Sikyon Sample
Sikyon Sample
Sikyon Sample
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land of sikyon
Yann i s A . Lol o s
wi t h con t r ib u t ion s b y
Aristoteles Koskinas, Lina Kormazopoulou, Ioanna Zygouri,
Vassilis Papathanassiou, and Angelos Matthaiou
Copyright © 2011
The American School of
Classical Studies at Athens,
Princeton, New Jersey
Lolos, Yannis A.
Land of Sikyon : archaeology and history of a Greek city-state / Yannis A. Lolos ;
with contributions by Aristoteles Koskinas . . . [et al.].
p. cm. — (Hesperia supplement ; 39)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-87661-539-3 (alk. paper)
1. Sicyon (Extinct city)—Antiquities. 2. Archaeology and history—Greece—Si-
cyon (Extinct city) 3. Historic sites—Greece—Sicyon (Extinct city) 4. Excavations
(Archaeology)—Greece—Sicyon (Extinct city) 5. Inscriptions—Greece—Sicyon
(Extinct city) 6. Sicyon (Extinct city)—Buildings, structures, etc. 7. Sicyon (Extinct
city)—History. 8. City-states—Greece—History. I. Koskinas, Aristoteles. II. Title.
DF261.S5L65 2011
938΄.7—dc23 2011017213
Con ten ts
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I nt r od uc t i on 1
Chapter 1
P hy si c al E nv i r on men t an d Re so u r c e s 7
Chapter 2
Sik yon i a f r om P r eh i stor i c Ti me s to th e
O t toman E ra 59
Chapter 3
La n d C ommu n i c at i on s 93
Chapter 4
Def en se s 181
Chapter 5
Se t tl emen ts: Th e C i t y an d I ts C o u n t ry si de 269
Chapter 6
Sac ra S i c yon i a 377
Con c l u si on 415
Appendixes
I. Register of Sites 419
II. Roof Tiles, by A. Koskinas 549
III. Aqueducts of Sikyon 571
IV. Public Land: An Epigraphical Testimony 585
V. Excavations at the Cave of Lechova: A Preliminary Report,
by L. Kormazopoulou, I. Zygouri, and V. Papathanassiou 589
vi contents
References 603
Index of Ancient Sources 621
General Index 627
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P refac e and Ackn ow led g m en ts
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I am grateful to the staff of the 4th and now 37th Ephoreia of Pre-
historic and Classical Antiquities—namely, the ephors Elsa Spathari, Zoe
Aslamantzidou, and Alekos Mantis; the archaeologists Anna Banaka and
Yota Kassimi; and the draftsperson Kiki Athanasouli—for their efficient
help in acquiring the permit for the fieldwork. The secretary of the Greek
Archaeological Society, Vasilios Petrakos, and the archivist Ioanna Ninou
promptly responded to my requests for material from the Orlandos ar-
chive. The archaeologist Photini Balla helped me with the survey of the
city walls in the early stages of the project. During the 2001 field season I
was assisted by three young archaeologists, graduates of the University of
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he has been like a father to me during the course of the project, always ready
to guide me to the antiquities of his village and its broader area.
During the processing and interpretation of the survey data, I was
fortunate to have the unfailing support of the staff of the Corinth Exca-
vations and its former director, Charles K. Williams II. I am especially
grateful to Nancy Bookidis, Guy Sanders, and Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst for
spending significant amounts of their busy time reading the pottery of the
survey. Nancy Bookidis also read sections of the book, making crucial cor-
rections, comments, and suggestions. Chris Hayward and Irene Polinskaya
made insightful observations on Chapters 1 and 6, respectively. Jeremy B.
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Rutter was able to identify most of the prehistoric material from digital
photos. Mark Lawall identified most of the amphora fragments, also from
digital photos. Karen Sotiriou made the pottery drawings included in this
volume. Natalia Vogeikoff-Brogan spent many hours in the apotheke of
Vasiliko to help with the description of the pottery. Bill Dietrich, Professor
of Geomorphology at the University of California, Berkeley, made insight-
ful comments on the geology section of Chapter 1. Panagiotis Kalliris,
chief forester of the prefecture of Corinthia, provided me with the flora
and fauna data included in Chapter 1, and Kelly Papapavlou assisted me
with the terminology for this section and provided helpful comments on
its text. Andrew F. Stewart and Peter Schultz helped me with questions
pertaining to sculpture. Two of my colleagues at the University of Thessaly,
Yannis Varalis and Paris Gounaridis, advised me in the area of Byzantine
archaeology and history; the former was even able to accompany me to
some of the Medieval monuments of the survey area to answer questions
on site. Molly Richardson edited Appendix VI in a professional manner.
George Velenis of the University of Thessaloniki helped me to decipher
the building inscription presented in Appendix VII. The Blegen Library
at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens provided an ideal
environment for the actual writing of the book. Greta Vollmer, Tanya Szaf-
ranski, and Camilla MacKay edited parts of the text in an early stage, and
Jill Hilditch edited the entire manuscript, saving me from many linguistic
embarrassments. In preparing the maps and plans I was assisted by many
GIS and CAD experts, including Geoffrey Compton at the University of
Michigan, the Marathon Data Systems office in Athens, Giorgos Photis at
the University of Thessaly, and James Herbst of the Corinth Excavations.
In computer-related matters Tarek Elemam, the Information Systems &
Technology Manager of the American School, was always there to save
me from fatal errors. My brother, Panayotis, designed the database for the
survey catalogue entries. In the final stages, the corrections, comments, and
suggestions made by the anonymous reviewers, the proofreader (Nancy
Winter), and the editor (Carol Stein) helped me to improve both the
content and the appearance of the manuscript. I am also grateful to Evi
Sikla for preparing the indexes at the end of the volume.
The project would not have even begun without the financial support
of many institutions and foundations over the years: the University of
California (1996–1997), the Dr. M. Aylwin Cotton Foundation (1999–
2000), the American School of Classical Studies at Athens (2002–2003),
and, above all, the 1984 Foundation (1997–1998, 2001–2003). Finally, I
xxviii p r e fa c e a n d a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s
Postscript. The manuscript for this book was submitted at the end of Sep-
tember 2005. Since then, a five-year intensive surface survey was conducted
on the plateau of Sikyon by the University of Thessaly, in collaboration with
the 37th Ephoreia of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, the Institute
of Mediterranean Studies, and the University of York. The results of these
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org an i z at ion
with forts or the city itself. Together they formed the defensive web of the
state’s territory, securing military and civic readiness in critical periods. This
does not mean that the guards stationed in these forts and towers could
keep a hostile army out of the city’s territory.3 Their role was to watch over
any threatening movements of the enemy, and to some extent deter small
troops of hit-and-run marauders. Forts also served as rallying points for
the people inhabiting the countryside in critical periods.
The various forms of settlement in Sikyonia, from the asty itself to
small towns (πολίσματα), villages (κῶμαι), and simple farmsteads, are dis-
cussed in Chapter 5, which mainly draws upon the results of the extensive
site-based survey that we carried out between 2000 and 2002. Finally, in
Chapter 6, I explore the sanctuaries of the city and the countryside as they
can be reconstructed from literary testimonia, rescue excavations, and our
survey evidence.
The text is complemented by a series of appendixes. The Register of 1. The only study to address the
Sites in Appendix I includes habitation sites (abbreviated HS in the text); road and defensive systems together
special-purpose sites (SP), namely, nonhabitation sites such as quarries, was published by Pikoulas (1995). The
cisterns, terrace walls, sanctuaries, rural churches, storage sheds, and animal author presents abundant physical
pens; traces of roads (RS); defensive sites (DS); and, finally, alleged sites evidence for roads connecting the
Corinthia to Arkadia and the Argolid,
(AS), that is, sites that are mentioned by earlier investigators or local in- and raises the possibility that some of
formants but that no longer exist, or could not be located. The distinction these roads had been built by the
between these different types of sites, particularly between habitation and Spartan symmachia during the 6th and
special-purpose sites, is not always straightforward, as I explain below. In 5th centuries b.c.; see Pikoulas 1995,
addition, a few sites had more than one function, such as Titane (HS-67), pp. 349–352, more emphatically argued
in Pikoulas 2001.
which was primarily a sanctuary with a settlement around it and a fort
2. Contra Munn (1993, p. 16): “the
planted on the hill, or Thekriza (HS-54), a large settlement with a military assertion that forts were intended to
tower adjacent to it. In such cases, I have usually created a separate entry defend roads is a modern deduction,
in the Register for each function (e.g., for the military tower adjacent supported by no ancient authority.”
to Thekriza, see DS-10). In the second appendix, Aristoteles Koskinas This argumentum ex silentio is not
presents a preliminary study of the roof tiles observed in the survey, the convincing; ancient sources rarely
mention common, let alone obvious,
most common type of artifact found in the countryside and one whose practices of their time. The fact that
significance has been little explored. The third appendix deals with the two many Greek forts had a commanding
aqueducts of Sikyon, remains of which were found in various places but are view over main routes and passes is not
not recorded in the Register of Sites. The fourth appendix focuses on a rock- an accident, but implies a deliberate
cut inscription that I located near what I consider to be the southwestern decision on the part of the state.
3. Harding (1988) and Munn (1993,
border of Sikyonian territory. In Appendix V, Lina Kormazopoulou, Ioanna
pp. 18–25) convincingly argue against
Zygouri, and Vassilis Papathanassiou present a recently excavated sacred Ober’s thesis (1985) that Athenian
cave—in fact, the only excavated cave of Sikyonia frequented during the border forts were meant to prevent
Archaic and Classical periods. An inscribed sherd that was found in that enemies from entering Attica.
introduction 3
cave and identifies the divinities worshiped there is the topic of the sixth
appendix, authored jointly by Angelos Matthaiou and myself. In the final
appendix, I present a 16th-century inscription built into a church below
the village of Vasiliko that gives the name of the founder and the date of
that monument.
res e arch
Surv e y Wor k
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apart. The direction of fieldwalking and the space between walkers was
often predetermined by the orientation and layout of the vineyards that
dominate the Sikyonian landscape; in most areas of the Corinthia today,
vineyards are planted along parallel lines set 2.5 m apart.
Our first concern was to verify that we did have a “site,” as opposed
to an off-site scatter, and this we established by comparing the artifact
density on the site to the density of finds in the surrounding area. Our
next concern was the nature of the site, which we determined based on the
amount, kind, and overall presence of pottery, as well as on the site’s location
and associated structures. Thus, miniature vases are typical of sanctuaries,
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and tableware, cookware, and storage vessels are typical of habitation sites,
whereas good-quality tiles (with fine glaze) and dressed blocks are rather
inconsistent with a simple animal pen. Of course, reality is always more
complex, since a country house can later be converted into a storeroom or
an animal pen, as still happens in Sikyonia today. The exact location of a
site is given in X/Y coordinates in the Greek Geodetic Reference System
(EGSA 87).5
W r i t t e n S our c e s
In identifying and interpreting various sites I took into consideration
appropriate ancient and medieval narratives, historical maps, and descrip-
tions offered by early modern travelers and 20th-century scholars. These
documents were invaluable in contextualizing, confirming, and often
5. For our method of obtaining
supplementing the physical remains. site coordinates, see below, pp. 269–
Ancient writers not only provide us with historical cases for the use 270.
of roads and fortresses, as well as occasionally mentioning settlements and 6. See in particular Nenci 1955;
sanctuaries of the chora, they also include topographical clues that help Laffranque 1963; Schepens 1980.
us locate and identify some of these sites. Their testimonies are based on Nenci (1955, p. 29) observes that
“Greek historiography is the daughter
autopsy (ὄψις) and personal experience (ἐμπειρία). That autopsy had a of geography,” in which autopsy was
value central to ancient historiography has been recognized only relatively the obvious means of research. In this
recently.6 Personal experience as a methodological concept developed in respect it differs radically from modern
the 4th century and appears prominently in the work of Ephoros,7 which historiography, which, as Hockett
is particularly significant for us since Diodoros, who drew extensively (1955, pp. 7–8) puts it, “is not a science
of direct observation.” This new
on Ephoros’s narrative, is one of our main sources concerning Sikyonian
conception of the task and method of
topography. Xenophon, in his Hellenica, includes lengthy chapters on history goes hand in hand with the
events that took place in the northwestern Peloponnese and involved the appearance of a new type of historian in
territories of Corinth, Sikyon, and Phlious. Xenophon’s physical presence the 19th century. Whereas in the past,
in Corinth lends credibility to his account: Diogenes Laertius tells us the majority of historians had played a
that Xenophon found refuge in Corinth in the aftermath of the battle at significant role in the public life of a
city, the 19th century saw the
Leuktra and quotes Demetrios of Magnesia, who wrote that Xenophon appearance of the “scholar”; in
died there in the year 360/59 (Diog. Laert. 2.53, 2.56).8 Plutarch’s Life of Schepens’s words (1980, p. 12), “the
Aratos, which I used extensively, is based on the memoirs of the famous βιβλιακὴ ἕξις took priority over the ἐξ
Achaian strategos himself. Pausanias visited Sikyon after leaving Corinth αὐτῶν πραγμάτων ἕξις” (my
and before heading to Phlious; his itinerary and his topographical notes translation).
7. For the historical method of
are particularly helpful in trying to reconstruct the urban topography, as
Ephoros, see Schepens 1970.
well as the road network and sacred landscape of the state. 8. For Xenophon in Corinth, see
However valuable historical testimonia may be, they contain few ex- Delebecque 1957, pp. 312–341; and
plicit references to roads, defensive structures, settlements, or sanctuaries Anderson 1986.
introduction 5
unless these sites happen to play a role in the events under discussion.
Watch/signal towers, for example, are nearly absent from the narratives
of the historians. Likewise, Pausanias is an invaluable source on urban to-
pography and the sanctuaries of the countryside, but he had little interest
in other types of sites, such as smaller settlements and defensive structures.
Having considered the limitations of the ancient sources, we can now
assess the value of the diaries of early modern travelers. Unlike the ancient
historians, early travelers were primarily concerned with the antiquities
themselves, including forts, towers, roads, and settlements. They visited
Greece when it was still untouched by technological development, even as
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it was defined in their time. Intensive farming was limited to a few areas,
whereas the majority of mountainous land was devoted to grazing and
cereal cultivation. An impressive array of travelers visited Sikyon, either
from Corinth or Patras, during the early 19th century: Clarke (1801–1802),
Gell (1804–1805), Dodwell (1801, 1805–1806), Leake (1805), Pouqueville
(1816), and Ross (1840); these were followed by, during the 1840s and
1850s, Rangabé, Vischer, Clark, and Wyse (among others).9 Travelers from
earlier centuries include Cyriaco di Ancona (1436), Wheler (1675), and the
infamous Abbé Fourmont (1729–1730). Cyriaco passed by Sikyon briefly
in late April 1436 on his way from Corinth to Kalavryta, but his writings
are almost entirely lost.10 Unfortunately, the correspondence of Fourmont
remains largely unpublished, but Wheler’s description is available.11 Study
of their accounts and the location of their reference points, many of which
have since changed, is facilitated considerably by old maps and drawings.
One of the earliest and finest maps is the Carte de la Grèce, drafted
by the Expédition scientifique de Morée and published in 1852. In the
second half of the 19th century, Miliarakis (1886) and the Guides-Joanne
(1891) both published maps marking the names of mountains, rivers,
plains, and villages in the area. A second tradition, which started with
Leake (1830) and Curtius (1851–1852) and continued with Kiepert’s
9. See Clarke 1818; Gell 1817; Neuer Atlas of 1879, emphasized ancient toponyms and aimed to locate
Dodwell 1819; Leake 1830; Pouqueville them and mark them on a map. The maps produced by these scholars are
1826, 1827; Ross 1841; Rangabé 1857; full of suggestions regarding the locations of various forts, polismata, and
Vischer 1857; Clark 1858; Wyse 1865. komai, or the courses of ancient roads, based on their own interpretations
10. Stoneman 1987, p. 30.
of the material evidence and of the relevant sources. The maps of the earlier
11. Wheler 1682.
12. The first two-wheeled chariot in tradition mark the main roads in use during the time they were drafted.
Greece was introduced during the first Many of these undoubtedly go back to the Classical period: hardly any
years of Otto’s kingship: Despotopoulos wagon roads were constructed, at least in this part of Greece, in Byzantine,
1940, pp. 535–536. Frankish, and Ottoman times, due to the general absence of wagons,12 and
13. In 1800, the French painter and we know that the European travelers moved about Greece on foot and on
antiquarian François Louis Fauvel,
wishing to send antiquities to France,
horseback.13 The first program of road building in Greece was established
had to have a cart brought to Athens by King Otto in 1833, but very few roads were actually constructed.14 On
from Toulon; see Pikoulas 1995, p. 25, the other hand, not all 19th-century roads marked on contemporary maps
n. 51. were ancient; some were created to serve villages of the post-Medieval era.
14. MEE, vol. 10, pp. 815–816, s.v. These villages appear on some early maps as well as in archives dating from
Ὁδοποιία Ἑλλάδος (A. Oikonomou).
the period of the second Venetian occupation, such as the Nani Archive
In 1852, the entire road network of
Greece was only 168 km long: see the or the list of Alberghetti.15
table in Despotopoulos 1940, p. 537. The earliest attempts to address the topography of Sikyonia were made
15. See below, pp. 354–359. by Robert Gompf and Hermann Bobrik, in 1832 and 1839, respectively,
6 introduction
but neither of these authors was able to visit the area personally. A re-
markably high-quality article by Ludwig Ross on the fortresses of the
Sikyonian territory appeared in 1840. In the 1920s, Ernst Meyer visited
the western section of Sikyonia as part of his Peloponnesian “Wanderings”
and produced a chapter on it for his 1939 monograph. He was succeeded in
1970 by Nikolas Pharaklas, who published the results of his fieldwork as a
separate volume of the Ancient Greek Cities series. Pharaklas’s “survey” is
by no means comprehensive, and it contains a number of inaccuracies and
errors. Nonetheless it does provide, along with Meyer’s chapter, precious
evidence for now-lost antiquities. Important topographical and archaeo-
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16. Smith 1916, p. 219. The later 18. See Alexandri 1965; Charito-
American and Greek excavators of the nidis 1968, p. 124; Daux 1956, p. 256;
area do not seem to have taken notice 1958, p. 702; 1963, p. 736; Droso-
of these amateur initiatives. gianni 1968; Georgopoulou 1989;
17. See Brownson and Young 1893; Kassimi 2004; Kormazopoulou and
Earle 1889a, 1889b, 1891, 1892, 1893; Zygouri 2003; Koutivas 1962, pp. 56–
Fiechter 1931; Fossum 1905; Krystalli- 59; Krystalli 1968; Krystalli-Votsi 1976,
Votsi 1984, 1988, 1991a, 1991b; 1983; Pallas 1977, pp. 175–176; Pyrio-
McMurtry 1889; Orlandos 1933, 1934, volis 1986; Skarmoutsou 1992; Skar-
1935a, 1936, 1937, 1938, 1939, 1940, moutsou-Dimitropoulou 1999; Skias
1947, 1952, 1954, 1955, 1956; Petrakos 1919; Stikas 1947; Tsophopoulou-
1989; Philadelpheus 1926a. Gkini 1988.
c hap ter 1
P hy s i c al E nv i r on m e n t an d
Re s ou r c e s
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T h e Lan d s cap e
The territory of ancient Sikyon stretched from the Nemea River in the
east to the Sythas River in the west, and from the Corinthian Gulf in the
north to Thyamia and modern Gavrias in the south (Map 1). It included
two mountain ranges that run roughly in a northeast–southwest direc-
tion and are separated by a deep river valley. There were also two plains:
1. On the location of Sikyonia the western plain between Vesiza and the northernmost foot of Mount
between Corinthia and Achaia Kyllene, and the fertile plain along the gulf, fed by numerous rivers and cut
(Pellene), see Hdt. 1.145; Ephoros, by several ravines. Roughly measured, some 83% of the Sikyonian territory
FGrH 2A, F20, 18c; Strabo 8.2.2, 8.7.4; (300 out of 360 km2) was mountainous or semimountainous (240 km2
Paus. 7.6.1, 7.26.12, 8.1.2; [Scylax] 42,
43. On Kirra opposite Sikyon, see
and 60 km2, respectively). The territory rises from sea level to an elevation
Strabo 9.3.3: πόλις ἀρχαία Κίρρα . . . of ca. 1,200 masl in the south and southwest, and to ca. 700 masl in the
ἵδρυται δ’ ἀπαντικρὺ Σικυῶνος. southeast.
2. Pharaklas 1971, pp. 1–5. The
author merely presents the main geo-
graphical features (mountains and M oun tai n s
plains) and refers to the political
boundaries of the state, with the excep- The mountain range of Trikaranon, in modern times known as Spiria,
tion of its problematic southern bound- dominates the eastern part of Sikyonia. It is mentioned a number of times
aries, which are not discussed at all. by Xenophon, in connection with military events involving the city of
8 chapter 1
K
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Ky
Ko
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T
P
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R i v e rs
As we have seen, the plain of Sikyon is crossed by several major rivers that
flow from the mountains in the south into the sea, as well as by numer-
ous ravines. These water courses are all of torrential type, meaning that
their water flow is significantly reduced, or ceases entirely, during the
summer.
The Nemea River to the east, known locally as Zapantis, and formerly
as the river of Koutsomadi from the name of the village in the Nemean
valley, has a relatively shallow but wide bed. It is fed by drainage from the
heights to the south of the sanctuary of Nemean Zeus and empties into
the gulf by the village of Vrachati.9 The name of the river is preserved by
Strabo and Livy, who both refer to it as the boundary line between Corinth
and Sikyon.10 The history of the river is gradually starting to emerge, thanks 9. On the map drawn by the
to excavation work at Nemea. The former director of the excavations, Expédition scientifique de Morée it is
Stephen G. Miller, kindly shared this information with me: marked as Koutsomati.
10. See below, p. 16. In addition,
The present line of the river along the sanctuary was the creation Bursian (1872, p. 23, n. 4) maintains
of trenching by French engineers in 1884. Before that time there that the Nemea River is called Langia
was, within the valley proper, no river. Hence it is clear that the by Statius (Theb. 4.717, 4.775); cf. also
Gompf 1832, p. 27. This cannot be so,
valley regularly flooded during the winter, which explains why the for Statius refers to the spring east of
modern village of Archaia Nemea was founded only after the valley the Sanctuary of Zeus and not to the
was drained, namely in 1885. [Here, Miller points to the report river; see Nemea I, pp. 220–221 and
of Dodwell, who visited the site in 1805, as well as to engravings n. 623.
physical environment and resources 11
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Peloponnese. The origin for this tale may be the convoluted course of the
Asopos River, which in sections resembles a meander pattern. During the
winter months, the water descended so strongly that the Sikyonians and
the Phliasians compared it to the raging of bulls.16 Leake described the
course of the river as “rapid, white, and turbid.”17 In the early 1970s the
water rose so high that it spilled over and damaged the 11 m high Turkish
bridge in the plain.18 The valley formed by the river at its northern end
was referred to by Strabo as the Ἀσωπία χώρα, cultivated in antiquity as
in modern times.19 The “Asopeia” opens up to the north of Megali Lakka
(Μεγάλη Λάκκα) of the village of Ellinochori, and extends toward the sea.
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Olive trees now cover a substantial part of it, and this must have been true
in antiquity as well, given the many ancient references to the great value
and healing properties of Sikyonian oil.20
The Helisson River, about 3 km to the west of the Asopos and known
locally as Zorzi (Ζορζή) or river of Lechova (ποτάμι της Λέχοβας), runs
below the northern cliffs of the Sikyonian plateau to meet the gulf just
west of the town of Kiato (Fig. 1.5). The ancient name of the river is given
by Pausanias who, having descended from Sikyon, reports encountering
along the leophoros (main road) to Achaia first the Helisson and then the
Sythas River.21 The Helisson’s sources are located in the area of the village
of Kryoneri, some 7 km (as the crow flies) south of Sikyon. The river forms
a fairly wide valley to the northwest of Sikyon. In the 1950s this section of
the riverbed was dredged to a considerable depth and the earth was used
for the construction of the highway to Patras.22 Alfred Philippson writes
that, in his time, the torrential water of the Helisson had caused many
disasters, and that locals had unsuccessfully tried to dam it by means of low
walls.23 Statius writes in a highly poetic fashion of the winding banks of
curved Helisson and its reputation of cleansing the “Stygian Eumenides.”24
However, despite the etymology of Helisson, its watercourse today is not
very winding and is certainly straighter than that of the Asopos.25 In addi-
tion, the grove of Eumenides was described by Pausanias (2.11.4) as lying
above the right bank of the Asopos, not of the Helisson. It is therefore likely,
as Conrad Bursian first suspected, that the poet confused the two rivers.26
The next large river to the west of the Helisson originates on the slopes
of Kyllene above the village of Trikala, and empties into the gulf west of
Xylokastro (Fig. 1.6). It is known as Trikalitikos and forms a wide and deep
valley. The ancient name for this river is Sythas (Σύθας), and I argue below
that it was the boundary between Sikyon and Achaia. Four less important
16. Ael. VH 2.33.7. 20. See below, p. 40. 24. Theb. 4.52–54: “et anfractu
17. Leake 1830, p. 356. 21. Paus. 2.12.2; for the passage, see riparum incurvus Elisson. saevus honos
18. On this bridge, see below, below, p. 159. fluvio: Stygias lustrare severis Eumeni-
pp. 99–100. 22. The practice of bulldozing earth das perhibetur aquis.”
19. Strabo 8.6.24: τῆς δὲ Κηλώσσης from riverbeds for road-terracing pur- 25. The name comes from the word
μέρος ὁ Καρνεάτης, ὅθεν λαμβάνει τὴν poses has been quite common in ἕλιξ, “spiral,” and serves to remind us of
ἀρχὴν Ἀσωπὸς ὁ παραρρέων τὴν Σικυω- Greece; see, e.g., SAGT I, pl. 106:b, the danger of identifying ancient places
νίαν καὶ ποιῶν τὴν Ἀσωπίαν χώραν, which shows trucks hauling gravel on a solely on the basis of the etymology of
μέρος οὖσαν τῆς Σικυωνίας; also 9.2.23: road that descends to the Sarantapota- their name.
. . . καὶ ὅτι ἐν Σικυωνίᾳ ἄλλος ἐστὶν mos River. 26. Bursian 1872, p. 26, n. 1.
Ἀσωπὸς καὶ ἡ χώρα Ἀσωπία, δι’ ἧς ῥεῖ. 23. Philippson 1892, p. 119.
physical environment and resources 13
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S M
Th
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27. See also Eust. ad Od. 1.260 tive location of Ephyra to the south of ily imply physical contact but only
(1.56.17 van der Valk). The kome of the village of Souli. proximity.
Ephyra has not been securely identified, 28. This is the rema described by 29. Guides-Joanne 1891, p. 400;
and therefore the suggested locations Leake as a “small stream” and identified Kiepert 1879.
cannot be used for identifying Selleeis: with Sythas: see below, p. 16. Rangabé 30. The information is given by
see below, pp. 320–323. Cf., e.g., (1857, p. 44) thought that the Selleeis the scholiast to Euripides’ Medea (ad
Curtius (1851–1852, vol. 2, p. 499), of Strabo and the Helisson of Pausanias 835; vol. 2, p. 185 Schwartz); also
who attempts to identify Selleeis with a refer to the same river, because of the Eust. ad Il. 2.523 (1.422.14 van der
tributary of the Helisson River, or the specification περὶ Σικυῶνα. The prepo- Valk).
Helisson River itself, based on a tenta- sition περί, however, does not necessar-
physical environment and resources 15
Nemea rivers are significant enough to cross the plain and empty into the
gulf. If we identify the Selleeis with the rema of Kyrillou, then the Keph-
issos could be any of the remaining three rivers to the east of the Sythas.
Seliandros, or the rema of Lalioti, originates from the plentiful springs of
Megali Valtsa, the same sources that fed the western aqueduct of Sikyon.31
It carries more water in the winter season than the rivers to its west. The
rema of Thalero has its sources in the area of Mikri Valtsa and, crossing
the plain obliquely, empties into the gulf east of Sykia (Fig. 1.7). Finally,
Katharoneri flows from the area of Throphari and Zemeno to the sea,
tracing a deep but narrow valley and bisecting the village of Sykia. In the
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late 19th century, its course served as a dividing line between the demes
of Sikyon and Pellene.32
Coastal P l ai n
The southern limit of the Sikyonian plain, which extends along the
Corinthian Gulf, is reflected in the line of the corresponding section of the
highway to Patras. To the west of Sikyon, it is reduced to a narrow strip of
land, with its widest section lying between Sikyon and Corinth. The width
of the plain in this area today is between three and four kilometers, although
it must have been somewhat less in antiquity since the northwestern side
of the Peloponnese has risen over a meter in the past two thousand years,
as explained below. The fertility of the plain was proverbial in antiquity.
Athenaios reports that to petitioners with trivial requests such as “How
could I become rich, son of Zeus and Leto?” the Pythia gave the mocking
reply, “If you take possession of the land between Sikyon and Corinth.”33
31. On the aqueduct, see Appendix In the story of the foundation oracle of Taras, the future settlers, originally
III, pp. 582–584. desiring the territory between Sikyon and Corinth, received the following
32. Miliarakis 1886, p. 115. response: “The area between Corinth and Sikyon is surely good; but you
Accordingly, half of the village of Sykia
will not inhabit it, not even if you would become embronzed.”34 In Lucian’s
belonged to the deme of Sikyon, and
half to the deme of Pellene. Πλοῖον ἢ Εὐχαί (20), Adeimantos boasts of having bought up all of the
33. Ath. 5.219a: land around the Athenian Acropolis, the seafront at Eleusis, a few lands
πῶς ἂν πλουτήσαιμι, Διὸς καὶ Λητοῦς around the Isthmus for the sake of the games, and the plain of Sikyon, and
υἱέ; χλευάζων ἀπεκρίνατο· promises that soon “everything thickly covered, or well-watered, or fruitful
εἰ τὸ μέσον κτήσαιο Κορίνθου καὶ in Greece” will be his.35 Livy (27.31.1) calls the plain between Sikyon and
Σικυῶνος.
Corinth “agrum nobilissimae fertilitatis” with reference to its devastation
This oracular response was quoted by
many ancient and medieval authors; for by the army of P. Sulpicius before the First Macedonian War.
the references and a discussion on the
nature of the reply, see Fontenrose
1978, p. 86 and n. 58. p oli t ica l bou ndaries
34. Diod. Sic. 8.21.3: Καλόν τοι
τὸ μεταξὺ Κορίνθου καὶ Σικυῶνος·
ἀλλ’ οὐκ οἰκήσεις, οὐδ’ εἰ παγχάλκεος
For ancient Greek cities, the existence of a frontier line defining their ter-
εἴης. Parke and Wormell (1956, vol. 1, ritory was inextricably linked to the identity of the city itself. Most telling
pp. 72–73) more or less accept the of this mindset is a passage in Xenophon describing how Corinthian citi-
authenticity of the story, unlike Fon- zens felt about the unification of their city with neighboring Argos: “They
tenrose (1978, p. 280). perceived that their city was put out of existence, inasmuch as boundary
35. συνηρεφές ἢ ἔνυδρον ἢ εὔκαρπον
stones had been removed and their fatherland was called Argos instead of
ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι.
36. For more references showing the Corinth” (Hell. 4.4.6).36 In this section I focus on the boundaries of the
value of frontiers to a Greek, see Sartre Sikyonian state, presenting the evidence for the fairly well-established ones
1979, p. 213. and proposing alternatives for the more problematic.
16 chapter 1
East e r n Border
The boundary between the Corinthia and Sikyonia, according to Strabo
and Livy, was the Nemea River: ὁρίζει δὲ τὴν Σικυωνίαν καὶ τὴν Κορινθίαν
ποταμὸς Νεμέα (Strabo 8.6.25); “Nemeam—amnis est Corinthium et
Sicyonium interfluens agrum” (Livy 33.15.1). For the century between
the end of the Achaian War in 146 b.c. and the foundation of the Roman
colony of Corinth in 46 b.c., the eastern Sikyonian boundary extended
to include “most of the Corinthian countryside” (τὴν δὲ χώραν ἔσχον οἱ
Σικυώνιοι τὴν πλείστην τῆς Κορινθίας).37 Although neither Strabo nor any
other source specifies the extent of the newly acquired land, the fact that
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Sikyon also gained control of the Isthmian Games at that time suggests
that most or all of the coastal plain past the Nemea River to the Isthmus
of Corinth came into its possession.38
We st e r n Border
Identific at i on of t he S y t has Riv er
The western boundary of Sikyonia is more problematic. Pausanias states
explicitly that the Sythas River separated Pellene and Achaia from Sikyonia
(καθότι δὲ Πελληνεῦσιν ὅροι τῆς χώρας πρὸς Σικυωνίους εἰσί, κατὰ τοῦτο
ποταμός σφισι Σύθας, ἔσχατος ποταμῶν τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν, ἐς τὴν Σικυωνίαν
ἐκδίδωσι θάλασσαν, 7.27.12),39 but the difficulty lies in identifying this
river among the several rivers west of Sikyon that now flow into the gulf.
Pausanias, after leaving the Sikyonian plateau on his way to Aristonautai,
the harbor of Pellene, first crossed the Helisson, and then the Sythas:
καταβᾶσι δὲ ἐς τὸν Σικυωνίων καλούμενον λιμένα καὶ τραπεῖσιν
ἐπ’ Ἀριστοναύτας τὸ ἐπίνειον τὸ Πελληνέων, ἔστιν ὀλίγον ὑπὲρ
τὴν ὁδὸν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερόν· προελθοῦσι δὲ κατὰ τὴν
λεωφόρον Ἑλισσών τε καλούμενος ποταμὸς καὶ μετ’ αὐτὸν Σύθας
ἐστίν, ἐκδιδόντες ἐς θάλασσαν.40
The Helisson can be safely identified with the river of Lechova, which
descends from the northern side of the Sikyonian plateau and empties
into the sea by the town of Kiato. Trikalitikos, which is the next largest
river to the west, is the best candidate for Sythas. The great distance,
however, between this river and the Helisson (over 13 km), and the fact
that four smaller rivers intervene between the two, have given rise to dif-
ferent topographical interpretations.41 Leake identified Sythas with the
rema of Kyrillou, which flows west of Kiato.42 Kyrillou is indeed the first
river west of Helisson but it is now, as it was when Leake saw it, a mere
stream and not a significant river. The same applies to the other three rivers
37. Strabo 8.6.23; cf. Eust. ad Il. the same river as “Sys.”
2.570 (1.448.42–43 van der Valk); see 40. Paus. 2.12.2.
below, p. 77. 41. The different suggestions are
38. Sikyonian control over the Isth- summarized by Bölte in RE IVB2,
mian Games is attested by Pausanias 1932, cols. 1836–1838, s.v. Sythas.
(2.2.2). 42. Leake 1830, p. 383; refuted by
39. Ptolemy (Geog. 3.14.28) refers to Rangabé 1857, pp. 45–47.
physical environment and resources 17
Although the accuracy of the numerical data given in the Periplus has been
questioned, and the exact equivalence between the “stadion” in question and
our metrical system remains unknown, an estimate between a minimum
of 21 and a maximum of 24 km for the 120 stadia must be correct.46 The
length of the present coast from the Nemea River to the river of Xylokastro
is close to 22 km.
43. Pharaklas 1971, p. 5. His sugges- placed Aristonautai at the mouth of the Aigeira, which agrees with the account
tion is based on the assumption that the Sythas River, but with no hard evidence: of Pausanias.
harbor of Pellene (Aristonautai) was Puillon Boblaye 1835, p. 28; Guides- 44. Curtius 1851–1852, vol. 2,
located at the present bay of Sykia. Such Joanne 1891, p. 399. Anderson (1954, p. 498; Rangabé 1857, pp. 46–47;
a location, however, to the east of Trika- p. 74, n. 19), following Leake (1830, Bursian 1872, p. 30; Miliarakis 1886,
litikos, contradicts the ancient evidence. p. 384), places the Pellenean harbor at p. 11; Lolling 1889, p. 162; Frazer
Pausanias (7.26.4) gives the distance the village of Kamari, where the colonel 1913, vol. 4, p. 185; Roux 1958,
between Aristonautai and the harbor of saw “a little curve in the coast.” As the p. 144.
Aigeira as 120 stadia. The harbor of configuration of the northern Pelopon- 45. Puillon Boblaye (1835, p. 29)
Aigeira has now been securely placed at nesian littoral has changed over time, was the first to point out the value of
Mavra Litharia (see Frazer 1913, vol. 4, Leake’s argument is not conclusive. Pseudo-Scylax’s testimony for the loca-
pp. 176–178, and the recent geological Anderson reports seeing a stretch of an tion of the western Sikyonian borders.
work at the site: Papageorgiou et al. ancient foundation south of the Kamari The consensus now is that his “Circuit
1993; Papageorgiou and Stiros 1996; railway station, but there is no indica- of the Mediterranean” was compiled in
Stiros 2001). Consequently, any site east tion that it belonged to a harbor instal- the mid-4th century b.c. (Peretti 1979,
of the Trikalitikos River for the location lation. Besides, Kamari, less than 95 sta- pp. 496–497; Jameson, Runnels, and
of Aristonautai would be over 135 stadia dia from Aigeira, is too far west to be van Andel 1994, p. 568).
from the harbor of Aigeira. Although the site of Aristonautai. I believe the 46. Pseudo-Scylax was, with one
the shoreline of the northern Pelopon- best candidate for the site of Aristo- exception, proven quite accurate in his
nese has changed since antiquity (see nautai has been suggested by Miliarakis section on the coast of the Akte in the
below, pp. 29–31), and Pausanias tended and Koutivas; they both saw remains of Argolid. For the description of that
to round-off numbers when he a breakwater east of the village of coastline, a long stade of about 200 m is
described distances, a difference of 15 Kamari, and 2.5 km to the west of used: Jameson, Runnels, and van Andel
stadia or more is rather excessive. We Xylokastro (Miliarakis 1886, p. 124; 1994, pp. 568–572.
have to accept either that Pausanias was Koutivas 1962, pp. 35, 111). The site is 47. Paus. 7.26.13; for further discus-
wrong or that Aristonautai lay to the located almost 22 km (ca. 120 stadia) to sion of Donoussa, see below, pp. 324–
west of Xylokastro. Some early travelers the east of Mavra Litharia, the harbor of 325.
18 chapter 1
and that the pass in question refers to a narrow strip of land separating
the hill from the sea. The same wall is described by Leake to the west of
the village of Diminio (near the Seliandros) as “some ancient foundations
on the road side, where appears to have been a wall reaching to the shore,
from the mountain on the left.”50 Meyer tried in vain to find this wall at the
beginning of the 20th century; I too have been unable to find any traces of
it.51 Without further description of this wall, and with the physical remains
yet to be found, it is not possible to rule on its nature, date, or purpose.
Dodwell interprets it as the boundary of Sikyon with Pellene, but this can-
not be the case since it presumes that the Sythas River was farther east than
is argued here. Nor could we posit a time in the Graeco-Roman history
of Sikyonia when there would have been a need to confine the territory of
the state more than 8 km to the east of the Sythas River.
A tall, conical heap of stones was excavated in 1906 to the east of this
river, at the western edge of the forest of Moungostos. The conical heap
was 20 m in diameter, 4 m in height, and consisted of rubble with scattered
“Protocorinthian” sherds and fragments of ancient roof tiles.52 Because the
flat area where the stones were found is not rocky, the excavator, Andreas
Skias, rightly postulated that the stones had been carried there on purpose,
together with the ceramic fragments. According to Skias, this heap of
stones was one of the horoi of the Sikyonians toward the Pelleneans. Skias
gives no elevation for the stone pile, but presumably what he identified
as a soros stood on the hill of Prophetes Elias of Moungostos (SP-14), at
an elevation of 943 masl. Today, only a few of the stones remain on site;
most of them were thrown down the precipitous western flank of Moun-
gostos during the excavation. Recently, a water tank was placed at what
had been the center of the mound, further obscuring the ancient remains
(Fig. 1.8).
Although he did not visit them, Skias reported the existence of two
similar soroi, one about 2 km to the north and the other to the south of
48. See below, p. 65.
Moungostos and east of the village of Velina. A possible candidate for 49. Dodwell 1819, pp. 297–298.
the northern soros can be found on the summit of Zitouliaris (Ζητουλι- Vasilika is the Medieval name of mod-
άρης, 851 masl), a hill rising to the southwest of the village of Zemeno ern Vasiliko; see below, pp. 287–288.
and opposite the hill of Tsouka. Here I observed a heap of stones, some 50. Leake 1830, pp. 382–383.
of them scattered around the slopes of the hill (SP-13; Fig. 1.9). Only the 51. Meyer 1939, p. 9.
52. Skias 1919, pp. 45–46. Skias did
foundations of this heap, consisting of loose rubble, are now visible. The
not illustrate any of the sherds, so it is
small number of roof tiles in the vicinity, and the nature of the scattered perhaps unwise to draw chronological
stones, make it unlikely that the material belonged to a towerlike structure. conclusions from his term “Protocorin-
Rather, we have here the remains of a soros, located approximately 1 km thian.”
physical environment and resources 19
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could have been erected for any reason, political, economic, or otherwise.
Yet, the practice of marking a city’s territory by erecting piles of stones on
conspicuous hills and ridges was quite common in antiquity. An inscription
found at Corinth and dated to the Roman period refers to Sikyonian horoi,
but the fragmentary text gives no details on their nature or location.53 Heaps
of stones used as boundary markers are reported in the ancient sources, and
examples have been found in the border area of Hermione and Epidauros;
in the associated inscription, dated to the mid-2nd century b.c., the horoi,
specified as boleoi lithoi, delimit a common territory for the Hermionians
and the Epidaurians: εἶναι ταύτην κοινὴν Ἑρμιονέων καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίων, |
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οὖσαν τῆς Διδυμίας κατὰ τοὺς ὅρους, οἵ εἰσιν βολεοὶ λίθοι κείμε|νοι ἀπὸ
τῆς καλουμένης Φιλανορείας καὶ . . . .54 Pausanias describes these specific
βολεοὶ λίθων as σωροὶ λογάδων (2.36.3). Nine piles of rough stones in
situ have been identified extending for a distance of 3.5 km and having
an average diameter of 7 m.55 Likewise, the ὅροι Σικυῶνος mentioned in
the inscription from Corinth could refer to heaps of stones like the ones
at Moungostos and Zitouliaris. Heaps of unhewn stones have also been
recognized on the ridge of Mount Parnon in Lakonia, and identified with
the Ἑρμαῖ λίθου, which were seen by Pausanias ἐπὶ τοῦ Πάρνωνος, and
which constituted the horoi between the Lakonians, Argives, and Tegeans;
the three soroi were round, 4.55 m in diameter and 1.2–1.5 m in height, and
formed a triangle, which was presumably the common territory between
the three homoroi states.56
But did the Sikyonian soroi define the same borderline as the Sythas
River, or a different one? And if we assume that they did define the same
boundary as the deep river gully, why were they necessary, and when were 53. Corinth VIII.3, pp. 36–37,
no. 65, lines 6–7: ὅροι Σικυώ̣ν | [- - -].
they set up? It is immediately apparent that the two preserved soroi were
The inscription was found east of
set up some 3 km to the east of the river course. One possibility is that Temple Hill and contains at least one
they confined Sikyonia to the east of the Sythas, thus representing a con- poem to a hero, possibly Herakles:
traction of the territory at some point in history. Accordingly, the narrow Powell 1903, p. 58, n. 36; Corinth
ridge between the gully of Sythas to the west and that of Katharoneri to VIII.1, pp. 155–156, no. 155.
the east, marked on the 1:50,000 topographic map as Rachi Breseri (Ράχη 54. SEG XI 377, lines 15–17. See
the latest discussion of this border dis-
Μπρέσερη), would have constituted the remaining border toward the gulf
pute in Jameson, Runnels, and van
(Fig. 1.10). A second possibility is that they were somehow associated with Andel 1994, pp. 596–606; on the
the Sythas River. Setting of boundary stelai in conjunction with a river is meaning of boleoi and for the relevant
attested for Asia Minor. In a border settlement between Magnesia and bibliography, see Robert 1963, pp. 33–
Miletos of the 180s b.c., a river was set as the boundary between the two 34.
55. Jameson, Runnels, and van
cities; in addition, the treaty provided for the setting of stones and stelai
Andel 1994, p. 600.
along both banks of the river: 56. Paus. 2.38.7. The identification
τῆς δὲ χώρ[ας | τ]ῆς περαίας, ὑπὲρ ἧς διεφέροντο Μάγνητες καὶ was made first by early travelers and
then endorsed by Rhomaios (1908),
Μιλήσιο̣[ι, ὅ|ρ]ον ὑπάρχειν αὐτοῖς τὸν Ὕβανδον ποταμὸν καὶ ἀπὸ who excavated the piles in the begin-
το̣[ῦ | πο]ταμοῦ τούτου τὴμ μὲν ὑπεράνω πᾶσαν εἶναι Μαγνήτων, ning of the century. Not everybody,
τὴ[ν δ’ | ἀπ]οκάτω πᾶσαν ἕως θαλάσσης εἶναι Μιλησίων· though, has accepted this identification,
καταπῆ[ξαι | δὲ] πέτρους καὶ στῆσαι ἐπ’ αὐτῶ̣ν̣ στήλας ἑκατέρους and the cairns in question have disap-
παρὰ [τὸ ῥεῖ|θρο]ν̣ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐν τοῖς αὑτῶν μέρεσιν, καθότι peared in recent years. See the discus-
sion in SAGT III, pp. 127–134; SAGT
ἐπέγνωσαν | [το]ὺς τόπους παραγενόμενοι οἱ ἀπεσταλμένοι ἐπὶ τὰς
VI, pp. 105–106, with pls. 167, 168;
συνλύ[σεις | πρ]εσβευταί, καὶ εἶναι αὐτοῖς ὅρον διὰ παντὸς τό also Phaklaris 1990, pp. 193–195.
τε νῦν ὑπάρχ̣[ον] | [ῥεῖ]θρον τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ Ὑβ̣άν̣δο̣υ̣ καὶ τοὺς 57. Syll.3 588, lines 28–38 = Ager
παρατεθέντας π[έτ]|ρ̣υς καὶ τὰς ἐπ’ αὐτῶν στήλας.57 1996, pp. 292–296, no. 109.
physical environment and resources 21
T
B
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S o u t he r n Border
The definition of the Sikyonian boundary to the south, that is, toward
Nemea, Phlious, and Stymphalos, is even more elusive. For one thing, we
do not have an ancient description, as such, of the southern borders of Siky-
onia, or of the northern borderline of the neighboring states. Xenophon is
the only author to refer to the Phliasian horoi toward the Sikyonians, in the
context of the hostilities between the two states shortly after Epaminondas’s
third descent to the Peloponnese (366 b.c.). The Phliasians complained
to the Athenian general Chares because the Sikyonians were fortifying a
place on the Phliasian border: χωρίον γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις ἡμῖν οἱ Σικυώνιοι
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τειχίζουσιν (Hell. 7.2.20). This χωρίον was Thyamia, and it was indeed
captured by the Phliasians with Athenian help; its fortification continued
for some time until the Phliasians agreed to abandon it in accordance with
the peace treaty signed with Thebes probably in 365 b.c.61 Ludwig Ross
placed the fort on Evangelistria (DS-1), the highest peak of the Trikaranon
range to the southwest of the village of Stimanga, and his identification
has since been accepted by the majority of scholars involved with this part
of the Corinthia.62 The fact that the Phliasians vehemently opposed the
enemy’s fortification of a place on their own borders, and that immediately
after the conclusion of peace they withdrew from it, suggests that neither
of the two states had exclusive rights to the summit of Evangelistria; in
other words, the border seems to have been common land, as in the case
of the horoi on Mount Parnon in Lakonia or of Panakton between Attica
and Boiotia.63
Thyamia is the only securely established point along the southern
border of Sikyonia (Fig. 1.11). The remainder of the borderline is a matter
of speculation. In the area east of Thyamia and as far as the Nemea River,
a distance of 3 km, Sikyon bordered the valley of Nemea. The valley of the
Sanctuary of Zeus is separated from Phlious by the southernmost runners
of Trikaranon. Control of the sanctuary and its games, instituted in 573
b.c., was originally in the hands of Kleonai before passing to Argos.64 If
control of the sanctuary suggests ownership of the land, then we can argue
61. On this fort and its history, see grazed in common (κοινῇ νέμειν) by
below, pp. 216–218. On the dispute the two contestants. On this issue, see
itself, see Piccirilli 1973, pp. 183–185. Ober 1995, p. 113 (with bibliography).
62. Ross 1841, p. 41; for further bib- 64. On the control of the Nemean
liography, see the entry for this site in Games, see Miller 1982, pp. 106–107;
Appendix I. The choice of the highest Perlman 2000, pp. 131–152. Excava-
summit in the range as a boundary pro- tions at Nemea have shown that the
vides further evidence for the impact of games were not held on the site from
the landscape on boundary delinea- the late 5th century until the 330s:
tions. Miller 1980, p. 186. At that time the
63. οἱ μὲν δὴ Φλειάσιοι, ἐπεὶ οὕτως games returned to Nemea but Argos
ἡ ξύμβασις ἐγένετο, εὐθὺς ἀπῆλθον ἐκ probably still kept control of them, and
τῆς Θυαμίας (Xen. Hell. 7.4.11). in the first half of the 3rd century the
Regarding Panakton, which was dis- Argives brought the games to Argos
puted between the Athenians and Boi- again. Perlman, based on literary
otians during the Peloponnesian War, sources, doubts that the games were
Thucydides (5.42.1) writes that accord- transferred to Argos at the end of the
ing to ancient oaths the hill was to be 5th century.
physical environment and resources 23
V G
K T
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65. Plut. Mor. 553A–B. Plutarch First Sacred War, she argued that the
places the event in the period before incident is anachronistic and must be
the reign of Orthagoras. assigned to the 6th century instead. In
66. This interpretation was first fact, the chronological discrepancy of
advanced by Griffin (1982, p. 38, n. 20), this passage was first pointed out by
though she did not discuss the topogra- Parke and Wormell (1956, vol. 1,
phy. She interpreted the passage as p. 117), based on the fact that the Pyth-
referring to a victory in athletic con- ian games in the 7th century did not
tests, and since athletic contests were include any events for boys (παῖδας).
not introduced in the Pythia before the 67. On Titane, see below, pp. 389–398.
24 chapter 1
68. For a detailed discussion of this the demes of Sikyon and Nea Nemea. politisch mit demselben verbunden
fort, see below, pp. 234–240. Accordingly, the villages of Kryoneri war.” Lolling (1889, p. 176) discusses
69. The suggestion that Gavrias was (Mantzani), Paradeisi, and Gonoussa the plain of Kaisari in his paragraph on
the τριεθνές was first made by Curtius (Liopesi) were assigned to Sikyon, Stymphalia, and says that the northern
(1851–1852, vol. 2, p. 482): “Dem while Titane (Voivoda), Bozika, and exit of the plain was separated from
Berge Spiria, welcher auf dieser Thal- Kastraki (Mazi) were part of Nea Sikyon only by low hills. Pharaklas
seite, Phlius näher als Sikyon, die Nemea (Kousoulos 1971, pp. 407– (1971, p. 2) drew the western “natural”
Gränze bildete, entspricht auf dem jen- 408). boundaries of Sikyonia along Gavrias,
seitigen Ufer der Besitza, dessen Ab- 70. A rubble wall runs along the Vesiza, and Tsouka of Zemeno (from
hänge aber den Sikyoniern gehörthen. western side of the summit of Gavrias, south to north), thus leaving the valley
Wahrscheinlich reichte das Gebiet der- but it is mostly likely Medieval in date; of Kaisari and the mountainous area to
selben bis an den Gaurias, so dass hier see below, pp. 264–265. Rousset (1994, the west of it outside Sikyonian terri-
die Gränzen von Stymphalos, Phlius pp. 121–122) argues that in inscriptions tory. He offers no discussion of the
und Sikyon zusammenstiessen.” Russell dealing with city borders phrouria are ownership of the plain of Kaisari, and I
(1924, p. 43), following Curtius, never mentioned as being along the suspect that his reason for defining the
believes that the western boundary of borders, but are slightly set back. western Sikyonian frontier east of this
Phliasia lies along Gavrias. Similarly, 71. This question was first formu- plain is his belief that Katharoneri is
Jost (1985, p. 100) considers Gavrias lated by Bobrik (1839, p. 8), who tenta- the ancient Sythas River.
the boundary of Stymphalia toward the tively attributed the Kaisari plain to 73. Lerat 1952, pp. 76–77; endorsed
east. The close proximity of Phlious to Sikyonia, but with no supporting argu- by Pritchett, SAGT VII, pp. 49–50;
the southern Sikyonian border is men- ments. SAGT VIII, p. 12. In the case of the
tioned by a scholiast to Apollonios 72. Curtius 1851–1852, vol. 2, Lokrian boundary with the Aitolians,
Rhodios: κεῖται δὲ ἡ Φλιοῦς ἐπὶ ὅροις p. 488: “Es [the plain of Kaisari] ist die for example, the boundary line was not
τῆς Σικυῶνος (schol. Ap. Rhod. 1.116 Vorhalle des grösseren Seethales [of along the river Mornos, but must have
[p. 16 Wendel]). In modern times, dur- Stymphalos] und wie dieses an seiner been further south and closer to the
ing the administrative organization of tiefsten Stelle mit stehendem Wasser Corinthian Gulf, confining the territory
the independent Greek state in 1840, it bedeckt ohne sichtbaren Abfluss. Es ist of Lokris to a coastal stretch of only
was the watershed of the Vesiza range wahrscheinlich, das dies seiner Natur seven or eight kilometers. See also
that determined the boundary between nach zu Arkadien gehörige Thal auch Rousset 1994, p. 119, n. 86.
physical environment and resources 25
necessarily straight, and may well have presented projections and recesses.
To the west of Kokkinovrachos and along the kampos, I recorded several
structural remains.
On a hill called Kastro, rising to 928 masl between the villages of
Kephalari and Asprokampos, Ioannis Peppas reported traces of a circular
rubble wall (SP-18).74 The summit is now densely covered with prickly oaks
that prohibit thorough investigation. A thick layer of rubble is, however,
visible around the top, showing clear signs of recent illegal digging on the
site. Nearby I observed three scattered rectangular blocks of limestone
with swallowtail and Γ-shaped clamp cuttings on their short sides, and
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74. Peppas 1993, p. 183. sanctuaries, see Jost 1994, p. 218. frontiers (Sartre 1979, pp. 221–223).
75. Lawrence (1979, p. 216), speak- 77. Artemis and Poseidon, and 78. Jost 1985, p. 106.
ing of the wall of Athens: “Sockets for sometimes Demeter, were often associ- 79. Ἀκρώρεια: ἄκρον ὄρους: οὕτω δὲ
these and other types of clamps are ated with plains liable to flooding, as at παρὰ Σικυωνίοις ἐτιμᾶτο [ὁ Διόνυσος]·
commonly seen in temples, or even in Stymphalos, Alea, Orchomenos, Ka- ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ παρὰ μὲν Σικυωνίοις
civic buildings, but rarely in fortifica- phyai, and Pheneos ( Jost 1994, p. 220). Ἀκρωρείτης. . . .
tions.” The corner blocks of Classical Cult places dotted along the main lines 80. On border sanctuaries, see
towers 1, 2, 4, 5, and 7 at ancient Leu- of communication have been observed Rousset 1994, pp. 119–121. In addi-
kas show clamp and dowel cuttings, but at Thelpoussa ( Jost 1994, p. 223). Loca- tion, de Polignac (1995, pp. 37–38)
perhaps all of these massive structures tions for Artemis worship proliferated points to cases where a cult was shared
were part of large rural farms: Morris along the mountain borders of Arkadia by two (neighboring) states.
2001, pp. 295, 310–314, 317–319, and the Argolid (Schachter 1992, p. 55; 81. The hill of Dyo Vouna, to the
fig. 13. de Polignac 1995, pp. 36–38); Apollo south of Kephalari, shows scattered
76. For the wealth of Arkadian peak and Hermes were also worshipped on rubble from a modern sheepfold.
26 chapter 1
Phlious in the southeast.82 The ancient fort of Agios Vlasios (DS-9), 1,600
m to the northeast of Goulas, allowed its garrison a panoramic view of the
plain, but not a visual link with Goulas. A circular tower (DS-16) stand-
ing on a low hill between the two forts and above the road to Stymphalos
served this very purpose, since from it one could see both Goulas and Agios
Vlasios.83 Finally, the foundations of a square tower, 9.5 m on a side, are
preserved on the summit of Thekriza (DS-10), a hill at the northern end of
the plain with a commanding view of the plain below.84 It is possible that
this tower marked the southern limits of Sikyonian territory, thus leaving
the plain of Kaisari to the Stymphalians. Towers built near state borders are
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90. Beloch (1906, p. 57) gave an since the actual perimeter of the “large (in the post-Achaian War era) as
estimate of 360 km2 for the Sikyonian version” of Sikyonia can hardly exceed exceptional events, with only tempo-
territory, while Cavaignac (1912, 78 km. rary consequences on the territory of
p. 274) proposed 400 km2. Adcock 91. Pharaklas (1971, p. 3) also Sikyon.
(CAH 3, p. 698) appears to have fol- gives 270 km2 as the post-Hellenistic 92. Size estimates for neighboring
lowed Beloch. Beloch’s estimate is quite Sikyonian territory, defined to the west territories: Corinth: 880 km2 (Beloch
close to the larger of the two figures I by the Katharoneri River. The pre- 1886, p. 115); Phlious: 180 km2 (Beloch
propose here. Hyginus, a Roman geog- Hellenistic area would amount to 315 1886, p. 115); Corinth and Kleonai
rapher of ca. a.d. 100, lists Sikyon km2, because of the incorporation of together: ca. 1,000 km2 (Sakellariou
among the large islands (“insulae maxi- Donoussa. There is no indication, and Pharaklas 1971, p. 3). No figures
mae”) and calculates its perimeter to be however, that Donoussa remained are available for Stymphalos or Pellene,
1,200 stadia: “Sicyon, ager bonus, cir- Sikyonian throughout the Classical but their territories were manifestly
cuitu stadia mille centum” (Fab. 276.4). period. I consider both the annexation smaller than that of Sikyon.
This number, which represents a mini- of Donoussa (in the tyrannic period) 93. See below, pp. 81–82.
mum of 200 km, is totally fictional and of the entire Corinthian plain
28 chapter 1
Franks in the early 13th century, the Corinthia constituted a separate castel-
lania, which included part of the modern Argolid as well.94 The Ottomans,
in their turn, adopted the Franco-Venetian administrative division with
only minor changes, as shown in an Ottoman register of 1668–1669.95
According to this register, the sancak of Morea was divided into 22 kaza,
among which was Corinth (Kördus).96 When the Venetians again became
masters of the peninsula in the late 17th century they converted the kaza
into territorii. The main difference is that the sancak of Morea was now
divided into four provinces (provincie), one being Romania. The province
of Romania included the territorii of Nauplion (Napoli), which served as
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Ge ol o g y
Neogene extension—that is, crustal extension of the later Tertiary period,
which produced grabens and horsts including the Gulf of Corinth gra-
ben—has affected the northeastern part of the Peloponnese where the ter-
ritory of Sikyon extends.101 The great fertility of the coastal plain is due to
alluvial deposits that derive from the weathering of the neighboring rocks
and are transported by the rivers and torrents. Early travelers through this
plain were struck by the characteristic whitish color of the soil.102 These
alluvial deposits, which accumulated over two great ages and which Claudio
Vita-Finzi labeled Older and Younger Fills, are also responsible for the
103. My estimate of the thickness of give the depth of the graves in any of xxi) to the heavy alluviation in the
the alluviation is based on the depth of her brief reports. On Vita-Finzi’s fills, plains, citing examples from many parts
fill overlying (1) an ancient rectangular see Grove and Rackham 2001, pp. 290– of Greece including the plains of
building, recently excavated at the 291 and 305–311. Amphilochian Argos, Arkadian
upper (southern) reaches of the plain 104. Most characteristic is the plain Orchomenos, and Marathon; cf. Grove
near the church of Agios Nikolaos of the panhellenic sanctuary at Olym- and Rackham 2001, pp. 291–295.
(unpublished); and (2) a funerary mon- pia, which extends below the hill of 105. SAGT I, pp. 12–13; Vita-Finzi
ument, located lower in the plain, at the Kronos and is bounded by the Alpheios 1978, p. 55; Mariolakos and Stiros
intersection of the highway to Patras and Kladeos rivers. There, the clay that 1987; Stiros 1988.
with the road connecting Vasiliko to was swept down from the Kroneion 106. The uplift is believed to have
Kiato. The latter monument is part of and the overflowing of the Kladeos extended to the peninsula’s southern
the large cemetery of Chtiri, which was formed a deposit over the ancient end, although with a much smaller
in use from the 6th century b.c. to the buildings of an average depth of six amplitude: the Corinthian uplift is
1st century a.d., and which was exca- meters: Olympia II, p. 64, fig. 28, p. 83, 1,800 m versus 800 m for the central
vated in 1966 and again from 1976 to fig. 39 (track of the stadium, Leoni- Peloponnese (Stiros 1988, p. 204).
1979. It is worth mentioning here that daion). Pritchett devoted part of his 107. Mariolakos and Stiros 1987,
the excavator, Krystalli-Votsi, fails to introduction to SAGT VIII (pp. xiv– p. 227; Papageorgiou et al. 1993, p. 279.
30 chapter 1
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Kleisthenes and his fleet took part in the First Sacred War.122 Due to the
lack of bays along the coast, the beaches, which consist of small pebbles,
form an essentially continuous line from the village of Vrachati in the east
to Xylokastro in the west.
Cli mat e
Climatic conditions in Sikyonia have not changed dramatically since
antiquity, although considerable fluctuations on both a global and a local
scale are attested through literary sources and modern scientific analysis.123
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Kephalari
127.9 87.1 120.9 67.8 48.7 22.8 17.2 40.8 47.6 103.2 119.0 133.3 936.3
(1950–1997)
Source: Voudouris 2001, p. 23, table 4.
*Measurements are in mm.
TAB LE 1.2. Average monthly and annua l temp erat ures at th e Si kyon
and Velo weath er stat i ons*
Station Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Annual
Sikyon
9.6 8.5 10.1 15.3 20.3 25.2 27.5 26.9 24.0 18.4 13.0 10.6 17.45
(1981–1987)
Velo
8.8 9.1 11.2 15.0 20.3 25.3 27.9 27.2 23.2 18.3 13.1 10.0 17.45
(1988–1997)
Source: Voudouris 2001, p. 46, table 15.
*Measurements are in degrees Celsius.
feature is that cloudiness is rarely complete even in winter, since most days
fall within the 1.6–6.4 bracket. Relative humidity is generally less in eastern
than in western Greece, and the coastal zone of Sikyonia has an annual
average of 60%–65% (Table 1.5). Humidity is higher in winter months
(around 70%) and lower in summer (around 50%). Along the coast (Velo),
humidity never falls below 50% because of the proximity of the sea; in the
mountainous regions, the differences are greater, with very humid winters
and dry summers.133
The intensity of the winds in Sikyonia and their direction are analyzed
in Table 1.6. I grouped the winds into four categories—calm, light, moder-
ate, and strong. Light winds correspond to 1–2 on the Beaufort scale (i.e.,
a speed of 1–12 km/hr), moderate to 3–5 Beaufort (13–35 km/hr), and
strong to 6–7 Beaufort (36–55 km/hr). Both stations show a high percent-
age of calm, although at Sikyon it reaches an annual average of 81.1% as
opposed to 46.5% at Velo, undoubtedly due to the proximity of the sea.
Both areas are dominated by moderate winds, light winds are not as com-
mon, and strong winds are rare. The two areas also differ in their prevailing
winds. The coastal zone is affected by winds blowing from the northeast
and east, and less so by northern and southern winds.134 On the contrary,
the prevailing winds on the Sikyonian plateau are (in decreasing order) the
northwest, west, east, and north, while northeast winds appear from July
through October. The Etesian winds (commonly called meltemia) blow
from northern directions (north, northeast, and northwest) from late July
to September, and are occasionally strong. In antiquity it was no different,
133. Voudouris 2001, pp. 56–57
if we trust the comment of Eustathios: “the northern wind, according to (based on comparison of data from the
the Sikyonians, comes in late summer, namely the Etesian. And they say Velo, Corinth, and Trikala stations).
that the Etesian winds are stronger and drier than the winds blowing in 134. Voudouris 2001, pp. 68–71.
wintertime.”135 135. Eust. ad Il. 21.346–349
(4.515.7 van der Valk): ὀπωρινὸς δὲ
Βορρᾶς κατὰ τοὺς Σικυωνίους ὁ
Wat e r S our c e s θερινός, ἤγουν ὁ ἐτησίας. ἰσχυρότεροι
δέ, φασί, καὶ ξηρότεροι τῶν ἐν χειμῶνι
The landscape’s form, its soil composition, vegetation, and climatic condi- πνεόντων οἱ ἐτησίαι.
tions all have a direct impact on the aquifer and the location of springs. 136. For example, the springs of
Along the coastal plain, the aquifer was very close to the surface, and this Vrachati and Nerantza, both located on
the coast, dry out completely during the
explains the number of wells dug in antiquity as well as in modern times. In
summer; this was not so as recently as
recent decades, however, excessive tapping of the aquifer by means of deep the early 1980s. On the overuse of
boreholes and electric pumps for irrigation has exhausted the shallow water- groundwater, see Grove and Rackham
bearing strata and the springs that used to flow in the coastal plain.136 As a 2001, pp. 351–360.
physical environment and resources 35
Tab le 1.6. Monthly freq uency (%) of wind intensi t y and di rect ion
at th e Sikyon and Velo weath er stat ions
Sikyon (1981–1987) Velo (1987–1997)
Jan uary N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 80.1 45.4
Light 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.2 0.2 0 3.5 0.3 5.7 1.2 3.6 2.6 2.1 3.4 1.4 0.9 6.6 21.8
Moderate 1.5 2.4 1.6 0.3 1.6 0.5 4.7 1.2 13.8 2.2 13.3 6.7 1.2 1.4 0.8 0.9 2.2 28.7
Strong 0.2 0 0 0 0 0 0.2 0 0.4 0.7 2.2 0.9 0 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 4.1
Subtotal 2.2 2.9 2.1 0.5 1.8 0.5 8.4 1.5 4.1 19.1 10.2 3.3 4.9 2.2 1.9 8.9
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Tab le 1.6—Continued
Sikyon (1981–1987) Velo (1987–1997)
Aug ust N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
Calm 82.1 48.7
Light 2.0 1.4 1.0 0 0 0 0.5 1.4 6.3 3.0 5.8 4.6 1.9 5.0 2.4 1.0 1.0 24.6
Moderate 2.8 2.9 0.6 0.1 0.1 0 2.5 2.1 11.1 6.2 11.0 5.4 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.4 2.2 26.2
Strong 0 0.1 0 0 0 0 0.1 0 0.3 0.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.2
Subtotal 4.8 4.5 1.7 0.1 0.1 0 3.0 3.5 9.3 16.9 9.9 2.3 5.4 2.6 1.4 3.3
S ep tember N NE E SE S SW W NW Total N NE E SE S SW W NW Total
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Flora an d fau na
F l ora
Before embarking on a discussion of the Sikyonian flora, we may le-
gitimately ask how far back its typical Mediterranean vegetation goes.139
Largely thanks to pollen analysis, we know that by 7000 b.c. Mediterra-
nean wildwood was “not much less varied than the vegetation today.”140 A
marked difference with regard to the present situation is that the dominant
maquis or savanna of today was not as ubiquitous then, and wildwood forest
consisting mainly of deciduous oaks was more extensive instead. During
the Neolithic period, deciduous oaks were gradually cleared from soils with
agricultural potential, and this “progressive degradation”141 of the aborigi-
nal vegetation accelerated in subsequent periods of demographic growth,
mainly during the Late Helladic and Classical eras. Paleobotanical and
palynological studies carried out in other parts of Greece have shown that
the “natural” vegetation as encountered on uncultivated slopes and long
fallow fields has not changed dramatically since the Early Bronze Age. As
Grove and Rackham explain, “Xenophon would instantly recognise most
of nineteenth-century Greece, before the recent decline of cultivation and
expansion of woodland in the mountains.”142
Ancient written testimonia on the plants of Sikyonia are limited
to a handful of references in Theophrastos, Athenaios, Pliny the Elder,
Pausanias, and the lexicographer Hesychios. I will supplement this evidence
with information on the principal plant communities of modern Sikyonia.
138. For the aqueducts of Sikyon,
Theophrastos offers a unique testimony on herpyllos, a wild species grow-
see Appendix III.
139. For the flora of the region, see ing on Sikyonian mountains, and transplanted to the city (Hist. pl. 6.7.2):
esp. Polunin 1987; Sphikas 2001; and καὶ γὰρ ἕρπυλλός ἐστιν ἄγριος, ὃν κομίζοντες ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν φυτεύουσιν
Grove and Rackham 2001. ἐν Σικυῶνι καὶ Ἀθήνησιν ἐκ τοῦ Ὑμηττοῦ.143 Pliny (HN 19.55), relating
140. Grove and Rackham 2001, the same story, lists serpyllum et sisymbrium. Herpyllos is the tufted thyme
p. 159. (Thymus sibthorpii), but the exact identity of sisymbrium is unknown—it
141. Grove and Rackham 2001,
pp. 162–163.
is probably a kind of mint. Semus of Delos, in his work On Paeans, says
142. Grove and Rackham 2001, that the Sikyonian phallophoroi do not use a mask, but wear a chaplet of
p. 171. Indeed, due to the depopulation herpyllos and paideros, on top of which they put a thick wreath of violets and
of the modern Greek countryside and ivy (apud Ath. 14.621f, 622c): οἱ δὲ φαλλοφόροι, φησίν, προσωπεῖον μὲν
the underexploitation of woodlands, οὐ λαμβάνουσιν, προπόλιον δ’ἐξ’ ἑρπύλλου περιτιθέμενοι καὶ παιδέρω-
forests and maquis have increased,
τος ἐπάνω τούτου ἐπιτίθενται στέφανον δασὺν ἴων καὶ κιττοῦ. ἴον is the
expanding to areas that were hitherto
cultivated: Grove and Rackham 2001, violet (Viola odorata), and κιττός (or κισσός) a kind of ivy (Hedera helix).
pp. 184–185. Athenaios quotes Timachidas and Philitas on a specific wreath that the
143. Cf. Ath. 15.681f. Sikyonians call iaccha: Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ΙΑΚΧΑΝ τινὰ καλούμενον οἶδα
38 chapter 1
the Cephalonian fir (Abies cephalonica) covers the summit of Vesiza and
parts of the highlands bound by the villages of Kaisari, Kephalari, and
Manna. In the same area one encounters black mountain pines (Pinus
nigra), especially around the village of Velina.151
Willow trees (Salix sp.), plane trees (Platanus orientalis), poplars
(Populus spp.), osiers (Vitex agnus-castus), myrtles (Myrtus communis),
and oleanders (Nerium oleander) grow near the banks of the streams.
Other trees and shrubs scattered amid forests, old fields, and abandoned
terraces, and around the villages of Sikyonia, include musk trees (Acacia
farnesiana), cypress trees (Cypressus sempervirens), fig trees (Ficus carica),
Prunus cocomilia, maple trees (Acer sp.), judas trees (Cercis siliquastrum),
Calliotome villosa, Paliurus sp., and Pyrus spinosa. The undershrub vegeta-
tion (phrygana) includes many herbs, such as thyme (Thymus capitatus) and
oregano (Origanum sp.), and a variety of wildflowers commonly found in
Greece.
Fauna
Very little is known of the animal communities of Sikyonia in the pre-
modern periods, and almost nothing of its nondomesticated species. The
mammals observed most commonly today are red foxes (Vulpes vulpes),
golden jackals (Canis aureus), Eurasian badgers (Meles meles), beech
martens (Martes foina), weasels (Mustela nivalis), hares (Lepus europaeus),
rabbits (Oryctolagus cuniculus), wildcats (Felis silvestris), eastern hedgehogs
(Erinaceus concolor), and mice (Mus sp. and Apodemus sp.). We have much
less data on the presence of the Chiroptera order (bats) and the regional
small mammal fauna (rodents and voles).
Better known are the numerous species of birds that can be found
in the region. These include house martins (Delichon urbica) and red-
151. Cf. Gell (1817, p. 19) and
Leake (1830, p. 224), who recorded the
rumped swallows (Hirundo rustica), jackdaws (Corvus monedula), magpies
“pine woods” of the highland between (Pica pica), robins (Erithacus rubecula), goldfinches (Carduelis carduelis),
Klimenti and Manna; see also the greenfinches (Carduelis chloris), nightingales (Luscinia megarhynchos),
description offered by Rangabé (1857, rock pigeons (Columba livia), wood pigeons (Columba palumbus), quails
p. 47): “D’un côté, la vallée [of the (Coturnix coturnix), woodcocks (Scolopax rusticola), house sparrows (Passer
Trikalitikos River] s’élève jusqu’au
domesticus), swifts (Apus apus), blackbirds (Turdus merula), falcons (Falco
vaste plateau qu’occupent les villages
de Velina, de Markasi et de plusieurs spp., especially eleonorae), shelducks (Tadorna tadorna), kingfishers (Alcedo
encore, et ses flancs sont couverts d’un atthis), eagle owls (Bubo bubo), little owls (Athene noctua), scops owls (Otus
rideau de forêts de sapins.” scops), and, in the mountainous areas, partridges (Alectoris spp.).
40 chapter 1
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A g r i cu lt ure
An c ient Ti me s
Judging from ancient references, olive trees and grapes must have been
the major cultivars in the plain. Sikyonian olive oil was world famous, at
least by Roman times, if we trust the testimonies of Vergil, Statius, and
distinguished physicians and medical writers. Statius in his Thebaid (4.50)
praises the fields of “olive-bearing Sikyon” (oliviferae Sicyonis). Vergil in his
Georgics (2.519) refers to “Sikyon’s olive bruised in the mill” (teritur Sicyonia
baca trapetis), and his scholiast Servius adds that “Sikyonian oil is of great
value.”152 Pausanias, when talking about the Phokian city of Tithorea, says
that its olive oil “is less abundant than Attic or Sikyonian oil” (10.32.19).
Dioskorides (De materia medica 1.30.5) describes the therapeutic qualities
of the oil packed in Sikyon: σκευάζεται δὲ τοῦτο μάλιστα ἐν Σικυωνίᾳ,
Σικυώνιον καλούμενον. δύναμιν δὲ ἔχει ποσῶς θερμαντικήν, ἁρμόζον ἐν 152. Serv. ad Verg. G. 2.519: oleum
πυρετοῖς καὶ τοῖς περὶ νεῦρα πάθεσι. This quotation makes it clear that Sicyonium magno in pretio est.
Sikyonian oil was exported in the 1st century a.d.; it must have continued 153. E.g., in De simplicium medica-
to be exported in the 2nd century, since Galen repeatedly recommends it mentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus
6: vol. 11, p. 686, line 18; vol. 12,
in his treatises.153
p. 340, line 17 (ed. Kühn).
Surprisingly, we were able to find the mortarium of only one olive 154. The Poulitsa mortarium is
mill along the coastal plain, near the village of Poulitsa (Fig. 1.15).154 Two made of conglomerate stone, 1.8 m in
hemispherical millstones (orbes), 0.55 m and 0.52 m in diameter, lie in diameter, and has a preserved inner
the courtyard of the Sikyon Museum (Fig. 1.16), but their provenance is depth of ca. 0.2 m; the height could not
be measured because the trapetum was
unknown. Part of the reason for the scarcity of this equipment in the plain
set into the ground.
must be their reuse in modern households.155 To the south of the plain, we 155. Even the Poulitsa mortarium,
found pressing equipment, especially olive-crushers, at 10 sites (HS-30, which I recorded in the summer of
HS-34, HS-38, HS-52, HS-67, HS-74, HS-90, HS-94, HS-97, HS-106), 2001, has since disappeared.
physical environment and resources 41
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located on the first terraces above the plain and as far inland as Titane
and Stylia (Fig. 1.17).156 The mortaria that are preserved sufficiently for
measurement are quite large: 1.5 m in diameter, 0.8 m in height, and with
0.2–0.3 m inner depth. Titane (HS-67) seems to have been especially active
in olive production, since we found two mortaria here of large dimensions
(see, e.g., Fig. 1.18). Likewise, the site of Kotroni below Stylia (HS-90)
preserves two kinds of pressing equipment, a trapetum mortarium, 1.8 m
in diameter and with 0.24 m inner depth, and a rectangular press bed, 1.1
x 1.3 m, both of conglomerate stone (Fig. 1.19). Nine of the ten sites have
a Late Roman phase (HS-34 is the exception), and for four of those Late
Roman was the period of primary occupation (HS-38, HS-74, HS-90,
156. In fact, the trapetum’s mortar-
ium piece, that is, the large saucer, was HS-94). This cannot be accidental, nor is it unique; the surveyors of the
found, not the orbes, the two hemi- Methana peninsula, who documented a large assemblage of pressing equip-
spherical millstones attached to its ment, observed that the great majority are associated with Roman and Late
cylindrical stem. In the whole of Roman sites.157 Earlier pressing equipment, of the Archaic, Classical, and
Sikyonia I was able to find only one possibly Hellenistic periods, must have been made of wood, as suggested
such millstone, in a private house in
Stimanga. A similar phenomenon is
by a reference to a wooden press in the early-5th-century b.c. inscription
observed in samples from the Argolid from Kryoneri.158
and Arkadia: see Pikoulas 1995, The rectangular stone press bed of Kotroni was part of a lever-and-
pp. 365–366. weight press, which could be used for either olive or wine production. The
157. Mee and Forbes 1997, pp. 262– press would have included a cut block or natural boulder with two or more
264.
circular holes to hold a wooden press beam. At Kotroni, the press bed was
158. See below, p. 405 (for the
inscription); also Mee and Forbes 1997, not found in situ, and the remainder of the pressing apparatus was not in
p. 261 (on the ephemeral nature of ear- the vicinity. But additional evidence for a lever-and-weight press was found
lier pressing equipment). within the fort of Gonoussa (DS-3). Here the bedrock has been smoothly
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rectangular hole
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installation within the Kastro of
Gonoussa (DS-3)
Occasionally water tanks were built for the purpose of irrigating the
fields in periods of drought. We recorded four cisterns (HS-52, HS-121,
HS-128, SP-19), and Pharaklas drew one more installation, near the village
of Lalioti (HS-106). All of them were built at or near water sources, typi-
cally in opus testaceum. The cistern of Melistra below the village of Kryoneri
(HS-52) measures 7.25 x 12.01 m and its maximum visible height is 0.75 m
(Fig. 1.26). The rectangular cistern at Koimisi of Thalero (SP-19), ca. 16
x 15 m, is coated with plaster on the interior and has buttresses along the
exterior side of its north wall. At Loutro of Thalero (HS-121), the instal-
lation, lined with waterproof cement and most likely representing the
remains of a cistern, was barrel-vaulted (Fig. 1.27). The peculiar building
of cruciform shape at Loutro of Lalioti (HS-106) was measured and drawn
by Pharaklas as 10 x 9 m (Fig. 1.28). Unfortunately, this building no longer
exists, but its interpretation as a cistern, rather than a bath, is strengthened
by its proximity to the Roman and Late Roman settlement and the arable
lands that spread below it. The same applies to the cistern of Lakka near
physical environment and resources 47
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and “olive plantations producing the sweetest oil in the world.”170 Some
travelers must have indulged in romantic embellishment, for Pouqueville
writes that in the Vocha plain “the principal produces are wheat, barley,
flax and cotton, because the lack of running water limits the cultivation of
corn and other pulses on the banks of the Asopos. Its [Sikyon’s] olives, once
famous, are of mediocre quality; and we draw, for consumption purposes,
wines from Phliasia.”171 Leake gives a somewhat similar account after
riding on the same route: “many other small villages are seen in the plain,
which, as formerly, is planted in many parts with olives, and still preserves
its ancient agricultural riches, in proportion to the general desolation. In
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to the early modern period, while pigs were raised solely for food. Oxen are
not mentioned in the sources, but were certainly bred, since they were the
primary work animals, mainly used in plowing and hauling, and provided
meat for sacrifices. The principal sources of meat, dairy products, wool,
and hair were sheep and goats, which are also absent from our sources.
Considering the extensive mountainous land of Sikyonia, pastoralism must
have been one of the main sources of subsistence in antiquity, as it has been
in recent centuries (see Table 1.8). Ancient historians and students of the
Greek countryside have argued for the symbiosis of animal husbandry and
agriculture in antiquity, and the close collaboration between herders and
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farmers.194 This also applies to later periods down to the modern era, as we
can see by comparing the 1911 data of Tables 1.7 and 1.8. Even villages
that did not extend beyond the coastal plain and had substantial agricul-
tural production, such as Vrachati, Kokkoni, Nerantza, Kato Diminio,
and Melissi, had a considerable number of sheep and goats. Inversely,
mountainous villages with numerous herds and limited arable lands, such
as Stimanga, Bozika, Velina, Panariti, or Manna, did manage to produce
sufficient quantities of cereals, olives, and even grapes.
Overall, for the year 1911, 18,110 sheep and 9,859 goats are recorded
from the villages of Sikyonia, together with 1,518 oxen, 1,205 pigs, 1,268
mules, 932 donkeys, and 982 horses. Goats are more numerous in areas
with maquis vegetation, such as Stimanga or Kryoneri. Also, coastal villages
have more horses than mules or donkeys, and only a handful of oxen. On
the contrary, mules and donkeys outnumber horses in the semimountainous
and mountainous villages, since these pack animals could handle sloping
terrain better than horses. Mules were also used for plowing in the same
capacity as horses on the coast, and for working olive crushers, presses, and
mills. For the purposes of plowing and hauling, they replaced the oxen that
must have been more numerous in previous centuries.195 Pairs of oxen (paio
di Bò) appear regularly in the Nani Archive, always in connection with land
(terreni), both in coastal villages (Bolati, Varella, Vasiliko) and mountainous/
semimountainous ones (Lalioti, Stimanga, Panariti, Manna).196
The number of sheep and goats has dramatically decreased in the last
four decades, mainly due to the expansion of agriculture. At the same time,
the appearance of the automobile and the construction of asphalt roads
have reduced reliance on horses, donkeys, and mules.
Fis h i n g
Far from being merely supplementary to agriculture and pastoralism as a
means of subsistence, fishing must have been a considerable resource for
194. See esp. Forbes 1994, 1995. the Sikyonians living on or near the coastal zone since prehistoric times.
195. The southern Argolid survey- One of our Late Helladic settlement sites located above the coastal plain
ors estimate that in the early 19th cen- yielded a conical lead weight most likely used for fishing (HS-98; Fig.
tury about half of Greek farming fami- 5.19:s). Later, fish became a Sikyonian specialty (ἰδίωμα), if we trust
lies possessed a yoke of oxen: see
Antiphanes (apud Ath. 1.27d), who selects Sikyonian fish (ἰχθὺς Σικυῶνος)
Jameson, Runnels, and van Andel 1994,
pp. 285–286. for his perfect symposion: “From Elis comes the cook; from Argos the
196. See, e.g., Ms. 3927, ff. 555r+v, cauldron, from Phlius wine, from Corinth bedspreads; fish from Sikyon,
556v, 560v, 565v, 571r, 575r, 582v. flute-girls from Aegion, cheese from Sicily . . . perfumes from Athens,
54 chapter 1
eels from Boiotia.” The only creature among marine fauna mentioned in
the sources in connection with Sikyon is the conger eel (γόγγρος), a large,
strictly marine, scaleless eel. Athenaios, who devotes a paragraph to the
species (7.288c–d), describes them as follows: “These, as Hikesios says, are
tougher than lake eels, have a more spongy flesh, are less nourishing and
much inferior in flavor, but are wholesome [εὐστομάχους].” He also quotes
Eudoxus, who “in the sixth book of his Description of the Earth, says that
many are caught in Sikyon as large as a man can carry; in some instances
one of them even fills a cart” (γόγγρους δὲ φησιν πολλοὺς ἀνδραχθεῖς ἐν
Σικυῶνι ἁλίσκεσθαι. ὧν ἐνίαιους εἷναι καὶ ἁμαξιαίους). He continues
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by saying that “Philemon, the poet of New Comedy, also mentions the
different conger eels of Sikyon” (τῶν ἐν Σικυῶνι διαφόρων γόγγρων). In
Philemon’s play, the cook, boasting of his art, says pompously: “If I had,
then, got something rare, an Attic sea lizard—O Savior Zeus—or Argive
boar, or conger eel from Sikyon, which Poseidon carries to heaven as an
offering to the gods, then all who ate would have become gods.”
Conger eel, the colloquial Greek δρόγγος or μουγκρί, is still fished in
the Corinthian Gulf, although demand for it is very low. The earliest sta-
tistical data on commercial fishing per port authority in Greece date from
1936.197 According to the data of the port authority of Patras, on which
Kiato depended, the following species produced over 1,000 kg: codfish,
anchovies, smelts, boces, striped gray mullets, chub mackerels, whitebaits,
saddled breams, conger eels, red mullets, sardines, horse mackerels, scorpion
fishes, two-banded breams, and doradoes. That particular year, 1,160 kg
of conger eels were caught.
Q uar ry i ng
The presence of ancient stone quarries between Sikyon and Corinth has
been known for many years,198 but no quarries have thus far been reported
from the area of Sikyon itself. I have located eight areas with clear signs
of ancient quarrying: five in the city itself, two to the east of the Sikyonian
plateau (RS-6 and HS-47), and one to the northwest of it (SP-9). The
plateau carries the most extensive traces of quarrying activity: along the
eastern edge of Pano Kokkinia, both to the west and south of the ancient
agora (Quarries 1–3); near the eastern edge of the plateau due north of 197. Statistique sur la pêche en Grèce
the gully of Mikri Vrysi (Quarry 4); and along the northwest edge of the 1936, p. 13.
plateau following the line of the fortification wall (Map 6). In addition, 198. For the quarries between
large portions of the theater and the stadium have been carved out of the ancient Corinth and the Nemea River,
bedrock.199 Quarries are both pitlike and trenchlike, of conglomerate, oolitic see Wiseman 1978, pp. 68, 104, and
Hayward 2003.
limestone, and sandstone (Fig. 1.31). The latter was extracted from Quarry 199. Many more distinct areas of
4, which has recently been excavated by the local Ephoreia. The trenchlike quarrying have been recognized in the
quarrying along the northwest edge of the plateau was probably made in course of the intensive surface survey
order to provide footing (and material) for the city wall (Fig. 1.32).200 and of the geoarchaeological survey
The trenchlike quarry of Saitaiika (Σαιταίικα), south of the village of conducted in the urban area of Sikyon
from 2004 to 2009; see Lolos et al.,
Velo, is located at the edge of one of the first low, steplike terraces rising
forthcoming, and the annual reports of
to the southwest of the plain. The conglomerate rock is cut vertically to a the project at <http://extras.ha.uth.gr/
depth of at least 1 m and a length of ca. 45 m. In two places a square block sikyon>.
has been quarried but left in place (Figs. 1.33, 1.34). A road cut (RS-6) at 200. See below, pp. 210–211.
physical environment and resources 55
inscriptions of the 4th century b.c. we learn that the naopoioi of Apollo
bought cypress from Sikyon, which was then transported by sea to Kirra.206
The forested mountainous areas of Sikyonia—particularly its black pine,
fir, and cypress—would have been prime sources of timber in antiquity. In
Appendix IV, I argue that the “public” land defined by a rock-cut inscrip-
tion that I found near the southwest fringes of the territory was exploited
for its timber resources, namely, fir and black pine. 206. Bousquet 1977, pp. 91–95;
Pine trees were tapped for their resin, which was used for a variety of 1988, pp. 85–90, 226–233; CID II 60
purposes including sealing jars and the planks of the boats. Conifers are and 62 IIIB, lines 72–75; also Meiggs
also associated with apiculture, although our sources do not mention such 1982, pp. 430–432.
207. Likewise the southern Argolid
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activity, and we found no ancient ceramic hives during the survey. This intensive surveyors found fragments of
does not mean that beekeeping was not practiced in Sikyonia, but rather a ceramic hive at only one site: Jame-
that straw or wooden hives were used instead.207 In the 1911 census, 1,465 son, Runnels, and van Andel 1994,
beehives were counted in Sikyonian territory. p. 290.