of form’ (Chua,
L1999). In this respect, it is not wayward, but typical of Mozart's
music of the mid-1780s.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
10. Works, 1789–91.
The Clarinet Quintet k581 of September 1789 is a late
manifestation of the ‘Classical’ style of the mid-1780s, and in
particular of Mozart's ability to create and weld together a
diversity of gestures over the course of entire paragraphs and
entire movements. This is most notably the case at the arrival on
the dominant in the first movement: a rest in all the parts – more
a signal to stop the action after a tutti arrival than an indication of
any particular length of silence – is followed by a pizzicato cello
line outlining the tonic and fifth of the harmony, long held notes in
the second violin and viola that seem almost to emerge from the
preceding silence and a new lyrical melody in the first violin. The
re-entry of the clarinet with the same melody signals further
changes: a shift to the minor mode, lower dynamics and
syncopations in the strings. All of these lead to a confrontation
between the clarinet and the rest of the ensemble, an outbreak of
semiquavers and a conclusive trill, on three instruments,
resulting in the firmest cadence in the movement to that point.
The effect is to drag the listener along on a wave of increasingly
agitated activity; in this respect it resembles the increasingly
elaborate waves of pianistic activity that animate the first solo of
the Concerto k467.
Yet the Clarinet Quintet is not generally representative of
Mozart's prevailing style at the time, which is often characterized
as ironic, restrained or serenely detached. Some commentators
date the origin of this style to the time of the last three
symphonies, others to that of Don Giovanni or even the two
string quintets of 1787. No doubt there are similar elements in
other works of the period 1784–8: the Concerto k503 is
sometimes described as neutral or cold. But on the whole the
late works can be characterized as noticeably more austere and
refined than the earlier works, more motivic and contrapuntal,
more economical in the use of material and texturally less rich.
There are fewer new themes in development sections or in
exposition codas, and second-group material is frequently
derived from primary ones by some form of extension or
contrapuntal treatment.
This is particularly true of the late quintets k593 and 614. k593
has a first movement in a style more spare in texture than that of
the preceding quintets but polyphonically richer, most obviously
in the recapitulation, where the exposition material is extended
and elaborated. The same can be said of k614, the minuet of
which is canonic; more impressive still is the finale, the
development section of which includes a double fugue. At the
same time, both quintets selfconsciously exploit similar topics –
each first-movement Allegro begins with a passage imitating
horns, while that of k614 retains something of a wind serenade
atmosphere – while making use of textures in novel ways. The
Adagio of k593, not unlike the slow movement of the G minor
Quintet k516, is a study in sonorities: each of its five large
paragraphs is similarly structured around a recurring pattern,
beginning with the full ensemble, reducing to three parts (the
violins and viola alternating with the violas and violoncello) and
then returning to five. k614 is novel in a different way. Here the
first movement can be seen as a contest between the first violin
and the rest of the ensemble, achieving rapprochement only in
the final bars. (A similar principle is in evidence in the Piano Trio
k502, where the exposition, development and recapitulation each
represent an increasingly complex dialogue between piano and
violin, with the cello fully participatory only after the second
theme.) The textures of the late quartets, however, seem tame by
comparison. Mozart must have realized that the new, elaborately
wrought four-part quartet style he had previously cultivated would
not serve for the concertante quartets popular in Berlin, and for
the last two movements of k589 and the last three of k590,
presumably conceived in the first instance for the cello-playing
King of Prussia, the idea of the cello's prominence seems
virtually to have been abandoned. It may also be that hopes of a
preferment there – or of successfully completing the commission
– had faded.
The notion of a contest in the first movement of k614 suggests
that play on genre, consisting in this case of tension between the
brilliant and ‘Classical’ styles identified by early writers on string
chamber music, is also selfconsciously present in Mozart's works
of the late 1780s (it had been there earlier, as well, in the Piano
and Wind Quintet k452, a concerto in all but name, and in the
final movement of the Piano Sonata k333, which includes a
concerto cadenza). But there is a twist: in some instances Mozart
manipulates not merely markers of genre, but markers of form
and procedure as well. The slow movement of the E Quintet
k614, ostensibly a theme and variations (and among the most
popular of Mozart's late variation sets, as several
contemporaneous arrangements for keyboard show), takes over
characteristic gestures of the rondo (including tonic restatements
of the main theme) and, more importantly, the sonata. The
passages linking the variations are typical sonata transitions,
while the climax of the movement, which includes some of the
sharpest dissonances in all of Mozart, corresponds to the
increase in harmonic tension characteristic of a sonata
development. A clear return to both tonic and main theme
characterizes the final variation, which is followed by a sonata-
like coda, drawing together the main procedural gestures of the
movement.
Mozart's interest in Baroque counterpoint, so evident in the late
quintets, may have been rekindled by his Handel arrangements
for van Swieten and his trip in 1789 to Leipzig, where he
renewed his acquaintance with Bach's works. Although the
influence of Bach had been strong during the early 1780s, when
Mozart also transcribed several preludes and fugues for van
Swieten, a truly classical, integrated counterpoint of a Bachian
sort appears to have become a regular feature of his music only
in the late 1780s. Sometimes the counterpoint is explicit, as in
the central fugato of the overture to Die Zauberflöte or in the
chorale of the Men in Armour; for the most part, however, it is
subsumed within larger forms and textures. In the Variations
k613 the introduction and the theme, the song Ein Weib ist das
herrlichste Ding, are combined contrapuntally in the coda, while
in the Piano Sonata k576 the main secondary material of both
outer movements is contrapuntally derived from the primary
material (the first movement also includes significant
contrapuntal working in the development and recapitulation).
Chance dictated that Mozart, in his last months, should compose
works in three genres with which he had been little occupied for
almost a decade: the Singspiel Die Zauberflöte, the Requiem and
the opera seria La clemenza di Tito. Until the 1960s Mozart
scholars were inclined to dismiss Tito as an opera written hastily
and with distaste. Yet there is no reason to imagine that Mozart
had reservations about composing it; serious opera had always
attracted him, and many composers were setting Metastasio's
classical librettos modified to meet contemporary taste through
the addition of ensembles and choruses. Certainly the opera is
written in a style more austere than that of the Da Ponte operas,
but it is appropriate to the topic. It is clear that the aria lengths
were carefully planned. In Act 2, both the prima donna (Vitellia)
and the primo uomo (Sextus) have full-length rondò arias;
Sextus's arias involve progressive increases of tempo, no doubt
intended to represent the screwing up of his courage. The arias
for the other characters, including Titus, are much shorter, while
the trios embody some degree of simultaneous representation of
different emotions, as in the opere buffe. The Act 1 finale,
however, moves in a sense opposite from that of the traditional,
accelerating opera buffa ensemble of confusion. It starts Allegro
and ends Andante, with the principals on stage bewailing the
betrayal of Titus while the groans of the populace are heard in
the distance.
Die Zauberflöte and the Requiem appear on first hearing to be
dramatically different in conception – no work by Mozart is more
heterogeneous or displays as broad a range of stylistic
references as the opera, while the Requiem seems to refer
uniquely to its own rarefied spiritual domain – yet both exploit
contrast to an extreme. The opera's fugal overture, with its key of
E and three introductory chords, is symbolically masonic; other
ritual music, including Sarastro's songs, the choruses and some
of the ensembles, also derive from freemasonry. Papageno's
strophic comic songs, on the other hand, are in the cheerful
manner of other contemporary Singspiele. The songs for the
serious characters, while rarely using the extended forms of
Italian opera, are more italianate; among these are Tamino's
lyrical Portrait Aria and the Queen of Night's two bravura arias.
Pamina's lament, ‘Ach, ich fühl's’, falls in between. Its simple,
intimate manner reflects her more universal, idealized character.
The remarkable Orator's Scene in the Act 1 finale, however, is
sui generis (while at the same time recalling Mozart's interest in
declaimed musical settings, first evident in the late 1770s).
The Requiem, by contrast, hides its diversity. Nevertheless the
three prevailing textures – homophonic or chordal as in the ‘Dies
irae’ and ‘Rex tremendae’, contrapuntal as in the ‘Requiem
aeternam’, the Kyrie fugue and the ‘Recordare’, and cantabile as
in the ‘Te decet hymnus’ and ‘Tuba mirum’ – are juxtaposed
almost kaleidoscopically, often succeeding each other in
response to single phrases of the text. At times, the enharmonic
and chromatic modulations are extreme, notably in the
‘Confutatis’ (from bar 25), where the successive lines of text are
given in A minor, A minor, G minor and then, via F major, F
major (Wolff, I1991). The make-up of the ensemble, including
basset-horns, bassoons, trumpets, timpani and strings (with
obbligato trombone in the ‘Tuba mirum’), but no flutes, oboes or
horns, lends itself to an extraordinarily beautiful, dark-hued
sound. In the ‘Rex tremendae’ and in particular the ‘Confutatis’,
the orchestra represents a character in its own right.
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
11. Aftermath: reception and scholarship.
To judge by the more than normally laudatory tone of the
obituaries and other tributes, Mozart's reputation stood high at
the time of his death; although his music was frequently criticized
as too audacious and complex, it was understood that he was an
artist far out of the ordinary. In 1795, the Teutschlands Annalen
des Jahres 1794 reported that ‘In this year … nothing can or may
be sung or played, and nothing heard with approbation, but that it
bears on its brow the all-powerful and magic name of Mozart’,
and by the end of the century his music held centre stage across
Europe. Many of the mature works were already well known
during the 1780s: the six quartets dedicated to Haydn, published
by Artaria in September 1785, were available in Paris as early as
December of that year, and some piano concertos were
performed regularly in London from January 1786 onwards. It
was Die Entführung, however, that first established Mozart's
fame and influence throughout German-speaking Europe. The
opera had been given in more than 20 cities by 1786, and
Goethe, in his Italienische Reise of 1787, wrote that ‘All our
endeavours … to confine ourselves to what is simple and limited
were lost when Mozart appeared. Die Entführung aus dem Serail
conquered all.’ Most of the other mature operas were similarly
well received. Both Figaro and Don Giovanni were widely
performed, especially in German, while Così had received
numerous performances by 1793; Die Zauberflöte was
universally popular. La clemenza di Tito, on the other hand, was
slower to gain public acceptance (except in England, where it
remained the favoured Mozart opera until the second decade of
the 19th century).
No doubt interest in Mozart's music was fuelled by his premature
death and by stories concerning the Requiem that began
circulating shortly afterwards. The earliest known account,
published in the Salzburger Intelligenzblatt for 7 January 1792,
already adumbrated what is by now a familiar tale:
Some months before his death he received an
unsigned letter, asking him to write a requiem and
to ask for it what he wanted. Because this work did
not at all appeal to him, he thought, I will ask for so
much that the patron will certainly leave me alone.
A servant came the next day for his answer. Mozart
informed the unknown patron that he could not
write it for less than 60 ducats and then not before
two or three months. The servant returned
immediately with 30 ducats and said that he would
ask again in three months and that if the mass were
ready, he would immediately hand over the other
half of the money. So Mozart had to write it, which
he did, often with tears in his eyes, constantly
saying: I fear that I am writing a requiem for myself.
This anecdote neatly summarizes the Romantic image of Mozart
that was prevalent throughout the 19th century and much of the
20th, although numerous documented facts and other evidence
contradict it. Mozart may have fallen ill as early as his visit to
Prague in September 1791, but there is no sign of any protracted
bad health that could have given rise to increasingly dark
thoughts about his mortality and the work he was engaged on.
Nor did the Requiem exclusively occupy his time: both the
Clarinet Concerto k622 and the masonic cantata Laut verkünde
unsre Freude k623 were completed in the autumn.
Circumstantial evidence suggests that Mozart probably knew
more about the commission than has generally been supposed.
In view of the specific details of the anecdote, which are of a sort
unlikely to have been known to the general public so soon after
Mozart's death, it may have originated with Mozart's inner circle:
from the beginning, apparently, someone was determined to cast
Mozart's life in a particular, and not entirely truthful, light
(although see Clarke, I1996). It was only a small step from this
first fabrication to a web of stories intended to promote various
myths about the composer: that he was an ‘eternal child’, a social
rebel, a libertine, a misunderstood genius, a helpless victim of
professional conspiracies, or even an idiot savant who cared for
nothing but his music (for a good summary, see Stafford, G1991).
Much of the Mozart myth, including his alleged poverty and
neglect in Vienna, as well as the jealousy of rival composers,
was in place by 1800, when Thomas Busby wrote in the Monthly
Magazine (London, December 1798):
Had not the almost uniform practice of courts long
explained to mankind the principle on which they
act, how difficult would it be to conceive, that that of
Vienna could so little appreciate the merit of this
extraordinary man, who looked to it for an asylum,
and passed in its vicinity the last ten years of his
life! the dispensers of royal favours, whose ears
imbibe with such avidity the flattery that meanness
offers, can neglect that genius which nobly refuses
the tale of adulation; can stifle it with poverty, and
even follow it with persecution.
Contradictory as the numerous biographical tropes surrounding
the composer's life may at first seem, they nevertheless add up
to a remarkably consistent picture of Mozart as an artist and
personality distinctly outside the ‘norm’. And it was this notion of
Mozart's lack of connection to the real world that set a course for
Mozart scholarship – whether biographical, analytical or editorial
– up to the end of the 20th century.
Even the earliest biographies took sides in the struggle to
present an ‘authentic’ version of Mozart's life: Nannerl's account,
dealing mostly with the Salzburg years, is included in the obituary
of Friedrich Schlichtegroll (F1793), while Constanze's position
was first put forward by Niemetschek (F1798); it is worth noting
that Constanze bought up and destroyed the entire edition of the
publication containing Schlichtegroll's obituary, apparently
disliking its portrayal of her. A more substantial presentation of
this side of the story is the biography by Georg Nikolaus Nissen,
Constanze's second husband (F1828), which served as the main
source for many later accounts, including those of Oulibicheff
(Ulïbïshev) (F1843) and Holmes (F1845) (the year after the
publication of Nissen's biography Vincent and Mary Novello met
Constanze and Nannerl, both of whom talked about Mozart; see
Medici and Hughes, G1955). The first important scholarly
biography, embodying fresh research, appeared in the centenary
year, 1856 – Otto Jahn's W.A. Mozart (F1856). Ludwig von
Köchel's chronological thematic catalogue of Mozart's works,
ahead of its time in scholarly method, appeared six years later.
In the early decades of the 20th century, Mozart scholarship was
dominated by Wyzewa and Saint-Foix's highly schematic
analytical and stylistic study of the works (F1912–46); Alfred
Einstein, in particular, took over many of their conclusions in his
edition, the third, of the Köchel catalogue (1937). Similarly
important are Dent's pioneering study of the operas (J1913),
Schiedermair's presentation of the letters (A1914) and Hermann
Abert's revision of Jahn (F1919–21). Emily Anderson's edition of
the letters, with revised editions appearing in 1966 and 1985,
was published in 1938 (Anderson, A1938); although it remains
the fullest English translation available, it has been superseded
by the complete German edition of W.A. Bauer, O.E. Deutsch
and J.H. Eibl (A1962–75). The sixth edition of the Köchel
catalogue, published in 1964, included substantial new
information but by the late 1990s was badly out of date; a more
reliable guide to the authenticity, chronology, history and sources
for Mozart's works is found in the prefaces and critical reports to
the Neue Mozart-Ausgabe (1955–91). The known documents
relating to Mozart's life and works are collected in Deutsch's
Mozart: die Dokumente seines Lebens (A1961, with supplements
in 1978, 1991 and 1997).
Despite the dramatic increase in Mozart research in the late 20th
century, and the renewed availability of numerous sources since
the recovery in Poland of autographs lost during World War II,
modern scholarship continues to rely on a limited range of
material. This is especially evident in editions of Mozart's works,
which are based almost exclusively on the autographs, for the
most part ignoring, or at least undervaluing, contemporaneous
manuscript copies and printed editions. This editorial stance has
as much to do with past perceptions of Mozart as with modern
notions of textual scholarship: the idea that his works were in
some way ‘perfect’, and that transmission inevitably involves
corruption, resulted in a misunderstanding of the essential nature
of autographs as representing performance as well as the
dismissal of some sources that were considered less important,
including even Mozart's own performing copies. By the same
token, the study of the autographs themselves was for many
years limited by a Mozart-centred outlook. Between 1800, when
the Offenbach publisher J.A. André purchased the bulk of
Mozart's estate from Constanze, and the 1960s and 70s, when
Wolfgang Plath published his important articles on
Schriftchronologie, interest in these documents centred chiefly on
the identification and chronological development of Mozart's
handwriting. It was only in the 1970s that the watermarks began
to be taken into account, in Alan Tyson's systematic and
pioneering study, which gave rise to substantial revisions in the
dating of Mozart's works. Since then, source studies have
broadened in scope to include not only contemporaneous copies,
but also Mozart's sketches (Konrad, E1992) and first editions of
his works (Haberkamp, A1986). Nevertheless, much remains to
be done.
Analytical studies in the 1980s and 90s also departed from
traditional formal and Schenkerian models (although these have
remained vital). Contextual, topical, rhetorical and genre- and
gender-based studies have become prominent, not only in the
operas but also in Mozart's instrumental music, chiefly the
symphonies and concertos. These two orchestral genres in
particular lie at the heart of performing practice studies, an
important element of Mozart scholarship from the 1970s
onwards. Biography, finally, has continued to command attention,
displaying a wide range of concerns from the psychological
(Hildesheimer, F1977, and Solomon, F1995, but see also Head,
F1999) to the increasingly important contextual (Braunbehrens,
F1986, Halliwell, F1998).
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
WORKS
K no. in Köchel, 1862; for items not in 1862 edn, no. from 2/1905 or 3/1937 given
K6 no. in Köchel, 6/1964; nos. preceded by A, B or C in appendices
KMS nos. in Konrad, E1992
a Anhang [appx]: applicable only to edns of Köchel before 6/1964
BH no. in Breitkopf edn
LC Leopold Mozart’s catalogue, 17??; see Zaslaw, A1985
(D) date from MS of work (not always clear)
(L) date from Mozart’s letters
(V) date from Mozart: Verzeichnüss aller meiner Werke (1784–91), in GB-Lbl
church sonatas
ballet music
songs
canons
wind ensemble
marches
dance music
chamber
keyboard
miscellaneous
arrangements etc.
Scoring :
SATB, str, bc
Composition :
Paris, 12 June 1766 (D)
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, 2 tpt, timp, str, bc
Composition :
? Vienna, aut. 1768
Remarks :
‘Waisenhausmesse’; perf. orphanage in Rennweg, Vienna, 7
Dec 1768
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, str, bc
Composition :
Vienna, Oct–Nov 1768 (D)
Remarks :
sketch, KMS 1768α ka20a/636b, 25
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, str, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, 14 Jan 1769 (D)
Remarks :
perf. Salzburg, collegiate church, 5 Feb 1769; KMS 1769a
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, [2 hn,] 4 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Oct 1769 (D)
Remarks :
‘Dominicus’ Mass; perf. Salzburg, St Peter, 15 Oct 1769, for
Cajetan Hagenauer; hn parts c1775–6; KMS 1769α
Scoring :
SSSSS (? or soloistic)
Composition :
Salzburg, 1772
Remarks :
KMS 1772a
90 90 Kyrie d — I:1/1/vi,
13
Scoring :
SATB, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, 1772
Scoring :
SATB, 2 ob, 4 tpt, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, June 1773 (D)
Remarks :
‘In honorem Ssmae Trinitatis’
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, [2 tpt,] 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, 24 June 1774 (D)
Remarks :
tpt parts added later
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, 8 Aug 1774 (D)
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
?Salzburg, 1775–7
Remarks :
‘Spatzenmesse’
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, 1775
Remarks :
2 tpt added c1777
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, Nov 1776 (D)
Remarks :
‘Credo’; KMS 1776a
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, Dec ?1775 [?1776] (D)
Remarks :
‘Spaur’, but possibly not mass composed for consecration of
Count Friedrich Franz Joseph von Spaur, Feb 1777
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, Dec 1776 (D)
Remarks :
‘Organ solo’; 2 ob added ? 1776–81
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, by 1780
Remarks :
perf. Salzburg, St Peter, 21 Dec 1777
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, 23 March 1779 (D)
Remarks :
‘Coronation’
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, bc
Composition :
Salzburg, March 1780 (D)
Remarks :
autograph incl. rejected 136-bar frag. Cr
Scoring :
SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 4 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str, bc
Composition :
? Munich, 1780–81, or ? Vienna, late 1780s
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources
Scoring :
2S, SATB, 2 basset-hn, 2 bn, 2 tpt, timp, str, bc
Composition :
Vienna, cJuly 1782, ? Salzburg, Oct 1783
Remarks :
Cr inc., Ag not composed; Ky, Gl, San perf. Salzburg, St Peter,
26 Oct 1783; see Davidde penitente k469; KMS 1782b,c,d1–5,
1783ξ
Scoring :
S, A, T, B, SATB, 2 basset-hn, 2 bn, 2 tpt, timp, str, bc
Composition :
Vienna, late 1791
Remarks :
inc.; completed by F.X. Süssmayr and others
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, late 1771–1772
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, late 1771–1772
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, late 1771–1772
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1774
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1774
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, July 1775 (D)
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, Jan 1776 (D)
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, 1779–80
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, 1779–80
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org [solo]
Composition :
Salzburg, April 1776 (D)
245 245 D XXIII, 24 VI: 16, 28
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org [solo]
Composition :
Salzburg, April 1776 (D)
Scoring :
2 tpt, 2 vn, b, org [solo]
Composition :
Salzburg, late 1776
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, 1777 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, org
Composition :
Salzburg, March–April 1777
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b, org [solo]
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1779
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1779
Scoring :
2 vn, b, org [solo]
Composition :
Salzburg, March 1780 (D)
k k6 Title MW NMA
(description,
libretto)
Scoring :
3 S, 2 T, 2 ob/fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, trbn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1767
Remarks :
perf. Salzburg, 12 March 1767; pt 2 by J.M. Haydn, pt 3 by A.C.
Adlgasser
42 35a Grabmusik IV/1, 1 I:4/iv, 1
(cant.)
Scoring :
S, B, SATB, [2 ob,] 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1767
Remarks :
? perf. Salzburg Cathedral, 7 April 1767; final recit and chorus
added c1773
Scoring :
4 S, T, B, SATB, 2 ob/fl, 2 bn, 4 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Italy and Salzburg, March–July 1771
Remarks :
commissioned in Padua, apparently unperf.
Scoring :
2 S, T, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 3 trbn, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, March 1785
Remarks :
music from Mass k427/417a except for 2 arias, 6 and 11 March
1785 (V); perf. Vienna, Burg, 13 March
Scoring :
T, TTB, 2 ob, cl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 20 April 1785 (V)
Remarks :
perf. Vienna, lodge ‘Zur gekrönten Hoffnung’, 24 April 1785
(Vienna, 1785)
Scoring :
S, pf
Composition :
Vienna, July 1791 (V)
Remarks :
sketch in autograph
Scoring :
2 T, B, fl, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 15 Nov 1791 (V)
Remarks :
perf. Vienna, lodge ‘Zur neugekrönten Hoffnung’, 17 Nov 1791
Frag.: k429/468a, Dir, Seele des Weltalls (cant.,
L.L. Haschka), T, TTB, fl, 2 ob, cl, 2 hn, bn, str,
Vienna, 1785–6, MW, XXIV, no.36a–b, NMA,
I:4/iv, 96, partly completed by M. Stadler
Spurious: k623/623a, Lasst uns mit
geschlungnen Händen, S, ?, appended to 1st
edn of k623 (Vienna, 1792)
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart: Works
operas, musical plays, dramatic cantatas
Scoring :
2 S, 2 A, T, B, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
First performed :
Salzburg, Benedictine University, 13 May 1767
Remarks :
perf. with Widl’s Lat. play, Clementia Croesi
Scoring :
3 S, 2 T, 2 B, 2 fl/eng hn, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
First performed :
Salzburg, Archbishop’s Palace, on or about 1 May 1769
Remarks :
composed Vienna, mid-1768
50 46b Bastien und V/iii II:5/iii
Bastienne (Spl, 1,
F.W. Weiskern, J.
Müller and J.A.
Schachtner, after
M.-J.-B. Favart
and H. de
Guerville: Les
amours de
Bastien et
Bastienne)
Scoring :
S, T, B, 2 ob/fl, 2 hn, str
First performed :
Vienna, F.A. Mesmer’s house, ?Sept–Oct 1768
Remarks :
see Tyler J1990
Scoring :
4 S, A, 2 T, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 4 hn, str
First performed :
Milan, Regio Ducal, 26 Dec 1770
Remarks :
aria ‘Vado incontro al fato estremo’ (Act 3 scene iii) by
Q. Gasparini (see Peiretti, J1996); KMS 1770α–ε
Scoring :
4 S, T, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob/eng hn/serpentini, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2
tpt/hn, timp, str
First performed :
Milan, Regio Ducal, 17 Oct 1771
Remarks :
for wedding of Archduke Ferdinand of Austria and Maria
Beatrice Ricciarda of Modena, with ballet ka207/C27.06
Scoring :
2 S, 3 T, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
First performed :
? Salzburg, Archbishop’s Palace, May 1772
Remarks :
composed ?April–Aug 1771, ? given as serenata at
enthronement of Count H. Colloredo as Prince-
Archbishop of Salzburg
Scoring :
4 S, 2 T, SATB, 2 ob/fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
First performed :
Milan, Regio Ducal, 26 Dec 1772
Scoring :
4 S, 2 T, B, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt/hn, timp, str
First performed :
Munich, Salvator, 13 Jan 1775
Remarks :
perf. as Spl, Die verstellte Gärtnerin, Augsburg, 1 May
1780; autograph Act 1 lost
Scoring :
3 S, 2 T, 2 fl, 2 ob/eng hn, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt/hn, str
First performed :
Salzburg, Archbishop’s Palace, 23 April 1775
Scoring :
2 hn, 2 tpt/hn, str
First performed :
Mannheim, Nov 1778 (L)
Remarks :
lost, ? never begun
Scoring :
B, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, 3 trbn, timp, str
First performed :
Salzburg, ?1773 and ?1776–9
Remarks :
? 2 choruses composed Vienna, 1773; final version ?
1776–9
344 336b Zaide (Das Serail) V/xi II:5/x
(Spl, 2,
Schachtner, after
F.J. Sebastiani:
Das Serail)
Scoring :
S, 2/3 T, 2 B, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
First performed :
Frankfurt, 27 Jan 1866
Remarks :
Composed Salzburg, 1780, inc.; lacks ov. and final
chorus; KMS 1779a
Scoring :
3 S, 3 T, B, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp,
str
First performed :
(i) Munich, Residenz, 29 Jan 1781
Remarks :
with ballet, k367
First performed :
(ii) Vienna, Palais Auersperg, 13 March 1786
Remarks :
perf. with k489, 490, both composed by 10 March 1786
(V)
384 384 Die Entführung V/xv II:5/xii
aus dem Serail
(Spl, 3, C.F.
Bretzner: Belmont
und Constanze,
rev. G. Stephanie
the younger)
Scoring :
2 S, 2 T, B, SATB, 2 fl/pic, 2 ob, 2 cl/basset-hn, 2 bn, 2
hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
First performed :
Vienna, Burg, 16 July 1782
Remarks :
vs (Mainz, 1785–6) KMS 1781a
Scoring :
3 S, 2 T, 2 B, [chorus,] 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
First performed :
unperf.
Remarks :
composed Salzburg and Vienna, late 1783, inc.; 1 trio
completed, 6 nos. sketched
Scoring :
2 S, 2 T, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
First performed :
unperf.
Remarks :
begun ?1785; only ov., trio and qt completed; KMS
1783a, b, γ; A. Campana, MJb 1988–9, 573–88
Scoring :
2 S, T, B, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
First performed :
Schloss Schönbrunn, Orangery, 7 Feb 1786
Remarks :
completed Vienna, 3 Feb 1786 (V), perf. with A.
Salieri’s Prima la musica; KMS 1785a, 1786γ/1;–2
Scoring :
5 S, 1/2 T, 3/4 B, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt,
timp, str
First performed :
(i) Vienna, Burg, 1 May 1786
Remarks :
completed Vienna, 29 April 1786 (V); vs (Bonn, 1795);
numerous sketches
First performed :
(ii) Vienna, Burg, 29 Aug 1789
Remarks :
with arias k577, 579
527 527 Il dissoluto punito, V/xviii II:5/xvii
ossia Il Don (concert
Giovanni (ob, 2, version of
Da Ponte) ov., IV:
11/x, 23)
Scoring :
3 S, T, 4 B, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, 3
trbn, timp, mand, str
First performed :
(i) Prague, National, 29 Oct 1787
Remarks :
Prague, 28 Oct 1787 (V); vs (Mainz, 1791) and (Vienna,
1790–91); KMS, 1787b
First performed :
(ii) Vienna, Burg, 7 May 1788
Remarks :
perf. with addns k540a, b, c
Scoring :
3 S, T, 2 B, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp,
str
First performed :
Vienna, Burg, 26 Jan 1790
Remarks :
Jan 1790 (V); vs (Leipzig, 1794); KMS 1789β, γ, δ, ε
Scoring :
7 S, 2 A, 4 T, 5 B, SATB, 2 fl/pic, 2 ob, 2 cl/basset-hn, 2
bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, 3 trbn, timp, glock, str
First performed :
Vienna, auf der Wieden, 30 Sept 1791
Remarks :
mostly composed by July 1791 (V), ov. and march
completed 28 Sept 1791 (V); excerpts, vs (Vienna,
1791–2): KMS 1791a;, α, b;, β
Scoring :
4 S, T, B, SATB, 2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl/basset-hn, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2
tpt, timp, str
First performed :
Prague, National, 6 Sept 1791
Remarks :
for Prague coronation of Leopold II; completed 5 Sept
1791 (V); plain recits not by Mozart; KMS 1791, b γ, δ, ε,
ξ
k k6 Title MW NMA
a10 299b Les petits XXIV, no. II:6/ii, 13
riens 10a
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Paris, May–June 1778
Remarks :
perf. 11 June 1778, Paris, Opéra, after N. Piccinni: Le finte
gemelle; 20 movts, ov. and 13 (of 20) by Mozart
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
? Paris, early 1778
Remarks :
? discarded movt of Les petits riens
Remarks :
see ‘Operas’
Scoring :
str
Composition :
Vienna, Feb 1783
Remarks :
perf. Vienna, Hofburg, 3 March 1783; only 5 of at least 15
nos. extant
a207 C27.06 [?for —
Ascanio in
Alba]
Composition :
? Milan, late 1771
Remarks :
9 nos. only extant, arr. pf; see Plath, D1964, 111–29
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 5 Nov 1785 (C)
Remarks :
for Bianchi: La villanella rapita, perf. Vienna, Burg, 28 Nov
1785
480 480 Mandina S, T, B VI/ii, 87 II:7/iii,
amabile 143
(Bertati)
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 21 Nov 1785 (V)
Remarks :
as k479 (Paris, 1789–90)
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 10 March 1786 (V)
Remarks :
for Idomeneo k366
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Vienna, 28 April 1788 (V)
Remarks :
for Don Giovanni k527
625 592a Nun S, B — VI/2,
liebes 235
Weibchen
Accompaniment :
fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, Aug 1790
Remarks :
duet, for ? Schack: Der Stein der Weisen; ? partly orig; for
other possible contribs. to opera see D.J. Buch, COJ, ix
(1997), 195–232
Composition :
Vienna, 20 April 1791 (V)
Remarks :
lost; known only from Mozart’s catalogue; for perf. of G.
Sarti: Le gelosie villane
for soprano
Accompaniment :
str
Composition :
The Hague, Oct 1765
Remarks :
rev. Jan 1766
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, ?Dec 1766
Remarks :
? licenza for Sarti: Vologeso, Salzburg, 28 Feb 1767, or for
perf. March 1769
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
c1765–6
a2 73A Misero tu non — —
sei
(Metastasio:
Demetrio)
Composition :
Milan, 26 Jan 1770 (L)
Remarks :
lost; known only from letter, 26 Jan 1770
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Milan, Feb–March 1770
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
c1766
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Milan, March 1770
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Rome, 25 April 1770 (D)
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Rome, April–May 1770
Remarks :
2 versions
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Milan or Pavia, early 1771
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 26 Oct 1775 (D)
Remarks :
? insertion for B. Galuppi: Le nozze di Dorina
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Aug 1777 (D)
Remarks :
for J. Dušek
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Mannheim, 24 Feb 1778 (D)
Remarks :
for A. Weber; 2 versions, KMS 1778α
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Mannheim, 27 Feb 1778 (D)
Remarks :
for D. Wendling (i), inspired by an aria by Galuppi; see W.
Plath, Festschrift Walter Senn, ed. E. Egg and E. Fässler
(Munich, 1975), 174–8
Accompaniment :
ob, bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Paris, July 1778; Munich, 8 Jan 1779 (D)
Remarks :
for A. Weber
a3 315b [Scena] — —
Accompaniment :
ob, 2 cl, 3 hn, pf, str
Composition :
St Germain, Aug 1778
Remarks :
lost; for G.F. Tenducci; see Oldman, ML, xlii (1961), 44–52
Composition :
Munich, Nov 1780
Remarks :
partly lost; sung in Gozzi: Le due notti affannose, trans.
F.A.C. Werther (Salzburg, 1 Dec 1780); see Edge, K1996
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1779–80
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Munich, 8 March 1781 (D)
Remarks :
for Countess J. Paumgarten
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, April 1781 (L)
Remarks :
for F. Ceccarelli, perf. 8 April 1781
Accompaniment :
? [2 ob, 2 hn, str]
Composition :
?
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources; acc. extant only in kbd red.
Accompaniment :
fl, ob, bn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 10 April 1782 (D)
Remarks :
? for A. Lange (née Weber)
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 8 Jan 1783 (D)
Remarks :
for A. Lange, perf. 11 Jan and 23 March 1783
Composition :
Vienna, June 1783
Remarks :
acc. extant only in kbd red., ? earlier version of k418
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 20 June 1783 (D)
Remarks :
for A. Lange, insertion for Anfossi: Il curioso indiscreto,
Vienna, Burg, 30 June 1783; KMS 1783β
Composition :
Vienna, June 1783 (D)
Remarks :
as k418; KMS 1783d
Accompaniment :
2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, vn solo, str
Composition :
Vienna, 10 March 1786 (V)
Remarks :
see Idomeneo k366
Accompaniment :
2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, pf, str
Composition :
Vienna, 26 Dec 1786 (D)
Remarks :
for N. Storace; text from 1786 for Idomeneo k490
Accompaniment :
fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Prague, 3 Nov 1787 (D, V)
Remarks :
for J. Dušek
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 4 March 1788 (D, V)
Remarks :
for A. Lange; rev. of 1778 vocal part
Accompaniment :
fl, 2 cl, bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 30 April 1788 (V)
Remarks :
for Don Giovanni k527
569 569 Ohne Zwang, — —
aus eignem
Triebe
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, Jan 1789 (V)
Remarks :
lost; Mozart’s catalogue: ‘Eine teutsche Aria’
Accompaniment :
2 basset-hn, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, July 1789 (V)
Remarks :
rondò for A. Ferraresi del Bene, for Le nozze di Figaro k492;
KMS 1789α, see Page and Edge, J1991
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, Aug 1789 (V)
Remarks :
for Cimarosa: I due baroni, Vienna, Burg, Sept 1789
Accompaniment :
fl, ob, bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, Aug 1789
Remarks :
for Le nozze di Figaro k492
Accompaniment :
2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 17 Sept 1789 (V)
Remarks :
for Ger. version of G. Paisiello: Il barbiere di Siviglia, not
used; orch inc.
Accompaniment :
2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, Oct 1789 (V)
Remarks :
for L. Villeneuve, for Martín y Soler: Il burbero di buon cuore,
Vienna, Burg, 9 Nov 1789
Composition :
Vienna, Oct 1789 (V)
Remarks :
as k582
— — Quel destrier
(Metastasio:
L’olimpiade)
Composition :
c1766
Remarks :
lost; Constanze owned MS, 1799; see letter, 13 Feb 1799
— — Cara se le — II:7/i, 59
mie pene (?
Metastasio:
Alessandro
nell’Indie)
Accompaniment :
2 hn, vn, va, b
Composition :
? by 1772
Remarks :
? = aria composed Olmütz, 1767
— — — —
Composition :
Olmütz, Dec 1767 (L)
Remarks :
?lost, or = ‘Cara se le mie pene’; see letter, 28 May 1778
— — — —
Composition :
Vienna, late sum. – aut. 1768
Remarks :
described in letters
— — — —
Composition :
by Dec 1768
Remarks :
LC ‘15 Italian arias’, incl. probably k21, 23, 78/73b, 79/73d
and possibly ‘Quel destrier’; 10 or 11 lost, not necessarily for
S
— — No caro fà — —
corragio
Accompaniment :
str
Composition :
Vienna, ? Aug 1790
Remarks :
acc. recit for aria by Cimarosa in P.A. Guglielmi: La Quakera
spiritosa, perf. Vienna, Burg, 13 Aug 1790; see A.
Weinmann, ‘Zur Mozart-Bibliographie’, Mozartgemende
Wien, xlvii/June (1980), 3–7
Composition :
Vienna, aut. 1768
Remarks :
(Vienna, c1768)
Composition :
Salzburg, ?1775–6
Remarks :
masonic
Composition :
Salzburg, 1773
Remarks :
masonic
Composition :
Mannheim, wint. 1777–
8
Remarks :
for E.A. Wendling (ii)
Composition :
Mannheim, wint. 1777–
8
Remarks :
for E.A. Wendling (ii)
Remarks :
see ‘Short sacred
works’
Composition :
Vienna, 1781–2
Composition :
Vienna, 1781–2
390 340c [An die Hoffnung] Ich würd’ auf d Hermes VII/1, III:8,
meinem Pfad 22 17
Composition :
Vienna, 1781–2
349 367a Die Zufriedenheit Was frag ich G J.M. Miller VII/1, III:8,
viel 18 12
Composition :
Munich, wint. 1780–81
Remarks :
2 versions, one with
mand acc.
Composition :
Munich, wint. 1780–81
Remarks :
mand acc.
Composition :
Vienna, end 1782 (L)
Remarks :
only pf part sketched
Remarks :
see ‘Arias and Scenes
… ’ (soprano)
468 468 Lied zur Die ihr einem B J.F. von VII/1, III:8,
Gesellenreise neuen Grade Ratschky 34 18
Composition :
Vienna, 26 March 1785
(V)
Remarks :
masonic; ? perf. Vienna,
16 April 1785; acc.: org
in autograph, pf in
Mozart’s catalogue
472 472 Der Zauberer Ihr Mädchen, g C.F. Weisse VII/1, III:8,
flieht Damöten 36 20
ja!
Composition :
Vienna, 7 May 1785 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1788)
473 473 Die Zufriedenheit Wie sanft, wie B Weisse VII/1, III:8,
ruhig 38 22
Composition :
Vienna, 7 May 1785 (V)
474 474 Die betrogene Der reiche Tor G Weisse VII/1, III:8,
Welt 40 24
Composition :
Vienna, 7 May 1785 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1788)
476 476 Das Veilchen Ein Veilchen G J.W. von VII/1, III:8,
Goethe 42 26
Composition :
Vienna, 8 June 1785 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1789)
Composition :
Vienna, ? Sept 1785
Remarks :
lost, set by Mozart,
Salieri and ‘Cornetti’,
advertised in
Wienerblättchen, 26
Sept 1785
Composition :
Vienna, end 1785
Remarks :
masonic song, with
male chorus
Composition :
Vienna, end 1785
Remarks :
masonic song, with
male chorus
506 506 Lied der Freiheit Wer unter F J.A. VII/1, III:8,
eines Blumauer 48 28
Mädchens
Hand
Composition :
Vienna, ? end 1785
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1786)
Composition :
Vienna, 18 May 1787
(V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1788)
Composition :
Vienna, 20 May 1787
(V)
Remarks :
inc. (Vienna, 1788), lost;
later completions by ? J.
André in autograph and
by ? A.E. Müller; see U.
Konrad, MJb 1989–90,
99–113
519 519 Das Lied der Die Engel f K.E.K. VII/1, III:8,
Trennung Gottes weinen Schmidt 54 36
Composition :
Vienna, 23 May 1787
(V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1789)
520 520 Als Luise die Erzeugt von C G. von VII/1, III:8,
Briefe heisser Baumberg 58 40
Phantasie
Composition :
Vienna, 26 May 1787
(D, C)
Composition :
Vienna, 24 June 1787
(V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1789)
524 524 An Chloe Wenn die Lieb’ E J.G. Jacobi VII/1, III:8,
aus deinen 64 46
blauen
Composition :
Vienna, 24 June 1787
(V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1789)
529 529 Des kleinen Es war einmal, F J.E.F. Schall VII/1, III:8,
Friedrichs ihr Leutchen 68 50
Geburtstag
Composition :
Prague, 6 Nov 1787 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1788)
530 530 Das Traumbild Wo bist du, Bild E L.H.C. Hölty VII/1, III:8,
70 52
Composition :
Prague, 6 Nov 1787
Remarks :
circulated as work by
Jacquin
Composition :
Vienna, 11 Dec 1787 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1787)
Composition :
Vienna, 11 Aug 1788 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1788)
Composition :
Vienna, 14 Jan 1791 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1791)
Composition :
Vienna, 14 Jan 1791 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1791)
Composition :
Vienna, 14 Jan 1791 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1791)
Remarks :
see ‘Oratorios’
Remarks :
masonic, ? perf. 12 Aug
1785; see Autexier,
G1984
Composition :
Vienna, ? June–July
1790
Remarks :
masonic, ? perf. 6 July
1790; see Autexier,
K1992
Sketches, frags.:
k—/441a, Ja!
grüss dich Gott,
20 bars, ?Vienna,
1783; ka26/475a,
Einsam bin ich, 8
bars; O Calpe!
[Gibraltar]
(J.N.C.M. Denis),
Vienna, end 1782
(L), NMA, III:8,
27, only pf part
sketched; k2—
+a270–75, 277–
83/C8.32–46, 15
Lieder (C.F.
Gellert), ? by L.
Mozart, see Plath
and others,
D1971–2; k—,
Lustig sein die
Schwobemedle,
Salzburg, 1777–9
Doubtful: k52/46c,
Daphne deine
Rosenwangen,
arr. by L. Mozart
of Meiner liebsten
schöne Wangen
(Bastien und
Bastienne
k51/46b) with new
text, MW, VII/1, 1,
NMA, II:5/iii, 90
Spurious:
k149/125d, Ich
hab’ es längst
gesagt (Die
grossmütige
Gelassenheit) (L.
Günther), MW,
VII/1, 6; by L.
Mozart;
k150/125e, Was
ich in Gedanken
küsse (Geheime
Liebe) (Günther),
MW, VII/1, 7 by L.
Mozart;
k151/125f, Ich
trachte nicht nach
solchen Dugen
(Die
Zufriedenheit)
(F.R.L. von
Canitz), MW,
VII/1, 8, by L.
Mozart;
k152/210a,
Ridente la calma
(canzonetta), arr.
? by Mozart of
aria by J.
Mysliveček, see
MW, VII/1, 9, M.
Flothuis, MJb
1971–2, 241–3;
k350/C.8.48,
Wiegenlied, MW,
VII/1, 20, by B.
Flies
canons
k k6 Work and Key MW NMA
type
Composition :
1772
Composition :
1772
Composition :
1772
2 Cantate G
Domino, 8 in
1
3 C
Confitebor, 2
in 1 (+ 1)
4 Thebana B
bella cantus,
6 in 2
a109d 73x 14 canonic
studies
Composition :
1772
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782
Composition :
Vienna, after 3 June 1786
Composition :
Vienna, after 3 June 1786
— 508A canon 3 in 1 C —
Composition :
Vienna, after 3 June 1786
Composition :
Vienna, after 3 June 1786
508a 508a, 6 canons 2 F — III:10,
3–8 in 1 90
Composition :
Vienna, after 3 June 1786
Composition :
Vienna, after 4 July 1787
Composition :
Vienna, 24 April 1787 (D)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Remarks, alternative texts :
text earlier set by A. Caldara; Ach zum Jammer
(Breitkopf)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 2 Sept 1788 (V)
Composition :
?Vienna
— — canon 8 in 1 a — —
Composition :
? Italy or Salzburg, 1770–71
Remarks, alternative texts :
see Zaslaw, D1971–2
— — 8 canons 2 F — III:10,
in 1 90
Composition :
Vienna, after 3 June 1786
— — canon 4 in 1 F — III:10,
97
Composition :
Vienna, ? sum. 1786
16 16 1 E 3 VIII/i, 1 IV:11/i, 3
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
London, 1764– 5
19 19 4 D 3 VIII/i, IV:11/i,
37 21
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
London, 1765
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
London, 1765 – Paris, 1766
22 22 5 B 3 VIII/i, IV:11/i,
47 49
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
The Hague, Dec 1765
43 43 6 F 4 VII/i, IV:11/i,
56 79
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
? Salzburg–Vienna, 1767
45 45 7 D 4 VIII/i, IV:11/i,
69 95
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 16 Jan 1768 (D)
Remarks :
adapted as ov. to La finta semplice
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
The Hague, 1766
Remarks :
‘Lambach’, rev. c1767
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
?Vienna, 1768
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources
48 48 8 D 4 VIII/i, IV:11/i,
81 143
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 13 Dec 1768 (D)
73 73 9 C 4 VIII/ii, IV:11/i,
97 163
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg or Italy, 1769–70
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
? Rome, April 1770
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
? Rome, April 1770
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
? Rome, April 1770
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
? Milan/Bologna, 1770
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources, also attrib. L. Mozart, C.D. von
Dittersdorf and others; see J. LaRue, in Plath, L1971–2
74 74 10 G 3 VIII/i, IV:11/ii,
110 67
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Milan, 1770
75 75 42 F 4 XXIV, IV:11/ii,
no.2 83
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1771
Remarks :
lacks authentic sources
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, July 1771 (D)
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
? Milan, Oct–Nov 1771
Remarks :
finale, to form sym. with ov. to Ascanio in Alba k111
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
? Milan, Oct–Nov 1771
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Milan, 2 Nov 1771 (D)
Scoring :
2 fl/ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 30 Dec 1771 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 21 Feb 1772 (D)
128 128 16 C 3 VIII/i, IV:11/iii,
187 1
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, May 1772 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, May 1772 (D)
Scoring :
2 fl, 4 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, May 1772 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 4 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, July 1772 (D)
Remarks :
alternative slow movts: see W. Plath, Mf, xxvii (1974), 93–5
Composition :
Salzburg, July 1772 (D)
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Aug 1772 (D)
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1773–4
Remarks :
movts k161 from ov. to Il sogno di Scipione k126; k163
finale to form sym. with Il sogno di Scipione
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 30 March 1773 (D)
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, ?10 April 1773 (D)
Remarks :
date on MS possibly 16 April
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, ?19 April 1773 (D)
Remarks :
date on MS possibly 29 April
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 19 May 1773 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 3 Oct 1773 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 4 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 5 Oct 1773 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 6 April 1774 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 5 May 1774 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 17 [?12] Nov 1774 [?1773] (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, end 1774 – early 1775
Remarks :
finale, to form sym. with ov. to La finta giardiniera k196
204 213a — D 4 — IV:11/vii,
1
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Remarks :
movts from Serenade k204/213a
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, April and Aug 1775
Remarks :
finale, to form sym. with versions of ov. and 1st aria of Il re
pastore k208
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Remarks :
movts from Serenade k250/248b with new timp part and
other revs.
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Paris, June 1778
Remarks :
‘Paris’; 2 slow movts, probable original in 1st edn (Paris,
1788), but see Tyson, D1987; KMS 1778a
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 4 hn, [2 tpt,] timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 26 April 1779 (D)
Remarks :
tpt part added 1782–3; possibly intended as ov. to Zaide
k344/336b
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 9 July 1779 (D)
Remarks :
iii (minuet) added c1784–5; (Vienna, 1785) as op.7 no.2
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Remarks :
movts from Serenade k320 with added timp
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 29 Aug 1780 (D)
Remarks :
frag. minuet (? originally complete) after 1st movt cancelled
in autograph
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, May 1782
Remarks :
mooted as intended for k338 although scoring differs
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, July 1782
Remarks :
‘Haffner’; orig. intended as serenade, possibly with another
minuet (lost) and March k408 no.2/385a; fls and cls later
addns; (Vienna, 1785) as op.7 no.1
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Linz, Oct–Nov 1783
Remarks :
‘Linz’; rev. Vienna, c1784–5; see Eisen, L1988
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, late 1783 or 1784
Remarks :
introduction for M. Haydn: Sym. st334/p16
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 6 Dec 1786 (V)
Remarks :
‘Prague’, last movt probably composed first; KMS 1786b, γ
Scoring :
fl, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 26 June 1788 (V)
Scoring :
fl, 2 ob, [2 cl,] 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 25 July 1788 (V)
Remarks :
2 versions, 1st without cls also incl. rev. passage in slow
movt; see Eisen, L1997
Scoring :
fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 10 Aug 1788 (V)
Remarks :
‘Jupiter’
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Remarks :
3
k 74g, lacks authentic sources; see G. Allroggen, Mozart
und Italien: Rome 1974 [AnMc, no. 18 (1978)], 237–45
Scoring :
hpd, 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 bn, str
Composition :
The Hague, March 1766
41a 41a 6 — —
divertimentos
Scoring :
fl, hn, tpt, trbn, vn, va, vc
Composition :
Salzburg, 1767
Remarks :
lost; in LC
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1769
Remarks :
with March k62
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1769
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1769
Scoring :
2 cl, 2 hn, (or 2 ob, ?2 cl, 2 eng hn, 2 bn, 2 hn), str
Composition :
Milan, Nov 1771
Remarks :
‘Concerto ò sia Divertimento’; rev. orch, early 1773,
see Blazin, L1992
136–8 125a–c 3
Divertimentos
Remarks :
see ‘Chamber Music: String Quartets’
Scoring :
fl, ob, bn, 4 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, June 1772
Scoring :
2 hn, bn, str (solo)
Composition :
Salzburg, ?1773
Remarks :
with March k290/167AB
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn, 2 tpt, vn solo, str
Composition :
Vienna, July–Aug 1773
Remarks :
with March k189/167b
203 189b Serenade D, 8 IX/i, 97 IV:12/iii,
7
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, vn solo, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Aug 1774 (D)
Remarks :
with March k237/189c
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, vn solo, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 5 Aug 1775 (D)
Remarks :
with March k215/213b; see also ‘Symphonies’
Scoring :
2 vn, va, db (solo); str, timp
Composition :
Salzburg, Jan 1776 (D)
Scoring :
2 hn, str (solo)
Composition :
Salzburg, June 1776 (D)
Remarks :
with March k248
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, vn solo, str
Composition :
Salzburg, June 1776 (D)
Remarks :
‘Haffner’; with March k249; see also ‘Symphonies’
Scoring :
ob, 2 hn, str (solo)
Composition :
Salzburg, July 1776 (D)
Scoring :
4 groups, each 2 hn, str (solo)
Composition :
Salzburg, Dec 1776 – Jan 1777
Scoring :
2 hn, str (solo)
Composition :
Salzburg, June 1777
320 320 Serenade D, 7 IX/i, IV:12/v
325
Scoring :
2 fl/pic, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, post horn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 3 Aug 1779 (D)
Remarks :
‘Posthorn’, with 2 marches, k335/320a; see also
‘Symphonies’, ‘Concertos (wind instruments)’
Scoring :
2 hn, str (solo)
Composition :
Salzburg, 1779–80
Remarks :
with March k445/320c
Scoring :
2 ob, cl, 3 basset-hn, dbn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1785
Remarks :
Dated July 1785 in (V); rev. version perf. Nov 1785,
see Autexier, L1984–5
Composition :
Vienna, 14 June 1787 (C)
Scoring :
2 vn, va, vc, b (solo)
Composition :
Vienna, 10 Aug 1787 (V)
Remarks :
orig. 5 movts, 2nd lost
— — Cassation C — —
Composition :
? Salzburg, 1769
Remarks :
lost; see letter, 18 Aug 1771
Composition :
Lausanne, Sept 1766
Remarks :
lost; in LC
Scoring :
hn [+ ?]
Composition :
? Salzburg, 1766
Remarks :
lost; mentioned in L. Mozart’s letter, 16 Feb 1778
Scoring :
2 tpt/2 hn/2 basset-hn
Composition :
Salzburg, 1767
Remarks :
lost; in LC
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 cl, 2 eng hn, 2 hn, 2 bn
Composition :
Milan, March 1773
166 159d Divertimento E IX/ii, 47 VII:17/i
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 cl, 2 eng hn, 2 hn, 2 bn
Composition :
Salzburg, 24 March 1773 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn
Composition :
Salzburg, July 1775 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn
Composition :
Salzburg, Jan 1776 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1776
Scoring :
2 fl, 5 tpt, timp
Composition :
Salzburg, mid-1773
253 253 Divertimento F IX/ii, VII:17/i
152
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn
Composition :
Salzburg, Aug 1776 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn
Composition :
Salzburg, Jan 1777 (D)
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 cl, 2 basset-hn, 2 bn, 4 hn, db
Composition :
Vienna, probably 1783–4
Remarks :
see D.N. Leeson, MJb 1997, 181–223
Scoring :
[2 ob,] 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn
Composition :
Vienna, Oct 1781
Remarks :
obs added in 2nd version, July 1782
388 384a Serenade c IX/i, 481 VII:17/ii,
97
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn
Composition :
Vienna, ? July 1782 or late 1783
Remarks :
arr. as str qnt, k406/516b
Scoring :
2 cl, 3 basset-hn
Composition :
Vienna, 1782
Scoring :
2 basset-hn, bn
Composition :
Vienna, end 1782
Scoring :
2 hn [?basset-hn]
Composition :
Vienna, 27 July 1786 (D)
k k6 Key MW NMA
41c 41c — —
Scoring :
2 ob, bn, 2 hn, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Salzburg, 1767
Remarks :
lost; in LC
62 62 D — IV:12/i, 63
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1769
Remarks :
quoted in letter, 4 Aug 1770; used in Mitridate k87/74a; ? for Cassation
k100/62a
Scoring :
2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, sum. 1772
Remarks :
with Divertimento k205/167A
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 hn, 2 tpt, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, July–Aug 1773
Remarks :
with Serenade k185/167a
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Salzburg, Aug 1774
Remarks :
with Serenade k203/189b
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Aug 1775
Remarks :
with Serenade k204/213a
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 20 Aug 1775 (D)
Scoring :
2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, June 1776 (D)
Remarks :
with Divertimento k247
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 20 July 1776 (D)
Remarks :
with Serenade k250/248b
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Aug 1779
Remarks :
2; with Serenade k320
Scoring :
2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, sum. 1780
Remarks :
with Divertimento k344/320b
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1782
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1782
408/2 385a D X, 32 IV:13/1/ii
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1782
544 544 D — —
Scoring :
fl, hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, June 1788 (V)
Remarks :
lost
k k6 No. MW NMA
41d 41d — —
Scoring :
various
Composition :
Salzburg, 1767
Remarks :
lost; in LC
65a 61b 7 XXIV, IV:13/1/i, 1
no.13
Keys :
G, D, A, F, C, G, D
Scoring :
2 vn, b
Composition :
Salzburg, 26 Jan 1769
Keys :
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 hn/tpt, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Salzburg, spr.–sum. 1772
Remarks :
orig. 20; rearranged by Mozart as 19
104 61e
Remarks :
see ‘Arrangements etc.’
— 61gII
Remarks :
see ‘Arrangements etc.’
E *
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 hn, 2 vn, b
Composition :
? Bologna, Aug 1770
Remarks :
see ‘Arrangements etc.’
Keys :
D, D, D, G, G, G
Scoring :
fl, ob, 2 hn/tpt, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Salzburg, June 1772 (D)
Keys :
C, G, E *, B *, F, D, A, C, G, B *, F, D, G, C, F, D
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, bn, 2 hn/tpt, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Salzburg, Dec 1773 (D)
Remarks :
alternative versions of trios 1 and 2 also known
363 363 3 XXIV, IV:13/1/ii
no.14
Keys :
D*, B *, D*
Scoring :
2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b
Composition :
? Vienna, c1782–3
409 383f 1
Keys :
C
Remarks :
see ‘Symphonies’
Keys :
C, E , G, B , F, D*
Scoring :
2 ob/fl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, 1784
Remarks :
no.6 inc.
Keys :
F*, B *
Scoring :
2 ob, bn, 2 hn, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, 1784
Remarks :
short minuets with contredanses
Keys :
C, F, B , E , G, D, A, F, B , D, G, C
Scoring :
2 fl/pic, 2 ob/cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, 24 Dec 1788 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1789)
Keys :
D, F, B , E , G, C, A, F, B , E , G, D
Scoring :
2 fl/pic, 2 ob/cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, Dec 1789 (V)
C, G, E , B , F, D
Scoring :
2 fl/pic, 2 ob/cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, 23 Jan 1791 (V)
Remarks :
transmitted with k601, 604
Keys :
A, C, G, D
Scoring :
2 fl/pic, hurdy-gurdy, 2 ob/cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, 5 Feb 1791 (V)
Remarks :
transmitted with k599, 604; composed with German Dances k602
Keys :
B ,E
Scoring :
2 fl, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 tpt, timp, 2 vn, b
Composition :
Vienna, 12 Feb 1791 (V)
Remarks :
transmitted with k599, 601; composed with German Dances k605
Remarks :
see ‘Arrangements’
Remarks :
see ‘Arrangements’
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Dec 1773 (D)
Remarks :
possibly for org; obs, 1st hn rev. 1777–8, see K.
Hortschansky, MJb 1989–90; (Vienna, 1785) as op.7;
see k382
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob/fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Jan 1776 (D)
Scoring :
3 pf, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Feb 1776 (D)
Remarks :
‘Lodron’; also version for 2 pf
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, April 1776 (D)
Remarks :
‘Lützow’
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Jan 1777 (D)
Remarks :
‘Jeunehomme’
Scoring :
2 pf, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, ? late 1780
Remarks :
for dating see Konrad, M1990
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, March 1782
Remarks :
new finale for k175
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1782
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1785) as op.4 no.1; KMS 1782d = K—/385o
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 19 Oct 1782 (D)
Remarks :
? intended as finale for k414/385p; inc.
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1782–3
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1785) as op.4 no.2
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1782–3
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1785) as op.4 no.3; cancelled slow movt, 16
bars, in autograph
Scoring :
pf, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 9 Feb 1784 (D, V)
Remarks :
probably begun 1782–3; for Barbara Ployer
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 15 March 1784 (V)
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 22 March 1784 (V)
Remarks :
(Paris, c1785); ornamentation of ii, k624/626aII, M
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 12 April 1784 (V)
Remarks :
for Barbara Ployer; (Speyer, 1789) as op.9
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 30 Sept 1784 (V)
Remarks :
‘Paradies’
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 11 Dec 1784 (V)
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 10 Feb 1785 (V)
Remarks :
38-bar false start, last movt, in autograph
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 9 March 1785 (V)
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 16 Dec 1785 (V)
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 2 March 1786 (V)
491 491 24 c — XVI/iv, V:15/vii,
121 85
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 24 March 1786 (V)
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 4 Dec 1786 (V)
Remarks :
KMS 1786b
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, 2 tpt, timp, str
Composition :
Vienna, 24 Feb 1788 (V)
Remarks :
‘Coronation’, pf part inc.; KMS 1787c
Scoring :
pf, fl, 2 ob, 2 bn, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 5 Jan 1791 (V)
Remarks :
possibly begun 1788; (Vienna, 1791) as op.17
Accompaniment :
solo ob, vc; 2 ob, 2 hn, 2 tpt, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 31 May 1774 (D)
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1773
Remarks :
date on autograph 14 April 1775, but originally ‘1773’
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 14 June 1775 (D)
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 12 Sept 1775 (D)
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, Oct 1775 (D)
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 20 Dec 1775 (D)
Accompaniment :
2 fl, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1776
Remarks :
for k219
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1776
Remarks :
? for k207
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Salzburg, 1779–80
Remarks :
for dating see Konrad, M1990; KMS 1779β/1-2
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 2 April 1781 (D)
470 470 Andante A vn — —
Accompaniment :
2 ob, 2 hn, str
Composition :
Vienna, 1 April 1785 (V)
Remarks :
lost; ? for concerto
Scoring :
fl, vn, va, vc
Composition :
Mannheim, 25 Dec 1777 (D)
Scoring :
fl, vn, va, vc
Composition :
Mannheim, Jan–Feb 1778
Scoring :
fl, vn, va, vc
Composition :
Vienna, 1786–7
Scoring :
ob, vn, va, vc
Composition :
Munich, early 1781
Scoring :
hn, vn, 2 va, vc
Composition :
Vienna, end 1782
Scoring :
cl, 2 vn, va, vc
Composition :
Vienna, 29 Sept 1789 (V)
Frags.: ka91/516c, B , and k516d, E , cl,
2 vn, va, vc; ka90/580b, F, cl, basset-hn,
vn, va, vc; ka88/581a, A
Doubtful: k292/196c, Duo, B , bn, vc,
MW, X, 75, NMA, VIII:21, 7, (Leipzig,
1805); ka171/285b, Quartet, C, fl, vn, va,
vc, KMS 1781, (Speyer, 1788) as op.14, ii
arr. from Serenade k361/370a, see R.
Lustig, MJb 1997, 157–79
String quintets: 2 violins, 2 violas, cello
k k6 Key MW NMA
Composition :
Salzburg, Dec 1773
Composition :
Vienna, 19 April 1787 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1789)
Composition :
Vienna, 16 May 1787 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1790)
Remarks :
arr. from Serenade k388/384a
Composition :
Vienna, Dec 1790 (V)
Composition :
Vienna, 12 April 1791 (V)
Composition :
Lodi, 15 March 1770 (D)
Remarks :
iv added Vienna, late 1773, or Salzburg, early 1774
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1772
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1772
Composition :
Bolzano, Verona, Oct–Nov 1772
Composition :
Milan, end 1772
Composition :
Milan, end 1772–early 1773
Composition :
Milan, end 1772–early 1773
Composition :
Milan, early 1773
Composition :
Vienna, Aug 1773
Composition :
Vienna, Aug 1773 (D)
Composition :
Vienna, Aug 1773 (D)
Composition :
Vienna, Aug 1773
Composition :
Vienna, ? Sept 1773
Composition :
Vienna, [Sept] 1773 (D)
Composition :
Vienna, 31 Dec 1782 (D)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1785) as op.10 no.1; sketch in autograph
421 417b Quartet d XIV, VIII:20/1/ii,
124 33
Composition :
Vienna, June 1783
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1785) as op.10 no.2
Composition :
Vienna, June–July 1783
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1785) as op.10 no.4
Composition :
Vienna, 9 Nov 1784 (V)
Remarks :
‘Hunt’ (Vienna, 1785) as op.10 no.3
Composition :
Vienna, 10 Jan 1785 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1785) as op.10 no.5
Composition :
Vienna, 14 Jan 1785 (V)
Remarks :
‘Dissonance’ (Vienna, 1785) as op.10 no.6
499 499 Quartet D XIV, VIII:20/1/iii,
206 3
Composition :
Vienna, 19 Aug 1786 (V)
Remarks :
‘Hoffmeister’ (Vienna, 1786)
Composition :
Vienna, 26 June 1788 (V)
Remarks :
? for str orch; fugue arr. from k426
Composition :
Vienna, June 1789 (V)
Remarks :
‘Prussian’
Composition :
Vienna, May 1790 (V)
Remarks :
‘Prussian’
Composition :
Vienna, June 1790 (V)
Remarks :
‘Prussian’
Composition :
Donaueschingen, Oct 1766
Remarks :
lost; in LC (incipit ? = 2nd pt of that in K6 for k196d)
Composition :
? Salzburg, 1767
Remarks :
lost; see N. Mozart’s letter, 8 Feb 1800
Composition :
Vienna, 1 Sept 1768 (D)
Composition :
Salzburg, early 1777
Composition :
Vienna, 1782
Remarks :
doubtful; for fugues by J.S. and W.F. Bach; see
‘Arrangements’
Composition :
? Salzburg or Vienna, 1783
Composition :
? Salzburg or Vienna, 1783
Composition :
Vienna, 27 Sept 1788 (V)
Remarks :
‘Ein Divertimento … di sei pezzi’
— — b viol, b — —
Remarks :
lost; in LC (incipit ? as k33b)
— — 6 trios 2 vn, vc — —
Composition :
before 1768
Remarks :
lost; in LC
Composition :
Salzburg, Paris, 1762–4
Remarks :
(Paris, 1764) as op.1
8–9 8–9 2 B ,G XVIII/i, VIII:23/i,
Sonatas 20, 26 20, 26
Composition :
Paris, 1763–4
Remarks :
(Paris, 1764) as op.2
Composition :
London, 1764
Remarks :
(London, 1765) as op.3; vc ad lib
Composition :
The Hague, Feb 1766
Remarks :
(The Hague and Amsterdam, 1766) as op.4
Composition :
Mannheim, early 1778
Remarks :
(Paris, 1778) as op.1 no.1
Remarks :
(Paris, 1778) as op.1 no.2
Composition :
Mannheim, early 1778
Remarks :
(Paris, 1778) as op.1 no.3
Composition :
Mannheim, early 1778
Remarks :
(Paris, 1778) as op.1 no.5
Composition :
Mannheim, 11 March 1778 (D)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1781) as op.2 no.2
Composition :
Paris, early sum. 1778
Remarks :
(Paris, 1778) as op.1 no.4
306 300l Sonata D XVIII/ii, VIII:23/i,
76 118
Composition :
Paris, sum. 1778
Remarks :
(Paris, 1778) as op.1 no.6
Composition :
Salzburg, 1779–80
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1781) as op.2 no.4
Composition :
Vienna, 24 March 1781
Remarks :
Allegro only, inc.; completed by M. Stadler
Composition :
Vienna, April 1781
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1781) as op.2 no.5
Composition :
Vienna, June 1781
Remarks :
on La bergère Célimène, Fr. song (anon.) (Vienna, 1786)
Composition :
Vienna, June 1781
Remarks :
on Hélas, j’ai perdu mon amant, Fr. song (anon.) (Vienna,
1786)
Composition :
Vienna, sum. 1781
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1781) as op.2 no.1
Composition :
Vienna, sum. 1781
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1781) as op.2 no.3
Composition :
Vienna, sum. 1781
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1781) as op.2 no.6
Composition :
Vienna, 21 April 1784 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1784) as op.7 no.3
Composition :
Vienna, 12 Dec 1785 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1786)
Composition :
Vienna, 24 Aug 1787 (V)
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1787)
Composition :
Vienna, 10 July 1788 (V)
Remarks :
‘für Anfänger’
k k6 Key MW NMA
solo keyboard
a199–202 33d–g G, B , C, — —
F
Composition :
1766
Remarks :
lost; listed in Breitkopf catalogue
E ,G
Composition :
Munich, early 1775
Composition :
Munich, Feb–March 1775
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1784) as op.7 no.2; sketch in autograph
Composition :
Mannheim, Oct–Nov 1777
Remarks :
(Paris, 1782) as op.4 no.1
Composition :
Mannheim, Nov 1777
Remarks :
(Paris, 1782) as op.4 no.2
Composition :
Paris, sum. 1778
Remarks :
(Paris, 1782) as op.4 no.3
Composition :
Munich or Vienna, 1781–3
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1784) as op.6 no.1
Composition :
Munich or Vienna, 1781–3
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1784) as op.6 no.2
Composition :
Munich or Vienna, 1781–3
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1784) as op.6 no.3
Composition :
Linz and Vienna, 1783–4
Remarks :
(Vienna, 1784) as op.7 no.1
Composition :
Vienna, 14 Oct 1784 (V)
Remarks :
pubd with Fantasia k475 (Vienna, 1785) as op.11, see Wolf,
O1992
Composition :
Vienna, 3 Jan 1788 (V)
Remarks :
incl. rev. of Rondo k494; (Vienna, 1788)
Composition :
Vienna, 26 June 1788 (V)
Remarks :
‘für Anfänger’
Composition :
? Vienna, sum. 1788
Remarks :
doubtful; finale = transposed version of k545, iii
Composition :
Vienna, Feb 1789 (V)
Remarks :
first edn (1796) with vn acc., probably spurious
Composition :
Vienna, July 1789 (V)
solo keyboard
a206 21a ?orig. C ? London, — — lost; listed in
1765 Breitkopf
catalogue
24 24 Dutch song G The Hague, XXI, IX:26, (The Hague,
(Laat ons Jan 1766 1 3 1766)
juichen) by
C.E. Graaf
25 25 Willem van D Amsterdam, XXI, IX:26, (The Hague,
Nassau (Dutch Feb 1766 6 9 1766)
national song)
180 173c Mio caro G Vienna, aut. XXI, IX:26, (Paris, 1778)
Adone from 1773 22 15
Salieri: La fiera
di Venezia,
Vienna, 1772
179 189a Minuet [finale C Salzburg, XXI, IX:26, (Paris, 1778)
of Ob Conc. sum. 1774 12 20
no.1, 1768] by
J.C. Fischer
354 299a Je suis Lindor E Paris, early XXI, IX:26, (Paris, 1778)
(song in 1778 58 34
Beaumarchais:
Le barbier de
Séville, by A.L.
Baudron)
265 300e Ah vous dirai- C Vienna, XXI, IX:26, (Vienna,
je, maman (Fr. 1781–2 36 49 1785)
song)
353 300f La belle E Vienna, XXI, IX:26, (Vienna,
françoise, 1781–2 50 58 1786)
(Adieu donc,
dame
françoise, Fr.
song)
264 315d Lison dormait C Paris, late XXI, IX:26, shortened
from N. sum. 1778 26 67 (Paris, 1786),
Dezède: Julie, (Vienna,
Paris, 1772 1786)
352 374c Dieu d’amour F Vienna, XXI, IX:26, (Vienna,
(March), June 1781 44 82 1786)
chorus from
A.-E.-M.
Grétry: Les
mariages
samnites,
Paris, 1776
398 416e Salve tu, F Vienna, XXI, IX:26, (Vienna,
Domine, March 1783 68 90 1786)
chorus from G.
Paisiello: I
filosofi
immaginari,
Vienna, 1781
460 454a Come un A Vienna, ? XXI, IX:26, autograph
agnello from June 1784 84 154 has 2
Sarti: Fra i due variations;
litiganti, Milan, version with 8
1782 variations
(Vienna,
1784)
probably by
Sardi, see R.
Armbruster,
MJb 1997,
225–48
455 455 Les hommes G Vienna, 25 XXI, IX:26, (Vienna,
pieusement Aug 1784 74 98 1785); earlier
(Unser (V) version ?
dummer Pöbel 1781–2
meint) from
Gluck: La
rencontre
imprévue
500 500 probably orig. B Vienna, 12 XXI, IX:26,
Sept 1786 94 112
(V)
54 547b probably orig. F Vienna, IX:26, 1st edn
July 1788 157 (1785) has
spurious 4th
variation; re-
used by
Mozart, with
vn, k547
573 573 Minuet [from D Potsdam, XXI, IX:26, (Berlin,
Vc Sonata 29 April 100 120 1791); see K.
op.4 no.6] by 1789 (V) Hortschansky,
J.P. Duport Mf, xvi
(1963), 265–7
613 613 Ein Weib ist F Vienna, XXI, IX:26, theme from
das herrlichste March 1791 108 132 music to
Ding, by B. Schikaneder
Schack or F. play Der
X. Gerl dumme
Gärtner aus
dem Gebirge,
1789;
(Vienna,
1791)
Frags.: ka38/383d, ?
org, MW, XXII, 15,
NMA, IX:26, 149;
k236/588b, E , theme
by Gluck, 1782–3, ?
intended for variations
Doubtful: ka206/21a, ?
London, 1764–5, lost
piano duet
501 501 probably orig. G Vienna, 4 Nov 1786 (V) XIX, 108 IX:24/ii, 96
Miscellaneous
k k6 Title Key MW NMA
solo keyboard
— 1a Andante C Salzburg, — —
early 1761
— 1b Allegro C Salzburg, — —
early 1761
— 1c Allegro F Salzburg, — —
11 Dec
1761
— 1d Minuet F Salzburg, — —
16 Dec
1761
1 1e Minuet G Salzburg, XII, 2 —
Dec 1761
– Jan 1762
— 1f Minuet C Salzburg, — —
Dec 1761
– Jan 1762
2 2 Minuet F Salzburg, XXII, —
Jan 1762 3
3 3 Allegro B Salzburg, XXII, —
4 March 38
1762
4 4 Minuet F Salzburg, XXII, —
11 May 3
1762
5 5 Minuet F Salzburg, XXII, —
5 July 4
1762
9a 5a Allegro C sum. 1763 — —
9b 5b Andante B sum. 1763 — —
— 33B [without F Zürich, Oct — —
title] 1766
41e 41e Fugue Salzburg, — — lost; in LC
1767
72a 72a Allegro G ? Verona, — — inc.; only
Jan 1770 source is
portrait by S.
dalla Rosa
94 73h Minuet D Salzburg, XXII, —
1769 5
284a 284a 4 — — identical with
preludes k395/300g
284f 284f Rondo Mannheim, — — lost;
Nov 1777 mentioned in
letter, 29 Nov
1777
395 300g Capriccio C Munich, XXIV, —
Oct 1777 no.24
315a 315g 8 minuets Salzburg, — —
late 1773
400 372a Allegro B Vienna, XXIV, — inc.; completed
1781 no.26 by M. Stadler
401 375e Fugue g Vienna, XXII, — inc.; completed
early 1782 34 by M. Stadler;
also duet
version
153 375f Fugue E ? XXIV, — inc.; completed
Salzburg, no.25 by S. Sechter
1783
394 383a Prelude C Vienna, XX, —
and fugue early 1782 20
396 385f Fantasia c Vienna, XX, IX:25 inc.; orig. with
early 1782 214 vn, see
‘Chamber
music’
397 385g Fantasia d Vienna, XX, IX:25 last 10 bars
early 1782 220 (not in 1st edn)
or 1786–7 probably
spurious; see
Plath, in Plath
and others,
D1971–2, 31
399 385i Suite C Vienna, XXII, — Sarabande
early 1782 28 inc.
154 385k Fugue g Vienna, XXIV — inc.
early 1782
453a 453a Funeral c Vienna, — —
march 1784
475 475 Fantasia c Vienna, 20 XX, IX:25 pubd with
May 1785 224 Sonata k457
(V) (Vienna, 1785)
as op.11
485 485 Rondo D Vienna, 10 XXII, IX:25 (Vienna,
Jan 1786 8 c1786)
(D)
494 494 Rondo F Vienna, 10 XXII, IX:25 (London,
June 1786 14 1788),
(D) (Speyer,
1788); rev.
version in
Sonata k533
511 511 Rondo a Vienna, 11 XXII, IX:25 (Vienna, 1787)
March 20
1787 (V,
D)
540 540 Adagio b Vienna, 19 XXII, — ? (Vienna,
March 56 1788)
1788 (V)
574 574 Gigue G Leipzig, 16 XXII, —
May 1789 60
(D)
355 576b Minuet D Vienna, ? XXII, — trio by M.
1786–7 6 Stadler; see
King, B1955,
3/1970, 222–3;
Badura-Skoda,
NZM, Jg.127
(1966), 468–
72
236 588b Andantino E XXII, — see
55 ‘Arrangements’
312 590d Allegro g Vienna, XXII, — inc.; ? for a
1789–90 39 sonata; see W.
Plath, in Plath
and others,
D1971–2, 30–
31; Tyson,
D1987, 20
— — [without E ? — —
title] Salzburg,
Jan 1769
Frags. for
mechanical org:
ka35/593a, Adagio,
d, 1790–91; k615a,
Andante, F, 1791
Mozart: (3) Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart: Works
miscellaneous
Composition :
London, 1765
Remarks :
short pieces on 2 staves for kbd or sketches for orch
— 32a Capricci — —
Composition :
?1764–6
Remarks :
lost; see C. Mozart’s letter to André, 2 March 1799; ? in
LC
Composition :
Salzburg, 1767
Remarks :
lost; in LC
Composition :
Vienna, ?Aug 1782
— 453b Exercise — —
book for
Barbara
Ployer
Remarks :
facs. in R. Lach, W.A. Mozart als Theoretiker (Vienna,
1918)
Composition :
Vienna, 1785–6
Composition :
Vienna, 1787
Composition :
Vienna, ? Sept 1791
Remarks :
chorale setting; ? sketch for Die Zauberflöte k620
Mozart’s scoring :
kbd, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
ii ?
iii L.
Honauer,
op.2 no.3
39 39 i Raupach, kbd B Salzburg, XVI/i, X:28/ii, 45
op.1 no.1 June 1767 35
Mozart’s scoring :
kbd, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
ii J.
Schobert,
op.17 no.2
iii Raupach,
op.1 no.1
40 40 i Honauer, kbd D Salzburg, XVI/i, X:28/ii, 84
op.2 no.1 July 1767 67
Mozart’s scoring :
kbd, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
Remarks :
cadenza k624/626aII, C
ii J.G.
Eckard, op.1
no.4
iii C.P.E.
Bach, h81
w117
41 41 i Honauer, kbd G Salzburg, XVI/i, X:28/ii,
op.1 no.1 July 1767 99 125
Mozart’s scoring :
kbd, 2 ob, 2 hn, str
ii Raupach,
op.1, no.1
iii Honauer,
op.1 no.1
104 61e M. Haydn, orch C, F, Salzburg, — IV:13/1/i,
minuets C, c1771 28
A,
G,
G
Mozart’s scoring :
orch
Mozart’s scoring :
orch
Mozart’s scoring :
orch
Mozart’s scoring :
SATB
Remarks :
see E. Hintermaier, MJb 1991,
509–17
Mozart’s scoring :
kbd, 2 vn, b
Remarks :
cadenzas k624/626aII, A–B
Mozart’s scoring :
kbd, 2 vn, b
Mozart’s scoring :
kbd, 2 vn, b
Mozart’s scoring :
?addl wind
Remarks :
lost; see letter, 21 Nov 1777
Mozart’s scoring :
vn, va, vc
Remarks :
doubtful; see Kirkendale, N1964
and Kirkendale, Mf, xviii (1965),
195–9; Holschneider, Mf, xvii
(1964), 51–6
1 p ?orig., f d
J.S. Bach
bwv853
2 p ?orig., f g
bwv883
3 p ?orig., f F
bwv882
4 p F
bwv527/ii, f
bwv1080
no.8
5 p, f E
bwv526/ii, iii
6 p ?orig., f f
W.F. Bach
Fugue no.8
405 405 J.S. Bach, 5 kbd c, E Vienna, — —
fugues , E, 1782
bwv871, 876, d, D
878, 877,
874
Mozart’s scoring :
2 vn, va, vc
Remarks :
see W. Kirkendale, MJb 1962–3,
140–55
Mozart’s scoring :
2 vn, va, vc
Remarks :
see G. Croll, ÖMz, xxi (1966),
508–14
Mozart’s scoring :
2 vn, va, vc
Remarks :
very doubtful; see Kirkendale,
N1964
1 p ?orig., f e
J.S. Bach
bwv548
2 p ?orig., f d
bwv877
3 p ?orig., f E
bwv876
4 p ?orig., f b
bwv891
5 p ?orig., f D
bwv874
6 p ?orig., f E
bwv878
— — 3 preludes kbd ? Vienna, — —
and fugues 1782
Mozart’s scoring :
2 vn, 2 va, vc
Remarks :
very doubtful; see Kirkendale,
N1964
1 p ?orig., f d
J.S. Bach
bwv849
2 p ?orig., f a
bwv867
3 p ?orig., f c
bwv546
470a 470a G.B. Viotti, Vienna, – —
Vn Conc. c1789–90
no.16
Mozart’s scoring :
addl tpt, timp
Remarks :
see M.H. Schmid, Mozart-
Studien, v (1995), 149–71
Remarks :
formerly considered part of the
Attwood exercises; facs. in
Landon, G1989
Mozart’s scoring :
addl fl, ob, tpt
Mozart’s scoring :
addl 2 fl, 2 cl, bn, 2 hn
Mozart’s scoring :
addl 2 fl, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, 3 trbn,
rev. tpt parts
Mozart’s scoring :
addl 2 fl, 2 cl, rev. tpt parts
Mozart’s scoring :
addl fl, 2 cl, 2 bn, 2 hn, rev. tpt
parts
Mozart’s scoring :
—
Remarks :
D(a61a), F–G, H for Schroeter
op.3 nos.1, 4, 6; K for I. von
Beecke, Conc. in D; N, O for
unknown conc; L lost; E, I
unauthentic
Mozart’s scoring :
2 fl, 5 tpt, timp
Remarks :
? Mozart’s contribution to
Divertimento k187/C17.12
Mozart’s scoring :
addl cls
Remarks :
edn (Basle, 1976)
— — L. Mozart, S, A, T, D — X:28/3–5/i
Litaniae de B,
venerabili SATB,
altaris 2 hn,
sacramento str
Mozart’s scoring :
various changes
Mozart’s scoring :
trbn/va solo arr. for ob
Remarks :
see Eisen, D1991, 287–9
Mozart’s scoring :
various changes, esp. to hn part
c: exhibition catalogues
i: sacred works
j: operas
m: concertos
n: chamber music
o: keyboard music
p: performing practice
q: reception
Mozart
For details of other works in autograph, A-Sm, and in auction catalogues see Hummel
(1956), 318–19
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