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Chapter 4

In the period between the 16th and 18th centuries, a slow intellectual process took place in
Europe within a very narrow circle of scholars concerning the accumulation of scientific
knowledge about the Arab East and Islam. However, it is worth noting that orientalism had not
yet crystallized as an independent and distinct field within the humanities, where it first appeared
as an applied branch in the field of evangelical studies and church history.

In this context, we point out the most important initiatives and famous works in that historical
journey, which prepared the ground in many aspects suitable for the advancement of European
orientalism in the 19th century. In the mid-16th century, the French scholar Guillaume Postel
taught Eastern languages (including Arabic) at the "Collège de France." In the first quarter of the
17th century, Aroniano Sidonita and Khesronita printed the book "Nuzhat al-Mushtaq fi Ikhtiraq
al-Afaq" by al-Idrisi in Rome.

At that time, Edward Pococke also acquainted European scholars with the history of Islam in its
early centuries through his translation of "Ta'rikh Mukhtasar al-Duwal" by Abu al-Faraj
Gregorius (Ibn al-'Ibri). In the last quarter of the 17th century, R. Simon, who was famous for his
book "The Critical History of the Religion and Customs of the People of the Levant," was
classified.

In 1697, after the death of Bartholomew d'Herbelot, his famous book "Bibliothèque Orientale"
was printed, which was the first serious encyclopedia about Islam in terms of its substance and
importance. In the period between 1691-1698, Ludwig Maracci published the first scientific
edition of the Quran translated into Latin, accompanied by extensive explanations, annotations,
and refutations of Islamic beliefs.

At the beginning of the 18th century, an Arab language professor... 104

In addition to that, he suffered during her journey, whether in academic circles or in religious
environments, from a strong dominance of mental frameworks and perceptions that distorted the
image of Islam. The new trend in this direction is represented by loading those mental
frameworks and perceptions (prejudices) with a different ideological charge.

In the sixteenth century, major changes occurred in the Europeans' stance towards Islam.
Europeans began to realize how cultural superiority was turning into their disadvantage. Starting
from the end of the Middle Ages, Europeans no longer viewed Islam as a serious competitor in
the fields of reason and science. Even Martin Luther mocked the medieval European perceptions
of Islam and presented, in support of his own viewpoint, traditional examples and models that he
called "European myths and ignorance" about Islam. In addition, Luther rejected the idea of the
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Crusades and called instead for a patient and tolerant attitude towards the Turks, because he saw
them as a divine punishment that was justly inflicted on Christians for their sins (105).

However, as the Ottoman Turkish armies approached Vienna in 1529, that dialect changed to
become more aggressive and unified. The traditional crusading molds resurfaced, focusing on
Islam as a violent religion that serves the Anti-christ and that Muslims are enemies of reason and
rationality. Therefore, there is no benefit in trying to enlighten and convert them to the correct
faith, and the most feasible solution is to confront them with the sword alone (106).

The reality is that Luther himself was one of the first to create a completely new paradigm for
dealing with Islam, using it as a negative model in his violent dispute with Catholicism, where he
says: "The Pope and Islam constitute, in essence, the two enemy forces of Christ and the Church.
But if Islam is the body of the Anti-christ, then the Pope is its head" (107).

Thus, in Luther's view, Islam became synonymous with the concept of "sin" within the Church.
In this sense, the Catholic Church itself became, in Martin Luther's view, "Islam" (108).

Starting from this moment, many (particularly in Europe) are returning to the principles of Islam
not for the purpose of direct and ongoing engagement with it, but rather to use it as a tool in
heated theological and philosophical debates. Thus, accusing one another of "Islamic influence"
has become a popular label used by both Protestant and Catholic theologians in the sixteenth
century. Protestants saw Islam, and therefore Catholicism, as "faith without works," while
Catholics accused Islam, in the context of their counter-reformation against Protestantism, of
embodying "faith without action." As an example of this mindset, we can refer to the book "The
Turkish Calvinism" by the English Catholic William Reynolds, which includes comparisons
between Calvinism and Islamic doctrine, as well as the book "The Turkish Papacy" by his
compatriot, M. Sattcliffe, which sought to highlight the "scandals" of Catholicism through its
enthusiastic content.

In truth, the use of insulting language and accusations (exchanged between disputing and
competing parties in the 16th century) known as "Islamic M" continued to dominate for a
hundred years thereafter by a large number of scholars until the rise of a new approach. In 1697,
the Englishman Henry Prideaux published a book titled "The True Nature of Swindle M
(Swindle being a term used for an impostor) in the Life of Muhammad, in addition to discussing
similar accusations made against Judaism. Prideaux followed the traditional approach of
European writings on Judaism, which usually placed the origins of Judaism (as a cosmic divine
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religion) in conflict with the emergence of Islam as a "divine punishment." Through this
dialectical style, Prideaux aimed to defend the Jewish faith against contemporary critics. It is
noteworthy that at the outset, Prideaux thought of making the title of this book "The History of
the Fall of the Eastern Church," where he wanted to clarify, based on what happened in the
Eastern Churches between the years 602 and 936, the extent of the danger of theological disputes
and divisions. Prideaux saw in the Sarmatians (as he called them) "the weapon of divine anger"
and the Lord's revenge for the sins committed by the Eastern Jews. In the turmoil and divisions
of Judaism in his time, and in the violent debates and accusations of blasphemy, atheism, and
paganism in the conflicts between sects and factions, as well as in diverse European cultures,
Prideaux saw the same danger that had befallen the Eastern Jews. He says, "Have we really lost
our minds to not understand that the Lord can send another Muhammad within a few years to
rule over us and disrupt our lives!" (109).

"The Age of Enlightenment gave Islam its due right, but in a somewhat different way. Islam did
not escape the attention of the "geniuses" and "luminaries" of the 18th century, foremost among
them Voltaire. He was particularly drawn to the personality of the Prophet of Islam, whom he
made the main hero in his play "Mahomet" (or "Fanaticism, or the Prophet Mahomet"). Although
some researchers assume that Voltaire used some of the scientific and literary works that were
popular in his time (such as "The Life of Muhammad" by Count de Polignac, "The Biography of
Muhammad" by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, as well as the English translation of the Quran by
George Sale) to write this tragic work. However, the real historical events and facts in the
Arabian Peninsula, as well as the established deeds in the biography of the Prophet Muhammad
[SAW], were completely neglected by the French philosopher Voltaire. He saw in the personality
of the Prophet Muhammad a model of religious fanaticism and theocratic tyranny that exploited
the feelings of simple people and their naive beliefs in order to achieve its wicked goals. In this
regard, Voltaire wrote to some of his friends, saying: "I portray Muhammad [saw] as a fanatic,
violent, and fraudulent... and a disgrace to the human race, which from being a merchant,
became a prophet, legislator, and king... Muhammad [saw] embodies the danger of fanaticism..."
(110)."

In "A Letter to the King of Prussia" about the tragedy of "Mohammed [saw] ," Voltaire explains
once again his concept and vision of the personality of the Prophet: "To me, Mohammed is
nothing more than a Tartuffe with a sword in his hand (111)." Thus, it becomes clear to us how
Voltaire did not bother himself to understand the circumstances of the emergence of Islam and,
therefore, to have a sound understanding of the history of this doctrine, its essence, and the
monotheistic religious activity of its prophet.
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Indeed, based on "the material of Islam" and "the data of Islam," Voltaire provides his solutions
to the political and social problems that concern his contemporaries. In the heart of this tragedy,
the problems of Europe (the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries) stand out, most notably the
issues of "the ruler," "the people," "the state," "the church," addressing the social shortcomings,
the danger of decentralization, and the power struggle that inevitably leads to despotism and
religious bias, which forms the basis for that despotic power. And so, it is a play filled with
Enlightenment ideas and opinions of Voltaire's era, even though it is entitled "Mohammed
[saw]." The Russian writer A. Artemonov commented on Voltaire's tragedy, saying: "In essence,
Voltaire in his play leads a wide-ranging debate with the Italian political writer of great fame,
Niccolò Machiavelli (1469-1527), who declared in his work 'The Prince' (1515) that 'the end
justifies the means' and that the practical success of a good ruler lies in achieving goals and
purposes, not whether the means used are ethical or not.

And that the ultimate good for his people may require the prince to lie, deceive, or even kill.
Therefore, the prince must follow all means because all means are good and appropriate if they
lead to gaining and retaining power. "Mohammed [saw]" by Voltaire, on the other hand, is a
negative character, as if he embodies in himself the prince "Machiavellian" (ethical), but these
traits are not... 111 112

"To the East, other perspectives emerged, such as Montesquieu in "Persian Letters" and Diderot
in "The Indiscreet Jewels". However, in regards to Voltaire's works, the Eastern influence served
mainly as a backdrop to Enlightenment ideas. Therefore, it can be said that in 18th century
Europe, Islam was given another guise, charged with new ideological concepts, "where it is used
not only by different and conflicting Christian groups in theological competitions and disputes
between them, but also by supporters of the theory of progress in their arguments against
conservative and traditional forces." (113)."

In the criticism of Islam, European intellectuals found an expression of their tendencies and
mixed them with the normal authority of the clergy and political power. In reality, Europe owes
much to the Enlightenment thinkers of the 18th century who popularized the idea of the
"backwardness of Islam" and claimed its hostility to progress and the social and cultural
development of peoples. This idea became a widely accepted framework in the 19th century. In
this context, it is enough to recall the works of Renan and the European philosophers, writers,
and poets of the 18th and early 19th centuries who were attracted to Oriental themes, which
became a "fad" of the era. After Antoine Galland's translation of "One Thousand and One
Nights," all of Europe was drawn to the East, which Europeans saw as a never-ending source of
romanticism and exoticism. Among those who should be considered in this context is
Hoffmann's warning in his letter to the publisher preparing to print his story "The Golden Pot,"
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where he says: "But do not think of Scheherazade and 'One Thousand and One Nights.' Turkish
turbans and trousers are no longer in fashion." For a full century, Europe developed and
coexisted with its own ideas about the East as that strange and extraordinary world. Under the
influence of these mental imaginings, a huge number of travelers flocked to the Eastern countries
in the first half of the 19th century, but they were hit by a strong psychological shock from the
feeling of disappointment. We can see this rupture in a large number of memoirs, diaries, and
personal letters of Europeans who visited the Arab East on that journey, as Norman Daniel
pointed out in one of his works on Islam and Europe. 114 115

In general, it can be affirmed that the awareness of realism about Islam developed slowly until
the end of the 19th century, within a very limited circle of European scholarly circles. It is
noteworthy that the concept of "Orientalist" or the scholar of the East or its languages, arts,
civilization, etc., emerged in the English language in 1779 and in the French language in 1799.
The French Academy did not adopt the word "Orientalism" in its dictionary until 1837. 116

The European interpretations of the emergence and spread of Islam in modern times were
essentially practical in nature and were conditioned primarily by the needs and internal
ideological priorities of European societies, unlike the Middle Ages. Behind the notion of
"Islamic University" proposed by the Lutherans, and behind the mix of admiration and rejection
of Muhammadanism, and behind the wide attraction to monastic life and the charm of the East,
lie internal religious, social, and political problems and contradictions within European societies
themselves.

In the 19th century, a strong wave of European arrivals swept through the countries of the East,
including military personnel, merchants, officials, technical personnel, and scientists from
various fields, opening up broad opportunities for them to learn about a new world. Their circle
of knowledge about Islamic countries, their culture, and their religion rapidly expanded. In
Europe itself, new data, facts, documents, manuscripts, writings, and direct eyewitness
impressions and observations also emerged. Interest in the Islamic world became essential on
this journey of practical needs and vitality for European countries.

Thus, it can be said objectively that "Islamic Studies" was born in the womb of colonialist
designs, or at least coincided with the rise of European voices calling for "regaining control of
the Holy Land from the hands of its usurpers" through a series of practical and applicable
measures. These measures included establishing Arabic studies in the West as a condition for
achieving a precise understanding of Arab mentality and Islamic faith. It became apparent to
Western strategic circles that military, technological, and economic superiority was not enough to
manage the colonized countries and retain the necessary influence in the subjugated countries.
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Therefore, colonialism required a specific and integrated set of knowledge and gifts about those
countries.

Alongside practical Orientalism, this branch of Orientalist work evolved into what was called
"scientific Orientalism." 117

Undoubtedly, European Islamic studies emerged in the 19th and early 20th centuries as a huge
contribution to the field of studying the history, culture, and beliefs of Islam. In this regard, the
Russian researcher M.A. Batunski states: "In his quest to establish a rational foundation for the
process of understanding and comprehending this complex issue (M knot), Islamic studies have
dismantled a large number of myths and silly stories circulating in Islamic heritage and Orthodox
literature" (118).

Our response to this opinion is manifested in the following idea: While "Western Islamic
Studies" emphasizes its relentless efforts to dismantle "myths," "fairy tales," and "absurd stories"
circulating in Eastern religious heritage (Islam and Orthodox Christianity), we find that this
"Islamic Studies" in turn forms a vast number of new Western "myths" and "fables" about Islam,
without doing anything significant except adding a scientific tint to the ancient prejudices,
myths, and Western stereotypes about Islam. From here, any objective observer notices that the
majority of Orientalists in the 19th and early 20th centuries did not get rid of their
preconceptions and biases against Islam, whether their hostility was direct and violent or
characterized by discomfort towards Islamic peoples. However, clarifying the reasons for this
situation can be achieved by first researching the social, political, and psychological context of
Europe during that era, as well as examining the nature of the organic relationship between
"Islamic Studies" and colonial ideology.

In the European social consciousness of the last quarter of the 19th century, a dual image of
Islam was formed. On the one hand, it was perceived as a threat to Western interests (both states
and individuals) due to its inclination towards unity and Islamic solidarity, being viewed as
"barbarism fanaticism" contrary to Europe's preparatory humanistic message. On the other hand,
Western strategic circles saw Islam as a "religion of stability" and a factor of stability, using it
within the framework of "obedience to rulers" and "preserving friendly authorities". 119