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Hesperia Supplement 39

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land of sikyon

Archaeology and History of a Greek City-State

Yann i s A . Lol o s

wi t h con t r ib u t ion s b y
Aristoteles Koskinas, Lina Kormazopoulou, Ioanna Zygouri,
Vassilis Papathanassiou, and Angelos Matthaiou

The American School of Classical Studies at Athens


201 1
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©2011 American School of Classical Studies at Athens

Copyright © 2011
The American School of
Classical Studies at Athens,
Princeton, New Jersey

All rights reserved.

Front cover: Rottmann’s Sikyon-Korinth (1834); Munich, Staatliche Gra-


phische Sammlung 21 368 Z. Courtesy Staatliche Graphische Sammlung,
Munich
Back cover: Arkouda and the coastal plain from Tsakriza

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lolos, Yannis A.
Land of Sikyon : archaeology and history of a Greek city-state / Yannis A. Lolos ;
with contributions by Aristoteles Koskinas . . . [et al.].
   p. cm. — (Hesperia supplement ; 39)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-87661-539-3 (alk. paper)
1. Sicyon (Extinct city)—Antiquities. 2. Archaeology and history—Greece—Si-
cyon (Extinct city) 3. Historic sites—Greece—Sicyon (Extinct city) 4. Excavations
(Archaeology)—Greece—Sicyon (Extinct city) 5. Inscriptions—Greece—Sicyon
(Extinct city) 6. Sicyon (Extinct city)—Buildings, structures, etc. 7. Sicyon (Extinct
city)—History. 8. City-states—Greece—History. I. Koskinas, Aristoteles. II. Title.
DF261.S5L65 2011
938΄.7—dc23 2011017213
Con ten ts
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List of Illustrations vii


List of Tables xxiii
Preface and Acknowledgments xxv

I nt r od uc t i on 1

Chapter 1
P hy si c al E nv i r on men t an d Re so u r c e s 7

Chapter 2
Sik yon i a f r om P r eh i stor i c Ti me s to th e
O t toman E ra 59

Chapter 3
La n d C ommu n i c at i on s 93

Chapter 4
Def en se s 181

Chapter 5
Se t tl emen ts: Th e C i t y an d I ts C o u n t ry si de 269

Chapter 6
Sac ra S i c yon i a 377

Con c l u si on 415

Appendixes
I. Register of Sites 419
II. Roof Tiles, by A. Koskinas 549
III. Aqueducts of Sikyon 571
IV. Public Land: An Epigraphical Testimony 585
V. Excavations at the Cave of Lechova: A Preliminary Report,
by L. Kormazopoulou, I. Zygouri, and V. Papathanassiou 589
vi contents

VI. An Inscribed Sherd from the Cave of Lechova,


by A. Matthaiou and Y. A. Lolos 599
VII. A Building Inscription from Agios Nikolaos of Vasiliko 601

References 603
Index of Ancient Sources 621
General Index 627
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P refac e and Ackn ow led g m en ts
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The archaeological exploration of the territory of an ancient Greek city-


state is a formidable task, as I have come to realize. Sikyon in antiquity
comprised a land of approximately 360 km2, which extended from the
coastal plain to the semimountainous and mountainous zones of the south,
and included various geomorphological units: alluvial plains, conglomerate
and marly conglomerate terraces, upland basins, rolling and steep hills,
and mountainsides.The sheer size and scope of the land of Sikyon—its
geographical variety, but also the legacy of its ancient history as told by the
written sources—posed great challenges. Faced with such an overwhelming
project, I decided to tackle it in stages. I first familiarized myself with the
topography, then investigated the passes and roads crossing the countryside
from antiquity to early modern times, and finally explored the settlement
patterns and other remains of human activity in the area across the centu-
ries. The end result is a reconnaissance of the land of this important city
and should by no means be considered a final treatment of the subject.
In fact, in many respects my work invites further exploration of specific
areas and sites that have yielded significant finds or have raised puzzling
questions.
In all stages of the research, I was fortunate to have wise guidance and
tremendous help and support from various individuals. This study started
as a doctoral dissertation in the Graduate Group in Ancient History and
Mediterranean Archaeology at the University of California at Berkeley. I
am deeply indebted to my advisors, Ronald S. Stroud, Stephen G. Miller,
and Crawford H. Greenewalt Jr., for their insightful and thorough com-
ments. Ron Stroud, in addition, accompanied me in the field twice, and has
enthusiastically embraced the whole effort throughout. I benefited from
discussions with the late W. Kendrick Pritchett, who shared with me his
unparalleled knowledge of ancient Greek history and topography. Yannis
Pikoulas spent two weekends in Sikyonia with me, and he read parts of
the manuscript, making important additions. My debt to him and to his
scholarly work is apparent throughout the book. Many thanks are also due
to John Cherry, with whom I had a number of stimulating conversations
on survey archaeology during 1998–1999.
xxvi p r e fa c e a n d a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s

I am grateful to the staff of the 4th and now 37th Ephoreia of Pre-
historic and Classical Antiquities—namely, the ephors Elsa Spathari, Zoe
Aslamantzidou, and Alekos Mantis; the archaeologists Anna Banaka and
Yota Kassimi; and the draftsperson Kiki Athanasouli—for their efficient
help in acquiring the permit for the fieldwork. The secretary of the Greek
Archaeological Society, Vasilios Petrakos, and the archivist Ioanna Ninou
promptly responded to my requests for material from the Orlandos ar-
chive. The archaeologist Photini Balla helped me with the survey of the
city walls in the early stages of the project. During the 2001 field season I
was assisted by three young archaeologists, graduates of the University of
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Ioannina: Aristoteles Koskinas (author of Appendix II), Myrsini Gouma,


and Kostas Satolias. Their great interest in the project, their expertise, and
their amazing stamina enabled us to cover significant ground that year.
The architectural plans that accompany the text (Figs. 1.34, 3.46, 4.45,
4.56, 4.66, and 4.81) are the product of an electronic survey conducted
with enthusiasm and energy by three senior students of topography in the
Technological Institution of Athens: Dimitris Karakaxas, Vasilis Marras,
and Kostas Botos. I am extremely grateful to them, as well as to their
advisors Makis Avoritis and Philippos Zoidis, who made available to us
a high-quality laser theodolite (Sokkisha Set 4c). All photographs are my
own unless otherwise indicated. Excerpts of ancient literary sources are
from the Loeb editions unless otherwise indicated.
Special thanks are due to the local inhabitants of the area, who liter-
ally guided me to the antiquities of their villages. Without them my task
would have been much more difficult and much less successful. My aunts
Charikleia Lolou and Maria Predari, residents of the village of Kokkoni,
and my uncle, the late Evgenios Karachalios, native of the village of Stylia,
put me in touch with people living throughout Sikyonia. In almost every
village I encountered at least one inhabitant (and often more) who was
genuinely interested in ancient remains and was willing to share his or
her knowledge with me. Among these, I am especially indebted to the
following: Angelos Bouvis (Kiato); the late Christos Kakavakis (Vasiliko);
Photis Ioannou (Tarsina); Panagiotis Dardanis (Stimanga); Antonis Teknos
(Kastraki); Georgios Stasinopoulos and Nikos Mikos (Bozika); Dimitrios
Tourgellis (Asprokampos); Takis Kallianiotis, papa-Anastasios Skouphis
and the late Spyros Papoutsis (Titane); Dimitrios Triantaphyllou and
Christos Kalantzis (Gonoussa); Kostas Zarkos, Panagiotis Zarkos, the late
Nikolaos Zarkos, Panagiotis Tsolakos, and Sotiris Lepesiotis (Kryoneri);
Vasilis Mytas (Souli); Spyros Drimeris (Megali Valtsa); the late Dimitrios
Georgiou (Throphari); Nikos Kampouris and Panagiotis Vasilopoulos
(Panariti); Panagiotis Tsatsaris (Manna); Yannis Antoniou (Velina); Vlasis
Sotiropoulos and Nikos Valatas (Zemeno); Vassilis Papaioannou (Thalero);
Tasos Pappas (Pasio); Stavros Belitsis and the late Aristomenes Arberores
(Archaia Korinthos); Andreas Papachristou (Velo); Nikos Bitsakos (Vo-
chaiko); Kostas Sokos (Ano Diminio); Yannis Karathanassis (Evangelis-
tria); Konstantinos Kellaris and Evangelos Theleritis (Kaisari); Georgios
Karachalios (Melissi); Dimitris Kitsalias (Poulitsa); Antonis Karachalios
(Stylia); and Kostas Tsiougos (Ellinochori). Petros Tsiougos, former head
(proedros) of the community of Ellinochori, deserves special mention, since
p r e fa c e a n d a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s xxvii

he has been like a father to me during the course of the project, always ready
to guide me to the antiquities of his village and its broader area.
During the processing and interpretation of the survey data, I was
fortunate to have the unfailing support of the staff of the Corinth Exca-
vations and its former director, Charles K. Williams II. I am especially
grateful to Nancy Bookidis, Guy Sanders, and Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst for
spending significant amounts of their busy time reading the pottery of the
survey. Nancy Bookidis also read sections of the book, making crucial cor-
rections, comments, and suggestions. Chris Hayward and Irene Polinskaya
made insightful observations on Chapters 1 and 6, respectively. Jeremy B.
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Rutter was able to identify most of the prehistoric material from digital
photos. Mark Lawall identified most of the amphora fragments, also from
digital photos. Karen Sotiriou made the pottery drawings included in this
volume. Natalia Vogeikoff-Brogan spent many hours in the apotheke of
Vasiliko to help with the description of the pottery. Bill Dietrich, Professor
of Geomorphology at the University of California, Berkeley, made insight-
ful comments on the geology section of Chapter 1. Panagiotis Kalliris,
chief forester of the prefecture of Corinthia, provided me with the flora
and fauna data included in Chapter 1, and Kelly Papapavlou assisted me
with the terminology for this section and provided helpful comments on
its text. Andrew F. Stewart and Peter Schultz helped me with questions
pertaining to sculpture. Two of my colleagues at the University of Thessaly,
Yannis Varalis and Paris Gounaridis, advised me in the area of Byzantine
archaeology and history; the former was even able to accompany me to
some of the Medieval monuments of the survey area to answer questions
on site. Molly Richardson edited Appendix VI in a professional manner.
George Velenis of the University of Thessaloniki helped me to decipher
the building inscription presented in Appendix VII. The Blegen Library
at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens provided an ideal
environment for the actual writing of the book. Greta Vollmer, Tanya Szaf-
ranski, and Camilla MacKay edited parts of the text in an early stage, and
Jill Hilditch edited the entire manuscript, saving me from many linguistic
embarrassments. In preparing the maps and plans I was assisted by many
GIS and CAD experts, including Geoffrey Compton at the University of
Michigan, the Marathon Data Systems office in Athens, Giorgos Photis at
the University of Thessaly, and James Herbst of the Corinth Excavations.
In computer-related matters Tarek Elemam, the Information Systems &
Technology Manager of the American School, was always there to save
me from fatal errors. My brother, Panayotis, designed the database for the
survey catalogue entries. In the final stages, the corrections, comments, and
suggestions made by the anonymous reviewers, the proofreader (Nancy
Winter), and the editor (Carol Stein) helped me to improve both the
content and the appearance of the manuscript. I am also grateful to Evi
Sikla for preparing the indexes at the end of the volume.
The project would not have even begun without the financial support
of many institutions and foundations over the years: the University of
California (1996–1997), the Dr. M. Aylwin Cotton Foundation (1999–
2000), the American School of Classical Studies at Athens (2002–2003),
and, above all, the 1984 Foundation (1997–1998, 2001–2003). Finally, I
xxviii p r e fa c e a n d a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s

would like to thank my family for their encouragement throughout, and


Leda Costaki for her unlimited support and assistance. This volume is
dedicated to the memory of my father, Andreas, who did not live to see it
completed.

Postscript. The manuscript for this book was submitted at the end of Sep-
tember 2005. Since then, a five-year intensive surface survey was conducted
on the plateau of Sikyon by the University of Thessaly, in collaboration with
the 37th Ephoreia of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, the Institute
of Mediterranean Studies, and the University of York. The results of these
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investigations, which are now being processed, supplement and in some


cases correct earlier observations presented in this volume. I have tried to
take into account these recent findings during the final review of the text,
but have kept changes and additions to a minimum.
I nt r od uc t i on
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Archaeologists and ancient historians associate the name Sikyon with


the artistic excellence exemplified in the now-lost works of her famous
sculptors and painters, as well as with two powerful political figures, the
tyrant Kleisthenes in the Archaic period and the general Aratos in the 3rd
century b.c. Accordingly, excavations in the city have had the specific aim
of recovering works of art and monumental buildings, both of which were
commonly encountered in the area of the agora and the theater. These
artistic expressions, however, are only a single, limited aspect of the history
of the area. In my investigation of Sikyonia I have moved beyond the civic
and temporal boundaries that have limited earlier studies to focus on the
Sikyonian countryside from antiquity to the Ottoman era. At the same time,
the geographical extent of my study, within the political boundaries of the
city-state, reveals its bias toward the period of the Greek polis. Before that
period (in Mycenaean times) and after it (in the Byzantine and Ottoman
eras), Sikyonia was part of larger administrative and territorial units. Since
the study area was not a self-sufficient unit in these periods, the patterns
observed relate to, and are determined by, this broader context.

org an i z at ion

The structure of this book reflects my gradual approach to the Sikyonian


landscape. The first chapter deals with the political boundaries of the
ancient city-state, its physical landscape, and its natural resources, and
examines how these resources were exploited in antiquity as well as in post-
antique periods. In Chapter 2, I outline the political and military history
of the area from Mycenaean times to the Greek War of Independence,
basing my account mainly on written testimonia.
In the third chapter I deal with the roads that crossed Sikyonian
territory, for which literary sources are limited but physical remains are
abundant. Literary evidence is even more scanty concerning fortifications; I
discuss these in Chapter 4, which, like Chapter 3, is based to a great extent
on the results of my topographical survey of 1996–1998. My pairing of these
2 introduction

two chapters assumes a relationship between road networks and military


needs in ancient Greece. Modern scholars have not given as much attention
to this relationship as to the impact of trade routes on land development,1
yet we often find in connection with roads, either alongside or overlook-
ing their course, various forts (φρούρια, τείχη) and fortified posts: patrol
houses (περιπόλια), guard houses (φυλακτήρια), and watch/signal towers
(φυλάκια, φρυκτώρια, and σκοπαί).2 These posts were meant to accom-
modate a small garrison, or simply a few guards, in order to watch over
the main country roads leading into and out of the state’s territory and to
patrol its frontiers. Some of these structures were in signal communication
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with forts or the city itself. Together they formed the defensive web of the
state’s territory, securing military and civic readiness in critical periods. This
does not mean that the guards stationed in these forts and towers could
keep a hostile army out of the city’s territory.3 Their role was to watch over
any threatening movements of the enemy, and to some extent deter small
troops of hit-and-run marauders. Forts also served as rallying points for
the people inhabiting the countryside in critical periods.
The various forms of settlement in Sikyonia, from the asty itself to
small towns (πολίσματα), villages (κῶμαι), and simple farmsteads, are dis-
cussed in Chapter 5, which mainly draws upon the results of the extensive
site-based survey that we carried out between 2000 and 2002. Finally, in
Chapter 6, I explore the sanctuaries of the city and the countryside as they
can be reconstructed from literary testimonia, rescue excavations, and our
survey evidence.
The text is complemented by a series of appendixes. The Register of 1. The only study to address the
Sites in Appendix I includes habitation sites (abbreviated HS in the text); road and defensive systems together
special-purpose sites (SP), namely, nonhabitation sites such as quarries, was published by Pikoulas (1995). The
cisterns, terrace walls, sanctuaries, rural churches, storage sheds, and animal author presents abundant physical
pens; traces of roads (RS); defensive sites (DS); and, finally, alleged sites evidence for roads connecting the
Corinthia to Arkadia and the Argolid,
(AS), that is, sites that are mentioned by earlier investigators or local in- and raises the possibility that some of
formants but that no longer exist, or could not be located. The distinction these roads had been built by the
between these different types of sites, particularly between habitation and Spartan symmachia during the 6th and
special-purpose sites, is not always straightforward, as I explain below. In 5th centuries b.c.; see Pikoulas 1995,
addition, a few sites had more than one function, such as Titane (HS-67), pp. 349–352, more emphatically argued
in Pikoulas 2001.
which was primarily a sanctuary with a settlement around it and a fort
2. Contra Munn (1993, p. 16): “the
planted on the hill, or Thekriza (HS-54), a large settlement with a military assertion that forts were intended to
tower adjacent to it. In such cases, I have usually created a separate entry defend roads is a modern deduction,
in the Register for each function (e.g., for the military tower adjacent supported by no ancient authority.”
to Thekriza, see DS-10). In the second appendix, Aristoteles Koskinas This argumentum ex silentio is not
presents a preliminary study of the roof tiles observed in the survey, the convincing; ancient sources rarely
mention common, let alone obvious,
most common type of artifact found in the countryside and one whose practices of their time. The fact that
significance has been little explored. The third appendix deals with the two many Greek forts had a commanding
aqueducts of Sikyon, remains of which were found in various places but are view over main routes and passes is not
not recorded in the Register of Sites. The fourth appendix focuses on a rock- an accident, but implies a deliberate
cut inscription that I located near what I consider to be the southwestern decision on the part of the state.
3. Harding (1988) and Munn (1993,
border of Sikyonian territory. In Appendix V, Lina Kormazopoulou, Ioanna
pp. 18–25) convincingly argue against
Zygouri, and Vassilis Papathanassiou present a recently excavated sacred Ober’s thesis (1985) that Athenian
cave—in fact, the only excavated cave of Sikyonia frequented during the border forts were meant to prevent
Archaic and Classical periods. An inscribed sherd that was found in that enemies from entering Attica.
introduction 3

cave and identifies the divinities worshiped there is the topic of the sixth
appendix, authored jointly by Angelos Matthaiou and myself. In the final
appendix, I present a 16th-century inscription built into a church below
the village of Vasiliko that gives the name of the founder and the date of
that monument.

res e arch

Surv e y Wor k
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As stated above, my approach toward the Sikyonian countryside was


gradual, starting with a topographical survey and proceeding to an extensive
survey of broader scope. In the earlier stages of the study (1996–1998), I
familiarized myself with the landscape, defining its political boundaries,
and explored the road network, as well as the defensive installations, forts,
and towers. The starting point for such field investigations has traditionally
been the local café or kapheneion, an ideal place to meet with the inhabit-
ants of a village or town. This method was adopted by Yannis Pikoulas in
his surveys of Lakonia, Arkadia, Argolis, and the Corinthia, and it yielded
spectacular results.4 It operates on the simple and logical premise that no
one knows a given area better than the people who live there, cultivate
the land, graze their animals, or simply hunt for pleasure. Obviously, not
every farmer, shepherd, or hunter is aware of all of the visible antiquities
in their area; my experience has shown that only a few have the curiosity,
sharp eyes, and drive for historical knowledge that mark true connoisseurs.
My first task, then, was to find the “right people,” the second to con-
vince them to share their knowledge with me. I was not always successful,
and sometimes the information provided was insufficient to guide me to
particular spots: a short section of wheel-ruts hidden in the bushes can
easily escape the attention of even the most observant surveyor. This is
one of the benefits of collaborating with locals, namely, to learn about and
access areas that are now completely overgrown with thick vegetation but
were formerly traversable. Local inhabitants can also describe structures
that no longer exist, whether because of infrastructure work or because
of the aggressive agricultural exploitation that is now widely practiced
throughout the Greek countryside. In both of these respects our survey
work greatly benefited from close collaboration with the inhabitants of
local communities.
The exploration of past habitation and other signs of activity in the
countryside was the aim of the extensive survey of 2000–2002. It was
carried out in two stages. First, I solicited the help of locals, particularly
farmers, in order to locate and record sites with artifact scatters. In the
second stage, I walked the recorded sites (as well as other areas, chosen at
random) with a small team of experienced archaeologists. In addition to
the standard equipment (brush, measuring tape, compass, conventional
camera, record sheets, etc.), we carried a digital altimeter, a digital camera,
4. The method is described in and a handheld GPS (satellite coverage in most parts of Sikyonia is fairly
Pikoulas 1995, pp. 9–13. good). We walked the fields usually spaced 5 m apart, and occasionally 2.5 m
4 introduction

apart. The direction of fieldwalking and the space between walkers was
often predetermined by the orientation and layout of the vineyards that
dominate the Sikyonian landscape; in most areas of the Corinthia today,
vineyards are planted along parallel lines set 2.5 m apart.
Our first concern was to verify that we did have a “site,” as opposed
to an off-site scatter, and this we established by comparing the artifact
density on the site to the density of finds in the surrounding area. Our
next concern was the nature of the site, which we determined based on the
amount, kind, and overall presence of pottery, as well as on the site’s location
and associated structures. Thus, miniature vases are typical of sanctuaries,
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and tableware, cookware, and storage vessels are typical of habitation sites,
whereas good-quality tiles (with fine glaze) and dressed blocks are rather
inconsistent with a simple animal pen. Of course, reality is always more
complex, since a country house can later be converted into a storeroom or
an animal pen, as still happens in Sikyonia today. The exact location of a
site is given in X/Y coordinates in the Greek Geodetic Reference System
(EGSA 87).5

W r i t t e n S our c e s
In identifying and interpreting various sites I took into consideration
appropriate ancient and medieval narratives, historical maps, and descrip-
tions offered by early modern travelers and 20th-century scholars. These
documents were invaluable in contextualizing, confirming, and often
5. For our method of obtaining
supplementing the physical remains. site coordinates, see below, pp. 269–
Ancient writers not only provide us with historical cases for the use 270.
of roads and fortresses, as well as occasionally mentioning settlements and 6. See in particular Nenci 1955;
sanctuaries of the chora, they also include topographical clues that help Laffranque 1963; Schepens 1980.
us locate and identify some of these sites. Their testimonies are based on Nenci (1955, p. 29) observes that
“Greek historiography is the daughter
autopsy (ὄψις) and personal experience (ἐμπειρία). That autopsy had a of geography,” in which autopsy was
value central to ancient historiography has been recognized only relatively the obvious means of research. In this
recently.6 Personal experience as a methodological concept developed in respect it differs radically from modern
the 4th century and appears prominently in the work of Ephoros,7 which historiography, which, as Hockett
is particularly significant for us since Diodoros, who drew extensively (1955, pp. 7–8) puts it, “is not a science
of direct observation.” This new
on Ephoros’s narrative, is one of our main sources concerning Sikyonian
conception of the task and method of
topography. Xenophon, in his Hellenica, includes lengthy chapters on history goes hand in hand with the
events that took place in the northwestern Peloponnese and involved the appearance of a new type of historian in
territories of Corinth, Sikyon, and Phlious. Xenophon’s physical presence the 19th century. Whereas in the past,
in Corinth lends credibility to his account: Diogenes Laertius tells us the majority of historians had played a
that Xenophon found refuge in Corinth in the aftermath of the battle at significant role in the public life of a
city, the 19th century saw the
Leuktra and quotes Demetrios of Magnesia, who wrote that Xenophon appearance of the “scholar”; in
died there in the year 360/59 (Diog. Laert. 2.53, 2.56).8 Plutarch’s Life of Schepens’s words (1980, p. 12), “the
Aratos, which I used extensively, is based on the memoirs of the famous βιβλιακὴ ἕξις took priority over the ἐξ
Achaian strategos himself. Pausanias visited Sikyon after leaving Corinth αὐτῶν πραγμάτων ἕξις” (my
and before heading to Phlious; his itinerary and his topographical notes translation).
7. For the historical method of
are particularly helpful in trying to reconstruct the urban topography, as
Ephoros, see Schepens 1970.
well as the road network and sacred landscape of the state. 8. For Xenophon in Corinth, see
However valuable historical testimonia may be, they contain few ex- Delebecque 1957, pp. 312–341; and
plicit references to roads, defensive structures, settlements, or sanctuaries Anderson 1986.
introduction 5

unless these sites happen to play a role in the events under discussion.
Watch/signal towers, for example, are nearly absent from the narratives
of the historians. Likewise, Pausanias is an invaluable source on urban to-
pography and the sanctuaries of the countryside, but he had little interest
in other types of sites, such as smaller settlements and defensive structures.
Having considered the limitations of the ancient sources, we can now
assess the value of the diaries of early modern travelers. Unlike the ancient
historians, early travelers were primarily concerned with the antiquities
themselves, including forts, towers, roads, and settlements. They visited
Greece when it was still untouched by technological development, even as
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it was defined in their time. Intensive farming was limited to a few areas,
whereas the majority of mountainous land was devoted to grazing and
cereal cultivation. An impressive array of travelers visited Sikyon, either
from Corinth or Patras, during the early 19th century: Clarke (1801–1802),
Gell (1804–1805), Dodwell (1801, 1805–1806), Leake (1805), Pouqueville
(1816), and Ross (1840); these were followed by, during the 1840s and
1850s, Rangabé, Vischer, Clark, and Wyse (among others).9 Travelers from
earlier centuries include Cyriaco di Ancona (1436), Wheler (1675), and the
infamous Abbé Fourmont (1729–1730). Cyriaco passed by Sikyon briefly
in late April 1436 on his way from Corinth to Kalavryta, but his writings
are almost entirely lost.10 Unfortunately, the correspondence of Fourmont
remains largely unpublished, but Wheler’s description is available.11 Study
of their accounts and the location of their reference points, many of which
have since changed, is facilitated considerably by old maps and drawings.
One of the earliest and finest maps is the Carte de la Grèce, drafted
by the Expédition scientifique de Morée and published in 1852. In the
second half of the 19th century, Miliarakis (1886) and the Guides-Joanne
(1891) both published maps marking the names of mountains, rivers,
plains, and villages in the area. A second tradition, which started with
Leake (1830) and Curtius (1851–1852) and continued with Kiepert’s
9. See Clarke 1818; Gell 1817; Neuer Atlas of 1879, emphasized ancient toponyms and aimed to locate
Dodwell 1819; Leake 1830; Pouqueville them and mark them on a map. The maps produced by these scholars are
1826, 1827; Ross 1841; Rangabé 1857; full of suggestions regarding the locations of various forts, polismata, and
Vischer 1857; Clark 1858; Wyse 1865. komai, or the courses of ancient roads, based on their own interpretations
10. Stoneman 1987, p. 30.
of the material evidence and of the relevant sources. The maps of the earlier
11. Wheler 1682.
12. The first two-wheeled chariot in tradition mark the main roads in use during the time they were drafted.
Greece was introduced during the first Many of these undoubtedly go back to the Classical period: hardly any
years of Otto’s kingship: Despotopoulos wagon roads were constructed, at least in this part of Greece, in Byzantine,
1940, pp. 535–536. Frankish, and Ottoman times, due to the general absence of wagons,12 and
13. In 1800, the French painter and we know that the European travelers moved about Greece on foot and on
antiquarian François Louis Fauvel,
wishing to send antiquities to France,
horseback.13 The first program of road building in Greece was established
had to have a cart brought to Athens by King Otto in 1833, but very few roads were actually constructed.14 On
from Toulon; see Pikoulas 1995, p. 25, the other hand, not all 19th-century roads marked on contemporary maps
n. 51. were ancient; some were created to serve villages of the post-Medieval era.
14. MEE, vol. 10, pp. 815–816, s.v. These villages appear on some early maps as well as in archives dating from
Ὁδοποιία Ἑλλάδος (A. Oikonomou).
the period of the second Venetian occupation, such as the Nani Archive
In 1852, the entire road network of
Greece was only 168 km long: see the or the list of Alberghetti.15
table in Despotopoulos 1940, p. 537. The earliest attempts to address the topography of Sikyonia were made
15. See below, pp. 354–359. by Robert Gompf and Hermann Bobrik, in 1832 and 1839, respectively,
6 introduction

but neither of these authors was able to visit the area personally. A re-
markably high-quality article by Ludwig Ross on the fortresses of the
Sikyonian territory appeared in 1840. In the 1920s, Ernst Meyer visited
the western section of Sikyonia as part of his Peloponnesian “Wanderings”
and produced a chapter on it for his 1939 monograph. He was succeeded in
1970 by Nikolas Pharaklas, who published the results of his fieldwork as a
separate volume of the Ancient Greek Cities series. Pharaklas’s “survey” is
by no means comprehensive, and it contains a number of inaccuracies and
errors. Nonetheless it does provide, along with Meyer’s chapter, precious
evidence for now-lost antiquities. Important topographical and archaeo-
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logical information is also included in local books and pamphlets dealing


with various historical aspects of a handful of Sikyonian villages. Finally,
Charles Skalet’s (1928) and Audrey Griffin’s (1982) monographs on Sikyon
focus on the political history of the state and its artistic tradition, but their
topographical contributions are minimal.

Exc avat i ons


The first reported dig in Sikyonian soil dates from 1802. In late summer/
early fall of that year, Sebastiano Ittar, working on behalf of Lord Elgin,
spent 15 days in Sikyon where “he employed two diggers for six days for
diggings made round the gymnasium, stadium, theatre and other investiga-
tions.”16 Systematic excavations came later and concentrated on the plateau
of the Hellenistic and Roman city: first the American School of Classical
Studies focused on the theater, and later the Greek Archaeological Society
worked in the area of the agora under the direction of Anastasios Orlandos
and, to a lesser extent, Kalliope Krystalli-Votsi.17 Orlandos’s discoveries are
important for understanding the spatial organization of ancient city, as I
outline in Chapter 5. Finally, the local Ephoreia of Antiquities has carried
out a few rescue excavations both on and below the plateau of the city, as
well as in other areas of Sikyonia.18 Their results supplement our survey
data, particularly for areas where surface survey was essentially fruitless—as,
for example, on the coast, where the ancient strata are buried beneath a
thick alluvial fan.

16. Smith 1916, p. 219. The later 18. See Alexandri 1965; Charito-
American and Greek excavators of the nidis 1968, p. 124; Daux 1956, p. 256;
area do not seem to have taken notice 1958, p. 702; 1963, p. 736; Droso-
of these amateur initiatives. gianni 1968; Georgopoulou 1989;
17. See Brownson and Young 1893; Kassimi 2004; Kormazopoulou and
Earle 1889a, 1889b, 1891, 1892, 1893; Zygouri 2003; Koutivas 1962, pp. 56–
Fiechter 1931; Fossum 1905; Krystalli- 59; Krystalli 1968; Krystalli-Votsi 1976,
Votsi 1984, 1988, 1991a, 1991b; 1983; Pallas 1977, pp. 175–176; Pyrio-
McMurtry 1889; Orlandos 1933, 1934, volis 1986; Skarmoutsou 1992; Skar-
1935a, 1936, 1937, 1938, 1939, 1940, moutsou-Dimitropoulou 1999; Skias
1947, 1952, 1954, 1955, 1956; Petrakos 1919; Stikas 1947; Tsophopoulou-
1989; Philadelpheus 1926a. Gkini 1988.
c hap ter 1

P hy s i c al E nv i r on m e n t an d
Re s ou r c e s
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Sikyonia occupies the area in the northern Peloponnese between Achaia


to the west and the Corinthia to the east, opposite the city of Kirra on the
north shore of the Corinthian Gulf.1 In this chapter I discuss the physical
environment of the state. I begin with a description of its landscape, and
then proceed to an examination of its political boundaries and its geology,
climate, and water sources. Next, I briefly present the ecosystem of the area,
and finally, its natural resources. Familiarity with all of these physical details
is necessary in order to put the political history of the state, its roads and
defensive works, and its settlements and sanctuaries in their proper context.
Nikolas Pharaklas devotes a section to geography in his monograph on
Sikyonia, but it is brief and not comprehensive.2

T h e Lan d s cap e

The territory of ancient Sikyon stretched from the Nemea River in the
east to the Sythas River in the west, and from the Corinthian Gulf in the
north to Thyamia and modern Gavrias in the south (Map 1). It included
two mountain ranges that run roughly in a northeast–southwest direc-
tion and are separated by a deep river valley. There were also two plains:
1. On the location of Sikyonia the western plain between Vesiza and the northernmost foot of Mount
between Corinthia and Achaia Kyllene, and the fertile plain along the gulf, fed by numerous rivers and cut
(Pellene), see Hdt. 1.145; Ephoros, by several ravines. Roughly measured, some 83% of the Sikyonian territory
FGrH 2A, F20, 18c; Strabo 8.2.2, 8.7.4; (300 out of 360 km2) was mountainous or semimountainous (240 km2
Paus. 7.6.1, 7.26.12, 8.1.2; [Scylax] 42,
43. On Kirra opposite Sikyon, see
and 60 km2, respectively). The territory rises from sea level to an elevation
Strabo 9.3.3: πόλις ἀρχαία Κίρρα . . . of ca. 1,200 masl in the south and southwest, and to ca. 700 masl in the
ἵδρυται δ’ ἀπαντικρὺ Σικυῶνος. southeast.
2. Pharaklas 1971, pp. 1–5. The
author merely presents the main geo-
graphical features (mountains and M oun tai n s
plains) and refers to the political
boundaries of the state, with the excep- The mountain range of Trikaranon, in modern times known as Spiria,
tion of its problematic southern bound- dominates the eastern part of Sikyonia. It is mentioned a number of times
aries, which are not discussed at all. by Xenophon, in connection with military events involving the city of
8 chapter 1

K
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Figure 1.1. Kokkinovrachos (K) and


Phlious (Hell. 2.5, 2.11–13, 7.2.1). As the etymology indicates, Τρι-κάρα- Vesiza (V) from Gavrias, looking
νον comprises three summits aligned almost perfectly along a north–south north
axis: Evangelistria (elev. 806 masl), Kastro (579 masl), and Prophetes Elias
(724 masl). The last peak separates the valleys of Phlious and Nemea.3
We know the ancient name only for the northernmost and highest peak,
Thyamia, which was the border between the states of Sikyon and Phlious.
From Thyamia the mountain slopes down, toward the Sikyonian plain to
the north, in three successive steps.4
The Trikaranon range is the only one mentioned in ancient literature.
The mountainous range to the west and across the Asopos River valley is
crowned by the flat summit of Vesiza (1,211 masl), perhaps the ancient
Gylis (Fig. 1.1).5 This range stretches from the coastal plain in the north 3. The two valleys are distinct enti-
ties, but are easily confused: the modern
to Gavrias mountain and the Stymphalian basin in the south, and presents, town in the valley of ancient Phlious
in addition to Vesiza, a number of elevated points: most conspicuous are has taken on the name of “Nemea”
Kastro (928 masl), which overlooks the pass from the valley of Kaisari to (officially “Nea Nemea” to distinguish it
the Stymphalian basin, Kokkinovrachos (1,009 masl), which is the south- from the small village in the ancient
ernmost peak of the mountain range, and Prophetes Elias of Paradeisi Nemea valley which is officially known
as “Archaia Nemea”). For that reason, I
(900 masl), which offers a commanding view toward both the Phliasian
will use the name Nemea only with ref-
and Sikyonian plains. To the northeast of Vesiza, the elevated terraces erence to the ancient site and river of
of Vasiliko (120–240 masl) and Tsakriza (200 masl) present sheer scarps that name, and the name Nea Nemea
toward the coastal plain. with regard to the town and valley that
The plain of Kaisari, which extends between Vesiza to the east and the were called Phlious and Phliasia,
mountainous plateau to the west, is approximately 7 km long and 1.5 km respectively, in antiquity.
4. The profile of the mountain ridge
wide (Fig. 1.2). It is closed to the north by the Thekriza hill, and to the is nicely drawn by Philippson (1892,
south by a projection of the Vesiza range. The plain slopes slightly toward p. 118).
its southern end, where a lake was formed, locally remembered as λίμνη 5. The evidence for this identifica-
Παπαρρηγοπούλου. It was drained sometime in the late 19th century to tion is presented in Appendix VI.
physical environment and resources 9

Ky
Ko
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Figure 1.2. The plain of Kaisari from


the Vesiza range, looking southwest: make this part of the plain available for cultivation.6 The small lake of
Mount Kyllene (Ky) is in the back- Kaisari was reported by travelers in the early and mid-19th century, but
ground, the peak of Konomavra (Ko) we cannot be certain of its extent in antiquity, or if it existed at all.7
to the right The heights to the west of the plain are essentially the northeastern
extension of Mount Kyllene, and they drop steeply to the bed of the Sythas
(or Trikalitikos) River to the west. They contain a few characteristic peaks,
including Markoutsa (1,338 and 1,266 masl) and Konomavra (1,200 masl)
overlooking the plain (Fig. 1.2), and a plateau to the north known as Λάκκα
of Velina, after the name of the neighboring village. The Lakka plateau
is the only land suitable for plowing; the rest of the area is mostly uneven
and until recently was covered by forests. Today, apple trees thrive along
the western slopes down to the valley of the river. The forested plateau
of Moungostos is separated from the plateau of Velina to the south by a
narrow gully. It forms peaks along its sides, most notably Thekriza to the
south (900 masl), which overlooks the plain of Kaisari, Prophetes Elias to
the west (943 masl), and Skempi to the north (699 masl) above the village
of Megali Valtsa.
To the northwest of Moungostos the hill of Tsouka of Zemeno rises to
an elevation of 811 masl, and further to the north the Kastro of Xylokastro
to 201 masl. The flat summit of Tsouka resembles the top of the Panagia
of Koryphi, the mountain to the northwest of Zemeno and across the
6. The draining was done through Sythas River (Fig. 1.3). This Achaian mountain was for some time in the
the opening of a tunnel that channels possession of the Sikyonians, after they captured the town of Donoussa.8
water toward the Stymphalian basin:
Miliarakis 1886, p. 153. From the area north of Moungostos, the ground descends unevenly toward
7. Gell 1817, p. 19; Curtius 1851– the plain, interrupted by numerous river gullies and delimited on both
1852, vol. 2, p. 499; Clark 1858, p. 337. east and west by elevated ridges. The western ridge carries the natural
8. See below, pp. 17–18 and 65. pass through the area of Zemeno to Xylokastro, above the eastern bank of
10 chapter 1

T
P
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Figure 1.3. Tsouka of Zemeno (T)


and Panagia of Koryphi (P), looking
the Sythas River. The less prominent, eastern ridge runs almost parallel to north-northwest
the western bank of the Seliandros River through the village of Lalioti to
Diminio and the coastal plain.

R i v e rs
As we have seen, the plain of Sikyon is crossed by several major rivers that
flow from the mountains in the south into the sea, as well as by numer-
ous ravines. These water courses are all of torrential type, meaning that
their water flow is significantly reduced, or ceases entirely, during the
summer.
The Nemea River to the east, known locally as Zapantis, and formerly
as the river of Koutsomadi from the name of the village in the Nemean
valley, has a relatively shallow but wide bed. It is fed by drainage from the
heights to the south of the sanctuary of Nemean Zeus and empties into
the gulf by the village of Vrachati.9 The name of the river is preserved by
Strabo and Livy, who both refer to it as the boundary line between Corinth
and Sikyon.10 The history of the river is gradually starting to emerge, thanks 9. On the map drawn by the
to excavation work at Nemea. The former director of the excavations, Expédition scientifique de Morée it is
Stephen G. Miller, kindly shared this information with me: marked as Koutsomati.
10. See below, p. 16. In addition,
The present line of the river along the sanctuary was the creation Bursian (1872, p. 23, n. 4) maintains
of trenching by French engineers in 1884. Before that time there that the Nemea River is called Langia
was, within the valley proper, no river. Hence it is clear that the by Statius (Theb. 4.717, 4.775); cf. also
Gompf 1832, p. 27. This cannot be so,
valley regularly flooded during the winter, which explains why the for Statius refers to the spring east of
modern village of Archaia Nemea was founded only after the valley the Sanctuary of Zeus and not to the
was drained, namely in 1885. [Here, Miller points to the report river; see Nemea I, pp. 220–221 and
of Dodwell, who visited the site in 1805, as well as to engravings n. 623.
physical environment and resources 11
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Figure 1.4. The Asopos River valley,


looking northeast
of the first half of the 19th century, all referring to the existence
of a marshy land and the absence of a river at that time.] The
excavations have also shown that there was a river, much more
substantial than today’s, in the 12th and 13th centuries after Christ,
but clearly no river between those times. There has to have been
a river in Archaic and Early Hellenistic times (the antiquities,
such as the drain of the Bath, attest to it), but all traces have been
eradicated by the Early Christian version [of the river]. Finally,
there is from this year’s [1998] work, clear evidence for a good-sized
river (although not as large as the Early Christian version) in the
13th century b.c., which also dried up completely and had its course
changed dramatically in the Archaic period (it flowed beneath the
11. S. G. Miller (pers. comm.). Heroon of Opheltes).11
12. Clarke (1818, p. 530) calls it a
“rivulet”; Curtius (1851–1852, vol. 2, For the past hundred years, according to travelers’ reports and the memory
p. 505) describes it as shorter and nar- of the locals, the water level in the river has remained low (except for rare
rower than the Asopos River, with its winter floods), and the river has always dried up in the summer.12
water flow depending closely on sea- Approximately 7 km (as the crow flies) west of the Nemea River
sonal changes; Bursian (1872, p. 23)
flows the Asopos, the most important river of Sikyonia (Fig. 1.4). Five
says that the water of the river often
does not reach the gulf. small ravines intervene between the two rivers, but none contains a stream
13. The remata in question are (from that flows into the sea.13 The Asopos, formerly known as Agiorgitikos
east to west): Γουργουρότη, Χαϊκάλη, (Αγιωργήτικος), has its sources on Mount Pharmakas, to the south of the
Περιστεριώνα, Φίλιζα, and Ρουμπί. Phliasian plain, and through a long course empties into the sea between
They are not labeled on Map 1. Kiato and Velo.14 The average discharge of the Asopos is 3,800 m3/hr during
14. The modern name Agiorgitikos,
or river of Agios Georgios, derives from
the winter months, and 650 m3/hr in the summer.15 Pausanias (2.5.2–3),
the town of that name (now called Nea after describing the course of the river, reports the contemporary belief
Nemea) in the Phliasian plain. among Sikyonians and Phliasians that its water was not local, but came
15. Voudouris 2001, p. 17. from the Maeander River, which had crossed the sea from Miletos to the
12 chapter 1

Peloponnese. The origin for this tale may be the convoluted course of the
Asopos River, which in sections resembles a meander pattern. During the
winter months, the water descended so strongly that the Sikyonians and
the Phliasians compared it to the raging of bulls.16 Leake described the
course of the river as “rapid, white, and turbid.”17 In the early 1970s the
water rose so high that it spilled over and damaged the 11 m high Turkish
bridge in the plain.18 The valley formed by the river at its northern end
was referred to by Strabo as the Ἀσωπία χώρα, cultivated in antiquity as
in modern times.19 The “Asopeia” opens up to the north of Megali Lakka
(Μεγάλη Λάκκα) of the village of Ellinochori, and extends toward the sea.
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Olive trees now cover a substantial part of it, and this must have been true
in antiquity as well, given the many ancient references to the great value
and healing properties of Sikyonian oil.20
The Helisson River, about 3 km to the west of the Asopos and known
locally as Zorzi (Ζορζή) or river of Lechova (ποτάμι της Λέχοβας), runs
below the northern cliffs of the Sikyonian plateau to meet the gulf just
west of the town of Kiato (Fig. 1.5). The ancient name of the river is given
by Pausanias who, having descended from Sikyon, reports encountering
along the leophoros (main road) to Achaia first the Helisson and then the
Sythas River.21 The Helisson’s sources are located in the area of the village
of Kryoneri, some 7 km (as the crow flies) south of Sikyon. The river forms
a fairly wide valley to the northwest of Sikyon. In the 1950s this section of
the riverbed was dredged to a considerable depth and the earth was used
for the construction of the highway to Patras.22 Alfred Philippson writes
that, in his time, the torrential water of the Helisson had caused many
disasters, and that locals had unsuccessfully tried to dam it by means of low
walls.23 Statius writes in a highly poetic fashion of the winding banks of
curved Helisson and its reputation of cleansing the “Stygian Eumenides.”24
However, despite the etymology of Helisson, its watercourse today is not
very winding and is certainly straighter than that of the Asopos.25 In addi-
tion, the grove of Eumenides was described by Pausanias (2.11.4) as lying
above the right bank of the Asopos, not of the Helisson. It is therefore likely,
as Conrad Bursian first suspected, that the poet confused the two rivers.26
The next large river to the west of the Helisson originates on the slopes
of Kyllene above the village of Trikala, and empties into the gulf west of
Xylokastro (Fig. 1.6). It is known as Trikalitikos and forms a wide and deep
valley. The ancient name for this river is Sythas (Σύθας), and I argue below
that it was the boundary between Sikyon and Achaia. Four less important

16. Ael. VH 2.33.7. 20. See below, p. 40. 24. Theb. 4.52–54: “et anfractu
17. Leake 1830, p. 356. 21. Paus. 2.12.2; for the passage, see riparum incurvus Elisson. saevus honos
18. On this bridge, see below, below, p. 159. fluvio: Stygias lustrare severis Eumeni-
pp. 99–100. 22. The practice of bulldozing earth das perhibetur aquis.”
19. Strabo 8.6.24: τῆς δὲ Κηλώσσης from riverbeds for road-terracing pur- 25. The name comes from the word
μέρος ὁ Καρνεάτης, ὅθεν λαμβάνει τὴν poses has been quite common in ἕλιξ, “spiral,” and serves to remind us of
ἀρχὴν Ἀσωπὸς ὁ παραρρέων τὴν Σικυω- Greece; see, e.g., SAGT I, pl. 106:b, the danger of identifying ancient places
νίαν καὶ ποιῶν τὴν Ἀσωπίαν χώραν, which shows trucks hauling gravel on a solely on the basis of the etymology of
μέρος οὖσαν τῆς Σικυωνίας; also 9.2.23: road that descends to the Sarantapota- their name.
. . . καὶ ὅτι ἐν Σικυωνίᾳ ἄλλος ἐστὶν mos River. 26. Bursian 1872, p. 26, n. 1.
Ἀσωπὸς καὶ ἡ χώρα Ἀσωπία, δι’ ἧς ῥεῖ. 23. Philippson 1892, p. 119.
physical environment and resources 13
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Figure 1.5. The Helisson River


valley between Tsakriza (left) and the
Sikyonian plateau (right), looking
north

Figure 1.6. The gully of the Sythas


River from the northern slopes of
Kyllene, looking northeast
14 chapter 1

S M
Th
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Figure 1.7. The Agiorgitiko branch


rivers empty into the sea between Helisson and Sythas (from east to west): of the rema of Thalero from the area
Kyrillou (Κυρίλλου), Seliandros (Σελίανδρος) or rema of Lalioti, rema of of Throphari, looking northeast.
Thalero, and Katharoneri (Καθαρονέρι). Three villages are visible: Sykia (S),
The ancient literature preserves the names of two Sikyonian rivers Melissi (M), and Thalero (Th).
other than those already mentioned. The first, Selleeis (Σελλήεις), is
mentioned by Strabo as a river around Sikyon: ἔστι δὲ καὶ περὶ Σικυῶνα
Σελλήεις ποταμὸς καὶ Ἔφυρα πλησίον κώμη (8.3.5).27 The closest river to
Sikyon, after the Asopos and the Helisson (and less than a kilometer west
of the latter), is the rema of Kyrillou, with the larger of its two tributaries
(Gourgourati) having its source in the area of Souli.28 Therefore, until there
is evidence to the contrary, I consider the ancient Selleeis to be the rema of
Kyrillou and not the rema of Lalioti, as previous scholars have suggested.29
The second Sikyonian river that has yet to be identified is the Kephis-
sos. Strabo mentions it briefly (Ὁ ἐν Σικυῶνι Κηφισσός, 9.3.16) as one of
six rivers in Greece with that name. The Sikyionian Kephissos was report-
edly mentioned by Polemon in his lost treatise On the Rivers (of Sicily).30
We know nothing more about the location of this river, but it could not
lie to the east of Sikyon since none of the ravines between the Asopos and

27. See also Eust. ad Od. 1.260 tive location of Ephyra to the south of ily imply physical contact but only
(1.56.17 van der Valk). The kome of the village of Souli. proximity.
Ephyra has not been securely identified, 28. This is the rema described by 29. Guides-Joanne 1891, p. 400;
and therefore the suggested locations Leake as a “small stream” and identified Kiepert 1879.
cannot be used for identifying Selleeis: with Sythas: see below, p. 16. Rangabé 30. The information is given by
see below, pp. 320–323. Cf., e.g., (1857, p. 44) thought that the Selleeis the scholiast to Euripides’ Medea (ad
Curtius (1851–1852, vol. 2, p. 499), of Strabo and the Helisson of Pausanias 835; vol. 2, p. 185 Schwartz); also
who attempts to identify Selleeis with a refer to the same river, because of the Eust. ad Il. 2.523 (1.422.14 van der
tributary of the Helisson River, or the specification περὶ Σικυῶνα. The prepo- Valk).
Helisson River itself, based on a tenta- sition περί, however, does not necessar-
physical environment and resources 15

Nemea rivers are significant enough to cross the plain and empty into the
gulf. If we identify the Selleeis with the rema of Kyrillou, then the Keph-
issos could be any of the remaining three rivers to the east of the Sythas.
Seliandros, or the rema of Lalioti, originates from the plentiful springs of
Megali Valtsa, the same sources that fed the western aqueduct of Sikyon.31
It carries more water in the winter season than the rivers to its west. The
rema of Thalero has its sources in the area of Mikri Valtsa and, crossing
the plain obliquely, empties into the gulf east of Sykia (Fig. 1.7). Finally,
Katharoneri flows from the area of Throphari and Zemeno to the sea,
tracing a deep but narrow valley and bisecting the village of Sykia. In the
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late 19th century, its course served as a dividing line between the demes
of Sikyon and Pellene.32

Coastal P l ai n
The southern limit of the Sikyonian plain, which extends along the
Corinthian Gulf, is reflected in the line of the corresponding section of the
highway to Patras. To the west of Sikyon, it is reduced to a narrow strip of
land, with its widest section lying between Sikyon and Corinth. The width
of the plain in this area today is between three and four kilometers, although
it must have been somewhat less in antiquity since the northwestern side
of the Peloponnese has risen over a meter in the past two thousand years,
as explained below. The fertility of the plain was proverbial in antiquity.
Athenaios reports that to petitioners with trivial requests such as “How
could I become rich, son of Zeus and Leto?” the Pythia gave the mocking
reply, “If you take possession of the land between Sikyon and Corinth.”33
31. On the aqueduct, see Appendix In the story of the foundation oracle of Taras, the future settlers, originally
III, pp. 582–584. desiring the territory between Sikyon and Corinth, received the following
32. Miliarakis 1886, p. 115. response: “The area between Corinth and Sikyon is surely good; but you
Accordingly, half of the village of Sykia
will not inhabit it, not even if you would become embronzed.”34 In Lucian’s
belonged to the deme of Sikyon, and
half to the deme of Pellene. Πλοῖον ἢ Εὐχαί (20), Adeimantos boasts of having bought up all of the
33. Ath. 5.219a: land around the Athenian Acropolis, the seafront at Eleusis, a few lands
πῶς ἂν πλουτήσαιμι, Διὸς καὶ Λητοῦς around the Isthmus for the sake of the games, and the plain of Sikyon, and
υἱέ; χλευάζων ἀπεκρίνατο· promises that soon “everything thickly covered, or well-watered, or fruitful
εἰ τὸ μέσον κτήσαιο Κορίνθου καὶ in Greece” will be his.35 Livy (27.31.1) calls the plain between Sikyon and
Σικυῶνος.
Corinth “agrum nobilissimae fertilitatis” with reference to its devastation
This oracular response was quoted by
many ancient and medieval authors; for by the army of P. Sulpicius before the First Macedonian War.
the references and a discussion on the
nature of the reply, see Fontenrose
1978, p. 86 and n. 58. p oli t ica l bou ndaries
34. Diod. Sic. 8.21.3: Καλόν τοι
τὸ μεταξὺ Κορίνθου καὶ Σικυῶνος·
ἀλλ’ οὐκ οἰκήσεις, οὐδ’ εἰ παγχάλκεος
For ancient Greek cities, the existence of a frontier line defining their ter-
εἴης. Parke and Wormell (1956, vol. 1, ritory was inextricably linked to the identity of the city itself. Most telling
pp. 72–73) more or less accept the of this mindset is a passage in Xenophon describing how Corinthian citi-
authenticity of the story, unlike Fon- zens felt about the unification of their city with neighboring Argos: “They
tenrose (1978, p. 280). perceived that their city was put out of existence, inasmuch as boundary
35. συνηρεφές ἢ ἔνυδρον ἢ εὔκαρπον
stones had been removed and their fatherland was called Argos instead of
ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι.
36. For more references showing the Corinth” (Hell. 4.4.6).36 In this section I focus on the boundaries of the
value of frontiers to a Greek, see Sartre Sikyonian state, presenting the evidence for the fairly well-established ones
1979, p. 213. and proposing alternatives for the more problematic.
16 chapter 1

East e r n Border
The boundary between the Corinthia and Sikyonia, according to Strabo
and Livy, was the Nemea River: ὁρίζει δὲ τὴν Σικυωνίαν καὶ τὴν Κορινθίαν
ποταμὸς Νεμέα (Strabo 8.6.25); “Nemeam—amnis est Corinthium et
Sicyonium interfluens agrum” (Livy 33.15.1). For the century between
the end of the Achaian War in 146 b.c. and the foundation of the Roman
colony of Corinth in 46 b.c., the eastern Sikyonian boundary extended
to include “most of the Corinthian countryside” (τὴν δὲ χώραν ἔσχον οἱ
Σικυώνιοι τὴν πλείστην τῆς Κορινθίας).37 Although neither Strabo nor any
other source specifies the extent of the newly acquired land, the fact that
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Sikyon also gained control of the Isthmian Games at that time suggests
that most or all of the coastal plain past the Nemea River to the Isthmus
of Corinth came into its possession.38

We st e r n Border
Identific at i on of t he S y t has Riv er
The western boundary of Sikyonia is more problematic. Pausanias states
explicitly that the Sythas River separated Pellene and Achaia from Sikyonia
(καθότι δὲ Πελληνεῦσιν ὅροι τῆς χώρας πρὸς Σικυωνίους εἰσί, κατὰ τοῦτο
ποταμός σφισι Σύθας, ἔσχατος ποταμῶν τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν, ἐς τὴν Σικυωνίαν
ἐκδίδωσι θάλασσαν, 7.27.12),39 but the difficulty lies in identifying this
river among the several rivers west of Sikyon that now flow into the gulf.
Pausanias, after leaving the Sikyonian plateau on his way to Aristonautai,
the harbor of Pellene, first crossed the Helisson, and then the Sythas:
καταβᾶσι δὲ ἐς τὸν Σικυωνίων καλούμενον λιμένα καὶ τραπεῖσιν
ἐπ’ Ἀριστοναύτας τὸ ἐπίνειον τὸ Πελληνέων, ἔστιν ὀλίγον ὑπὲρ
τὴν ὁδὸν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερόν· προελθοῦσι δὲ κατὰ τὴν
λεωφόρον Ἑλισσών τε καλούμενος ποταμὸς καὶ μετ’ αὐτὸν Σύθας
ἐστίν, ἐκδιδόντες ἐς θάλασσαν.40
The Helisson can be safely identified with the river of Lechova, which
descends from the northern side of the Sikyonian plateau and empties
into the sea by the town of Kiato. Trikalitikos, which is the next largest
river to the west, is the best candidate for Sythas. The great distance,
however, between this river and the Helisson (over 13 km), and the fact
that four smaller rivers intervene between the two, have given rise to dif-
ferent topographical interpretations.41 Leake identified Sythas with the
rema of Kyrillou, which flows west of Kiato.42 Kyrillou is indeed the first
river west of Helisson but it is now, as it was when Leake saw it, a mere
stream and not a significant river. The same applies to the other three rivers

37. Strabo 8.6.23; cf. Eust. ad Il. the same river as “Sys.”
2.570 (1.448.42–43 van der Valk); see 40. Paus. 2.12.2.
below, p. 77. 41. The different suggestions are
38. Sikyonian control over the Isth- summarized by Bölte in RE IVB2,
mian Games is attested by Pausanias 1932, cols. 1836–1838, s.v. Sythas.
(2.2.2). 42. Leake 1830, p. 383; refuted by
39. Ptolemy (Geog. 3.14.28) refers to Rangabé 1857, pp. 45–47.
physical environment and resources 17

to the west of Kyrillou, namely, Seliandros, the rema of Thalero, and


Katharoneri. Therefore, Pharaklas’s suggestion that Katharoneri, a small
river that empties into the gulf 4 km east of Xylokastro, is the ancient Sythas
can hardly be sustained.43 The identification of the Trikalitikos River (or
river of Xylokastro) with the ancient Sythas goes back to the Expédition
scientifique de Morée, and it has since been accepted by a number of stu-
dents of Greek topography.44 Corroborating evidence for the location of
Sythas by Xylokastro is provided by Pseudo-Scylax, who testifies that the
coastline of the Sikyonian state amounts to 120 stadia: Μετὰ δὲ Κόρινθον
Σικυὼν πόλις. Ταύτης παράπλους στάδια ἑκατὸν εἴκοσιν (Periplus 42).45
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Although the accuracy of the numerical data given in the Periplus has been
questioned, and the exact equivalence between the “stadion” in question and
our metrical system remains unknown, an estimate between a minimum
of 21 and a maximum of 24 km for the 120 stadia must be correct.46 The
length of the present coast from the Nemea River to the river of Xylokastro
is close to 22 km.

Evi den ce of B ou n da ry M a rkers


Two more issues must be addressed here in relation to the western borders
of Sikyonia: first, their flexibility, and second, the presence of boundary
markers. Pausanias mentions the Sikyonian annexation of the Achaian town
of Donoussa, which is probably located on the northern slopes of Mount
Panagia of Koryphi, some 5 km beyond the Sythas River and above the
village of Kamari.47 The most likely period for this event to have taken place

43. Pharaklas 1971, p. 5. His sugges- placed Aristonautai at the mouth of the Aigeira, which agrees with the account
tion is based on the assumption that the Sythas River, but with no hard evidence: of Pausanias.
harbor of Pellene (Aristonautai) was Puillon Boblaye 1835, p. 28; Guides- 44. Curtius 1851–1852, vol. 2,
located at the present bay of Sykia. Such Joanne 1891, p. 399. Anderson (1954, p. 498; Rangabé 1857, pp. 46–47;
a location, however, to the east of Trika- p. 74, n. 19), following Leake (1830, Bursian 1872, p. 30; Miliarakis 1886,
litikos, contradicts the ancient evidence. p. 384), places the Pellenean harbor at p. 11; Lolling 1889, p. 162; Frazer
Pausanias (7.26.4) gives the distance the village of Kamari, where the colonel 1913, vol. 4, p. 185; Roux 1958,
between Aristonautai and the harbor of saw “a little curve in the coast.” As the p. 144.
Aigeira as 120 stadia. The harbor of configuration of the northern Pelopon- 45. Puillon Boblaye (1835, p. 29)
Aigeira has now been securely placed at nesian littoral has changed over time, was the first to point out the value of
Mavra Litharia (see Frazer 1913, vol. 4, Leake’s argument is not conclusive. Pseudo-Scylax’s testimony for the loca-
pp. 176–178, and the recent geological Anderson reports seeing a stretch of an tion of the western Sikyonian borders.
work at the site: Papageorgiou et al. ancient foundation south of the Kamari The consensus now is that his “Circuit
1993; Papageorgiou and Stiros 1996; railway station, but there is no indica- of the Mediterranean” was compiled in
Stiros 2001). Consequently, any site east tion that it belonged to a harbor instal- the mid-4th century b.c. (Peretti 1979,
of the Trikalitikos River for the location lation. Besides, Kamari, less than 95 sta- pp. 496–497; Jameson, Runnels, and
of Aristonautai would be over 135 stadia dia from Aigeira, is too far west to be van Andel 1994, p. 568).
from the harbor of Aigeira. Although the site of Aristonautai. I believe the 46. Pseudo-Scylax was, with one
the shoreline of the northern Pelopon- best candidate for the site of Aristo- exception, proven quite accurate in his
nese has changed since antiquity (see nautai has been suggested by Miliarakis section on the coast of the Akte in the
below, pp. 29–31), and Pausanias tended and Koutivas; they both saw remains of Argolid. For the description of that
to round-off numbers when he a breakwater east of the village of coastline, a long stade of about 200 m is
described distances, a difference of 15 Kamari, and 2.5 km to the west of used: Jameson, Runnels, and van Andel
stadia or more is rather excessive. We Xylokastro (Miliarakis 1886, p. 124; 1994, pp. 568–572.
have to accept either that Pausanias was Koutivas 1962, pp. 35, 111). The site is 47. Paus. 7.26.13; for further discus-
wrong or that Aristonautai lay to the located almost 22 km (ca. 120 stadia) to sion of Donoussa, see below, pp. 324–
west of Xylokastro. Some early travelers the east of Mavra Litharia, the harbor of 325.
18 chapter 1

is the reign of Kleisthenes in the 6th century b.c.48 It is equally possible,


as I argue in the next chapter, that with the consolidation of Achaia from
the 5th century onward, Sikyon withdrew from Donoussa and returned to
its old boundary east of the Sythas River.
Physical remains of what was interpreted as the western Sikyonian
boundary were reported by two early travelers. Dodwell, journeying an
hour and a half from Vasilika toward Kamari, “observed the remains of a
wall that had once united the hill to the sea, and was constructed for the
purpose of guarding the pass.”49 It is most likely that Dodwell is referring
to the hill of Kokkinovrachos, between the villages of Melissi and Diminio,
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and that the pass in question refers to a narrow strip of land separating
the hill from the sea. The same wall is described by Leake to the west of
the village of Diminio (near the Seliandros) as “some ancient foundations
on the road side, where appears to have been a wall reaching to the shore,
from the mountain on the left.”50 Meyer tried in vain to find this wall at the
beginning of the 20th century; I too have been unable to find any traces of
it.51 Without further description of this wall, and with the physical remains
yet to be found, it is not possible to rule on its nature, date, or purpose.
Dodwell interprets it as the boundary of Sikyon with Pellene, but this can-
not be the case since it presumes that the Sythas River was farther east than
is argued here. Nor could we posit a time in the Graeco-Roman history
of Sikyonia when there would have been a need to confine the territory of
the state more than 8 km to the east of the Sythas River.
A tall, conical heap of stones was excavated in 1906 to the east of this
river, at the western edge of the forest of Moungostos. The conical heap
was 20 m in diameter, 4 m in height, and consisted of rubble with scattered
“Protocorinthian” sherds and fragments of ancient roof tiles.52 Because the
flat area where the stones were found is not rocky, the excavator, Andreas
Skias, rightly postulated that the stones had been carried there on purpose,
together with the ceramic fragments. According to Skias, this heap of
stones was one of the horoi of the Sikyonians toward the Pelleneans. Skias
gives no elevation for the stone pile, but presumably what he identified
as a soros stood on the hill of Prophetes Elias of Moungostos (SP-14), at
an elevation of 943 masl. Today, only a few of the stones remain on site;
most of them were thrown down the precipitous western flank of Moun-
gostos during the excavation. Recently, a water tank was placed at what
had been the center of the mound, further obscuring the ancient remains
(Fig. 1.8).
Although he did not visit them, Skias reported the existence of two
similar soroi, one about 2 km to the north and the other to the south of
48. See below, p. 65.
Moungostos and east of the village of Velina. A possible candidate for 49. Dodwell 1819, pp. 297–298.
the northern soros can be found on the summit of Zitouliaris (Ζητουλι- Vasilika is the Medieval name of mod-
άρης, 851 masl), a hill rising to the southwest of the village of Zemeno ern Vasiliko; see below, pp. 287–288.
and opposite the hill of Tsouka. Here I observed a heap of stones, some 50. Leake 1830, pp. 382–383.
of them scattered around the slopes of the hill (SP-13; Fig. 1.9). Only the 51. Meyer 1939, p. 9.
52. Skias 1919, pp. 45–46. Skias did
foundations of this heap, consisting of loose rubble, are now visible. The
not illustrate any of the sherds, so it is
small number of roof tiles in the vicinity, and the nature of the scattered perhaps unwise to draw chronological
stones, make it unlikely that the material belonged to a towerlike structure. conclusions from his term “Protocorin-
Rather, we have here the remains of a soros, located approximately 1 km thian.”
physical environment and resources 19
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Figure 1.8. Prophetes Elias of


Moungostos (SP-14): the water tank
at the center of the soros excavated by
Skias, looking east

Figure 1.9. View from Zitouliaris of


Zemeno (SP-13) toward Prophetes
Elias of Moungostos, looking south-
southwest; remains of the soros are in
the foreground.

north-northeast of Prophetes Elias of Moungostos and within visual range


of the soros excavated there. As for a soros to the south of Moungostos
and east of the village of Velina, I have not been able it to locate it; if it
did exist, the plateau of Velina would be a suitable area for its location, in
alignment with the two soroi to the north. The hypothetical western border
marked by these soroi, extending from the area of the village of Zemeno
to the surroundings of Velina, would have left outside Sikyonian territory
the large, mostly mountainous, area now shared by the villages of Stylia,
Panariti, and Manna.
Before we proceed with interpreting the evidence, we should keep in
mind that there is no guarantee that these horoi were set up in ancient
times, which is to say that they could belong to any post-antique period and
20 chapter 1

could have been erected for any reason, political, economic, or otherwise.
Yet, the practice of marking a city’s territory by erecting piles of stones on
conspicuous hills and ridges was quite common in antiquity. An inscription
found at Corinth and dated to the Roman period refers to Sikyonian horoi,
but the fragmentary text gives no details on their nature or location.53 Heaps
of stones used as boundary markers are reported in the ancient sources, and
examples have been found in the border area of Hermione and Epidauros;
in the associated inscription, dated to the mid-2nd century b.c., the horoi,
specified as boleoi lithoi, delimit a common territory for the Hermionians
and the Epidaurians: εἶναι ταύτην κοινὴν Ἑρμιονέων καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίων, |
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οὖσαν τῆς Διδυμίας κατὰ τοὺς ὅρους, οἵ εἰσιν βολεοὶ λίθοι κείμε|νοι ἀπὸ
τῆς καλουμένης Φιλανορείας καὶ . . . .54 Pausanias describes these specific
βολεοὶ λίθων as σωροὶ λογάδων (2.36.3). Nine piles of rough stones in
situ have been identified extending for a distance of 3.5 km and having
an average diameter of 7 m.55 Likewise, the ὅροι Σικυῶνος mentioned in
the inscription from Corinth could refer to heaps of stones like the ones
at Moungostos and Zitouliaris. Heaps of unhewn stones have also been
recognized on the ridge of Mount Parnon in Lakonia, and identified with
the Ἑρμαῖ λίθου, which were seen by Pausanias ἐπὶ τοῦ Πάρνωνος, and
which constituted the horoi between the Lakonians, Argives, and Tegeans;
the three soroi were round, 4.55 m in diameter and 1.2–1.5 m in height, and
formed a triangle, which was presumably the common territory between
the three homoroi states.56
But did the Sikyonian soroi define the same borderline as the Sythas
River, or a different one? And if we assume that they did define the same
boundary as the deep river gully, why were they necessary, and when were 53. Corinth VIII.3, pp. 36–37,
no. 65, lines 6–7: ὅροι Σικυώ̣ν | [- - -].
they set up? It is immediately apparent that the two preserved soroi were
The inscription was found east of
set up some 3 km to the east of the river course. One possibility is that Temple Hill and contains at least one
they confined Sikyonia to the east of the Sythas, thus representing a con- poem to a hero, possibly Herakles:
traction of the territory at some point in history. Accordingly, the narrow Powell 1903, p. 58, n. 36; Corinth
ridge between the gully of Sythas to the west and that of Katharoneri to VIII.1, pp. 155–156, no. 155.
the east, marked on the 1:50,000 topographic map as Rachi Breseri (Ράχη 54. SEG XI 377, lines 15–17. See
the latest discussion of this border dis-
Μπρέσερη), would have constituted the remaining border toward the gulf
pute in Jameson, Runnels, and van
(Fig. 1.10). A second possibility is that they were somehow associated with Andel 1994, pp. 596–606; on the
the Sythas River. Setting of boundary stelai in conjunction with a river is meaning of boleoi and for the relevant
attested for Asia Minor. In a border settlement between Magnesia and bibliography, see Robert 1963, pp. 33–
Miletos of the 180s b.c., a river was set as the boundary between the two 34.
55. Jameson, Runnels, and van
cities; in addition, the treaty provided for the setting of stones and stelai
Andel 1994, p. 600.
along both banks of the river: 56. Paus. 2.38.7. The identification
τῆς δὲ χώρ[ας | τ]ῆς περαίας, ὑπὲρ ἧς διεφέροντο Μάγνητες καὶ was made first by early travelers and
then endorsed by Rhomaios (1908),
Μιλήσιο̣[ι, ὅ|ρ]ον ὑπάρχειν αὐτοῖς τὸν Ὕβανδον ποταμὸν καὶ ἀπὸ who excavated the piles in the begin-
το̣[ῦ | πο]ταμοῦ τούτου τὴμ μὲν ὑπεράνω πᾶσαν εἶναι Μαγνήτων, ning of the century. Not everybody,
τὴ[ν δ’ | ἀπ]οκάτω πᾶσαν ἕως θαλάσσης εἶναι Μιλησίων· though, has accepted this identification,
καταπῆ[ξαι | δὲ] πέτρους καὶ στῆσαι ἐπ’ αὐτῶ̣ν̣ στήλας ἑκατέρους and the cairns in question have disap-
παρὰ [τὸ ῥεῖ|θρο]ν̣ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐν τοῖς αὑτῶν μέρεσιν, καθότι peared in recent years. See the discus-
sion in SAGT III, pp. 127–134; SAGT
ἐπέγνωσαν | [το]ὺς τόπους παραγενόμενοι οἱ ἀπεσταλμένοι ἐπὶ τὰς
VI, pp. 105–106, with pls. 167, 168;
συνλύ[σεις | πρ]εσβευταί, καὶ εἶναι αὐτοῖς ὅρον διὰ παντὸς τό also Phaklaris 1990, pp. 193–195.
τε νῦν ὑπάρχ̣[ον] | [ῥεῖ]θρον τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ Ὑβ̣άν̣δο̣υ̣ καὶ τοὺς 57. Syll.3 588, lines 28–38 = Ager
παρατεθέντας π[έτ]|ρ̣υς καὶ τὰς ἐπ’ αὐτῶν στήλας.57 1996, pp. 292–296, no. 109.
physical environment and resources 21

T
B
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Figure 1.10. View from Zitouliaris of


Zemeno (SP-13) toward the Sythas Similarly, the heaps of stones observed at Moungostos and Zitouliaris could
River, looking northwest: the hill of have marked the western borders of Sikyonia together with the Sythas
Tsouka (T) in the foreground; the River. Placed where they were, they would have been conspicuous to all, but
characteristic badlands of the area would not have been so if they were placed lower down and closer to the
of Pellene in the background; to the
course of the river. In addition, Pausanias refers to horoi of the Pelleneans
right is the Breseri ridge (B), which
toward the Sikyonians by the Sythas River.58 It is conceivable that these
connects Zemeno with Xylokastro.
horoi, perhaps heaps of stones as well, stood above the western bank of the
river, corresponding to the Sikyonian horoi on the east.59
Against this interpretation is the distance between the bed of the Sythas
and the actual location of the horoi, which could hardly be described as παρὰ
τὸ ῥεῖθρον. To return to the case of the Hermionid, the boleoi lithoi there,
which are uniformly placed on the highest points in the horizon, delimited
a common territory of almost 30 km2.60 In our case, too, the course of the
Sythas and its sloping terrain, perhaps on both sides, could have been the
common territory between Pellene and Sikyon. A low estimate for the area
of the κοινὴ χώρα on the Sikyonian side would be about 20 km2.
In estimating the date when the boundary stones were set up, we have
only historical considerations to guide us. Since such horoi were meant to
secure recognition and stability of the borders, one would expect them to
have been built in periods of tension between the two states. This would
have been the period of the Sikyonian tyranny (mid-7th to mid-6th cen-
tury), when Orthagoras and Kleisthenes were engaged in a long war against
58. Paus. 7.27.12; for the text of this Pellene that may have ended, as we have seen, with the Sikyonian annexa-
passage, see above, p. 16. tion of Donoussa. With the gradual decline of Sikyon in the post-Archaic
59. On the practice of double
era and the parallel rise of Achaia, it is very unlikely that Sikyon would
boundary marking (bornage), see Sartre
1979, p. 217. have been able to hold on to Donoussa for very long. The state may well
60. Jameson, Runnels, and van have felt compelled to set up these boundary markers in order to protect
Andel 1994, p. 603. its retrenched borders.
22 chapter 1

S o u t he r n Border
The definition of the Sikyonian boundary to the south, that is, toward
Nemea, Phlious, and Stymphalos, is even more elusive. For one thing, we
do not have an ancient description, as such, of the southern borders of Siky-
onia, or of the northern borderline of the neighboring states. Xenophon is
the only author to refer to the Phliasian horoi toward the Sikyonians, in the
context of the hostilities between the two states shortly after Epaminondas’s
third descent to the Peloponnese (366 b.c.). The Phliasians complained
to the Athenian general Chares because the Sikyonians were fortifying a
place on the Phliasian border: χωρίον γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις ἡμῖν οἱ Σικυώνιοι
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τειχίζουσιν (Hell. 7.2.20). This χωρίον was Thyamia, and it was indeed
captured by the Phliasians with Athenian help; its fortification continued
for some time until the Phliasians agreed to abandon it in accordance with
the peace treaty signed with Thebes probably in 365 b.c.61 Ludwig Ross
placed the fort on Evangelistria (DS-1), the highest peak of the Trikaranon
range to the southwest of the village of Stimanga, and his identification
has since been accepted by the majority of scholars involved with this part
of the Corinthia.62 The fact that the Phliasians vehemently opposed the
enemy’s fortification of a place on their own borders, and that immediately
after the conclusion of peace they withdrew from it, suggests that neither
of the two states had exclusive rights to the summit of Evangelistria; in
other words, the border seems to have been common land, as in the case
of the horoi on Mount Parnon in Lakonia or of Panakton between Attica
and Boiotia.63
Thyamia is the only securely established point along the southern
border of Sikyonia (Fig. 1.11). The remainder of the borderline is a matter
of speculation. In the area east of Thyamia and as far as the Nemea River,
a distance of 3 km, Sikyon bordered the valley of Nemea. The valley of the
Sanctuary of Zeus is separated from Phlious by the southernmost runners
of Trikaranon. Control of the sanctuary and its games, instituted in 573
b.c., was originally in the hands of Kleonai before passing to Argos.64 If
control of the sanctuary suggests ownership of the land, then we can argue

61. On this fort and its history, see grazed in common (κοινῇ νέμειν) by
below, pp. 216–218. On the dispute the two contestants. On this issue, see
itself, see Piccirilli 1973, pp. 183–185. Ober 1995, p. 113 (with bibliography).
62. Ross 1841, p. 41; for further bib- 64. On the control of the Nemean
liography, see the entry for this site in Games, see Miller 1982, pp. 106–107;
Appendix I. The choice of the highest Perlman 2000, pp. 131–152. Excava-
summit in the range as a boundary pro- tions at Nemea have shown that the
vides further evidence for the impact of games were not held on the site from
the landscape on boundary delinea- the late 5th century until the 330s:
tions. Miller 1980, p. 186. At that time the
63. οἱ μὲν δὴ Φλειάσιοι, ἐπεὶ οὕτως games returned to Nemea but Argos
ἡ ξύμβασις ἐγένετο, εὐθὺς ἀπῆλθον ἐκ probably still kept control of them, and
τῆς Θυαμίας (Xen. Hell. 7.4.11). in the first half of the 3rd century the
Regarding Panakton, which was dis- Argives brought the games to Argos
puted between the Athenians and Boi- again. Perlman, based on literary
otians during the Peloponnesian War, sources, doubts that the games were
Thucydides (5.42.1) writes that accord- transferred to Argos at the end of the
ing to ancient oaths the hill was to be 5th century.
physical environment and resources 23

V G
K T
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Figure 1.11. The suggested


southern borders of Sikyon as seen that the valley of the Sanctuary of Zeus belonged to Kleonai, at least from
from the heights of the village of the early 6th century. Plutarch mentions a dispute between the Sikyonians
Kephalari, looking east: Vesiza (V), and the Kleonaians over the nationality of a Pythian victor, and vaguely
Kokkinovrachos (K), Thyamia (T), places the event in the early 7th century:
and Gavrias (G)
Σικυωνίοις δὲ καὶ διαρρήδην ὁ Θεὸς προεῖπεν μαστιγονόμων
δεῖσθαι τὴν πόλιν, ὅτε Τελητίαν παῖδα στεφανούμενον ἐν Πυθίοις
ἀφαιρούμενοι Κλεωναίων ὡς ἴδιον πολίτην διέσπασαν.65
If we accept that Sikyon and Kleonai had common borders in the 6th
century, we can interpret Plutarch’s passage as an indication of a bound-
ary dispute between the two states a century earlier, perhaps involving the
area around Chalki, a village on the eastern bank of the Nemea River, to
the east of Evangelistria.66
Sikyonian ownership of the site of Titane (HS-67), to the west of
Thyamia and across the valley of the Asopos, suggests that the border
between Phliasia and Sikyonia ran to the south of this sanctuary.67 To
the west of the village of Bozika, the hill of Kokkinovrachos rises to an
elevation of 1,009 masl. The summit preserves a rectangular tower, which

65. Plut. Mor. 553A–B. Plutarch First Sacred War, she argued that the
places the event in the period before incident is anachronistic and must be
the reign of Orthagoras. assigned to the 6th century instead. In
66. This interpretation was first fact, the chronological discrepancy of
advanced by Griffin (1982, p. 38, n. 20), this passage was first pointed out by
though she did not discuss the topogra- Parke and Wormell (1956, vol. 1,
phy. She interpreted the passage as p. 117), based on the fact that the Pyth-
referring to a victory in athletic con- ian games in the 7th century did not
tests, and since athletic contests were include any events for boys (παῖδας).
not introduced in the Pythia before the 67. On Titane, see below, pp. 389–398.
24 chapter 1

is surrounded by a fortification wall with six towers spaced at intervals


(DS-4).68 Based on the location of this fort and its substantial size, I
interpet this structure as a border fort of Sikyonia toward Phliasia to the
southeast and Stymphalia to the southwest. The actual border between
the three states must have been located to the south of Kokkinovrachos,
perhaps around the villages of Asprokampos and Kastraki, or on Gavrias,
which is one of the two highest mountains east of Mount Kyllene (along
with Vesiza) and directly overlooks the Phliasian plain.69 The fact that the
summit of Gavrias, rising 1,208 masl, has no traces of ancient fortifications
favors the latter possibility.70
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In the area west of Kokkinovrachos and Gavrias to Mount Kyllene,


Sikyon bordered Stymphalos, but the precise boundary line is not known.
Two questions are central here: (1) was the plain of Kaisari part of Sikyonian
territory;71 and (2) did Sikyonia stretch as far as the Sythas River, thus
occupying the forested area defined by the villages of Manna, Kaisari,
Velina, and Stylia? On the basis of the natural resemblance between the
plain of Kaisari and the plain of Stymphalos to the south, Ernst Curtius
assigned them both to Arkadia.72 However, as Lucien Lerat and Kendrick
Pritchett have pointed out, natural features do not always determine
political boundaries.73 If we consider Kokkinovrachos to be a border fort
of Sikyonia, it would be reasonable to think that the kampos in question,
which opens to the north of Kokkinovrachos and closer to Sikyon, was
within Sikyonian territory. On the other hand, boundary lines were not

68. For a detailed discussion of this the demes of Sikyon and Nea Nemea. politisch mit demselben verbunden
fort, see below, pp. 234–240. Accordingly, the villages of Kryoneri war.” Lolling (1889, p. 176) discusses
69. The suggestion that Gavrias was (Mantzani), Paradeisi, and Gonoussa the plain of Kaisari in his paragraph on
the τριεθνές was first made by Curtius (Liopesi) were assigned to Sikyon, Stymphalia, and says that the northern
(1851–1852, vol. 2, p. 482): “Dem while Titane (Voivoda), Bozika, and exit of the plain was separated from
Berge Spiria, welcher auf dieser Thal- Kastraki (Mazi) were part of Nea Sikyon only by low hills. Pharaklas
seite, Phlius näher als Sikyon, die Nemea (Kousoulos 1971, pp. 407– (1971, p. 2) drew the western “natural”
Gränze bildete, entspricht auf dem jen- 408). boundaries of Sikyonia along Gavrias,
seitigen Ufer der Besitza, dessen Ab- 70. A rubble wall runs along the Vesiza, and Tsouka of Zemeno (from
hänge aber den Sikyoniern gehörthen. western side of the summit of Gavrias, south to north), thus leaving the valley
Wahrscheinlich reichte das Gebiet der- but it is mostly likely Medieval in date; of Kaisari and the mountainous area to
selben bis an den Gaurias, so dass hier see below, pp. 264–265. Rousset (1994, the west of it outside Sikyonian terri-
die Gränzen von Stymphalos, Phlius pp. 121–122) argues that in inscriptions tory. He offers no discussion of the
und Sikyon zusammenstiessen.” Russell dealing with city borders phrouria are ownership of the plain of Kaisari, and I
(1924, p. 43), following Curtius, never mentioned as being along the suspect that his reason for defining the
believes that the western boundary of borders, but are slightly set back. western Sikyonian frontier east of this
Phliasia lies along Gavrias. Similarly, 71. This question was first formu- plain is his belief that Katharoneri is
Jost (1985, p. 100) considers Gavrias lated by Bobrik (1839, p. 8), who tenta- the ancient Sythas River.
the boundary of Stymphalia toward the tively attributed the Kaisari plain to 73. Lerat 1952, pp. 76–77; endorsed
east. The close proximity of Phlious to Sikyonia, but with no supporting argu- by Pritchett, SAGT VII, pp. 49–50;
the southern Sikyonian border is men- ments. SAGT VIII, p. 12. In the case of the
tioned by a scholiast to Apollonios 72. Curtius 1851–1852, vol. 2, Lokrian boundary with the Aitolians,
Rhodios: κεῖται δὲ ἡ Φλιοῦς ἐπὶ ὅροις p. 488: “Es [the plain of Kaisari] ist die for example, the boundary line was not
τῆς Σικυῶνος (schol. Ap. Rhod. 1.116 Vorhalle des grösseren Seethales [of along the river Mornos, but must have
[p. 16 Wendel]). In modern times, dur- Stymphalos] und wie dieses an seiner been further south and closer to the
ing the administrative organization of tiefsten Stelle mit stehendem Wasser Corinthian Gulf, confining the territory
the independent Greek state in 1840, it bedeckt ohne sichtbaren Abfluss. Es ist of Lokris to a coastal stretch of only
was the watershed of the Vesiza range wahrscheinlich, das dies seiner Natur seven or eight kilometers. See also
that determined the boundary between nach zu Arkadien gehörige Thal auch Rousset 1994, p. 119, n. 86.
physical environment and resources 25

necessarily straight, and may well have presented projections and recesses.
To the west of Kokkinovrachos and along the kampos, I recorded several
structural remains.
On a hill called Kastro, rising to 928 masl between the villages of
Kephalari and Asprokampos, Ioannis Peppas reported traces of a circular
rubble wall (SP-18).74 The summit is now densely covered with prickly oaks
that prohibit thorough investigation. A thick layer of rubble is, however,
visible around the top, showing clear signs of recent illegal digging on the
site. Nearby I observed three scattered rectangular blocks of limestone
with swallowtail and Γ-shaped clamp cuttings on their short sides, and
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some roof-tile fragments. Very few instances of horizontal fastening have


been observed in the masonry of Greek military structures, particularly
in the case of independent towers.75 Therefore, these blocks and roof tiles
must be assigned to a different type of structure, perhaps one of religious
character—a peak sanctuary. Although more evidence is needed to es-
tablish the sacred character of the structure that stood on the Kastro, it is
worth noting here that Arkadian mountain peaks were exceptionally well
endowed with sanctuaries.76 Some of them were associated with plains and
valleys, some with main lines of communication, and others with disputed
border areas.77 Regarding Stymphalos, however, we have no textual refer-
ence to a sanctuary in the countryside and very little archaeological data.78
The situation is different regarding Sikyonia, where we have some textual
and physical evidence for sanctuaries in the chora. Most relevant to our
discussion is the Sikyonian cult of Dionysos Ἀκρωρείτης, literally “of the
mountain ridge,” mentioned by Stephanos of Byzantion.79 It is conceivable
that a peak sanctuary was founded on the Kastro of Asprokampos, defining
the Sikyonian ἄκρα toward Stymphalos.80
On the hillslope west of Kastro and above the village of Kephalari, no
traces of ancient buildings have been found.81 Remains of a fortification wall
can be seen around the summit of a hill known as Goulas (DS-6), at the
southern end of the plain of Kaisari, together with ancient tile fragments,
broadly datable from the Archaic to the Hellenistic periods, and a few ashlar
blocks scattered on its eastern side. Recent bulldozing of the top of the hill
makes the interpretation of the remains even more difficult, but it is certain
that a garrison stationed on that hill would have been able to control the
two passes from the plain of Kaisari, to Stymphalos in the southwest and to

74. Peppas 1993, p. 183. sanctuaries, see Jost 1994, p. 218. frontiers (Sartre 1979, pp. 221–223).
75. Lawrence (1979, p. 216), speak- 77. Artemis and Poseidon, and 78. Jost 1985, p. 106.
ing of the wall of Athens: “Sockets for sometimes Demeter, were often associ- 79. Ἀκρώρεια: ἄκρον ὄρους: οὕτω δὲ
these and other types of clamps are ated with plains liable to flooding, as at παρὰ Σικυωνίοις ἐτιμᾶτο [ὁ Διόνυσος]·
commonly seen in temples, or even in Stymphalos, Alea, Orchomenos, Ka- ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ παρὰ μὲν Σικυωνίοις
civic buildings, but rarely in fortifica- phyai, and Pheneos ( Jost 1994, p. 220). Ἀκρωρείτης. . . .
tions.” The corner blocks of Classical Cult places dotted along the main lines 80. On border sanctuaries, see
towers 1, 2, 4, 5, and 7 at ancient Leu- of communication have been observed Rousset 1994, pp. 119–121. In addi-
kas show clamp and dowel cuttings, but at Thelpoussa ( Jost 1994, p. 223). Loca- tion, de Polignac (1995, pp. 37–38)
perhaps all of these massive structures tions for Artemis worship proliferated points to cases where a cult was shared
were part of large rural farms: Morris along the mountain borders of Arkadia by two (neighboring) states.
2001, pp. 295, 310–314, 317–319, and the Argolid (Schachter 1992, p. 55; 81. The hill of Dyo Vouna, to the
fig. 13. de Polignac 1995, pp. 36–38); Apollo south of Kephalari, shows scattered
76. For the wealth of Arkadian peak and Hermes were also worshipped on rubble from a modern sheepfold.
26 chapter 1

Phlious in the southeast.82 The ancient fort of Agios Vlasios (DS-9), 1,600
m to the northeast of Goulas, allowed its garrison a panoramic view of the
plain, but not a visual link with Goulas. A circular tower (DS-16) stand-
ing on a low hill between the two forts and above the road to Stymphalos
served this very purpose, since from it one could see both Goulas and Agios
Vlasios.83 Finally, the foundations of a square tower, 9.5 m on a side, are
preserved on the summit of Thekriza (DS-10), a hill at the northern end of
the plain with a commanding view of the plain below.84 It is possible that
this tower marked the southern limits of Sikyonian territory, thus leaving
the plain of Kaisari to the Stymphalians. Towers built near state borders are
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known from other areas in Greece, although the “nationality” of many of


these towers has not been established.85 Moreover, one could associate this
tower with the two heaps of stones to the north, and draw the southwestern
borders of Sikyonia along the line of Moungostos. In this case, the entire
area to the west of the plain of Kaisari, and as far as the Sythas River, would
be outside Sikyonian territory. Yet, there is some evidence suggesting that
the tower of Thekriza was not built on the borders of the state.
Possession of the plain of Kaisari is somewhat connected with posses-
sion of the mountainous area between the plain and the Sythas River. If
we suppose that the plain was Sikyonian and that the Sythas River was the
boundary between Achaia and Sikyon all the way to Kyllene, then we must
assign the forested area to the west of the plain to Sikyonia as well. This
would explain the presence of Late Classical or Hellenistic ashlar blocks
and roof tiles at the site of Vourlies (SP-10), to the southwest of the village
of Manna. The remains may belong to a border watch/signal tower of the
Sikyonians with an unimpeded view of the Sythas gully and Pellene. On
the other hand, Curtius and Kiepert both drew the area west of the plain
of Kaisari as part of Achaia, perhaps influenced by the organization of the 82. See below, p. 240.
Greek provinces earlier in the 19th century.86 83. See below, pp. 240–244.
The archaeological and epigraphical evidence from this area includes 84. On this tower, see below,
pp. 244–246.
two segments of ancient road, a polygonal terrace wall, fragments from a
85. A good example of a border
Doric temple, and two inscriptions. The first inscription, alleged to have tower is the one at the village of Rhakai
been found at Baltiza, above the village of Klimenti, provides perhaps the in Boiotia. Camp (1991, pp. 193–197)
strongest evidence for assigning the plain and the highlands to the west convincingly showed that the tower was
to Sikyon. It is a bronze tablet relating in meter the story of Iphinoe, one Boiotian and stood on the border
of the daughters of Proitos, who were cured by Melampous.87 This 4th- between Koroneia and Livadia.
86. Curtius 1851–1852, vol. 2,
century b.c. inscription is significant for our purpose because, according pl. XIV; Kiepert 1879. In 1840 this
to one tradition, the Proitidai were healed of their madness at Sikyon. The mountainous area, along with the vil-
inscription claims to mark the place where Melampous hid the drugs used lages of Klimenti, Panariti, Markasi
for the cure; if the area of Baltiza was that place, then Baltiza lay within (later Manna), and Velina, was desig-
the political boundaries of Sikyon. The second inscription, located above nated as the “deme of Pellene” (Kou-
soulos 1971, p. 408). Doing so, how-
the village of Manna, contains the word “public” and can be dated to the
ever, was historically inaccurate, as
4th century b.c. In my discussion of this inscription in Appendix IV, I Miliarakis (1886, p. 116) first observed,
argue that it must be connected to the forest area between the Sythas since Pellene lies above the west bank
River valley and the kampos of Kaiseri and its exploitation for lumber.88 of the Sythas River.
Although, the ownership of this public land is not securely established, 87. For the text and a translation of
its location to the east of the Sythas River valley favors its connection to this inscription, see below, pp. 403–404.
88. See Appendix IV, pp. 585–588.
Sikyonia. Thus, the ancient road located near the village of Stylia may be 89. On the remains of this road
connected with the transportation of wood supplies to Sikyon from the (R11 on Map 4), see below, pp. 163–
southwestern fringes of its territory.89 166.
physical environment and resources 27

E st i mated Si z e of S i k yon i an Ter r i tory


First, to summarize what I propose concerning the frontiers of the Sikyonian
state: the eastern borders, toward the Corinthia, are securely established
since they followed the course of the Nemea River probably as far south as
the area of the village of Chalki. The western borders, toward Pellene, were
determined by the Sythas River, fairly securely identified with the river of
Xylokastro. The two heaps of stones found 3 km to the east of that river
either could represent a second (retracted) boundary line or could define,
together with possible stone markers above the western bank of the river, a
common land between the two states. The southern borders, toward Nemea,
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Phliasia, and Stymphalia, stretched from the summit of Evangelistria to


the pass between Gavrias and Kokkinovrachos. From here the line could
extend either (1) northward along the ridge of Vesiza to Moungostos and
the Sythas River, or (2) westward to the Kastro of Asprokampos and along
the foothills of Kyllene to the Sythas River, thus incorporating the plain
of Kaisari and the adjacent highland to the west. In the former case, the
total planimetric area of Sikyonia equals 285 km2, in the latter, 364 km2.90
If we associate the soroi between the plain of Kaisari and Zemeno with the
(western) boundary line along Vesiza range, then the total area is limited
to 270 km2.91 Based on the evidence presented above, I am inclined toward
the higher figure for the area of the territory (360 km2); I assign the plain
of Kaisari to Sikyon, and consider the Sythas River to have served as a
borderline as far as the hill of Isomata, to the south of Manna. If we add
to this planimetric area the uncalculated area of the hills and mountain
slopes (represented on the maps by contour lines), then we arrive at 372
km2 as the total surface area of the Sikyonian territory. Compared with its
neighboring states, Sikyon possessed the second largest territory, yet it was
still considerably smaller than the Corinthia.92

M ed i e val an d O t toman P er i ods


The structures of the ancient polis system collapsed with the fall of the
Roman empire in the late 4th century, and Sikyon became part of larger
administrative units—initially, the province of Achaia, and later the theme
of Peloponnesos, with Corinth as its capital.93 With the coming of the

90. Beloch (1906, p. 57) gave an since the actual perimeter of the “large (in the post-Achaian War era) as
estimate of 360 km2 for the Sikyonian version” of Sikyonia can hardly exceed exceptional events, with only tempo-
territory, while Cavaignac (1912, 78 km. rary consequences on the territory of
p. 274) proposed 400 km2. Adcock 91. Pharaklas (1971, p. 3) also Sikyon.
(CAH 3, p. 698) appears to have fol- gives 270 km2 as the post-Hellenistic 92. Size estimates for neighboring
lowed Beloch. Beloch’s estimate is quite Sikyonian territory, defined to the west territories: Corinth: 880 km2 (Beloch
close to the larger of the two figures I by the Katharoneri River. The pre- 1886, p. 115); Phlious: 180 km2 (Beloch
propose here. Hyginus, a Roman geog- Hellenistic area would amount to 315 1886, p. 115); Corinth and Kleonai
rapher of ca. a.d. 100, lists Sikyon km2, because of the incorporation of together: ca. 1,000 km2 (Sakellariou
among the large islands (“insulae maxi- Donoussa. There is no indication, and Pharaklas 1971, p. 3). No figures
mae”) and calculates its perimeter to be however, that Donoussa remained are available for Stymphalos or Pellene,
1,200 stadia: “Sicyon, ager bonus, cir- Sikyonian throughout the Classical but their territories were manifestly
cuitu stadia mille centum” (Fab. 276.4). period. I consider both the annexation smaller than that of Sikyon.
This number, which represents a mini- of Donoussa (in the tyrannic period) 93. See below, pp. 81–82.
mum of 200 km, is totally fictional and of the entire Corinthian plain
28 chapter 1

Franks in the early 13th century, the Corinthia constituted a separate castel-
lania, which included part of the modern Argolid as well.94 The Ottomans,
in their turn, adopted the Franco-Venetian administrative division with
only minor changes, as shown in an Ottoman register of 1668–1669.95
According to this register, the sancak of Morea was divided into 22 kaza,
among which was Corinth (Kördus).96 When the Venetians again became
masters of the peninsula in the late 17th century they converted the kaza
into territorii. The main difference is that the sancak of Morea was now
divided into four provinces (provincie), one being Romania. The province
of Romania included the territorii of Nauplion (Napoli), which served as
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its capital, Corinth (Corinto), Tripolis (Tripolizza), Argos, and Tsakonia


(S. Pietro di Zacugna).97 The territorio of Corinth included 113 villages that
spread beyond the boundaries of modern Corinthia into the Argolid.98
The extent of this territory (also known as Corintia or Saccania) is shown
grosso modo on several maps of the early 18th century.99 It comprised, in
ancient terms, the chorai of Corinth, Sikyon, Pellene, Pheneos, Stymphalos,
Epidauros, Troizen, and Megara.100 When the Ottomans returned to the
Morea, they reestablished their previous administrative divisions, but the
geographical boundaries of the territorii, now kaza, remained unaltered.

G eo lo g y, clim ate , an d water s ou rc es

Ge ol o g y
Neogene extension—that is, crustal extension of the later Tertiary period,
which produced grabens and horsts including the Gulf of Corinth gra-
ben—has affected the northeastern part of the Peloponnese where the ter-
ritory of Sikyon extends.101 The great fertility of the coastal plain is due to
alluvial deposits that derive from the weathering of the neighboring rocks
and are transported by the rivers and torrents. Early travelers through this
plain were struck by the characteristic whitish color of the soil.102 These
alluvial deposits, which accumulated over two great ages and which Claudio
Vita-Finzi labeled Older and Younger Fills, are also responsible for the

94. On the geographical extent of 484 (by N. Visscher), 486 (by


the diocese and castellania of Corinth, C. Weigel), 494 (by F. de Wit).
see Bon 1969, pp. 479–486; Kordosis 100. Sakellariou 1939, pp. 99–103.
1981, p. 32. 101. Higgins and Higgins 1996,
95. See the comparative table in p. 69. In my study of the geology of this
Panagiotopoulos 1985, pp. 160–162. region, I used the following sheets of
96. Stojkov 1970, pp. 215–216. the Hellenic Institute of Geology and
97. Panagiotopoulos 1985, pp. 162– Mineral Exploration (IGME), scale
165. The territory of Corinth included 1:50,000: Korinthos (1971), Nemea
the coast opposite the island of Poros (1970), and Xylokastro (1989).
(Porto Porro). 102. “It is composed of a white
98. For a list of the ville, see Pacifico argillaceous earth, which is is extremely
1704, pp. 118–119. slippery after rain, and our baggage
99. See Zacharakis 1982, pls. 136 horses were continually falling”
(by J. Danckerts), 155 (by N. de Fer), (Dodwell 1819, p. 293). Philippson
173 (by J. B. Homman), 448 (by (1892, pp. 118–119) describes it as “ein
M. Seutter), 477 (by G. and L. Valck), weisslicher Mergel.”
physical environment and resources 29
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Figure 1.12. Quasi-perspective block


diagram of the Isthmus deformation. progressive silting of the plain. Accumulations of the Younger Fill since the
Arrows indicate torsional deforma- Classical period range between one and three meters in depth, depending
tion: Le = Lechaion, Co = Corinth, on where one stands in the plain.103 The phenomenon is common in sites
Lou = Loutraki, Ka = Kalamaki. located in a plain and in close proximity to hills and torrential rivers.104
Mariolakos and Stiros 1987, p. 227, fig. 4 Another phenomenon that affected the shape of the coastal zone of
Sikyonia, and of the northern Peloponnese in general, is the uplift of the
northern half of the peninsula since antiquity. This theory, proposed by
Pritchett in 1965, has received closer attention from geologists in recent
years.105 Research based on geomorphological, marine biological, and
archaeological data points to a Quaternary deformation of the northern
Peloponnese, understood as an arc-type uplift (Fig. 1.12).106 As a result of
this uplift, the southern coast of the Corinthian Gulf is emerging, while
the northern one is submerging. Thus, the Corinthian deformation is rep-
resented as two antithetic folds, a bulge to the south and a depression to
the north. The middle of the coast experiences the maximum amplitude of
this motion, and marine Pleistocene strata have been found in this area at
a height of 1,800 masl.107 This conclusion has been confirmed by examin-
ing the sites of the harbors of ancient Lechaion and Aigeira, to the east

103. My estimate of the thickness of give the depth of the graves in any of xxi) to the heavy alluviation in the
the alluviation is based on the depth of her brief reports. On Vita-Finzi’s fills, plains, citing examples from many parts
fill overlying (1) an ancient rectangular see Grove and Rackham 2001, pp. 290– of Greece including the plains of
building, recently excavated at the 291 and 305–311. Amphilochian Argos, Arkadian
upper (southern) reaches of the plain 104. Most characteristic is the plain Orchomenos, and Marathon; cf. Grove
near the church of Agios Nikolaos of the panhellenic sanctuary at Olym- and Rackham 2001, pp. 291–295.
(unpublished); and (2) a funerary mon- pia, which extends below the hill of 105. SAGT I, pp. 12–13; Vita-Finzi
ument, located lower in the plain, at the Kronos and is bounded by the Alpheios 1978, p. 55; Mariolakos and Stiros
intersection of the highway to Patras and Kladeos rivers. There, the clay that 1987; Stiros 1988.
with the road connecting Vasiliko to was swept down from the Kroneion 106. The uplift is believed to have
Kiato. The latter monument is part of and the overflowing of the Kladeos extended to the peninsula’s southern
the large cemetery of Chtiri, which was formed a deposit over the ancient end, although with a much smaller
in use from the 6th century b.c. to the buildings of an average depth of six amplitude: the Corinthian uplift is
1st century a.d., and which was exca- meters: Olympia II, p. 64, fig. 28, p. 83, 1,800 m versus 800 m for the central
vated in 1966 and again from 1976 to fig. 39 (track of the stadium, Leoni- Peloponnese (Stiros 1988, p. 204).
1979. It is worth mentioning here that daion). Pritchett devoted part of his 107. Mariolakos and Stiros 1987,
the excavator, Krystalli-Votsi, fails to introduction to SAGT VIII (pp. xiv– p. 227; Papageorgiou et al. 1993, p. 279.
30 chapter 1
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Figure 1.13. Morpho-stratigraphic


and west of Sikyon, respectively.108 At Lechaion, lithophaga mollusks are
map of the principal marine terraces
exposed on the walls of a channel connecting the open sea with the inner
between Corinth and Xylokastro.
basin of the harbor, at a height of ca. 1.1 m above the present sea level.109 Keraudren and Sorel 1987, p. 101, fig. 2
At Mavra Litharia, the harbor of Aigeira, marine conglomerates contain-
ing pottery fragments were found up to a height of 2 m above the water.
These conglomerates must have been formed at the bottom of the harbor,
during or even after its period of use; in other words, the ground has risen
at least 2 m in about 2,000 years.110 The rate of uplift was not steady over
time, but was caused by a series of violent earthquakes, a not uncommon
occurrence in this tectonically active area.111 Lakis Papaphotiou has gath-
ered references to 50 earthquakes that may have affected the Corinthian
Gulf since antiquity.112 Sikyon is explicitly mentioned in connection with
the earthquakes of 303 b.c. and a.d. 142–144; the latter quake nearly
108. For geological examinations of
depopulated the city, according to Pausanias (2.7.1).113
these two harbors, see Papageorgiou et
Seismic uplift is thought to be responsible for the presence of older al. 1993, Papageorgiou and Stiros 1996,
fossiliferous rocks at the entrance of the harbor of Lechaion, tentatively and Stiros et al. 1996; cf. Papaphotiou
dated between 500 and 200 b.c.114 Remains of vermetid shells at the 2002, pp. 280–304.
harbor of Aigeira, lying 1 m above present sea level and dated to ca. a.d. 109. Mariolakos and Stiros 1987,
1000–1200, correspond to an episodic uplift of the area at that time.115 If we p. 227; Stiros et al. 1996, p. 256.
110. Papageorgiou et al. 1993,
take into consideration that the Corinthian uplift reaches 2 m (maximum pp. 277–278.
value) around Aigeira, that it equals 1 m at Lechaion, and that it dies out 111. Papageorgiou et al. 1993,
toward the Isthmus, we could expect the uplift of the Sikyonian coast to p. 280; for a discussion of earthquakes
have been close to 1.5 m over the past 2,000 years. No estimates have yet in Greece since antiquity, see
been made concerning the effect of such an uplift on the ancient coastline, Papazachou and Papazachou 1989.
112. Papaphotiou 2002, pp. 166–
in particular, how far inland the water would have come in antiquity as
272.
compared to the present day. 113. See also Papaphotiou 2002,
Seismic uplifts in the Quaternary period may also account for a num- pp. 181–182 and 196–197.
ber of marine terraces in the northern Peloponnese. Twenty such terraces 114. These dates are based on radio-
have been recognized between Xylokastro and Corinth, climbing westward metric data; Stiros et al. 1996, p. 259.
regularly from the low area of the Isthmus and resembling a large staircase 115. The date was established by
radiocarbon analysis of a sample of a
(Figs. 1.13, 1.14).116 The inhabitants of the northern Peloponnese often fossil Dendropoma: Papageorgiou and
refer to these formations as πατήματα, literally “steps.” A zone ca. 3 km Stiros 1996, pp. 212–213; Stiros 2001.
wide, extending from the Nemea River to the area of Megali Valtsa and 116. Keraudren and Sorel 1987;
including the plateau of Sikyon, is characterized by a layer of consolidated Stiros et al. 1996, p. 255.
physical environment and resources 31
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Figure 1.14. Morphological profiles


of the principal marine terraces
Quaternary conglomerates (Map 2). Further south, the mountainous area,
between Corinth and Xylokastro
which includes the Trikaranon and Vesiza ranges and extends as far as the
showing their numbers, homology,
and westward altitudinal growth:
Nemean and Phliasian valleys, consists of various types of marls, including
A1 = Corinth section, C = Xylokastro sandstones and pebbly conglomerates. The peaks of these mountain ranges
section. Keraudren and Sorel 1987, p. 102, are covered with well-cemented conglomerates.117
fig. 3 The plain of Kaisari, just like the Corinthian plain to the north, is
characterized by alluvial deposits. To the north of this plain, the area of
Souli is characterized by marls, whereas Moungostos to the west is marked
by cohesive conglomerates 150–200 m thick. Similar types of conglomer-
ates dominate the plateau to the west of Kaisari, among the villages of
Kephalari, Manna, Velina, Stylia, and Klimenti. However, the eastern slopes
of this plateau (including the areas of Kaisari and Klimenti) consist mainly
of marls.118 The area centered around Megali Valtsa, and including Mikri
Valtsa and Thalero to the north, Throphari, Zemeno, and Stylia to the
west, and Lalioti to the northeast, is a distinct formation; it consists of an
alternation of white to yellowish marls, gray sandy marls, sparse sand, and
loose conglomerate intercalations of small thickness. To the north of the
Megalos Valtos formations, the terraces of Melissi, Diminio, and Pasio are
117. As correctly drawn by
Philippson (1892, p. 117, fig. 15). characterized by colluvial formations, that is, terra rossa and clay material
118. As was already quite accurately originating from the weathering of the conglomerates. However, the scarps
described by Philippson (1892, p. 121): of these terraces are marly. Finally, the area delimited by Melissi, Zemeno,
“Am Ostrand des Plateaus steigen wir and Stylia in the east to the Sythas River in the west and beyond is mainly
nur sehr wenig nach dem Dorf composed of sandy marls (called “of Rethi-Dendro”).119 This loose earth
Klimenti hinab (973 m), welches eben-
falls wieder an der Grenze des
gave way to a number of landslides over the centuries, and led to the for-
Konglomerates gegen den darunter mation of very characteristic scarps, locally called ρίπες—the recognizable
liegenden Mergel liegt.” feature of badlands (see Fig. 1.10).120
119. The territory of ancient Pellene The main geological features of the area of ancient Sikyon—namely, the
is almost entirely dominated by this alluviation of the plain, the uplift of the coast, its intensive seismic history,
type of soil.
and the predominance of relatively soft stones—have a direct bearing on
120. Grove and Rackham (2001,
pp. 283–284) noticed that badlands in the preservation and identification of antiquities today, as I will show in
the northern Peloponnese coincide with subsequent chapters. The question of harbors and beaches also relates to
the Corinth fault zone. the geology of the area. The present coastline of Sikyonia, from the Nemea
121. The northern end of the break- River to Xylokastro, includes only one natural bay, that of the village of
water of this harbor appears today as a Sykia. Although the shape of the coast has been altered since antiquity, we
conspicuous mound within the town of
Kiato. I provide a description of this
can be fairly certain that there was no other natural bay closer to Sikyon.
mound and discuss the topographical This forced the Sikyonians to create an artificial harbor between the Asopos
relationship of the harbor to the city and the Helisson rivers.121 The construction of the harbor may well go back
and its acropolis in Chapter 5. to the tyrannic period (mid-7th/early 6th century b.c.), since we know that
32 chapter 1

Kleisthenes and his fleet took part in the First Sacred War.122 Due to the
lack of bays along the coast, the beaches, which consist of small pebbles,
form an essentially continuous line from the village of Vrachati in the east
to Xylokastro in the west.

Cli mat e
Climatic conditions in Sikyonia have not changed dramatically since
antiquity, although considerable fluctuations on both a global and a local
scale are attested through literary sources and modern scientific analysis.123
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Thus, we know that winters became progressively cooler from Classical to


Late Roman times, a Medieval Warm period was succeeded by a Little Ice
Age, and extreme events (deluges, cold, and drought) alternated between
ca. 1200 and 1700.124
The present climate of Sikyonia is overall semiarid, but varies accord-
ing to the seasons: from November to February it is subhumid, in March
subarid, in April and October arid, and between May and September
extremely arid. Also, in the coastal and low-elevation zones the climate
is drier than in the western mountainous zones.125 Total annual rainfall
at the Sikyon weather station (150 masl) is 484 mm, at the Velo station
(20 masl) 471.4 mm, and at the Chalki station (250 masl) 552.5 mm,
whereas at Kephalari (760 masl) it is 936.3 mm (Table 1.1).126 There is a
clear division in terms of precipitation, and a definite correlation between
elevation and rainfall. Furthermore, it has been estimated that rainfall
increases by 40 mm for every 100 m in elevation. Thus, the western
Corinthia, which contains higher elevations, experiences the maximum
rainfall, whereas the eastern, lower part and the coastal zones experience
the minimum.127 Rainfall is distributed unevenly throughout the year; 122. Schol. ad Pind. Nem. 9.5; see
maximum precipitations are observed in the fall and winter months (from below, pp. 64–65.
123. See Grove and Rackham 2001,
October to March), whereas June and July are the driest months of the pp. 141–142. Air temperature from
year.128 Extreme weather conditions are rare in Sikyonia. Between 1981 1900 to 2000 has risen between 0.3°C
and 1987, the Sikyon station recorded only two days of snow per year, and 0.6°C due to the phenomenon of
seven days of thunder, and zero days of frost. global warming: Voudouris 2001, p. 80;
The average temperature taken at the Sikyon and Velo stations was cf. Grove and Rackham 2001, p. 128.
My discussion of climate, and that on
17.5°C (Table 1.2). The coldest months are December through March,
hydrology that follows, is based primar-
with average temperatures ranging between 8°C and 11°C, and the warmest ily on data obtained from the National
are June through September, with average temperatures of 23°C to 28°C. Meteorological Service (ΕΜΥ), and on
Again, temperature changes with elevation; thus, the average temperature Voudouris’s (2001) climate study of the
at the Kyllene station (1,500 masl) is 8.28°C.129 It has been estimated that nomos of Corinthia, of which Sikyonia
in the Corinthia the temperature drops 0.589°C for every 100 m in eleva- forms the western part.
124. Grove and Rackham 2001,
tion.130 This means that the average annual temperature of Sikyonia ranges pp. 130–145 and 150.
between 17.5°C at the Velo station (almost at sea level) to ca. 11°C at the 125. Voudouris 2001, pp. 74–76.
highest, southwestern fringes of its ancient territory. 126. Voudouris 2001, p. 23, table 4.
Sunshine in Sikyonia is relatively abundant, as shown in Table 1.3. 127. Voudouris 2001, pp. 28, 34–36.
The annual hours of sunshine at the Velo station amount to 2,767, while 128. Voudouris 2001, pp. 31–32.
129. Voudouris 2001, p. 46.
the total at the Sikyon station is 2,706 hours. The summer months have
130. Voudouris 2001, pp. 50–51.
the most sunny days as opposed to the winter period.131 Correspondingly, 131. Voudouris 2001, pp. 52–53.
cloudiness is greatest in winter months (between 4 and 5) and minimal 132. Cloudiness is measured on a
(between 1 and 2) in the summer period (Table 1.4).132 One interesting scale of 1–8.
physical environment and resources 33

TABLE 1.1. average Monthly and Tota l annual p re cipi tat i on at th e


Si kyon, Velo, Chalk i, and Kep halari weath er stat i ons*
Total
Station Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Annual
Sikyon
58.6 79.0 61.3 54.3 16.7 7.3 1.4 6.8 7.3 58.5 68.7 64.1 484.0
(1981–1987)
Velo
77.1 48.3 57.5 26.2 27.0 4.8 4.9 15.3 21.5 37.2 87.1 64.5 471.4
(1987–2000)
Chalki
85.3 65.8 71.5 36.2 24.1 9.2 5.3 10.9 14.0 54.0 83.3 92.9 552.5
(1975–1999)
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Kephalari
127.9 87.1 120.9 67.8 48.7 22.8 17.2 40.8 47.6 103.2 119.0 133.3 936.3
(1950–1997)
Source: Voudouris 2001, p. 23, table 4.
*Measurements are in mm.

TAB LE 1.2. Average monthly and annua l temp erat ures at th e Si kyon
and Velo weath er stat i ons*
Station Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Annual
Sikyon
9.6 8.5 10.1 15.3 20.3 25.2 27.5 26.9 24.0 18.4 13.0 10.6 17.45
(1981–1987)
Velo
8.8 9.1 11.2 15.0 20.3 25.3 27.9 27.2 23.2 18.3 13.1 10.0 17.45
(1988–1997)
Source: Voudouris 2001, p. 46, table 15.
*Measurements are in degrees Celsius.

TAB LE 1.3. Monthly and total annua l H ours of sunsh i ne at th e


Si kyon and Velo weath er stat ions
Total
Station Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Annual
Sikyon
146 107 150 225 291 341 358 335 283 195 143 132 2,706
(1981–1987)
Velo
146 151 180 226 292 343 366 339 265 200 146 113 2,767
(1987–1998)
Source: Voudouris 2001, p. 52, table 20.

TAB LE 1.4. average monthly and annua l cloudiness at th e Si kyon


weath er stat ion*
Station Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Annual
Sikyon
3.9 4.8 4.7 3.5 2.8 1.7 1.1 1.1 1.3 3.1 4.0 4.0 3.0
(1981–1987)
Source: National Meteorological Service.
*Measurements are on a scale of 1–8.
34 chapter 1

TAB LE 1.5. average monthly and annua l Relat iv e h u midi t y (%) at th e


Si kyon and Velo weath er stat ions
Annual
Station Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Average
Sikyon
68.9 71.3 67.6 60.6 55.2 51.5 47.3 49.1 52.1 62.8 70.4 69.9 60.6
(1981–1987)
Velo
73.9 70.6 71.0 66.5 60.4 53.8 51.7 54.1 61.5 68.8 75.6 75.9 65.3
(1988–1996)
Sources: Sikyon = National Meteorological Service; Velo = Voudouris 2001, p. 56, table 23.
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feature is that cloudiness is rarely complete even in winter, since most days
fall within the 1.6–6.4 bracket. Relative humidity is generally less in eastern
than in western Greece, and the coastal zone of Sikyonia has an annual
average of 60%–65% (Table 1.5). Humidity is higher in winter months
(around 70%) and lower in summer (around 50%). Along the coast (Velo),
humidity never falls below 50% because of the proximity of the sea; in the
mountainous regions, the differences are greater, with very humid winters
and dry summers.133
The intensity of the winds in Sikyonia and their direction are analyzed
in Table 1.6. I grouped the winds into four categories—calm, light, moder-
ate, and strong. Light winds correspond to 1–2 on the Beaufort scale (i.e.,
a speed of 1–12 km/hr), moderate to 3–5 Beaufort (13–35 km/hr), and
strong to 6–7 Beaufort (36–55 km/hr). Both stations show a high percent-
age of calm, although at Sikyon it reaches an annual average of 81.1% as
opposed to 46.5% at Velo, undoubtedly due to the proximity of the sea.
Both areas are dominated by moderate winds, light winds are not as com-
mon, and strong winds are rare. The two areas also differ in their prevailing
winds. The coastal zone is affected by winds blowing from the northeast
and east, and less so by northern and southern winds.134 On the contrary,
the prevailing winds on the Sikyonian plateau are (in decreasing order) the
northwest, west, east, and north, while northeast winds appear from July
through October. The Etesian winds (commonly called meltemia) blow
from northern directions (north, northeast, and northwest) from late July
to September, and are occasionally strong. In antiquity it was no different,
133. Voudouris 2001, pp. 56–57
if we trust the comment of Eustathios: “the northern wind, according to (based on comparison of data from the
the Sikyonians, comes in late summer, namely the Etesian. And they say Velo, Corinth, and Trikala stations).
that the Etesian winds are stronger and drier than the winds blowing in 134. Voudouris 2001, pp. 68–71.
wintertime.”135 135. Eust. ad Il. 21.346–349
(4.515.7 van der Valk): ὀπωρινὸς δὲ
Βορρᾶς κατὰ τοὺς Σικυωνίους ὁ
Wat e r S our c e s θερινός, ἤγουν ὁ ἐτησίας. ἰσχυρότεροι
δέ, φασί, καὶ ξηρότεροι τῶν ἐν χειμῶνι
The landscape’s form, its soil composition, vegetation, and climatic condi- πνεόντων οἱ ἐτησίαι.
tions all have a direct impact on the aquifer and the location of springs. 136. For example, the springs of
Along the coastal plain, the aquifer was very close to the surface, and this Vrachati and Nerantza, both located on
the coast, dry out completely during the
explains the number of wells dug in antiquity as well as in modern times. In
summer; this was not so as recently as
recent decades, however, excessive tapping of the aquifer by means of deep the early 1980s. On the overuse of
boreholes and electric pumps for irrigation has exhausted the shallow water- groundwater, see Grove and Rackham
bearing strata and the springs that used to flow in the coastal plain.136 As a 2001, pp. 351–360.
physical environment and resources 35

Tab le 1.6. Monthly freq uency (%) of wind intensi t y and di rect ion
at th e Sikyon and Velo weath er stat ions
Sikyon (1981–1987) Velo (1987–1997)
Jan uary N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 80.1 45.4
Light 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.2 0.2 0 3.5 0.3 5.7 1.2 3.6 2.6 2.1 3.4 1.4 0.9 6.6 21.8
Moderate 1.5 2.4 1.6 0.3 1.6 0.5 4.7 1.2 13.8 2.2 13.3 6.7 1.2 1.4 0.8 0.9 2.2 28.7
Strong 0.2 0 0 0 0 0 0.2 0 0.4 0.7 2.2 0.9 0 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 4.1
Subtotal 2.2 2.9 2.1 0.5 1.8 0.5 8.4 1.5 4.1 19.1 10.2 3.3 4.9 2.2 1.9 8.9
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February N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total


Calm 79.0 45.1
Light 1.0 0.7 0.6 0 0 0.2 0.8 0.2 3.6 0.5 3.0 2.3 2.1 8.0 4.3 1.1 0.8 22.1
Moderate 2.0 1.8 3.0 0 3.1 1.2 4.1 1.4 16.5 2.4 10.9 7.7 2.0 1.5 0.8 1.3 2.6 28.7
Strong 0.0 0.2 0 0 0.6 0 0 0 0.8 0.2 2.0 0.5 0 0 0.3 0.2 0.6 3.7
Subtotal 3.0 2.7 3.6 0 3.7 1.4 4.9 1.6 3.1 16.0 10.5 3.6 9.5 5.5 2.6 4.0
Mar c h N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 79.2 45.0
Light 1.0 0.5 0.9 0 0 0 0.9 0.5 4.0 1.5 3.5 2.0 3.0 6.1 2.8 1.6 0.8 21.4
Moderate 1.5 3.0 6.8 0.2 0.9 0.2 2.5 1.3 16.7 3.9 9.7 6.6 2.3 1.7 0.7 1.8 3.5 30.1
Strong 0 0.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.2 0.1 2.0 0.3 0 0.1 0 0.2 0.5 3.1
Subtotal 2.6 3.8 7.7 0.2 0.9 0.2 3.4 1.9 5.6 15.2 9.0 5.4 7.8 3.5 3.6 4.8
A pr il N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 79.8 47.3
Light 0.9 0 1.1 0 0.9 0 1.3 1.3 5.5 0.9 5.8 2.6 2.5 7.8 2.4 1.0 0.7 22.0
Moderate 1.1 1.3 1.5 0.5 1.0 0.7 2.6 4.8 13.7 4.1 6.3 6.5 3.1 2.4 0.9 1.6 4.4 29.4
Strong 0 0 0 0 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.4 1.0 0 0.1 0.2 0.1 0 0 0.2 0.6 1.2
Subtotal 2.0 1.3 2.6 0.5 2.2 0.9 4.0 6.5 5.1 10.1 9.3 5.8 10.3 3.2 2.7 6.0
May N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 78.6 46.2
Light 1.8 0.6 1.2 0 0.3 0 1.0 0.8 5.8 2.0 4.3 3.0 3.1 5.0 1.7 1.3 2.0 22.6
Moderate 2.9 1.5 1.2 0.5 0.5 0.3 1.7 5.6 14.3 5.3 9.5 5.7 1.8 1.0 0.3 0.9 4.9 29.5
Strong 0 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 0.1 0 0.6 1.2 0.1 0 0 0.1 0 0.1 0.2 0.9 1.5
Subtotal 4.8 2.3 2.4 0.6 0.9 0.5 2.7 7.0 7.5 13.9 8.8 5.1 6.0 2.1 2.4 7.9
J une N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 79.2 45.7
Light 2.3 0.9 0.8 0 0 0 0.9 1.9 7.0 1.8 3.5 4.2 3.1 5.5 1.4 1.3 1.9 22.8
Moderate 3.0 1.7 0.5 0 0.3 0 2.5 5.3 13.5 6.2 6.7 4.9 1.4 0.8 0.3 1.5 7.8 29.6
Strong 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.3 0.3 0.2 0 0.1 0 0 0 0.3 1.2 1.8
Subtotal 5.4 2.7 1.3 0 0.3 0 3.5 7.6 8.1 10.2 9.2 4.5 6.3 1.7 3.1 10.9
J uly N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 80.8 44.7
Light 1.4 2.1 1.7 0 0 0.1 1.5 2.1 9.0 2.2 6.5 4.2 2.5 4.3 2.4 1.4 1.1 24.8
Moderate 1.5 2.3 1.0 0 0 0.5 0.6 3.8 9.8 5.6 11.0 5.8 0.4 0.1 0.3 1.1 4.7 28.9
Strong 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.2 0 0 0 0 0.3 0.7 1.3
Subtotal 2.9 4.5 2.8 0 0 0.6 2.1 6.3 8.0 17.7 10.2 2.9 4.4 2.6 2.8 6.5
36 chapter 1

Tab le 1.6—Continued
Sikyon (1981–1987) Velo (1987–1997)
Aug ust N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 82.1 48.7
Light 2.0 1.4 1.0 0 0 0 0.5 1.4 6.3 3.0 5.8 4.6 1.9 5.0 2.4 1.0 1.0 24.6
Moderate 2.8 2.9 0.6 0.1 0.1 0 2.5 2.1 11.1 6.2 11.0 5.4 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.4 2.2 26.2
Strong 0 0.1 0 0 0 0 0.1 0 0.3 0.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.2
Subtotal 4.8 4.5 1.7 0.1 0.1 0 3.0 3.5 9.3 16.9 9.9 2.3 5.4 2.6 1.4 3.3
S ep tember N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
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Calm 85.9 46.6


Light 1.4 0.6 0.6 0 0 0 0.5 0.5 3.7 2.7 4.5 3.1 1.8 5.6 3.5 1.4 1.8 24.4
Moderate 2.0 2.5 1.4 1.1 0.1 0.1 1.7 1.8 10.0 4.9 9.5 4.8 0.4 1.7 0.6 0.7 5.1 27.6
Strong 0 0 0 0 0.1 0 0 0.1 0.3 0.2 0.2 0 0 0 0 0 0.8 1.2
Subtotal 3.5 3.2 2.0 0.1 0.3 0.1 2.1 2.5 7.8 14.2 7.9 2.2 7.2 4.1 2.1 7.7
O ctober N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 83.4 46.7
Light 0.8 1.0 0.5 0 0 0 2.3 0.3 5.0 1.4 3.5 3.2 1.8 6.8 2.8 0.7 0.9 21.0
Moderate 1.2 4.8 2.8 0 0.3 0 2.1 1.7 11.6 3.8 10.3 7.1 1.5 2.1 1.4 0.6 2.8 29.6
Strong 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.7 0.6 0 0 0 0 0.2 2.4
Subtotal 2.0 5.9 3.3 0 0.3 0 3.0 2.0 5.2 15.4 10.9 3.3 8.9 4.2 1.3 4.0
N ov ember N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 82.2 48.4
Light 0.5 0.3 1.1 0 0 0 1.8 0.3 4.0 1.4 2.3 3.0 1.9 7.0 4.1 1.2 1.1 22.1
Moderate 2.2 2.4 2.9 0.1 0.3 0.8 4.5 0.3 13.7 1.5 9.3 7.0 2.2 2.3 1.4 1.4 2.4 27.4
Strong 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 1.0 0.5 0 0.1 0 0 0.1 1.8
Subtotal 2.7 2.8 4.0 0.1 0.3 0.8 6.3 0.6 3.1 12.6 10.6 4.1 9.4 5.5 2.5 3.7
D ecember N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 83.5 48.3
Light 0.7 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2 1.0 0.3 3.0 1.0 2.3 4.2 3.2 8.9 3.7 1.5 0.9 25.6
Moderate 1.4 2.7 3.6 0 0.7 0.5 2.3 2.0 13.2 2.0 7.5 5.6 1.5 2.6 1.2 1.2 1.6 23.1
Strong 0 0 0 0 0 0.2 0 0 0.2 0.3 1.5 0.7 0 0.1 0.1 0 0 2.8
Subtotal 2.2 2.9 3.8 0.2 0.9 0.9 3.4 2.3 3.3 11.3 10.5 4.7 11.6 5.0 2.7 2.5
Sources: Sikyon = National Meteorological Service; Velo = based on Voudouris 2001, p. 70, table 33.

whole, Sikyonia is relatively well watered with hundreds of springs, some


of which I mention in connection with settlements. The most copious ones
are located in its southern and particularly its western semimountainous
and mountainous areas. In fact, four of the most important water sources
of the entire province of Corinthia fall within Sikyonian territory (Map 2):
the springs of Se at Megali Valtsa (with an hourly discharge of 380 m3);
the springs of Mikri Valtsa (350 m3/hr); the springs of Goura outside
the village of Manna (300 m3/hr); and the springs of Kyrillou near Pasio
(110 m3/hr).137 Other abundant springs are located at Agia Paraskevi of
Vochaiko, Anavara of Bozika, Gonoussa, Paradeisi, Melisiklias of Kryoneri
(ca. 40 m3/hr), Souphi of Lalioti, and Stylia. Many of these springs were
tapped in antiquity: the springs of Se and Melisiklias fed the aqueducts of 137. Voudouris 2001, p. 17.
physical environment and resources 37

Sikyon in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, as well as several mills in


the Ottoman period, Anavara fed one of the aqueducts of the sanctuary
of Titane, while Souphi and Mikri Valtsa provided water to large cisterns
in Late Roman times for irrigation.
Athenaios, in discussing various wines, says that in Athens and Sikyon
the water is hard: σκληρὰ τὰ ὕδατα (1.33c). Perhaps this further induced
the Sikyonians to bring water to the city, by means of aqueducts, from
springs located to the southwest and west of the plateau.138
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Flora an d fau na

F l ora
Before embarking on a discussion of the Sikyonian flora, we may le-
gitimately ask how far back its typical Mediterranean vegetation goes.139
Largely thanks to pollen analysis, we know that by 7000 b.c. Mediterra-
nean wildwood was “not much less varied than the vegetation today.”140 A
marked difference with regard to the present situation is that the dominant
maquis or savanna of today was not as ubiquitous then, and wildwood forest
consisting mainly of deciduous oaks was more extensive instead. During
the Neolithic period, deciduous oaks were gradually cleared from soils with
agricultural potential, and this “progressive degradation”141 of the aborigi-
nal vegetation accelerated in subsequent periods of demographic growth,
mainly during the Late Helladic and Classical eras. Paleobotanical and
palynological studies carried out in other parts of Greece have shown that
the “natural” vegetation as encountered on uncultivated slopes and long
fallow fields has not changed dramatically since the Early Bronze Age. As
Grove and Rackham explain, “Xenophon would instantly recognise most
of nineteenth-century Greece, before the recent decline of cultivation and
expansion of woodland in the mountains.”142
Ancient written testimonia on the plants of Sikyonia are limited
to a handful of references in Theophrastos, Athenaios, Pliny the Elder,
Pausanias, and the lexicographer Hesychios. I will supplement this evidence
with information on the principal plant communities of modern Sikyonia.
138. For the aqueducts of Sikyon,
Theophrastos offers a unique testimony on herpyllos, a wild species grow-
see Appendix III.
139. For the flora of the region, see ing on Sikyonian mountains, and transplanted to the city (Hist. pl. 6.7.2):
esp. Polunin 1987; Sphikas 2001; and καὶ γὰρ ἕρπυλλός ἐστιν ἄγριος, ὃν κομίζοντες ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν φυτεύουσιν
Grove and Rackham 2001. ἐν Σικυῶνι καὶ Ἀθήνησιν ἐκ τοῦ Ὑμηττοῦ.143 Pliny (HN 19.55), relating
140. Grove and Rackham 2001, the same story, lists serpyllum et sisymbrium. Herpyllos is the tufted thyme
p. 159. (Thymus sibthorpii), but the exact identity of sisymbrium is unknown—it
141. Grove and Rackham 2001,
pp. 162–163.
is probably a kind of mint. Semus of Delos, in his work On Paeans, says
142. Grove and Rackham 2001, that the Sikyonian phallophoroi do not use a mask, but wear a chaplet of
p. 171. Indeed, due to the depopulation herpyllos and paideros, on top of which they put a thick wreath of violets and
of the modern Greek countryside and ivy (apud Ath. 14.621f, 622c): οἱ δὲ φαλλοφόροι, φησίν, προσωπεῖον μὲν
the underexploitation of woodlands, οὐ λαμβάνουσιν, προπόλιον δ’ἐξ’ ἑρπύλλου περιτιθέμενοι καὶ παιδέρω-
forests and maquis have increased,
τος ἐπάνω τούτου ἐπιτίθενται στέφανον δασὺν ἴων καὶ κιττοῦ. ἴον is the
expanding to areas that were hitherto
cultivated: Grove and Rackham 2001, violet (Viola odorata), and κιττός (or κισσός) a kind of ivy (Hedera helix).
pp. 184–185. Athenaios quotes Timachidas and Philitas on a specific wreath that the
143. Cf. Ath. 15.681f. Sikyonians call iaccha: Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ΙΑΚΧΑΝ τινὰ καλούμενον οἶδα
38 chapter 1

στέφανον ὑπὸ Σικυωνίων, ὥς φησι Τιμαχίδας ἐν ταῖς Γλώσσαις· Φιλίτας


δ’οὕτως γράφει· “Ἰάκχα, ἐν τῇ Σικυωνίᾳ, στεφάνωμα εὐῶδες . . .” (15.678a).
Pausanias says that the paideros, offered by the sacrificers to Aphrodite,
grew only in the precinct of Aphrodite in the city, and nowhere else on
earth, not even elsewhere in Sikyonia: ἔνεστι δὲ ὁ παιδέρως ἐν υπαίθρῳ
τοῦ περιβόλου πόα, φύεται δὲ ἀλλαχόθι οὐδαμοῦ γῆς, οὔτε ἄλλης οὔτε τῆς
Σικυωνίας (2.10.5–6). Paideros is considered to be the holm oak (Quercus
ilex), a common evergreen shrub, but in light of Pausanias’s passage we
should reconsider this identification. Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge argues
that paideros was a kind of hawthorn (Crataegus sp.), perhaps the Crataegus
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azarolus, endemic to Crete but rare in other parts of Greece.144


A shrub commonly found in Sikyonia, as in most other parts of pen-
insular Greece, is the kermes oak (Quercus coccifera). Pausanias (2.11.4)
saw a sacred grove of kermes oaks (ἄλσος πρίνων) on the east side of the
Asopos River, opposite Titane.145 Indeed, the maquis covering the marly
western slopes of Trikaranon, below modern Stimanga, includes kermes
oaks. In the peribolos of Asklepios at Titane, Pausanias saw “old” cypress
trees: καὶ κυπαρίσσων ἐστὶν ἐντὸς τοῦ περιβόλου δένδρα ἀρχαῖα (2.11.6).
This is not the only place in Sikyonia where cypress trees grew. Thanks
to the Delphic accounts, we know that the naopoioi of Apollo purchased
cypress wood from Sikyon.146 Among the species of submarine vegetation,
Pliny lists sea vines, sea figs, and sea palms that grow in Sikyon: “et aliae
traduntur praegrandes circa Sicyonem, vitis enim passim nascitur, sed ficus
sine foliis, rubro cortice; fit et palma fruticum generis” (HN 13.49).
Besides these explicit references to Sikyonian plants, we have a few
pieces of indirect evidence for Sikyonian vegetation. Eustathios derives
the very name “Sikyon” from the word σικύα, the bottle gourd (Lagena-
ria vulgaris), or σίκυς, the cucumber (Cucumis sativus), either or both of
which would presumably have grown in the area (ad Il. 23.299 [4.1302.20
van der Valk]: ἐκ δὲ σικύων, Σικυών). Photius (Lex. 1096) says that the
Sikyonian name for “plums” (κοκκύμηλα) is ἁμάδρυα. Finally, Athenaios
comments on the Alexandrian κολοκασία, adding that there is a sanctuary 144. Pirenne-Delforge 1994,
of Kolokasia Athena in Sikyon: ἐστὶ δ’ ἐν Σικυώνι Κολοκασίας Ἀθηνᾶς pp. 146–150.
145. See below, pp. 388 and 412.
ἱερόν (3.72b). It is possible that the goddess’s epithet was derived from
146. See below, pp. 57–58.
these roots (Nelumbium speciosum) growing in and around the sanctuary. 147. In reality, the percentage is
In modern times, approximately 28% of Sikyonian territory is shown much larger (probably as high as 50%)
covered by forests and shrubs on maps of the Hellenic Army Geographical given that only sizable tracts of forests
Service (Map 3).147 This corresponds to ca. 66 km2 of forested area and and shrubs are marked on the military
34 km2 of shrubland. As elsewhere in the Mediterranean, the most com- maps. Smaller areas are normally not
indicated.
mon evergreen maquis of Sikyonia is the extremely resilient prickly or 148. The shrub form predominates
kermes oak (Quercus coccifera), which occurs both in shrub form and as a where flocks are grazed. Nowadays one
fully grown tree.148 It is commonly found on the slopes of the Klimenti- encounters more kermes-oak trees than
Kaisari valley and of the valleys of the Nemea and Asopos rivers, as well before the Second World War, when
as on the slopes of many marine terraces including those of Ellinochori there were many more herds of goats.
149. Cf. Gell (1817, p. 19), who
and Stimanga. Among the deciduous oaks, Quercus pubescens grows on the
noted the “oaks” on Vesiza.
slopes of Vesiza mountain, and makes up most of the Moungostos forest.149 150. The coastal pine forest of
Firs and pines grow from the first terraces above the plain to the mountain- Xylokastro (so-called Pefkias) was
ous zone of Kyllene.150 Most common are the Aleppo pine forests (Pinus planted.
physical environment and resources 39

halepensis), which are encountered at lower elevations and on hillsides and


usually have a rich understory of broadleaf evergreens, including prickly
oaks (Quercus coccifera), strawberry trees (Arbutus spp.), lentiscs (Pistacia
lentiscus), and cedars (Juniperus spp.). One finds them on the terraces of
Ellinochori, the western slopes of Stimanga toward Asopos, the slopes of
Kokkinovrachos (southwest of Vasiliko) toward the Helisson and Asopos
rivers, the slopes of Kapandri and Lalioti toward the Seliandros River, the
rocky slopes of Ano Melissi toward the coastal plain, the northern slopes
of Moungostos, and the steep slopes of the Throphari and Zemeno areas
toward the Katharoneri and Sythas rivers. Among the mountain conifers,
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the Cephalonian fir (Abies cephalonica) covers the summit of Vesiza and
parts of the highlands bound by the villages of Kaisari, Kephalari, and
Manna. In the same area one encounters black mountain pines (Pinus
nigra), especially around the village of Velina.151
Willow trees (Salix sp.), plane trees (Platanus orientalis), poplars
(Populus spp.), osiers (Vitex agnus-castus), myrtles (Myrtus communis),
and oleanders (Nerium oleander) grow near the banks of the streams.
Other trees and shrubs scattered amid forests, old fields, and abandoned
terraces, and around the villages of Sikyonia, include musk trees (Acacia
farnesiana), cypress trees (Cypressus sempervirens), fig trees (Ficus carica),
Prunus cocomilia, maple trees (Acer sp.), judas trees (Cercis siliquastrum),
Calliotome villosa, Paliurus sp., and Pyrus spinosa. The undershrub vegeta-
tion (phrygana) includes many herbs, such as thyme (Thymus capitatus) and
oregano (Origanum sp.), and a variety of wildflowers commonly found in
Greece.

Fauna
Very little is known of the animal communities of Sikyonia in the pre-
modern periods, and almost nothing of its nondomesticated species. The
mammals observed most commonly today are red foxes (Vulpes vulpes),
golden jackals (Canis aureus), Eurasian badgers (Meles meles), beech
martens (Martes foina), weasels (Mustela nivalis), hares (Lepus europaeus),
rabbits (Oryctolagus cuniculus), wildcats (Felis silvestris), eastern hedgehogs
(Erinaceus concolor), and mice (Mus sp. and Apodemus sp.). We have much
less data on the presence of the Chiroptera order (bats) and the regional
small mammal fauna (rodents and voles).
Better known are the numerous species of birds that can be found
in the region. These include house martins (Delichon urbica) and red-
151. Cf. Gell (1817, p. 19) and
Leake (1830, p. 224), who recorded the
rumped swallows (Hirundo rustica), jackdaws (Corvus monedula), magpies
“pine woods” of the highland between (Pica pica), robins (Erithacus rubecula), goldfinches (Carduelis carduelis),
Klimenti and Manna; see also the greenfinches (Carduelis chloris), nightingales (Luscinia megarhynchos),
description offered by Rangabé (1857, rock pigeons (Columba livia), wood pigeons (Columba palumbus), quails
p. 47): “D’un côté, la vallée [of the (Coturnix coturnix), woodcocks (Scolopax rusticola), house sparrows (Passer
Trikalitikos River] s’élève jusqu’au
domesticus), swifts (Apus apus), blackbirds (Turdus merula), falcons (Falco
vaste plateau qu’occupent les villages
de Velina, de Markasi et de plusieurs spp., especially eleonorae), shelducks (Tadorna tadorna), kingfishers (Alcedo
encore, et ses flancs sont couverts d’un atthis), eagle owls (Bubo bubo), little owls (Athene noctua), scops owls (Otus
rideau de forêts de sapins.” scops), and, in the mountainous areas, partridges (Alectoris spp.).
40 chapter 1
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Figure 1.15. Trapetum mortarium


photographed between the villages
of Poulitsa and Tarsina, present
whereabouts unknown

Reso u rces of th e lan d a n d s e a

Agriculture, pastoralism, fishing, quarrying, and woodcutting have been


some of the major activities of the inhabitants of Sikyonia from antiquity
to modern times.

A g r i cu lt ure
An c ient Ti me s
Judging from ancient references, olive trees and grapes must have been
the major cultivars in the plain. Sikyonian olive oil was world famous, at
least by Roman times, if we trust the testimonies of Vergil, Statius, and
distinguished physicians and medical writers. Statius in his Thebaid (4.50)
praises the fields of “olive-bearing Sikyon” (oliviferae Sicyonis). Vergil in his
Georgics (2.519) refers to “Sikyon’s olive bruised in the mill” (teritur Sicyonia
baca trapetis), and his scholiast Servius adds that “Sikyonian oil is of great
value.”152 Pausanias, when talking about the Phokian city of Tithorea, says
that its olive oil “is less abundant than Attic or Sikyonian oil” (10.32.19).
Dioskorides (De materia medica 1.30.5) describes the therapeutic qualities
of the oil packed in Sikyon: σκευάζεται δὲ τοῦτο μάλιστα ἐν Σικυωνίᾳ,
Σικυώνιον καλούμενον. δύναμιν δὲ ἔχει ποσῶς θερμαντικήν, ἁρμόζον ἐν 152. Serv. ad Verg. G. 2.519: oleum
πυρετοῖς καὶ τοῖς περὶ νεῦρα πάθεσι. This quotation makes it clear that Sicyonium magno in pretio est.
Sikyonian oil was exported in the 1st century a.d.; it must have continued 153. E.g., in De simplicium medica-
to be exported in the 2nd century, since Galen repeatedly recommends it mentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus
6: vol. 11, p. 686, line 18; vol. 12,
in his treatises.153
p. 340, line 17 (ed. Kühn).
Surprisingly, we were able to find the mortarium of only one olive 154. The Poulitsa mortarium is
mill along the coastal plain, near the village of Poulitsa (Fig. 1.15).154 Two made of conglomerate stone, 1.8 m in
hemispherical millstones (orbes), 0.55 m and 0.52 m in diameter, lie in diameter, and has a preserved inner
the courtyard of the Sikyon Museum (Fig. 1.16), but their provenance is depth of ca. 0.2 m; the height could not
be measured because the trapetum was
unknown. Part of the reason for the scarcity of this equipment in the plain
set into the ground.
must be their reuse in modern households.155 To the south of the plain, we 155. Even the Poulitsa mortarium,
found pressing equipment, especially olive-crushers, at 10 sites (HS-30, which I recorded in the summer of
HS-34, HS-38, HS-52, HS-67, HS-74, HS-90, HS-94, HS-97, HS-106), 2001, has since disappeared.
physical environment and resources 41
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Figure 1.16. Millstones in the


courtyard of the Sikyon Museum

located on the first terraces above the plain and as far inland as Titane
and Stylia (Fig. 1.17).156 The mortaria that are preserved sufficiently for
measurement are quite large: 1.5 m in diameter, 0.8 m in height, and with
0.2–0.3 m inner depth. Titane (HS-67) seems to have been especially active
in olive production, since we found two mortaria here of large dimensions
(see, e.g., Fig. 1.18). Likewise, the site of Kotroni below Stylia (HS-90)
preserves two kinds of pressing equipment, a trapetum mortarium, 1.8 m
in diameter and with 0.24 m inner depth, and a rectangular press bed, 1.1
x 1.3 m, both of conglomerate stone (Fig. 1.19). Nine of the ten sites have
a Late Roman phase (HS-34 is the exception), and for four of those Late
Roman was the period of primary occupation (HS-38, HS-74, HS-90,
156. In fact, the trapetum’s mortar-
ium piece, that is, the large saucer, was HS-94). This cannot be accidental, nor is it unique; the surveyors of the
found, not the orbes, the two hemi- Methana peninsula, who documented a large assemblage of pressing equip-
spherical millstones attached to its ment, observed that the great majority are associated with Roman and Late
cylindrical stem. In the whole of Roman sites.157 Earlier pressing equipment, of the Archaic, Classical, and
Sikyonia I was able to find only one possibly Hellenistic periods, must have been made of wood, as suggested
such millstone, in a private house in
Stimanga. A similar phenomenon is
by a reference to a wooden press in the early-5th-century b.c. inscription
observed in samples from the Argolid from Kryoneri.158
and Arkadia: see Pikoulas 1995, The rectangular stone press bed of Kotroni was part of a lever-and-
pp. 365–366. weight press, which could be used for either olive or wine production. The
157. Mee and Forbes 1997, pp. 262– press would have included a cut block or natural boulder with two or more
264.
circular holes to hold a wooden press beam. At Kotroni, the press bed was
158. See below, p. 405 (for the
inscription); also Mee and Forbes 1997, not found in situ, and the remainder of the pressing apparatus was not in
p. 261 (on the ephemeral nature of ear- the vicinity. But additional evidence for a lever-and-weight press was found
lier pressing equipment). within the fort of Gonoussa (DS-3). Here the bedrock has been smoothly
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Figure 1.17. Trapetum mortarium


photographed at Loutro of Lalioti
(HS-106), present whereabouts
unknown

Figure 1.18. Trapetum mortarium


below (east of ) the hill of Agios
Tryphon of Titane (HS-67)

Figure 1.19. Rectangular press bed at


Kotroni (HS-90), below the village of
Stylia. Note the abundance of olive
trees in the surrounding area.
physical environment and resources 43

rectangular hole

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Figure 1.20. Olive- or wine-press


round basin


installation within the Kastro of
Gonoussa (DS-3)

Figure 1.21. Smooth, ellipsoidal


stone, probably a press weight, at
Sesi 1 of Titane (HS-74)

dressed in order to form a vertical and a horizontal surface joined at right


angles. On the vertical surface, measuring ca. 1 x 1 m, a rectangular hole
with dimensions 0.14 x 0.11 m is cut to a depth of 0.1 m (Fig. 1.20). On
the horizontal surface, a round basin is carved, 0.45 m in diameter and
0.40 m in depth. The rectangular hole was meant to receive the end of a
wooden beam, which would have squeezed the stacks (presumably baskets,
or kophinoi) of olives or grapes by means of heavy counterweights attached
to its other end. The liquid produced would have been collected in the basin
159. Another possibility is that the and then funneled into clay jars (hypolenia). The fort is of Classical date,
equipment was brought into the fort at and the pressing installation may date from the same period.159 We also
a later date; on the installation of found smooth, ellipsoidal stones, ca. 0.5 m in diameter and 0.2 m thick,
Roman and Late Roman olive-press
at three settlement sites (HS-74, HS-94, HS-97; Fig. 1.21). These were
equipment in ancient forts and towers,
see Philaniotou 2003; Pikoulas 2003. probably used as weights for olive or wine presses. In addition, we found
160. On this type of olive crusher, one possible stone roller, part of a “roller and bed” olive crusher, on a Late
see Mee and Forbes 1997, pp. 262–263. Roman farmstead site (HS-108).160
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Figure 1.22 (left). Stone mortar at


Bouzaka of Tarsina (HS-13)
Sikyon was also known for its production of wine, which Pliny (HN
Figure 1.23 (right). Stone grinder
14.74) lists among the highly esteemed foreign wines of his time. We found
from Pinigouri of Kryoneri (HS-55)
a characteristic wine-pressing basin, the ancient Greek lenos lithinos and
modern Greek patitiri, near Krinai (HS-40). Unfortunately, this stone vat,
used for treading grapes, disappeared before we were able to photograph
and measure it. A clay floor, probably of a wine-press installation, was
exposed at Melissi (HS-143) as part of a 6th-century a.d. settlement, but
its excavator provided no details.161
Other food-processing equipment includes stone mortars, handheld
grinders, and rotary querns. We found stone mortars at three settle-
ments (HS-13, HS-47, HS-94), and another was reported and drawn by
Eustathios Stikas from the tower of Thekriza (DS-10).162 The mortar at
Thekriza was found in four joining pieces within the Classical tower. It
measures 0.59 m in height, with inner and outer diameters of 0.4 m and
0.7 m, respectively. The mortar at Tarsina (HS-13), found in a Roman/
Late Roman context, measures 0.4 m in diameter and 0.3 m in height
(Fig. 1.22). Pieces of stone grinders, which were used mainly for cereal
grinding, were found at six sites (HS-48, HS-55, HS-73, HS-76, HS-97,
HS-100), the majority in pre-Roman contexts (Fig. 1.23). Although cereals
are not mentioned in the sources, they were certainly produced to satisfy
the basic needs of the population. In a waste pile at Pano Kokkinia of
Vasiliko, I found a fragmentary rotary quern, 0.36 m in diameter. Polybios
(18.16.3) tells us that in a period of crisis, the Sikyonians appealed to
Attalos I of Pergamon for help, and that the king responded in 197 b.c.
by sending 10,000 medimnoi of wheat. Given the average rainfall, cereal 161. Drosogianni 1968.
cultivation would have been practiced from the coastal plain to the southern 162. Stikas 1947, fig. 2.
163. The southern Argolid survey-
marine terraces around villages and farmsteads, as was the case up until a
ors argue that LR2 amphoras, ubiqui-
few decades ago. The agricultural produce, either solid or liquid, was stored tous in our survey, seem to have been
in jars, mainly pithoi and amphoras, fragments of which our survey found used for olive oil: Jameson, Runnels,
by the hundreds.163 and van Andel 1994, p. 402.
physical environment and resources 45
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Figure 1.24. Terrace wall at Dardiza


of Stimanga (HS-22)

Figure 1.25. Terracing on the


southern slope of Rakitiza (HS-53),
looking north

Terrace walls consolidated the cultivated surface by retaining the soil.


We found seven walls constructed for this purpose, six built of irregular
trapezoidal masonry (HS-22, HS-53, HS-59, HS-86, HS-90, HS-96)
and one (SP-5) in opus testaceum (Fig. 1.24). On most sites, there was
more than one retaining wall, thus forming successive terraced fields (Fig.
1.25).164 Based on the masonry and their context, the former must predate
164. For good examples from Attica, the Roman period, unlike the brick wall, which should date from Roman
see Lohmann 1992, pp. 46–55. or Late Roman times.
46 chapter 1
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Figure 1.26. The northern side of the


cistern at Melistra below Kryoneri
(HS-52)

Figure 1.27. Loutro of Thalero (HS-


121). Part of the barrel-vaulted room
of the cistern.

Occasionally water tanks were built for the purpose of irrigating the
fields in periods of drought. We recorded four cisterns (HS-52, HS-121,
HS-128, SP-19), and Pharaklas drew one more installation, near the village
of Lalioti (HS-106). All of them were built at or near water sources, typi-
cally in opus testaceum. The cistern of Melistra below the village of Kryoneri
(HS-52) measures 7.25 x 12.01 m and its maximum visible height is 0.75 m
(Fig. 1.26). The rectangular cistern at Koimisi of Thalero (SP-19), ca. 16
x 15 m, is coated with plaster on the interior and has buttresses along the
exterior side of its north wall. At Loutro of Thalero (HS-121), the instal-
lation, lined with waterproof cement and most likely representing the
remains of a cistern, was barrel-vaulted (Fig. 1.27). The peculiar building
of cruciform shape at Loutro of Lalioti (HS-106) was measured and drawn
by Pharaklas as 10 x 9 m (Fig. 1.28). Unfortunately, this building no longer
exists, but its interpretation as a cistern, rather than a bath, is strengthened
by its proximity to the Roman and Late Roman settlement and the arable
lands that spread below it. The same applies to the cistern of Lakka near
physical environment and resources 47
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Figure 1.28. Plan of Loutro of


Lalioti (HS-106). Pharaklas 1971, fig. 43

Mikri Valtsa (HS-128), which is associated with a Late Roman settlement


at a lower elevation.

Po st-A n t iq u e Per iod


Olives, grapes, and grains have been cultivated in the Sikyonian plain
for several hundred years. Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, an agent of the
Florentine company of Bardi during the 1330s, mentions the Corinthian
raisins (“uve Coranto”), which Nicolas de Martoni had the opportunity to
taste while in Corinth in April of 1395.165 In 1675 Wheler found the plain
between Corinth and Sikyon “well watered by two rivulets, well tilled, well
planted with olive-yards, and vine-yards.”166 Currants in the Corinthian
plain were planted right after the Venetians regained possession of the
Peloponnese in 1687. This information is provided by Randolph, who first
praises the “most pleasant plains of Corinth and Basilico, which abound
with Olive-trees, Vine-yards, and many small Villages,” and then goes on
to say, “in the Plains of Corinth were the first Currant vines planted.”167
In the Corinthian sections of the Nani Archive (early 18th century), olives
and vineyards are regularly mentioned as growing around both coastal
and mountainous villages, including Vrachati, Bolati, Nerantza, Vasiliko,
165. Zakythinos 1953, p. 250. Stimanga, Gonoussa, Stylia, Panariti, and Manna, among others.168 After
166. Wheler 1682, p. 443. 1715, the main agricultural products of the Morea were olive oil and wheat,
167. Randolph 1689, p. 2. which together represented more than 80% of its exports. Corinth was not
168. Ms. 3924, ff. 294v, 299r, 309v, a major port for exports, but it did have considerable traffic.169
311v, 312v, etc.; Ms. 3927, ff. 549v,
551r, 555v, 575r, 582v, 593v, 596r, etc.
Prior to the Greek War of Independence, Dodwell saw in the coastal
169. Kremmydhas 1972, pp. 27, plain “extensive olive-groves, which are thickly planted,” and Clarke, riding
198–201. from Sikyon to Corinth, commented on “the finest corn land in Greece”
48 chapter 1

and “olive plantations producing the sweetest oil in the world.”170 Some
travelers must have indulged in romantic embellishment, for Pouqueville
writes that in the Vocha plain “the principal produces are wheat, barley,
flax and cotton, because the lack of running water limits the cultivation of
corn and other pulses on the banks of the Asopos. Its [Sikyon’s] olives, once
famous, are of mediocre quality; and we draw, for consumption purposes,
wines from Phliasia.”171 Leake gives a somewhat similar account after
riding on the same route: “many other small villages are seen in the plain,
which, as formerly, is planted in many parts with olives, and still preserves
its ancient agricultural riches, in proportion to the general desolation. In
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natural fertility, however, it is not to be compared to Elis or Messenia; the


best part is that immediately around Sicyon. The soil . . . is more adapted,
I believe, to olives and vines, particularly the currant, than to grain.”172
Cultivation in the early 19th century seems to have been limited in
the eastern part of the coastal plain, precisely between Sikyon and Corinth.
The western side, between the Helisson and Sythas rivers, was only partly
exploited. Dodwell writes, with regard to the “expanded vale” between
Melissi and Sykia, that it is in “an uncultivated state, and covered with
bushes, while part is enriched with vineyards and corn land . . . with scat-
tered olive-trees.”173 Some years later, Leake saw the same plain “almost
wholly uncultivated.”174 Likewise, parts of the mountainous hinterland,
now cultivated with vineyards, were then not cultivated at all. Thus, Clark
in the mid-19th century reports that on the ridge between Souli and the
valley of Kaisari, “the thin and arid soil produces nothing but a few scattered
stunted oaks and a scanty undergrowth of familiar shrubs.”175
After the formation of the modern Greek state, agricultural production
increased and the surplus of olive oil and raisins was exported, as indicated
by the storehouses (“magasins”) marked on the Carte de la Grèce at Neapolis
of Kiato (see below, Fig. 3.1), and by Pouqueville’s description. The traveler
saw the warehouses of Xylokastro where the “coasters come to load the
olive oils and the Corinthian raisins.”176 Furthermore, Rangavis mentions
a customs house (φυλακεῖον τελωνειακόν) near Kyparissi (AS-10), the
hamlet that is thought to have existed between the villages of Velo and
Krinai.177 He also provides some basic information on the main produce
of each village in 1851; the coastal villages cultivated cereals, raisins, olives,
wine, and some cotton, while the semimountainous districts produced 170. Dodwell 1819, p. 292; Clarke
1818, p. 546.
mainly cereals and maize.178 Vischer identifies the Corinthian raisin as 171. Pouqueville 1826, p. 440 (my
the principal crop in 1852.179 In the 1880s, the production of Corinthian translation).
raisins had reached the enormous amount of 3,638,000 liters, representing 172. Leake 1830, p. 227.
one of the principal exports of Greece. In addition, 782,080 kg of wine, 173. Dodwell 1819, p. 298.
203,392 kg of olive oil, 37,025 kg of cereal, and 35,200 kg of legumes were 174. Leake 1830, p. 384.
175. Clark 1858, p. 337.
produced to satisfy the needs of the populace of the deme of Sikyonia,
176. Pouqueville 1826, p. 431 (my
which then counted 5,438 inhabitants.180 The descriptions and figures of- translation).
fered above are, I believe, more representative of the fertility and natural 177. Rangavis 1853, p. 379.
inclination of the soil than are the figures available from the first half of 178. Rangavis 1853, pp. 379–389.
the 20th century, when the irrigation of the plain was supplemented with 179. Vischer 1857, p. 268.
water brought from Lake Stymphalos.181 180. Figures given by Miliarakis
(1886, p. 114).
The earliest census of the main agricultural produce of the Corinthia 181. On the irrigation of Vocha
per village that is currently available at the National Statistical Service from Lake Stymphalos, see Lolos 1997,
of Greece (ΕΣΥΕ) is that of 1911 (Table 1.7). Cereal cultivation covered p. 289.
physical environment and resources 49

Tab le 1.7. Principal agricu lt ura l p roduce of Sikyoni a according to


th e 1911 c ensus*
Uncult. Lands and
Village Wheat Barley Corn Oats Vineyards Raisins Olives Private Forests
Bolati 296 40 – – 144 524 69 25
Bozika 1,620 299 12 – 199 361 – –
Diminio (Ano) 771 248 1 – 267 697 8 1
Diminio (Kato) – 334 13 – 139 254 – –
Evangelistria 483 101 1 – 146 347 42 –
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Geliniatika 351 3 – – 90 323 21 –


Gonoussa 1,757 13 89 – 144 415 2 43
Kaisari 2,915 192 1,063 – 557 544 – 313
Kiato 356 – 8 – 606 1,737 213 1,182
Klimenti 1,268 151 311 – 307 281 29 158
Kokkoni 153 63 3 – 245 1,614 2 123
Krinai 1,495 270 210 – 227 1,010 70 4
Kryoneri 3,056 208 192 – 396 841 142 7
Lalioti 790 277 65 – 171 426 8 211
Manna 1,975 – 260 – 490 1,004 4 353
Megali Valtsa 1,686 278 212 – 342 635 93 1,686
Melissi 487 112 – – 251 463 28 21
Mikri Valtsa 1,098 13 149 – 222 583 3 383
Moulki 368 76 14 – 224 881 69 23
Nerantza 107 4 9 – 97 653 36 45
Panariti 1,563 82 99 – 534 1,943 51 87
Paradeisi 356 12 62 – 65 166 13 –
Poulitsa 1,360 416 – – 160 402 137 20
Souli 1,767 59 120 – 219 491 70 35
Stimanga 2,226 352 27 2 338 521 91 2,252
Stylia 688 18 33 – 172 460 138 578
Sykia 9 – 1 – 36 94 8 –
Tarsina 388 110 – – 47 148 28 –
Thalero 328 1 – – 92 324 31 –
Throphari 636 8 60 – 129 315 – 1,089
Titane 1,080 187 – – 103 166 – –
Vasiliko 895 545 12 – 371 1,636 208 98
Velina 1,288 128 269 – 232 529 53 1,191
Velo 517 110 9 4 374 1,813 124 22
Vochaiko 678 117 – – 260 493 119 –
Vrachati 241 105 26 – 372 1,167 85 72
Xylokastro 219 26 3 1 130 345 235 5
Zemeno 1,046 73 7 – 369 1,079 – 1,119
Total 36,317 5,031 3,340 7 9,267 25,685 2,230 11,146
* Units = stremmata (1,000 m ).
2
50 chapter 1
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Figure 1.29. Early modern water


almost 4,500 ha (44,695 stremmata), olives 223 ha (2,230 stremmata), mill in the village of Throphari. In
vineyards almost 930 ha (9,267 stremmata), and raisins (both Corinthian the foreground is what is left of the
and Soultanina varieties) close to 2,600 ha (25,685 stremmata). Cereals penstock, which brought water to
were grown predominantly in the semimountainous and mountainous the mill.
districts, while vineyards dominated the coastal plain. In the last 30 years,
the type and volume of agricultural production have been decisively influ-
enced by the application of modern technology, marketplace competition,
and the directives of the European Community.182 Citrus fruits, apricots,
and raisins constitute the bulk of the agricultural production in the plain
today, while forests and maquis that once covered semimountainous and
mountainous areas have been cleared to allow the cultivation of raisins.183 182. By modern technology, I mean
Two characteristic examples of the kinds of changes that have taken place the use of chemical fertilizers and
can be found on the western slopes of Trikaranon and the eastern slopes heavy, motorized farm machinery, as
of Vesiza (almost to the Asopos valley), where prickly oaks and pine trees well as drilling for water, both in the
used to grow; today, these areas have been almost entirely cultivated with plain and the mountainous region to
the south.
vineyards.184
183. In fact, citrus fruits were intro-
The grinding of corn in the preindustrial era was facilitated by wa- duced by the Ottomans in the 16th or
ter mills, placed on the banks of rivers and streams or along the outlet 17th century: Jameson, Runnels, and
of a perennial spring. In Sikyonia, most water mills date from the early van Andel 1994, p. 277.
modern period, but some may go back to the Ottoman era since early 184. In the 1911 census, no fewer
travelers occasionally took notice of them. The Nani Archive records a than 225 hectares of uncultivated and
forested areas were recorded for
mill in the village of Titane that was previously owned by a Turk.185 This Stimanga. On the environmental
specific mill is no longer preserved, but it may have been similar to the destruction that accompanies such
mills that we recorded within the villages of Throphari and Zemeno, both “development,” see below, pp. 417–418.
of the late 19th century (Fig. 1.29). Leake saw “some mills on the right, 185. Ms. 3924, f.297v: “un Molino
worked by a derivation from the stream,” probably referring to mills on nella Villa Voivodeus de Turco Isuf
Sabani.”
the Helisson River.186 I observed traces of horizontal water mills on the
186. Leake 1830, p. 226.
banks of the Nemea, Asopos, Helisson, and Sythas rivers.187 In addition, 187. On the horizontal water mill
I recorded three mills below the springs of Se near Megali Valtsa, and and its history, see Forbes 1965, pp. 88–
one more below Kryoneri, all in a state of ruin (Fig. 1.30). Their most 105.
physical environment and resources 51
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Figure 1.30. Part of a ruined water


mill below Kryoneri characteristic feature is the penstock that rose above the mill house and
received the running water.188 It should be noted that not all water mills
produced flour. In 1675, Wheler was told of some powder mills on the
Asopos River, “which are the first I ever saw in Turkey.”189 Today the
ruins of a late-19th-century water mill stand a few meters to the south
of the Turkish bridge.

A nim al H u sban dry an d Pastoral i sm


The only domesticated equid mentioned in the ancient sources for Sikyonia
is the horse. Sikyonian horses were famous in antiquity, particularly in the
Archaic period. In the Iliad, the Sikyonian Echepolos, son of Anchises,
gave to Agamemnon his mare Aithe so that he might stay home and not
follow him to Troy (Il. 23.293–299). A scholiast to the Odyssey (11.271)
says that Sikyonian horse-keepers (ἱπποφορβοὶ) undertook the upbring-
ing of Oedipus until the exposed child came of age. The tyrants Myron
and Kleisthenes were both winners in chariot races at Olympia, and the
latter won a chariot race at the Pythia at Delphi as well.190 In addition,
the “hippo-” component in the names of some Sikyonian kings suggests
their connection with horses, as Charles Skalet has pointed out.191 In the
188. For early modern examples
4th century b.c., Sikyonian horses were associated with ostentatious dis-
from the Berbati-Limnes area, see
Wells and Runnels 1996, p. 437. play, judging from a passage in Demosthenes (21.158) where he rebukes
189. Wheler 1682, p. 446. Meidias for driving a pair of white horses from Sikyon. It is likely that the
190. Paus. 6.19.2, 10.7.6; Hdt. Sikyonians raised a special breed of horses called samphoras, because they
6.126.2. were branded with the letter σάν, which was the initial of Sikyon.192 We
191. E.g., Zeuxippos, Leukippos, can imagine that the coastal plain provided an excellent training ground
and Hippolytos: Skalet 1928, p. 32.
for the horses of the Sikyonian upper class.
192. The connection is convincingly
argued by Jeffery (1990, p. 142, n. 2); The names of two of the three tribes created by Kleisthenes—ὀνεᾶται
see also Griffin 1982, p. 30. and χοιρεᾶται—may allude to the abundance of donkeys and pigs in that
193. See below, p. 63. period.193 Donkeys were the prime transportation animals from antiquity
52 chapter 1

Table 1.8. Animal h usbandry of Sikyonia according to the 1911 census


Village Horses Mules Donkeys Oxen Pigs Sheep Goats Beehives
Bolati 18 – 6 – – 137 39 10
Bozika 23 41 41 109 71 1,286 781 10
Diminio (Ano) 80 10 29 3 50 279 74 14
Diminio (Kato) 20 5 7 1 2 167 36 1
Evangelistria 24 – – – – 222 38 4
Geliniatika 2 8 2 2 – 36 7 1
Gonoussa 6 49 17 59 40 312 375 18
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Kaisari 97 95 56 86 210 2,088 810 20


Kiato 38 13 18 15 44 205 267 24
Klimenti 14 78 65 128 89 745 238 6
Kokkoni 33 4 17 – 2 219 66 45
Krinai 70 14 3 – 10 678 93 –
Kryoneri 7 118 52 172 94 1,611 1,115 64
Lalioti 18 26 35 60 27 497 166 127
Manna 7 94 92 142 86 892 719 48
Megali Valtsa 7 79 63 86 60 586 274 28
Melissi 41 11 37 2 21 213 75 16
Mikri Valtsa 9 40 16 65 20 415 214 55
Moulki 53 10 11 – 24 396 78 13
Nerantza 11 3 11 – 1 72 68 –
Panariti 3 113 45 93 63 406 270 68
Paradeisi 6 14 9 28 1 154 155 –
Poulitsa 45 3 3 – – 554 49 53
Souli 14 63 30 90 – 366 739 –
Stimanga 30 61 27 49 52 1,182 967 255
Stylia 1 28 20 96 12 225 363 9
Sykia 2 2 – – – 22 20 –
Tarsina 16 6 2 – 1 268 52 19
Thalero 16 8 32 7 7 285 38 65
Throphari 1 25 14 35 31 292 305 62
Titane 5 22 6 54 27 317 109 –
Vasiliko 70 75 47 16 44 291 157 110
Velina 29 41 45 80 62 1,723 575 78
Velo 53 21 11 1 3 111 110 123
Vochaiko 62 6 1 – – 352 42 5
Vrachati 38 1 8 – – 185 72 –
Xylokastro 13 6 13 3 10 56 50 –
Zemeno – 75 41 36 41 265 253 114
Total 982 1,268 932 1,518 1,205 18,110 9,859 1,465
physical environment and resources 53

to the early modern period, while pigs were raised solely for food. Oxen are
not mentioned in the sources, but were certainly bred, since they were the
primary work animals, mainly used in plowing and hauling, and provided
meat for sacrifices. The principal sources of meat, dairy products, wool,
and hair were sheep and goats, which are also absent from our sources.
Considering the extensive mountainous land of Sikyonia, pastoralism must
have been one of the main sources of subsistence in antiquity, as it has been
in recent centuries (see Table 1.8). Ancient historians and students of the
Greek countryside have argued for the symbiosis of animal husbandry and
agriculture in antiquity, and the close collaboration between herders and
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farmers.194 This also applies to later periods down to the modern era, as we
can see by comparing the 1911 data of Tables 1.7 and 1.8. Even villages
that did not extend beyond the coastal plain and had substantial agricul-
tural production, such as Vrachati, Kokkoni, Nerantza, Kato Diminio,
and Melissi, had a considerable number of sheep and goats. Inversely,
mountainous villages with numerous herds and limited arable lands, such
as Stimanga, Bozika, Velina, Panariti, or Manna, did manage to produce
sufficient quantities of cereals, olives, and even grapes.
Overall, for the year 1911, 18,110 sheep and 9,859 goats are recorded
from the villages of Sikyonia, together with 1,518 oxen, 1,205 pigs, 1,268
mules, 932 donkeys, and 982 horses. Goats are more numerous in areas
with maquis vegetation, such as Stimanga or Kryoneri. Also, coastal villages
have more horses than mules or donkeys, and only a handful of oxen. On
the contrary, mules and donkeys outnumber horses in the semimountainous
and mountainous villages, since these pack animals could handle sloping
terrain better than horses. Mules were also used for plowing in the same
capacity as horses on the coast, and for working olive crushers, presses, and
mills. For the purposes of plowing and hauling, they replaced the oxen that
must have been more numerous in previous centuries.195 Pairs of oxen (paio
di Bò) appear regularly in the Nani Archive, always in connection with land
(terreni), both in coastal villages (Bolati, Varella, Vasiliko) and mountainous/
semimountainous ones (Lalioti, Stimanga, Panariti, Manna).196
The number of sheep and goats has dramatically decreased in the last
four decades, mainly due to the expansion of agriculture. At the same time,
the appearance of the automobile and the construction of asphalt roads
have reduced reliance on horses, donkeys, and mules.

Fis h i n g
Far from being merely supplementary to agriculture and pastoralism as a
means of subsistence, fishing must have been a considerable resource for
194. See esp. Forbes 1994, 1995. the Sikyonians living on or near the coastal zone since prehistoric times.
195. The southern Argolid survey- One of our Late Helladic settlement sites located above the coastal plain
ors estimate that in the early 19th cen- yielded a conical lead weight most likely used for fishing (HS-98; Fig.
tury about half of Greek farming fami- 5.19:s). Later, fish became a Sikyonian specialty (ἰδίωμα), if we trust
lies possessed a yoke of oxen: see
Antiphanes (apud Ath. 1.27d), who selects Sikyonian fish (ἰχθὺς Σικυῶνος)
Jameson, Runnels, and van Andel 1994,
pp. 285–286. for his perfect symposion: “From Elis comes the cook; from Argos the
196. See, e.g., Ms. 3927, ff. 555r+v, cauldron, from Phlius wine, from Corinth bedspreads; fish from Sikyon,
556v, 560v, 565v, 571r, 575r, 582v. flute-girls from Aegion, cheese from Sicily . . . perfumes from Athens,
54 chapter 1

eels from Boiotia.” The only creature among marine fauna mentioned in
the sources in connection with Sikyon is the conger eel (γόγγρος), a large,
strictly marine, scaleless eel. Athenaios, who devotes a paragraph to the
species (7.288c–d), describes them as follows: “These, as Hikesios says, are
tougher than lake eels, have a more spongy flesh, are less nourishing and
much inferior in flavor, but are wholesome [εὐστομάχους].” He also quotes
Eudoxus, who “in the sixth book of his Description of the Earth, says that
many are caught in Sikyon as large as a man can carry; in some instances
one of them even fills a cart” (γόγγρους δὲ φησιν πολλοὺς ἀνδραχθεῖς ἐν
Σικυῶνι ἁλίσκεσθαι. ὧν ἐνίαιους εἷναι καὶ ἁμαξιαίους). He continues
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by saying that “Philemon, the poet of New Comedy, also mentions the
different conger eels of Sikyon” (τῶν ἐν Σικυῶνι διαφόρων γόγγρων). In
Philemon’s play, the cook, boasting of his art, says pompously: “If I had,
then, got something rare, an Attic sea lizard—O Savior Zeus—or Argive
boar, or conger eel from Sikyon, which Poseidon carries to heaven as an
offering to the gods, then all who ate would have become gods.”
Conger eel, the colloquial Greek δρόγγος or μουγκρί, is still fished in
the Corinthian Gulf, although demand for it is very low. The earliest sta-
tistical data on commercial fishing per port authority in Greece date from
1936.197 According to the data of the port authority of Patras, on which
Kiato depended, the following species produced over 1,000 kg: codfish,
anchovies, smelts, boces, striped gray mullets, chub mackerels, whitebaits,
saddled breams, conger eels, red mullets, sardines, horse mackerels, scorpion
fishes, two-banded breams, and doradoes. That particular year, 1,160 kg
of conger eels were caught.

Q uar ry i ng
The presence of ancient stone quarries between Sikyon and Corinth has
been known for many years,198 but no quarries have thus far been reported
from the area of Sikyon itself. I have located eight areas with clear signs
of ancient quarrying: five in the city itself, two to the east of the Sikyonian
plateau (RS-6 and HS-47), and one to the northwest of it (SP-9). The
plateau carries the most extensive traces of quarrying activity: along the
eastern edge of Pano Kokkinia, both to the west and south of the ancient
agora (Quarries 1–3); near the eastern edge of the plateau due north of 197. Statistique sur la pêche en Grèce
the gully of Mikri Vrysi (Quarry 4); and along the northwest edge of the 1936, p. 13.
plateau following the line of the fortification wall (Map 6). In addition, 198. For the quarries between
large portions of the theater and the stadium have been carved out of the ancient Corinth and the Nemea River,
bedrock.199 Quarries are both pitlike and trenchlike, of conglomerate, oolitic see Wiseman 1978, pp. 68, 104, and
Hayward 2003.
limestone, and sandstone (Fig. 1.31). The latter was extracted from Quarry 199. Many more distinct areas of
4, which has recently been excavated by the local Ephoreia. The trenchlike quarrying have been recognized in the
quarrying along the northwest edge of the plateau was probably made in course of the intensive surface survey
order to provide footing (and material) for the city wall (Fig. 1.32).200 and of the geoarchaeological survey
The trenchlike quarry of Saitaiika (Σαιταίικα), south of the village of conducted in the urban area of Sikyon
from 2004 to 2009; see Lolos et al.,
Velo, is located at the edge of one of the first low, steplike terraces rising
forthcoming, and the annual reports of
to the southwest of the plain. The conglomerate rock is cut vertically to a the project at <http://extras.ha.uth.gr/
depth of at least 1 m and a length of ca. 45 m. In two places a square block sikyon>.
has been quarried but left in place (Figs. 1.33, 1.34). A road cut (RS-6) at 200. See below, pp. 210–211.
physical environment and resources 55

Figure 1.31. Pitlike quarry at Sikyon


(Quarry 2 on Map 6)
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Figure 1.32 (below, left). Trenchlike


quarry at Sikyon along the northwest
edge of the plateau, looking north

Figure 1.33 (below, right). Trenchlike


quarry at Saitaiika of Velo, along
the conglomerate face of a marine
terrace, looking south. Notice the
partially cut block beneath the
measuring stick.
56 chapter 1
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Figure 1.34. Plan of the quarry and


the northern end of the visible part of the quarry was presumably associated road (RS-6) at Saitaiika of Velo
with the transportation of the stones. It is possible that the quarry continues
on the other side (north) of the road, and I spotted possible signs of trench-
like quarrying further to the southeast, near the village of Evangelistria
(HS-3). Again, the friability of the conglomerate obstructs the recognition
of quarried surfaces, and further research is needed for their identification
and accurate mapping. To the west of Saitaiika, at Prophetes Elias of Velo
(HS-47), I recorded traces of pitlike quarrying with a face over 40 m in
length (Fig. 1.35). Nearby I observed a rock-cut well and basin, as well as
an ashlar stone, which was apparently extracted from the quarry. In the
western part of Sikyonia, I found only one quarry, near the village of Ano
Melissi (SP-9). Vegetation and fencing on adjacent land plots prohibited
me from exploring the limits of this pitlike, conglomerate quarry.
I do not claim to have located all of the quarries in ancient Sikyonia,
but such a project would be a worthwhile undertaking because there are
indications that Sikyonian stone was used in construction projects at the
physical environment and resources 57
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Figure 1.35. Pitlike quarry at


Prophetes Elias of Velo (HS-47)

sanctuaries of Delphi, Olympia, and Epidauros. The French excavators of


Delphi observed that the first two Sikyonian “treasuries” at the sanctu-
ary, namely the Tholos and the Monopteros, were made of “oölithic tufa
with pebble inclusions” commonly found in the area between Corinth
and Sikyon.201 In addition, a Sikyonian carved his ethnic on a poros stone
block found in a pile at the southwest corner of the temple terrace.202 The
excavators argue for a Sikyonian provenance for the stone and believe it
was used in the construction of the Archaic sanctuary in the late 7th/early
6th century b.c.
201. Bommelaer 1991, pp. 118–123.
The Sikyonian treasury at Olympia is described as being built of calcar-
By “oölithic tufa” the excavators proba- eous sandstone (“Kalksandstein”), which is not used in any other building
bly mean oolitic limestone, which is of the sanctuary. The stones bear marks in the Sikyonian alphabet, which
found on the Sikyonian plateau. The led Wilhelm Dörpfeld to suggest that they were quarried at Sikyon.203
recent excavations for the new railway Sandstone is found on the Sikyonian plateau and possibly in other parts
from Athens to Kiato exposed in 2005
of Sikyonia as well.
parts of an extensive quarry of con-
glomerate stone, the first time that Finally, a fragmentary inscription built into a Late Roman wall to the
quarrying activity has been detected in south of the Tholos of the Epidaurian Asklepieion refers to transporta-
the Sikyonian plain. The location of tion of “poros” stones from Sikyon and Corinth to Epidauros by sea.204 No
this quarry, very close to the site of the further details of this inscription are known, and it remains unpublished.
ancient harbor, meant that its stone Closer examination of the building material used in the treasuries and
could have been transported to Delphi
relatively easily.
temples of all three sanctuaries and their comparison with samples of
202. Daux 1937, pp. 57–60. The quarries from the Corinthia and Sikyonia is needed in order to identify
dimensions of the ashlar block: H. 0.92, the source of the stone.
L. 0.9, Th. 0.32 m.
203. Dörpfeld 1883, 1892; also
Mallwitz 1972, pp. 167–169. Wo od c u t t i n g an d O th er Ac t i v i t i e s
204. Kritzas 1987, p. 14.
205. Hdt. 8.1, 8.43; schol. ad Pind. The texts of ancient historians contain a number of references to the
Nem. 9.5; Thuc. 2.9.3, 8.3.2; Xen. Hell. considerable strength of the Sikyonian navy, for the building of which
6.4.18. ample resources of timber were needed.205 In addition, from two Delphic
58 chapter 1

inscriptions of the 4th century b.c. we learn that the naopoioi of Apollo
bought cypress from Sikyon, which was then transported by sea to Kirra.206
The forested mountainous areas of Sikyonia—particularly its black pine,
fir, and cypress—would have been prime sources of timber in antiquity. In
Appendix IV, I argue that the “public” land defined by a rock-cut inscrip-
tion that I found near the southwest fringes of the territory was exploited
for its timber resources, namely, fir and black pine. 206. Bousquet 1977, pp. 91–95;
Pine trees were tapped for their resin, which was used for a variety of 1988, pp. 85–90, 226–233; CID II 60
purposes including sealing jars and the planks of the boats. Conifers are and 62 IIIB, lines 72–75; also Meiggs
also associated with apiculture, although our sources do not mention such 1982, pp. 430–432.
207. Likewise the southern Argolid
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activity, and we found no ancient ceramic hives during the survey. This intensive surveyors found fragments of
does not mean that beekeeping was not practiced in Sikyonia, but rather a ceramic hive at only one site: Jame-
that straw or wooden hives were used instead.207 In the 1911 census, 1,465 son, Runnels, and van Andel 1994,
beehives were counted in Sikyonian territory. p. 290.

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