J Youth Adolescence (2016) 45:1512–1526

DOI 10.1007/s10964-016-0492-4

EMPIRICAL RESEARCH

Conceptions of Adolescence: Implications for Differences

in Engagement in School Over Early Adolescence in the United
States and China
Yang Qu1 • Eva M. Pomerantz1 • Meifang Wang2 • Cecilia Cheung3 •

Andrei Cimpian1

Received: 22 January 2016 / Accepted: 21 April 2016 / Published online: 9 May 2016
Ó Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016

Abstract American youth are more prone to storm and Introduction

stress during adolescence than are Chinese youth (e.g.,
American youth’s engagement in school declines more). An examination of American lay books on adolescence
However, it is unclear why. This research examined differ- reveals many titles conveying that youth are often trans-
ences in conceptions of adolescence in the United States and formed over this phase of development into difficult indi-
China. Using both open- and closed-ended measures, youth viduals with a variety of undesirable characteristics—for
(N = 397; 50 % female; mean age = 13.19 years) reported example, Have a New Teenager by Friday: From Mouthy
on their views of teens. American (vs. Chinese) youth were and Moody to Respectful and Responsible in 5 Days (Le-
more likely to see adolescence as a time of decreased family man 2013) and I’d Listen to My Parents if They’d Just Shut
responsibility along with increased individuation from par- Up: What to Say and Not Say When Parenting Teens (Wolf
ents, school disengagement, and peer orientation. Concep- 2011). Although research conducted in the United States
tions of adolescence as a time of dampened family indicates that the teen years are not a time of severe storm
responsibility and heightened school disengagement con- and stress (Arnett 1999; Larson and Ham 1993), such years
tributed to American (vs. Chinese) youth being less engaged can be difficult for youth (e.g., Larson et al. 2002; McGue
in school over the seventh and eighth grades. The findings et al. 2005), with increased negative affect in their inter-
suggest that culture shapes ideas about adolescence, which actions with parents initially (for a review, see Laursen
contribute to differences in American and Chinese youth’s et al. 1998). Western scholars characterize the entry into
engagement in school over this phase. adolescence as a first step toward adulthood in which youth
seek to individuate from parents, often focusing more on
Keywords Academics
Adolescence
China
School peers in the process (e.g., De Goede et al. 2009; Grotevant
engagement
Motivation and Cooper 1986; Tsai et al. 2013; Youniss and Smollar
1985). Such ideas about adolescence are echoed in
American lay views of teens (e.g., Buchanan and Holm-
beck 1998; Hines and Paulson 2006), which are often
negative (e.g., Nichols and Good 2004).
Although biological changes appear to contribute to
some of the storm and stress of adolescence (e.g., Casey
et al. 2008; Steinberg 2008), social constructions of this
& Yang Qu
phase also appear to be of import (e.g., Buchanan and
yangqu3@illinois.edu Hughes 2009; Madon et al. 2003). Anthropologists have
long depicted adolescence as shaped in large part by cul-
1
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Champaign, IL, ture (e.g., Mead 1928; Schlegel and Barry 1991). Drawing
USA
on this work, Arnett (1999) makes the case that the storm
2
Shandong Normal University, Jinan, China and stress considered normative during adolescence in the
3
University of California at Riverside, Riverside, CA, USA West is not universal in that it is absent in many regions of

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the world. Indeed, recent evidence suggests that although memorable, instances of abnormal teen behavior (Gilliam
there are some similarities in how youth navigate the teen and Bales 2001; Nichols and Good 2004). Hence, it is not
years in the United States and China (e.g., Cheung et al. surprising that American parents, teachers, and college stu-
2013; Wang and Pomerantz 2009), there are also note- dents tend to see adolescence in a negative light (e.g.,
worthy differences (e.g., Pomerantz et al. 2009, 2011; Buchanan and Holmbeck 1998; Hines and Paulson 2006),
Wang and Pomerantz 2009). Unfortunately, there is a despite only mild storm and stress that is not evident among
dearth of knowledge as to what undergirds the differences all children during this phase of development (Arnett 1999;
in the United States and China. This is a serious lacuna Laursen et al. 1998).
given the importance of understanding the mechanisms by Focusing on variability within the United States, Bucha-
which culture shapes individuals (e.g., Bond 2002; Keller nan and Hughes (2009) make the case that youth’s views of
and Greenfield 2000). teens act as self-fulfilling prophecies shaping the pathways
To address this lacuna, the current research examined the they take over the adolescent years. Youth’s conceptions of
possibility that ideas about adolescence in the United States adolescence may shape the expectations they hold for
and China differ, thereby creating differences in the path- themselves (for evidence that mothers’ views of teens predict
ways youth take over this phase of development. The first their expectations for their children, see Buchanan 2003),
aim was to evaluate whether Western ideas about adoles- which ultimately guide their behavior (Buchanan and
cence as a phase when youth individuate from parents, often Hughes 2009; Meece et al. 1990). For example, if youth
ignoring responsibilities (e.g., chores and schoolwork) and expect that they will be disengaged from school, they may let
focusing on peers are held by youth to the same extent in themselves drift off during class. In addition, youth’s ideas
China as in the United States during the initial years of about adolescence reflect what they see as normative during
adolescence. The second aim was to identify whether dif- this phase of development, which youth may use as a stan-
ferences in American and Chinese youth’s views of ado- dard for their behavior (Galván et al. 2011). If youth see it as
lescence underlie the tendency for American (vs. Chinese) normative to neglect family responsibilities, for example,
youth to become less engaged in school—as manifest in they may feel it is acceptable not to complete their chores.
their use of self-regulated learning strategies—over early Hence, even when they are not based in reality, youth’s views
adolescence. In pursuing these aims, we were guided by the of teens may play a significant role in how they navigate the
notion that most youth are exposed to their country’s adolescent phase.
mainstream ideas about adolescence via the media and other
avenues. Although there is likely variability in youth’s Do American and Chinese Youth’s Conceptions
exposure to, as well as acceptance of, such ideas, it is likely of Adolescence Differ?
nested within a limited distribution of ideas within each
country. Hence, on average, ideas about adolescence, and Most cultures have a marked phase of adolescence (Arnett
thus the pathways youth take through this phase of devel- 2012). In much of the West, the phase is frequently identified
opment, are likely to differ in the United States and China. as beginning around 10–13 years, which is often when youth
start middle school. Some investigators suggest that it lasts
Conceptions of Adolescence until approximately 18 years, which is often when youth fin-
ish high school, with emerging adulthood following (e.g.,
Decades of theory and research make it clear that both youth Arnett 2000; Collins and Steinberg 2006). However, others
and adults hold beliefs about the characteristics of individ- describe this later phase as late adolescence (Smetana et al.
uals based on their membership in social categories—for 2006; Steinberg 2014). Youth’s entry into adolescence in the
example, being female (Ceci et al. 2009; Bigler et al. 1997; West is characterized as a first step toward adulthood in which
Tiedemann 2000). Although such stereotypes are often there is a focus on individuating from parents to establish a
inaccurate, they often guide individuals’ affect, cognition, distinct identity with this process involving a heightened ori-
and behavior (e.g., Ambady et al. 2001; Good et al. 2012; entation toward peers (e.g., Grotevant and Cooper 1986;
Jacobs et al. 2005; Smith et al. 2013; Steele and Aronson Youniss and Smollar 1985; Collins and Steinberg 2006). This
1995). Buchanan and Holmbeck (1998) make the case that a view of the teen years is evident in American lay views as well
salient social category is developmental phase (see also (e.g., Buchanan et al. 1990; Hines and Paulson 2006).
Holmbeck and Hill 1988). These investigators find that Buchanan and Holmbeck (1998) asked parents, teachers, and
laypeople in the United States hold distinct conceptions of college students in the United States to rate both adolescents
adolescents compared to younger children. Although such and elementary school children on a variety of characteristics
conceptions may be based on accurate base rate information that Buchanan and Holmbeck’s earlier research indicated
to some extent, they are also likely to be based on exag- were seen as descriptive of adolescents. Overall, teens were
gerated media portrayals of teens as well as extreme, but regarded more negatively than their elementary school

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counterparts. For example, teens were seen as more rebellious Overview of the Current Research
(e.g., testing limits) and conforming, particularly to peers
(e.g., easily influenced by friends). American youth also see The goal of the current research was to evaluate whether
disengagement from school as increasingly normative across youth’s ideas about adolescence in the United States and
early adolescence (Galván et al. 2011). China differ, thereby creating differences in how they navi-
As in the United States, adolescence in China generally gate this phase of development. To this end, this research
begins with the middle school years; the end is considered to examined youth in the United States and Mainland China
coincide with the end of high school at around 18 years during early adolescence. Youth reported on four key attri-
(Chen and Chang 2012). Given that filial piety is still of butes that prior theory and research suggest differ between
much significance in contemporary China (Ikels 2004; the two countries: (1) Individuation from parents, (2) family
Wong 2013; Sinha and Niedermeyer 2012), what constitutes responsibility, (3) school disengagement, and (4) peer ori-
youth’s initial step toward adulthood may be different than entation. It was anticipated that as in prior research con-
in the United States. Filial piety includes, among other ducted in the United States, there would be variation among
things, youth repaying the family for their efforts in raising youth within both the United States and China in their con-
them, bringing honor to the family, making sacrifices for the ceptions of adolescence. However, in line with Western
family, and materially as well as psychologically supporting depictions of adolescence, it was also expected that on
the family (Chao and Tseng 2002; Ho 1996). Consequently, average American youth would view teens as more likely
youth’s progress toward maturity in China may be marked in than younger children to individuate from parents, disengage
large part by fulfilling responsibilities to parents (Nelson and from school, and be peer oriented, but less likely to feel
Chen 2007; Yu 1996) rather than individuating from them as responsible to the family. In contrast, Chinese youth were
in the United States (Pomerantz et al. 2011). Given the expected on average to see less of a difference between teens
practical (e.g., youth’s performance on an exam at the end of and younger children on these attributes, with if anything an
middle school determines if and where they will go to high increased sense of responsibility and engagement in school
school) and moral (e.g., effort in school is viewed as during the teen years. To avoid imposing constraints on how
honorable; Li 2005) significance of youth’s achievement in youth see the teen years and to ensure that the four target
school during adolescence in China, youth’s fulfillment of attributes were relevant to youth, in addition to completing a
responsibilities to parents may be reflected in part through closed-ended measure, youth also completed an open-ended
their engagement in school. Unlike their American coun- measure in which they listed the attributes of teens in general.
terparts who spend increasing time with their peers over Prior research suggests that youth’s sense of responsi-
adolescence, youth in East Asian countries spend more time bility to parents underlies the tendency for American but not
on their schoolwork (Larson and Verma 1999). Chinese youth’s engagement in school to decline over early
adolescence (Qu and Pomerantz 2015). Thus, we anticipated
What are the Implications for American that conceptions about family responsibility as well as dis-
and Chinese Youth’s Engagement in School? engagement from school, which may represent neglect of a
key responsibility, would be most likely to undergird dif-
The differences in youth’s conceptions of adolescence in ferences in the United States and China in youth’s engage-
the United States and China may contribute to differences ment in school over time. We examined youth’s engagement
in how they navigate adolescence. Of particular note, youth in school as manifest in their use of self-regulated learning
in the two countries approach school differently over the strategies (e.g., monitoring their understanding of the
early adolescent years, with the decline in engagement in material they are learning at school), which is a major
school (e.g., use of self-regulated learning strategies) dimension of engagement in school (Fredricks et al. 2004).
common in the United States (for a review, see Wigfield Moreover, prior research indicates that such engagement
et al. 2006) being weaker or even nonexistent in China declines over early adolescence in the United States, but not
(Wang and Pomerantz 2009; Yang et al. 2013). If Ameri- China (Wang and Pomerantz 2009).
can youth see it as normative to disregard family respon- Our two-wave longitudinal design, which spanned
sibilities, including school, during adolescence, they may 6 months over the seventh and eighth grades, allowed us to
come to hold expectations and standards for themselves capture differences in how American and Chinese youth’s
that set the stage for being irresponsible. As a consequence, engagement in school changes during early adolescence. In
their engagement in school may decline over this phase. addition, it was possible to take into account youth’s earlier
Chinese youth, however, may maintain their engagement engagement in school when predicting their later engage-
as they may not see disregarding family responsibilities as ment, thereby ensuring that the effects of youth’s concep-
part of being a teen to the same extent as do their American tions of adolescence were not simply due to youth’s
counterparts. engagement shaping their conceptions (e.g., more engaged

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youth see adolescence as a time of less disengagement). major ethnicity in China. Slightly over half (60 %) of mothers
Youth also reported on their pubertal development because reported at least a college degree as their highest level of
such development appears to contribute to how they nav- educational attainment; 25 % reported a high school diploma,
igate adolescence (for a review, see Rudolph 2014), which but 15 % did not. At the time of study, 9 % of the population
may shape youth’s views of teens. Hence, if American and over 25 years in the area had a college degree or higher, and
Chinese youth differ in their pubertal development, it may 14 % had a high school diploma (National Bureau of Statistics
be such development that drives differences in their views of China 2011). Hence, as was the case for the American
of teens. We also took into account other potential factors participants, a substantial proportion of the Chinese partici-
(e.g., youth’s gender) that may contribute to youth’s views pants came from families in which parents were more edu-
as well as their engagement in school. Most notably, cated than average in their region.
because educational attainment is higher in the United
States than China (United Nations Statistics Division Procedure
2014), it is possible that differences in parents’ educational
attainment could drive differences between the two coun- This report focuses on youth’s responses to surveys in the
tries, particularly given that parents’ educational attain- spring of seventh grade completed in the laboratory and
ment appears to play a role in youth’s achievement (for 6 months later in the fall of eighth grade completed at
reviews, see Duncan and Brooks-Gunn 1997; Sirin 2005). home or school. Youth’s conceptions of adolescence were
assessed in the spring of seventh grade, with their
engagement in school (i.e., self-regulated learning strate-
Method gies) being assessed at both time points. American youth
and mothers received a total of $140 for their participation
Participants in the project; their Chinese counterparts received a total of
RMB370. Attrition from the spring of seventh grade to the
This research was part of the University of Illinois American- fall of eighth grade was 6 %. This was due entirely to the
Chinese Middle School Motivation Project in which youth 9 % of youth in the United States who did not complete the
were studied over the seventh and eighth grades in the United assessment in the fall of eighth grade—there was no
States and China. In the United States, 203 (110 boys) youth attrition in the Chinese sample. American youth complet-
(mean age = 13.26 years in the spring of seventh grade) ing both assessments did not differ from those completing
participated. Youth were recruited from five middle schools in only the first assessment on any of the variables assessed at
a small urban area in the Midwest. The middle schools the first assessment examined in this report.
achieved at the state average, with much variation in
achievement within schools. American youth were primarily Measures
(73 %) European American, with 16 % being African
American, 5 % more than one race (e.g., African American The measures were initially created in English. Standard
and European American), 3 % Asian American, and less than translation and back-translation procedures (Brislin 1980)
2 % Hispanic. A majority of American mothers reported that were followed to generate the Chinese versions, with
their highest educational degree was a college degree or repeated discussion among American and Chinese mem-
greater (74 %); 25 % reported a high school diploma, with bers of the research team to modify the wording of the
only one mother not reporting such a diploma. In this area at items to ensure equivalence in meaning (Erkut 2010).
the time of the study, 38 % of adults over the age of 25 years Linguistic factors were taken into account so that the
had at least a college degree, with 9 % having not completed measures were easily understandable to youth in both the
high school (US Census 2010). United States and China (e.g., difficult and unfamiliar
In China, 194 (89 boys) youth (mean age = 13.13 years in words were avoided).
the spring of seventh grade) participated. They were recruited
from two middle schools in small urban areas in a large pro- Conceptions of Adolescence
vince located in the northeast part of China. One school was a
high-achieving school and the other was an average-achieving We used both open- and closed-ended measures to assess
school. Although students’ achievement within each of the youth’s conceptions of adolescence. The open-ended
schools was relatively homogenous due to region-wise measure was designed to assess youth’s spontaneous ideas
selection and ability streaming, there was still variability in about teens. We also developed a closed-ended measure.
achievement within schools. Reflecting the ethnic composi- Such a measure permits continuous ratings which allow for
tion of the area from which the sample was recruited, Chinese a more fine-tuned assessment of youth’s conceptions (i.e.,
youth were predominantly (99 %) of Han decent, which is the the extent to which youth view an attribute as characteristic

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of teens rather than simply whether or not they saw it as school’’, a = .84 in the United States and .87 in China), and
characteristic). The closed-ended measure also targets teen- (4) peer orientation (e.g., ‘‘want to spend most of their time
specific conceptions more accurately as it asks youth to with friends’’, a = .80 in the United States and .93 in China).
make ratings comparing teens to younger children (see When possible, we based the items on scales used to assess the
below). Moreover, the closed-ended measure does not extent to which youth themselves possess each of the attri-
depend on youth’s vocabulary as may be the case with the butes. For example, the items for the family responsibility
open-ended measure. This is particularly important because scale were modified from the Fuligni et al. (1999) and Ng et al.
teens may be fairly general in regards to what they list in (2000) scales of family obligation such that youth indicated
the open-ended measure, which would not allow us to the extent to which family obligation attitudes and behaviors
capture specific dimensions (e.g., family responsibility and were more common among teens versus younger children.
school disengagement). Hence, although we used both the Notably, youth made comparisons of teens with younger
open- and closed-ended measures to evaluate differences children to ensure their conceptions were specific to teens.
and similarities in American and Chinese youth’s concep- Specifically, for each of the four attributes, youth rated to
tions of adolescence, we used only the closed-ended what extent each of six attitudes or behaviors are true
measure to examine the role of youth’s conceptions in their during versus before the teen years (1 = more true before
engagement in school. teen years, 5 = equally true before and during teen years,
9 = more true during teen years). The mean of the six
Open-Ended Measure During the spring of seventh items comprising each attribute was taken, with lower
grade, youth listed attributes (e.g., attitudes and behaviors) numbers indicating that the dimension is more common
of teens (i.e., youth their age) in general. Youth were given before the teen years and higher numbers indicating it is
a sheet of paper with ten boxes on it, so that they could more common during the teen years. As shown in Table 2,
place each characteristic in a separate box. On the basis of the four attributes were sizably associated with one
prior work (Buchanan and Holmbeck 1998), the closed- another, such that in both the United States and China
ended measure, and an examination of 20 % of the youth who tended to hold relatively stereotypical Western
responses, we coded the descriptions into 11 types (e.g., views on one attribute (e.g., dampened family responsi-
‘‘independence strivings’’ and ‘‘peer orientation’’; see bility) held them on others (e.g., heightened individuation
Table 1) that fell into four major areas: (1) individuation, from parents), with peer orientation being the most weakly
(2) responsibility, (3) social relationships, and (4) emo- associated with the other attributes.
tionality. American and Chinese youth’s descriptions were A series of Confirmatory Factor Analyses (CFAs) were
coded in their original language by trained native coders conducted in the context of two-group Structural Equa-
who had spent 90 % or more of their lives in the United tion Modeling (SEM) to examine the equivalence of the four
States (Cohen’s kappa = .82) or China (Cohen’s conceptions of adolescence scales between the United States
kappa = .84). To ensure the coding was equivalent across and China. We evaluated metric and scalar invariance, which
the United States and China, a bi-cultural coder who had are essential and sufficient in making valid comparisons of the
spent considerable time in both countries coded 20 % of associations and means, respectively (e.g., Chen 2007; Little
the descriptions from each country; the bi-cultural coder’s 1997). A set of CFAs was conducted for each scale. Each was
agreement with the American (Cohen’s kappas = .80 and represented as a latent variable with the six items of the scale
.87) and Chinese (Cohen’s kappas = .83 and .93) coders serving as indicators, which were allowed to correlate
was substantial. The total number of descriptions youth (McDonald and Ho 2002). For each set of CFAs, an uncon-
provided ranged from 0 to 9 (M = 3.68, SD = 1.73 in the strained (i.e., baseline) model was compared to constrained
United States and M = 3.45, SD = 1.38 in China). The (i.e., metric and scalar invariance) models. The indicators in
coded categories were mutually exclusive, such that each the unconstrained models were freely estimated without any
description could receive only a single code. between-country constraints. In the constrained models, the
factor loadings and intercepts of the same indicators were
Closed-Ended Measure After completing the open-ended forced to be equal between the two countries; otherwise the
measure, youth completed a new closed-ended measure models were identical to the unconstrained models. Based on
assessing youth’s views of teens along the four target attri- statistical modeling, Chen (2007) recommends that changes in
butes suggested by prior research (see Appendix): (1) indi- the CFI from the unconstrained to constrained model be used
viduation (e.g., ‘‘want to be independent from parents’’, as the main criterion for assessing measurement invariance,
a = .91 in the United States and .90 in China), (2) family with a difference of .01 or less reflecting invariance. All the
responsibility (e.g., ‘‘work hard to meet parents’ expecta- models fit the data adequately, v2s (N = 397) \ 35.47,
tions’’, a = .63 in the United States and .71 in China), (3) CFIs [ .98, TLIs [ .90, RMSEAs \ .07. The differences in
school disengagement (e.g., ‘‘don’t care very much about the CFIs between each of the unconstrained and constrained

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Table 1 Percentage of American and Chinese youth mentioning each category of conceptions of adolescence
Category Type Definition Examples American Chinese
(%) (%)

Individuation Independence Want to be autonomous and independent; have their own ‘‘Have their own 55 54
strivings opinions; resist authority; push the limits opinions’’
Identity Concerned with figuring out who they are; confused about ‘‘Try to figure out 15a 4b
exploration their identity who they are’’
Responsibility Responsibility Goal oriented, persistent, responsible for self and others, ‘‘Work hard’’ 35a 58b
fulfill obligations to others
Irresponsibility Lack of persistence and self-control; not capable of being ‘‘Lazy’’ 54 46
responsible for self
Social Respect Respect parents and others ‘‘Respect parents’’ 4a 16b
relationships Disrespect Inconsiderate; self-centered ‘‘Don’t care about 34a 16b
others’’
Peer Platonic and romantic relationships with peers; sociability; ‘‘Spend so much time 45a 32b
orientation peer pressure with friends’’
Prosocial Kind, understanding, and helpful ‘‘Compassionate’’ 25 19
Bullying Bullying and mean ‘‘They are more mean 28a 6b
to people’’
Emotionality Positive Positive emotions; optimistic ‘‘Happy’’ 19a 28b
Negative Negative and instable emotions; overreactive ‘‘Very anxious’’ 59 54
Within row, numbers with different subscripts are different from one another (ps \ .01)

Table 2 Associations between the variables in the spring of seventh grade (Wave 1)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1. Individuation conception – -.62*** .42*** .39*** -.16* .03 .19** .05

2. Family responsibility conception -.56*** – -.72*** -.20** .19** .01 -.10 .09
3. School disengagement conception .58*** -.69*** – .16* -.09 -.05 .09 -.17*
4. Peer orientation conception .57*** -.18** .32*** – -.08 .00 .12 .04
5. Child gender -.07 -.08 .11 -.03 – -.27*** .09 -.05
6. Pubertal status .08 .16* -.08 .19** -.48*** – -.15* -.10
7. Maternal educational attainment .11 -.07 .01 -.02 -.04 -.10 – .12
8. School engagement -.01 .19** -.16* .10 .00 .01 -.09 –
Correlations for the American sample are presented in the lower triangle; those for the Chinese sample are presented in the upper triangle. For
youth’s gender, -1 = female and 1 = male; for mothers’ educational attainment, -1 = less than a college degree and 1 = a college degree or
higher
* p \ .05; ** p \ .01; *** p \ .001

models were less than .01, indicating that each of the four something at school, I go back and try to figure it out.’’).
conception measures possesses metric and scalar invariance Youth rated how true (1 = not at all true, 5 = very true)
between the United States and China. each item was of them. The 18 items were averaged, with
higher numbers indicating greater engagement in school
School Engagement (as = .90–.93 in the United States and .89–.91 in China).
Comparison of the unconstrained and constrained models for
During the spring of seventh grade and fall of eighth grade, this measure using three conceptually-determined parcels
youth’s self-regulated learning strategies were assessed with (i.e., one for each type of strategy) as indicators for the latent
the 18 items from Dowson and McInerney’s (2004) Goal construct at each assessment point, v2s (N = 397) \ 25.48,
Orientation and Learning Strategies Survey asking about use CFIs [ .99, TLIs [ .97, RMSEAs \ .05, yielded differ-
of meta-cognitive strategies—that is, monitoring, planning, ences of less than .01 in the CFIs, indicating metric and
and regulating strategies (e.g., ‘‘If I get confused about scalar invariance between the United States and China.

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Pubertal Development responsible, v2 (N = 397) = 19.87, p \ .001. This

heightened view of teens as responsible was accompanied
Youth completed Petersen, Crockett, Richards, and Boxer’s by Chinese youth describing the typical teen as more
(1988) Pubertal Development Scale (PDS) during the spring respectful than did their American counterparts, v2
of seventh grade. The scale is comprised of five items (N = 397) = 17.64, p \ .001. Although American youth
(1 = no development, 4 = development is complete). Both did not see teens as less irresponsible than did Chinese
boys and girls reported on growth spurt, hair growth, and skin youth, v2 (N = 397) = 2.32, p = .13, they did view them
changes; boys also reported on voice change and facial hair as more disrespectful, v2 (N = 397) = 18.18, p \ .001.
and girls on breast development and menarche status American youth also viewed teens as oriented toward their
(1 = no, 4 = yes). The mean was taken with higher numbers peers more than did Chinese youth, v2 (N = 397) = 7.77,
indicating more advanced pubertal development (a = .79 in p \ .01. Moreover, American youth described more bul-
the United States and .72 in China). Metric, but not scalar, lying, v2 (N = 397) = 32.60, p \ .001, but not necessarily
invariance between the United States and China was estab- less prosocial behavior, v2 (N = 397) = 1.95, p = .17,
lished: The CFIs for the unconstrained model and the model about teens than did their Chinese counterparts. American
in which the factors were constrained to be equal across the youth portrayed the typical teen as experiencing fewer
two countries, v2s (N = 397) \ 12.67, CFIs [ .98, positive emotions than did their Chinese counterparts, v2
TLIs [ .90, RMSEAs \ .07, differed by less than .01, but (N = 397) = 8.71, p \ .01. However, American and Chi-
this was not case for the comparisons involving the model in nese youth were equally like to see the typical teen as
which the intercepts were constrained to be equal, experiencing negative and instable emotions, v2
CFI = .73, TLI = .09, RMSEA = .19. (N = 397) = .35, p = .56.

Closed-Ended Measure
Results
Multivariate Analysis of Variance (MANOVA) on the
Two major sets of analyses were conducted. First, we closed-ended measures of youth’s conceptions of adoles-
evaluated the idea that youth in the United States and cence yielded a multivariate effect of country, Wilks’
China hold different conceptions of adolescence. To this lambda = .87, F(4, 390) = 14.28, p \ .001, with the uni-
end, we compared American and Chinese youth’s con- variate tests revealing a pattern consistent with that for the
ceptions using the open- and closed-ended measures. Sec- open-ended measure, but the differences between the
ond, we examined whether youth’s conceptions of United States and China were more pronounced (see
adolescence predict their engagement in school, with Table 3). Specifically, both American and Chinese youth
attention to whether such conceptions mediate differences saw the teen (vs. earlier) years as a time of individuation
in American and Chinese youth’s engagement over time. from parents, but American youth were more likely to
characterize the teen years as such, F(1, 393) = 5.94,
p \ .02. American youth indicated more than did Chinese
Do American and Chinese Youth’s Conceptions youth that feeling responsible to the family was less true of
of Adolescence Differ? the teen years than earlier, F(1, 393) = 21.51, p \ .001; in
fact, Chinese youth actually saw family responsibility as
Open-Ended Measure equally characteristic of the teen and earlier years (see
Table 3). As anticipated, American youth viewed the teen
We first examined youth’s response in the open-ended (vs. earlier) years as a time of heightened disengagement
measure to evaluate if American and Chinese youth differ from school more so than did their Chinese counterparts,
in their spontaneous descriptions of teens. To this end, we F(1, 393) = 48.70, p \ .001, who saw the teen years as a
conducted Chi-square tests on the percentage of youth time of dampened disengagement compared to the earlier
mentioning each coded category. The analyses revealed years. Both American and Chinese youth rated teens as
that although American and Chinese youth share some more peer oriented than were their younger counterparts,
views of teens, their views also diverge as hypothesized. but consistent with youth’s descriptions in the open-ended
As shown in Table 1, American and Chinese youth simi- measure, this was stronger among American youth, F(1,
larly saw teens as seeking independence and autonomy, v2 393) = 12.55, p \ .001. The differences between Ameri-
(N = 397) = .03, p = .86, but more American than Chi- can and Chinese youth’s conceptions remained evident
nese youth saw identity exploration as characteristic of the even when children’s gender and pubertal development as
typical teen, v2 (N = 397) = 13.38, p \ .001. Moreover, well as mothers’ educational attainment were taken into
more Chinese (vs. American) youth viewed teens as being account, Fs(1, 386) [ 3.91, ps \ .05.

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J Youth Adolescence (2016) 45:1512–1526 1519

Table 3 Means and standard deviations of conceptions of adoles- p = .15, did not predict youth’s later self-regulated learning
cence for American and Chinese youth strategies. The addition of Country x Conception interactions
Subscale United States China Cohen’s d to the regressions allowed us to evaluate whether the effects
of the conceptions varied by country. Only one of the four
Individuation 7.05 (1.69)a1 6.57 (2.23)b1 0.24
interactions reached significance—that for school disen-
Family responsibility 4.47 (1.35)a2 5.22 (1.81)b 0.47 gagement conceptions, t(375) = -2.43, p \ .05: Such con-
School disengagement 5.97 (1.61)a1 4.59 (2.27)b2 0.70 ceptions predicted dampened use of self-regulated learning
Peer orientation 6.76 (1.38)a1 6.22 (1.65)b1 0.36 strategies over time among Chinese, b = -.20, p \ .001,
The conceptions of adolescence measure uses a 9-point scale with but not American, b = .04, p = .51, youth.
1 = more true before teen years, 5 = equally true before and during Because the first step of the regressions included youth’s
teen years, 9 = more true during teen years. Different letter sub- self-regulated learning strategies in the spring of seventh
scripts indicate a significant (ps \ .05) difference between countries.
The number subscripts indicate a significant (ps \ .05) difference grade and country, it was possible to determine if Ameri-
from the mid-point of the scale (i.e., equally true before and during can and Chinese youth’s self-regulated learning strategies
teen years), with a 1 reflecting that the characteristic is more true of changed differently over time as in prior research. Indeed,
the teen (vs. earlier) years and a 2 reflecting that the characteristic is there was an effect of country, b = .18, p \ .001. Exam-
less true of the teen (vs. earlier) years
ination of the means indicated that American youth’s use of
self-regulated learning strategies decreased from the spring
What are the Implications for Youth’s Engagement of seventh grade (M = 3.61, SD = .71) to the fall of eighth
in School? grade (M = 3.53, SD = .76) although the change did not
reach significance, t(193) = 1.66, p = .10. In contrast, use
In the next set of analyses, we examined if American and of self-regulated learning strategies among Chinese youth
Chinese youth’s conceptions of adolescence predict their increased (M = 3.58, SD = .65 in the spring of seventh
engagement in school (i.e., self-regulated learning strategies) grade and M = 3.77, SD = .68 in the fall of eighth grade),
over time, with attention to whether such conceptions con- t(193) = 4.89, p \ .001.
tribute to differences in youth’s engagement in school in the To evaluate if differences in American and Chinese
United States and China. Given prior theory and research, it youth’s family responsibility and school disengagement
was anticipated that conceptions about family responsibility conceptions contribute to the differences in their use of self-
and school disengagement would be particularly important. regulated learning strategies over time, we used bias-cor-
We first conducted multiple regression analyses examin- rected bootstrapping resampling techniques to test the indi-
ing the effect of each conception on youth’s self-regulated rect effect with each conception as a mediator (Preacher and
learning strategies over time. We predicted youth’s self- Hayes 2008). Using 1000 bootstrap resamples, the indirect
regulated learning strategies in the fall of eighth grade from path from country to family responsibility conceptions
each of the four closed-ended measures of conceptions of (spring of seventh grade) to later (fall of eighth grade) use of
adolescence in the spring of seventh grade on their own (Step self-regulated learning strategies adjusting for earlier (spring
2) after adjusting for youth’s earlier (i.e., spring of seventh of seventh grade) use of learning strategies was significant
grade) learning strategies as well as country (-1 = the (see Fig. 1), 95 % CI [.01, .07]. The difference in American
United States, 1 = China), which were included in Step 1 and Chinese youth’s self-regulated learning strategies over
(for the rationale behind using only the closed-ended mea- time was reduced by 11 %, although the difference
sures, see above). Youth’s gender (-1 = girl, 1 = boy), remained significant. Similarly, school disengagement con-
pubertal development, and mothers’ educational attainment ceptions partially mediated the differences in American and
(-1 = less than a college degree, 1 = a college degree or Chinese youth’s self-regulated learning strategies over time
higher) were also included (Step 1) given that they were (see Fig. 2), 95 % CI [.01, .10], with a 22 % reduction.
sometimes associated with youth’s conceptions (see Simultaneous inclusion of the two paths indicated that they
Table 2). The more youth saw teens (vs. younger children) as accounted for overlapping variance as neither reached sig-
responsible to the family, the more they used self-regulated nificance, 95 % CI [-.02, .04] for family responsibility, and
learning strategies 6 months later over and above their earlier 95 % CI [-.01, .10] for school disengagement.
learning strategies as well as the other covariates (for the We conducted a set of sensitivity analyses to ensure that
zero-order concurrent correlations, see Table 2), b = .08, the inclusion of the covariates (i.e., youth’s gender and
p \ .05. It was also the case, that the less youth viewed teens pubertal development, along with mothers’ educational
as disengaged from school, the more they used self-regulated attainment) was somehow not biasing the effects. To this end,
learning strategies 6 months later, b = -.11, p \ .05. the regressions described above were conducted excluding
Youth’s views of teens in terms of individuation from par- the covariates. Youth’s conceptions of adolescence as a time
ents, b = .00, p = .99, and peer orientation, b = -.06, of family responsibility and school disengagement still

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1520 J Youth Adolescence (2016) 45:1512–1526

Fig. 1 Youth’s conceptions of

adolescence as a time of family
responsibility partially mediate
the difference in American and
Chinese youth’s engagement in
school over the seventh and
eighth grades. Note Mediation
was evaluated in the context of
multiple regression analyses.
The standardized coefficients
yielded by these analyses are
presented. *p \ .05;
***p \ .001

Fig. 2 Youth’s conceptions of

adolescence as a time of school
disengagement partially mediate
the difference in American and
Chinese youth’s engagement in
school over the seventh and
eighth grades. Note Mediation
was evaluated in the context of
multiple regression analyses.
The standardized coefficients
yielded by these analyses are
presented. *p \ .05; **p \ .01;
***p \ .001

predicted children’s later engagement in school adjusting for there has been little empirical attention to the mechanisms
their earlier engagement, b = .08, p \ .05 and b = -.11, underlying such differences. Because there appears to be less
p \ .05, respectively. As in the original analyses, the other storm and stress as youth enter adolescence in China (vs. the
conceptions did not predict children’s engagement. When the United States; e.g., Wang and Pomerantz 2009; Pomerantz
mediation analyses were conducted without the covariates, et al. 2011), the current research examined whether views of
there was also evidence for the indirect path via family teens differ in the two countries, thereby creating differences
responsibility conceptions, 95 % CI [.01, .06], and disen- in the pathways they take over this phase of development.
gagement conceptions, 95 % CI [.01, .10]. Although there were some similarities in how youth in the
United States and China viewed adolescence, there were also
notable differences, with American youth seeing the phase
Discussion more of a time of moving away from parents and toward
peers. Notably, views of adolescence as a time of dampened
Over a decade ago, Arnett (1999) pointed out that the mild family responsibility and heightened school disengagement
storm and stress among many American youth during ado- contributed to American (vs. Chinese) youth being less
lescence is often not evident outside the West. Unfortunately, engaged in school—as manifest in their self-regulated

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J Youth Adolescence (2016) 45:1512–1526 1521

learning strategies—over the seventh and eighth grades. autonomy). As was the case for individuation from parents in
Taken together, the findings suggest that culture may shape the closed-ended measure, both American and Chinese youth
adolescents’ engagement in school during early adolescence viewed teens as more oriented toward their peers than younger
in part through the ideas it transmits to youth about this phase children, but this was more true among American youth.
of development. Echoing this difference, American youth spontaneously
characterized teens as more peer oriented than did Chinese
Conceptions of Adolescence in the United States youth in the open-ended measure in which teens were also
and China described as engaging in more bullying by American (vs.
Chinese) youth. Consistent with prior research in the United
American youth’s views of teens in the current research States (e.g., Buchanan and Holmbeck 1998), youth sponta-
were consistent with Western scholars’ depiction of this neously described teens as emotional in the open-ended
phase (e.g., Grotevant and Cooper 1986; Youniss and measure: Over half of both American and Chinese youth said
Smollar 1985) as well as prior research on lay conceptions negative or instable moods were common, with American (vs.
of adolescence in the United States (e.g., Buchanan and Chinese) youth seeing positive emotions as less common.
Holmbeck 1998; Hines and Paulson 2006). However, per- The differences in ideas about adolescence among youth
haps because of the emphasis on filial piety in China, Chi- in the United States and China should be interpreted in light
nese youth’s views diverged from the portrait that has been of the substantial variability in such ideas among youth
painted by prior theory and research in the West. Particularly within each country. Youth in both countries are exposed to
striking is that American youth saw responsibility as less their country’s mainstream views of teens via the media and
characteristic of teens than did Chinese youth in both the other avenues. However, there is likely variability in their
open- and closed-ended measures. In the context of the exposure to such views, with some youth also being more
closed-ended measure in which youth made comparative receptive to them than others. Prior research indicates that
judgments between teens and younger children, American within the United States, there is variation in conceptions of
youth saw teens as less responsible to the family than adolescence among youth and mothers from the same geo-
younger children; Chinese youth felt teens were as respon- graphical region (e.g., Buchanan and Hughes 2009). More-
sible as younger children. A similar pattern was evident in over, in the current research, for some attributes, there was
the closed-ended measure when it came to school disen- variation in the United States due to youth’s pubertal
gagement, with American youth rating disengagement as development. Variation within countries due to geography
more common during than before the teen years— which is and ethnicity as well as attributes of youth and families are
consistent with prior research (Galván et al. 2011)—and likely nested within the mainstream culture. Notably, com-
Chinese youth rating it as less common. Surprisingly, parison of the standard deviations in the United States and
explicit mention of disengagement was not frequent among China using Levene’s test indicated that the variance in
American or Chinese youth in the open-ended measure. This youth’s views of teens was smaller in the United States than
may be due to youth’s descriptions being fairly general; for China for all four of the dimensions (see Table 3),
example, ‘‘hard working’’ may have referred in part to Fs [ 5.82, ps \ .05. This may be due to the fact that
school engagement. Indeed, supplementary analyses indi- although there is substantial exposure to Chinese culture in
cated that when youth spontaneously described teens as China, there is also exposure to Western culture. There may
responsible in the open-ended measure, they also reported be differences among Chinese youth in how much access
teens (vs. younger children) as less disengaged in school they have to the latter, as well as their receptivity to it.
(r = -.17, p \ .01) in the closed-ended measure.
There was divergence for other attributes as well, but also Implications for Youth’s Engagement in School
some convergence. In regards to individuation from parents, in the United States and China
on the closed-ended measure, both American and Chinese
youth viewed this as more common among teens than younger A key reason for examining whether there are differences
children, suggesting that individuation from parents is a in ideas about the teen years in the United States and China
common theme for adolescents in the two countries. However, is because such ideas may contribute to how youth navigate
American (vs. Chinese) youth endorsed the idea that adoles- this phase of development. Consistent with prior research
cence is a time of individuation from parents more. Individ- (Wang and Pomerantz 2009; Yang et al. 2013), American
uation was also spontaneously generated more frequently by and Chinese youth’s school engagement changed differ-
American than Chinese youth, but this was due almost entirely ently over time: There was a non-significant decrease in the
to American youth mentioning identity exploration (e.g., United States, but a significant increase in China. Prior
concern over figuring out who they are) more than Chinese research finds that the tendency for American but not
youth rather than independence strivings (e.g., desiring Chinese youth’s sense of responsibility to parents to

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1522 J Youth Adolescence (2016) 45:1512–1526

decline over early adolescence accounts for the difference could be manipulated via base rate information or salient
in American and Chinese youth’s engagement over this personal stories. In addition, future research should examine
phase of development (Qu and Pomerantz 2015). There- the extent to which youth’s conceptions of adolescence and
fore, we expected conceptions of adolescence about this their psychological adjustment over this phase of development
attribute to be key. Because youth’s maintenance of reinforce one another. For example, views of teens as engaged
engagement in school may be a central responsibility, we in school predicts greater engagement in school as youth enter
also anticipated conceptions about school disengagement adolescence which may in turn lead youth to see teens as
to be important. Indeed, the difference in American and engaged. Longitudinal research in which both youth’s con-
Chinese youth’s engagement in school over the seventh to ceptions and adjustment are assessed simultaneously at mul-
eighth grade was accounted for in part by differences in tiple time points will provide insight into such a process.
how they viewed adolescence in regards to family Second, we examined ideas about teens only among early
responsibility and school disengagement. adolescents. Future studies should move beyond this limited
It is of note that youth’s conceptions of family respon- slice of development to determine whether youth’s concep-
sibility and school disengagement and not their conceptions tions change such that American and Chinese youth either
of other attributes were predictive of youth’s engagement in converge or diverge more after early adolescence. Notably,
school. This is not surprising given prior theory and research however, although more advanced pubertal development was
implicating family responsibility, with engagement in school associated with more Western views of adolescence in terms
often being an important responsibility, in youth’s engage- of family obligation and school disengagement in the United
ment in school (e.g., Pomerantz et al. 2011). Moreover, States (Table 1), pubertal development did not account for
being peer oriented may have both constructive and the differences in American and Chinese youth’s conceptions
unconstructive consequences, depending on youth’s peer of adolescence. In addition, the major exam in China that
group (e.g., Brown et al. 2008); hence, the effects of con- determines if and where children will go to high school takes
ceptions of this attribute may be difficult to detect without place at the end of ninth grade. Given that we examined
information about the peer group. Individuation from par- school engagement from seventh to eighth grade, it is pos-
ents may similarly be dependent on other factors. It is also of sible that the different trajectories of school engagement
note that the effects of the family responsibility and school between American and Chinese youth are due, in part, to the
disengagement conceptions on youth’s engagement in timing of this exam, which is absent in the United States.
school identified in the current research fall in the small Indeed, the differences in how American and Chinese chil-
range suggesting that they are one of a variety of forces that dren approach school appear to be smaller as children enter
shape engagement. Indeed, these conceptions only partially into high school, although such differences remain significant
mediated the difference in American and Chinese youth (Yang et al. 2013).
engagement in school over time; the extent to which youth’s Third, the current research focuses on the implications of
views of teens translate into more proximal influences (e.g., youth’s conceptions of adolescence for their engagement in
a sense of responsibility to the family) may also depend on a school, a key dimension of psychological adjustment on
host of other factors. which American and Chinese follow different trajectories
during early adolescence (e.g., Wang and Pomerantz 2009).
Limitations and Future Directions However, such conceptions may also play an important role
in shaping other dimensions of youth’s psychological
The current research has several limitations that point to adjustment, such as relationships with parents and peers,
directions for future research. First, despite our inclusion of a conceptions of the self, and antisocial behavior (e.g., risk
number of important covariates (e.g., youth’s pubertal status, taking and delinquency), on which American and Chinese
gender, and mothers’ educational attainment), causal conclu- youth differ during adolescence (e.g., Greenberger et al.
sions cannot be made. By taking into account youth’s prior 2000; Pomerantz et al. 2009, 2011; Setoh et al. 2015).
adjustment in our analyses, we ruled out the possibility that Hence, future research investigating the role of conceptions
youth’s conceptions of adolescence predict their later of adolescence in different dimensions of psychological
engagement in school simply because they reflect youth’s adjustment over adolescence would be fruitful.
earlier engagement. However, other forces (e.g., youth’s
temperament or their parents’ practices) may shape both their
conceptions of adolescence and engagement in school, thereby Conclusions
accounting for the effects of youth’s conceptions. Experi-
mental research will be instrumental in identifying the causal The current research indicates that although there are some
role of conceptions of adolescence in youth’s psychological similarities in how American and Chinese youth view
adjustment. For example, youth’s conceptions of adolescence adolescence, there are also differences, which contribute to

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J Youth Adolescence (2016) 45:1512–1526 1523

differences in their engagement in school over early ado- 5. Demand to make decisions without parents’ input.
lescence. In general, American youth saw adolescence as 6. Rebel against parents.
more of a time of moving away from parents and toward
Family responsibility
peers than did their Chinese counterparts. Ideas that the
teen years are a time of responsibility to the family and 1. Work hard to meet parents’ expectations.
engagement in school predicted increased engagement in 2. Disrespectful of parents (reverse-scored).
school among youth over time, partially accounting for 3. Concerned with parents’ approval.
Chinese (vs. American) youth’s increased engagement. 4. Care little about fulfilling family obligations (reverse-
These findings suggest that culture shapes youth’s con- scored).
ceptions of adolescence in the United States and China, 5. Act as responsible members of the family.
which contribute to differences in youth’s engagement in 6. Rarely comply with parents’ requests (reverse-scored).
school over this phase in the two countries.
School disengagement
Acknowledgments This research was supported by National Science 1. Uninterested in schoolwork.
Foundation Grant BCS 1023170. We appreciate the constructive
2. Don’t care very much about school.
comments on an earlier version of this article provided by members of
the Center for Parent–Child Studies at University of Illinois, Urbana- 3. Excited about what they are learning in school
Champaign. (reverse-scored).
4. Pay little attention in class.
Author Contributions YQ was involved in developing the hypoth-
5. See schoolwork as important (reverse-scored).
esis motivating the reported research. He also took a major role in
designing the measures, collecting the data in the United States and 6. Put a lot of effort into school (reverse-scored).
China, and conducting the data analyses. He drafted the manuscript as
well. EP was also involved in hypothesis development, measure Peer orientation
design, data analysis, and manuscript preparation. MW was respon-
1. Want to spend most of their time with friends.
sible for data collection in China. CC was involved in designing the
broader study and collecting data in the United States. AC was 2. Want to fit in with other kids.
involved in hypothesis and measure development in regards to the 3. See friends as an important part of their lives.
conceptions of adolescence. All authors read and approved the final 4. Very concerned with what other kids think.
manuscript.
5. Enjoy being with friends more than adults.
Conflicts of Interest The authors report no conflict of interests. 6. Easily influenced by other kids.

Ethical Approval All procedures performed in studies involving

human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of
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Sinha, S., & Niedermeyer, J. (2012). Filial piety: From strangling
tigers to taming the Internet. Retrieved from http://www. Yang Qu is a Ph.D. student in developmental psychology at the
nytimes.com/interactive/2012/09/06/world/asia/20120905_para University of Illinois. His major research interests include parenting,
bles.html?_r=0. children’s motivation, and emotional well-being in different cultures.
Sirin, R. S. (2005). Socioeconomic status and academic achievement:
A meta-analytic review of research. Review of Educational Eva M. Pomerantz is a Professor in psychology at the University of
Research, 75, 417–453. doi:10.3102/00346543075003417. Illinois. She received her doctorate in social psychology from New

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York University. Her major research interests include the role of the environment in children’s motivation and achievement; she also
parents in children’s motivation and achievement, with attention to has a special interest in culture.
how this socialization process is modulated by culture.
Andrei Cimpian is Associate Professor of psychology at the
Meifang Wang is a Professor at Shandong Normal University. She University of Illinois. He received his doctorate in developmental
received her doctorate in 2002 from Beijing Normal University. Her psychology from Stanford University in 2008. One of his main areas
major research interests include parenting and children development. of expertise is academic achievement and motivation. Among other
topics, he has investigated gender stereotypes about intelligence,
Cecilia Cheung is an Assistant Professor at the University of gender gaps in achievement and representation, people’s beliefs about
California, Riverside. She received her doctorate from the University ability and talent, and the influence of praise and criticism on
of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Her research focuses on the role of children’s achievement.

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