Amici Brief of 20 States in United States v. Idaho
Amici Brief of 20 States in United States v. Idaho
Amici Brief of 20 States in United States v. Idaho
IN THE
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ARGUMENT .............................................................................................................5
CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................27
i
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TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Alden v. Maine,
527 U.S. 706 (1999) ............................................................................................21
Alexander v. Sandoval,
532 U.S. 275 (2001) ............................................................................................25
ii
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CASES [CONT’D]
Coyle v. Smith,
221 U.S. 559 (1911) ............................................................................................18
Fullilove v. Klutznick,
448 U.S. 448 (1980) ............................................................................................20
Gonzaga Univ. v. Doe,
536 U.S. 273 (2002) ......................................................................................17, 25
Harry v. Marchant,
291 F.3d 767 (11th Cir. 2002) ............................................................................11
iii
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CASES [CONT’D]
Texas v. Becerra,
89 F.4th 529 (5th Cir. 2024) ...................................................................6, 7, 9, 13
Townsend v. Swank,
404 U.S. 282 (1971) ......................................................................................17, 20
iv
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CASES [CONT’D]
Ziglar v. Abbasi,
582 U.S. 120 (2017) ......................................................................................25, 26
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS
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42 U.S.C. § 1395dd(b)(1)(A)–(B)............................................................................10
42 U.S.C. § 1395dd(d)(1) ........................................................................................25
OTHER AUTHORITIES
David Engdahl, The Contract Thesis of the Federal Spending Power,
52 S.D. L. Rev. 496 (2007) .................................................................................18
The Federalist No. 33 (Alexander Hamilton) (J. Cooke ed., 1961).........................18
vi
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III.B. Overview of the State - Idaho - 2023, HRSA Maternal & Child
Health, https://mchb..hrsa.gov/Narratives/Overview/da820095-
c0e34708--a1a7-abb733af ..................................................................................15
vii
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lina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, West Virginia, and Wyoming, respect-
In Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 597 U.S. 215, 232 (2022), the
Supreme Court “return[ed] the issue of abortion to the people’s elected representa-
tives.” In many States, including Idaho, the people’s elected representatives have
voted to protect prenatal life by prohibiting most abortions, exercising States’ tradi-
tional authority to regulate public health and welfare within their borders. In this
case, however, the United States attempted an end run around Dobbs by obtaining a
federal injunction that prevents hospitals receiving Medicaid and Medicare funds
More remarkable still, the United States is attempting to prevent private com-
pliance with Idaho law through legislation, the Emergency Medical Treatment and
Labor Act (EMTALA), 42 U.S.C. § 1395dd, enacted under the Spending Clause. Its
position means that the federal government can pay “private parties” to disregard
state laws in traditional areas of state concern, Moyle v. United States, 144 S. Ct.
1
Amici States file this brief under Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 29(a)(2)
and in accordance with this Court’s Order of August 5, 2024. Dkt. 116.
1
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2015, 2020 (2024) (Barrett, J., concurring)—an implication that the United States
If accepted, the United States’ position would permit the Executive Branch to
seek decrees overriding all manner of state laws and fundamentally transform the
relationships among citizens, their States, and the United States. Amici States have
a profound interest in preserving the federalist structure, their power to regulate for
the welfare of their citizens, and state laws adopted by citizens’ elected representa-
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Idaho, like many States, prohibits most abortions to protect unborn children.
As the Supreme Court held in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 597 U.S. 215
(2022), the power to enact laws like Idaho’s regulating medicine, health, and safety
resides with the States. No provision of the Constitution creates a federal police
power. As the United States reads EMTALA, however, it may direct hospitals to
disregard generally applicable state medical regulations. And under its reading, pri-
vate hospitals and emergency room physicians may ignore state medical regulations
when they (or the federal government) think it necessary. Nothing in the govern-
ment’s argument limits its sweeping assertion of authority to the abortion context.
2
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abortion restrictions. The statute requires hospitals accepting Medicaid and Medi-
care funds to stabilize patients with emergency medical conditions. But EMTALA
does not purport to establish national standards as to what care is, or is not, medically
extend to both “pregnant wom[e]n” and their “unborn child[ren].” There is no “di-
rect” conflict between EMTALA and Idaho law that supports a preemption finding.
hough Congress may seek to entice States and regulated entities to change their be-
havior through the Spending Clause, the Supreme Court has stressed that this power
cannot be wielded to destroy the federal-state balance. But that is how the United
States seeks to employ Spending Clause legislation here. In the United States’ view,
the federal government can pay private hospitals to violate Idaho’s abortion laws
with impunity—and then sue the State of Idaho to enjoin those laws as a matter of
federal supremacy. Or put another way, the United States believes that the federal
3
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government can establish a financial relationship directly with a citizen that, at the
ernment—does not permit such an arrangement. Whatever the status of federal con-
“law” capable of preempting state law under the Supremacy Clause, especially
where the federal government and private recipients negotiate terms without a
The proper question in this case thus is not whether Idaho medical regulations
are preempted by federal law, but whether Idaho’s regulations prevent private hos-
pitals from qualifying for federal Medicare grants. The answer to that question is
“no” under EMTALA’s express terms, but framing the question properly is critical
for the constitutional balance. Construing EMTALA to excuse private hospitals and
doctors from complying with state medical regulations would radically restructure
the relationships among the federal government, States, and citizens. It would allow
the federal government to displace state law by paying private parties, replacing law-
The extent to which the United States has overstepped its role is underscored
by its failure to satisfy the one of the most basic requirements for bringing suit—
4
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action to seek injunctive relief against States to prevent enforcement of state laws
that allegedly disqualify hospitals from accepting federal funds. And equity cannot
reject the federal government’s attempt to displace valid state medical regulations.
ARGUMENT
and the Federal Government.” New York v. United States, 505 U.S. 144, 181 (1992)
(quotation omitted). In our federalist system, the “regulation of health and safety
v. Automated Med. Labs., Inc., 471 U.S. 707, 719 (1985); see De Buono v. NYSA-
ILA Med. & Clinical Servs. Fund, 520 U.S. 806, 814 (1997). The federal government
lacks a “plenary police power.” United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 566 (1995).
The power to regulate health, safety, and medicine resides with the States.
Not long ago in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, 597 U.S.
215 (2022), the Supreme Court confirmed that States’ traditional power to regulate
tion “to the people and their elected representatives,” empowering “States [to] reg-
ulate abortion for legitimate reasons.” Id. at 292, 300. The Court stressed that state
5
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regulations to protect prenatal life would be subject to “the same standard of review
as other health and safety measures.” Id. at 237. Idaho’s prohibition of intentionally
causing “the death of [an] unborn child” thus represents a traditional exercise of state
police power over matters firmly committed to the States. Idaho Code § 18-604(1).
for nearly four decades—the United States seeks to invert traditional state and fed-
eral roles for vast numbers of hospitals. The United States argues that compliance
ens serious harm to her health,” even if those abortions are prohibited by state law.
U.S. Br. 9, Moyle v. United States, 144 S. Ct. 2015 (2024) (Nos. 23-726, 23-727).
Critically, however, the United States identifies no principle that would limit its ar-
gument to abortion. Indeed, when the United States was previously before this Court,
The implications are staggering. Under the United States’ view, EMTALA
6
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529, 541 (5th Cir. 2024). Doctors may now claim that EMTALA immunizes them
from state regulation and discipline whenever they engage in conduct that they or
conduct and medical practice in countless emergency rooms nationwide. For exam-
ple, some States allow physicians to prescribe medical marijuana. See, e.g., Ark.
Const. amend. 98, § 3; 35 Pa. Stat. § 10231.401 et seq. Others, like Indiana, ban
marijuana possession for any reason. See, e.g., Ind. Code § 35-48-4-11; Kan. Stat.
States must prescribe marijuana whenever they deem it “necessary” to stabilize pa-
tients. And what of other state restrictions? Those restrictions, too, must fall away
under the United States’ theory. “Congress could apparently pay doctors to per-
Medicare funds on hospitals’ offering assisted suicide even in the vast majority of
States that ban the practice.” Moyle v. United States, 144 S. Ct. 2015, 2034 (2024)
(Alito, J., dissenting). Under the United States’ view, hospitals may overcome any
thoriz[ing] the practice of medicine by any doctor who accepts Medicare payments
even if he or she does not meet the State’s licensing requirements.” Id.
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When this case was before the Supreme Court, several of the Justices pressed
the United States, seeking some limiting principle to its argument. Could the federal
ethics rules provided for by the federal government, a medical malpractice regime,
and a medical licensing regime such that effectively all state medical malpractice
laws, all state medical licensing laws would be preempted?” Oral Arg. Tr. 80:24–
81:6, Moyle v. United States, 144 S. Ct. 2015 (2024) (Nos. 23-726, 23-727). The
United States thinks “that very likely Congress could make those kinds of judg-
ments.” Id. at 81:21–23. The only concession the United States made was that if the
federal government “entirely t[ook] over a state function” then “maybe that would
The impetus for the federal government’s claim to a new, expansive authority
is clear: It disagrees with the Supreme Court’s decision to return “the issue of abor-
tion” to the States. Dobbs, 597 U.S. at 232, 300. Rather than allow elected state
officials who “evaluate [competing] interests differently” to protect prenatal life, id.
at 256, the United States seeks to reimpose a federal abortion right. And in pursuit
of that goal, it is ready to accept any amount of collateral damage to traditional state
authority—up to the point of saying it may displace any state regulation by offering
8
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Perhaps some might agree with the United States’ current policy. But it is
important to remember that the United States’ position on federalism cuts both ways:
the United States’ position also means that Congress could use Spending Clause
conditions to ban medical providers who accept Medicaid or Medicare patients from
abortion to be available.” Oral Arg. Tr. 96:24–97:12. And what’s to stop Congress
from seeking to meddle with state affairs only in the abortion context? Perhaps an-
other Congress would enact Spending Clause legislation that pays private gun shops
ences should not affect what one thinks of the United States’ grab for power.
state laws governing health, safety, and medicine. EMTALA “simply . . . impose[s]
on hospitals the legal duty to provide . . . emergency care,” regardless of the patient’s
insurance status. Bryan v. Rectors & Visitors of Univ. of Va., 95 F.3d 349, 351 (4th
Cir. 1996); see Texas, 89 F.4th at 539; Correa v. Hosp. S.F., 69 F.3d 1184, 1189 (1st
Cir. 1995) (“Congress [was] concerned about reports that hospital[s] . . . are refusing
to accept or treat patients with emergency conditions if the patient does not have
9
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ticipating in Medicaid and Medicare. If a person comes to the emergency room and
requests “examination or treatment for a medical condition,” the hospital must pro-
vide a medical screening. 42 U.S.C. § 1395dd(a). The hospital then must evaluate
10
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tutes appropriate stabilizing treatment for every serious medical condition. EM-
TALA explains that “to stabilize” a patient means “to provide such medical treat-
ment of the condition as may be necessary to assure, within reasonable medical prob-
ability, that no material deterioration of the condition is likely to result from or occur
EMTALA, however, does not purport to define what constitutes “necessary” or ap-
propriate “medical treatment” for the wide range of conditions that physicians may
see. The only specific intervention it requires is the “deliver[y]” of “the placenta”
with a baby. Id.; see § 1395dd(e)(3)(B). Regulation of all other interventions is left
to the States. In fact, EMTALA disclaims “any supervision or control over the prac-
tice of medicine or the manner in which medical services are provided.” § 1395.
As courts have recognized for decades, “[t]he statutory language of the EM-
hardt v. City of L.A., 62 F.3d 1253, 1258 (9th Cir. 1995). “EMTALA was not in-
tended to establish guidelines for patient care.” Harry v. Marchant, 291 F.3d 767,
773 (11th Cir. 2002); see Marshall v. E. Carroll Parish Hosp. Serv. Dist., 134 F.3d
319, 322 (5th Cir. 1998); Bryan, 95 F.3d at 351. It is “no substitute” for state laws,
such as “medical malpractice” laws, that regulate the medical profession. Baber v.
Hosp. Corp. of Am., 977 F.2d 872, 880 (4th Cir. 1992). It would be surprising indeed
11
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and all state laws that offend their sense of necessity. Congress does not “hide ele-
phants in mouseholes.” Whitman v. Am. Trucking Ass’ns, 531 U.S. 457, 468 (2001).
to perform abortions prohibited by state law. EMTALA nowhere mentions the topic
of abortion, as one would expect if Congress were legislating on one of the most
contentious issues in American politics. See West Virginia v. EPA, 597 U.S. 697,
721 (2022); FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U.S. 120, 159–60
(2000). As even the United States concedes, “when Congress intends to create spe-
cial rules governing abortion,” “it does so explicitly.” U.S. Br. 40. Here, however,
state law governs the conduct and “practice of medicine.” 42 U.S.C. § 1395.
To the contrary, Congress directed hospitals to care for both pregnant women
include one that “could reasonably be expected to result” in “placing the health of
the individual (or, with respect to a pregnant woman, the health of the woman or her
12
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consider both the health of a “pregnant woman” and “her unborn child.” But per-
as mandating abortions would “put the statute ‘at war with itself.’” United States ex
rel. Polansky v. Exec. Health Res., Inc., 599 U.S. 419, 434 (2023).
The United States would have this Court focus on hospitals’ obligations to
pregnant women only. But that EMTALA imposes obligations on hospitals to preg-
nant women does not allow hospitals to ignore the health of unborn children. Hos-
pitals cannot “pick and choose” between their dual obligations. Epic Sys. Corp. v.
Lewis, 584 U.S. 497, 511 (2018). They must stabilize both women and unborn chil-
regulations (or any other generally applicable state medical regulations). In consid-
ering preemption claims, courts “start with the assumption that the historic police
powers of the States were not to be superseded by the Federal Act unless that was
the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.” Medtronic, Inc. v. Lohr, 518 U.S. 470,
485 (1996) (quoting Rice v. Santa Fe Elevator Corp., 331 U.S. 218, 230 (1947)).
“That approach is consistent with both federalism concerns and the historic primacy
of state regulation of matters of health and safety.” Id. Thus, it is not enough for the
13
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United States to posit a possible conflict between federal and state law here. The
overcome the presumption that state and local regulation of health and safety matters
can constitutionally coexist with federal regulation.” Hillsborough, 471 U.S. at 716;
see Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman, 451 U.S. 1, 17 (1981) (requiring
The United States comes nowhere close. EMTALA expressly states that “[t]he
provisions of this section do not preempt any State or local law requirement, except
to the extent that the requirement directly conflicts with a requirement of this sec-
tion.” 42 U.S.C. § 1395dd(f) (emphasis added); see Cipollone v. Liggett Grp., Inc.,
505 U.S. 504, 517 (1992) (“Congress’ enactment of a provision defining the pre-
emptive reach of a statute implies that matters beyond that reach are not pre-
empted.”). The preemption issue thus reduces to whether Idaho law “directly con-
flicts” with EMTALA. But there is no conflict for the reasons above.
Idaho law makes particularly clear that it poses no barrier to providing stabi-
lizing medical treatments consistent with EMTALA. Idaho law not only allows doc-
tors to provide any number of interventions apart from abortion to address a pregnant
woman’s condition. Idaho law also expressly allows doctors to administer medical
treatment that might cause “the accidental death of, or unintentional injury to, the
unborn child.” Idaho Code § 18-622(4). And it allows Idaho doctors to perform an
14
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abortion if “necessary to prevent the death of the pregnant woman” while giving “the
best opportunity for the unborn child to survive.” § 18-622(2)(a)(i)–(ii). So like EM-
TALA itself, Idaho law embraces the dual requirements of caring for both a pregnant
The alleged conflict is not “direct[]” either. For the conflict to be “direct,”
example, by ordering hospitals to deny all care to pregnant women or requiring those
hospitals to hand over a percentage of their federal grants to the State. Lawrence
Cnty. v. Lead-Deadwood Sch. Dist. No. 40-1, 469 U.S. 256, 260–68 (1985) (declar-
ing a state law preempted that channeled away grants received by local governments
in conflict with a federal statute). But all Idaho has done is enact a generally appli-
cable law on abortion. Any conflict is “merely incidental” and hence “preemption
does not apply.” In re T.D. Bank, N.A., 150 F. Supp. 3d 593, 607 (D.S.C. 2015).
The United States’ preemption argument and request for an injunction against
enforcement of Idaho law, moreover, only make sense if every hospital in Idaho
must accept federal funds. But hospitals may comply with both federal and state law
simply by turning down federal money. Not all Idaho hospitals are Medicare provid-
ers. See D. Ct. Dkt. 17-9 ¶ 8 (noting “[t]here are 52 Medicare-participating hospitals
in Idaho”); III.B. Overview of the State – Idaho – 2023, HRSA Maternal & Child
Health, https://mchb.tvisdata.hrsa.gov/Narratives/Overview/da820095-c0e3-4708-
15
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tals do not violate federal law even if they refuse a service that the Department of
Justice deems required by EMTALA. Rejecting or being ineligible for further fed-
on States accepting them knowingly. See Arlington Cent. Sch. Dist. Bd. of Ed. v.
Murphy, 548 U.S. 291, 296 (2006); Pennhurst, 451 U.S. at 17. Here, Idaho “never
(Alito, J., dissenting). But under the United States’ theory, Congress may cut out the
States by paying private parties to ignore state law. That theory—which has no read-
ent sovereigns in our federal system.” Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus. v. Sebelius, 567
U.S. 519, 577 (2012) (opinion of Roberts, C.J., joined by Breyer and Kagan, JJ.).
The Supremacy Clause provides that “the Laws of the United States . . . shall
be the supreme Law of the Land.” U.S. Const. art. VI. Although Spending Clause
legislation may itself be “law” for some purposes, see Health & Hosp. Corp. v.
16
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Talevski, 599 U.S. 166, 178 (2023), a grant condition established by Spending
Clause legislation is not “law” for purposes of the Supremacy Clause where the con-
dition is part of an arrangement between the federal government and a private party,
see Moyle, 144 S. Ct. at 2033 (Alito, J., dissenting) (“States cannot be bound by
terms that they never accepted.”); Philip Hamburger, Purchasing Submission: Con-
ties ‘involuntarily,’ Spending Clause legislation operates based on consent,” i.e., the
consent of the individual accepting a federal grant, as opposed to the consent of the
people writ large. Cummings v. Premier Rehab Keller, P.L.L.C., 596 U.S. 212, 219
(2022) (quoting Pennhurst, 451 U.S. at 16–17). Consequently, a grantee need not
accept a federal condition in the first instance, and if it does, the “typical remedy” is
“action by the Federal Government to terminate funds.” Talevski, 599 U.S. at 183
(quoting Gonzaga Univ. v. Doe, 536 U.S. 273, 280 (2002)); see Townsend v. Swank,
404 U.S. 282, 292 (1971) (Burger, C.J., concurring) (“The appropriate inquiry in any
case should be simply whether the [grantee] has indeed adhered to the provisions
It would be odd to treat spending conditions as “law” for purposes of the Su-
17
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opting out.” David Engdahl, The Contract Thesis of the Federal Spending Power,
52 S.D. L. Rev. 496, 498 (2007); see Coyle v. Smith, 221 U.S. 559, 572 (1911)
(“[A]ll constitutional laws are binding on the people . . . whether they consent to be
bound by them or not.” (quoting Pollard v. Hagan, 44 U.S. 212, 224 (1845)). Con-
gress’s spending power “has no incidental power, nor does it draw after it any con-
(1822). If a law requires “legislative sanction or support, the State authority must be
relied on.” Id. Because spending “conditions do not purport to bind . . . in the manner
whole,” Armstrong v. Exceptional Child Ctr., Inc., 575 U.S. 320, 325 (2015), it does
not require States to give way in their traditional areas of regulation simply because
private entities have accepted federal grant money. “Hamilton wrote that the Su-
premacy Clause ‘only declares a truth which flows immediately and necessarily
from the institution of a Federal Government.’” Id. at 325 (quoting The Federalist
No. 33, at 207 (Alexander Hamilton) (J. Cooke ed., 1961)). But the “truth” that fed-
eral law is supreme over state law is “expressly confine[d]” “to laws made pursuant
to the Constitution.” The Federalist No. 33, supra, at 207. Such a description “would
18
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have been grossly inapt if the Clause were understood to give affected parties a con-
stitutional . . . right,” Armstrong, 575 U.S. at 325, to subject the States’ laws to
preemption unilaterally, see Moyle, 144 S. Ct. at 2033–34 (Alito, J., dissenting). If
the Supremacy Clause now allows the federal government to write citizens blank
checks to violate state law, then it has far surpassed its purpose of stating “a truth.”
The United States has cited in passing a few preemption cases that it claims
support its argument. U.S. Br. 46, Moyle v. United States, 144 S. Ct. 2015 (2024)
(Nos. 23-726, 23-727); see Oral Arg. Tr. 67:15–19. But none “hold[] that a federal
law enacted under the Spending Clause preempts a state criminal law or public health
regulation.” Moyle, 144 S. Ct. at 2034 (Alito, J., dissenting); see Oral Arg. Tr. 67:8–
14. Nor do any address whether the federal government “can preempt the laws of
One case applied to a federal grant where the Supreme Court invalidated a
state statute restricting how localities could spend federal grants authorized by Con-
gress for “any” purpose. See Lawrence Cnty., 469 U.S. at 260–68. But the Supreme
Court did not squarely address whether grant conditions are properly understood to
constitute “law” under the Supremacy Clause. And Lawrence County at most can be
understood to preclude States from interfering with how federal money is spent, not
that may preclude grant eligibility. See Coventry Health Care of Mo., Inc. v. Nevils,
19
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581 U.S. 87, 95–99 (2017) (addressing the types of contracts that can be subrogated
under state law, which says nothing about whether criminal laws may be preempted).
The United States’ other cases address conditions that the State agreed to because it
was the recipient of the funds. See Townsend, 404 U.S. at 292 (1971) (Burger, C.J.,
concurring). And others “simply upheld the Federal Government’s ability to prevent
the use of federal money for purposes other than those intended by Congress.”
Moyle, 144 S. Ct. at 2034 (Alito, J., dissenting); id. at n.16 (citing cases). None speak
to the situation here where private parties—rather than States themselves—are fed-
B. Using grant conditions to displace state laws would upend the fed-
eral structure
Treating grant conditions as “law” capable of displacing generally applicable
state exercises of the police power threatens a fundamental alteration of the relation-
ships among citizens, their States, and the federal government. Instead of using fed-
with federal policy,” Fullilove v. Klutznick, 448 U.S. 448, 474 (1980) (citation omit-
ted), the federal government’s position would allow it to pay private citizens to vio-
late state law. This Court should not now countenance such a capacious understand-
The Constitution does not grant the federal government a “plenary police
power.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 566. Nor has it ever been “understood to confer upon
20
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Congress the ability to require the States to govern according to Congress’ instruc-
tions.” New York v. United States, 505 U.S. 144, 162 (1992). Rather, our Constitu-
tion “rests on what might at first seem a counterintuitive insight, that ‘freedom is
enhanced by the creation of two governments, not one.’” Bond v. United States, 564
U.S. 211, 220–21 (2011) (quoting Alden v. Maine, 527 U.S. 706, 758 (1999)). The
Supreme Court thus has been “careful[] to avoid creating a general federal authority
akin to the police power.” Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus., 567 U.S. at 536. It has repeat-
edly rejected attempts by the federal government to erode the distinction “between
what is truly national and what is truly local”—including in the tax and spending
context. Lopez, 514 U.S. at 567–68; see Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus., 567 U.S. at 676
(joint dissent of Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, and Alito, JJ.) (collecting cases).
For example, in Linder v. United States, 268 U.S. 5 (1925), the Supreme Court
rejected use of the power to tax for the general welfare to regulate the practice of
medicine. It stated that “[o]bviously, direct control of medical practice in the states
is beyond the power of the federal government,” which meant that “[i]ncidental reg-
ulation of such practice by Congress through a taxing act cannot extend to matters
ure.” Id. at 18; see United States v. Doremus, 249 U.S. 86, 93 (1919) (invalidating a
21
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the police power of States and observing that “[o]f course Congress may not in the
Similarly, in United States v. Butler, 297 U.S. 1 (1936), the Court invalidated
a federal grant program under the Agricultural Adjustment Act that involved transfer
payments from producing farmers to non-producing farmers. The statute, the Court
explained, “invade[d] the reserved rights of the states. It is a statutory plan to regulate
and control agricultural production, a matter beyond the powers delegated to the
federal government.” Id. at 68. And the grants were a critical part of that invasion:
“The tax, the appropriation of the funds raised, and the direction for their disburse-
ment, are but parts of the plan. They are but means to an unconstitutional end.” Id.
Critically for this case, any choice of the citizen to participate was irrelevant, because
even so “[a]t best, it is a scheme for purchasing with federal funds submission to
That is precisely what the United States advocates here—a purchase of citizen
would (at least according to the federal government’s theory) directly subvert state
law on a matter reserved to the States. For after Dobbs, there can be no doubt that
state police power encompasses abortion regulation. See 597 U.S. at 302 (“The Con-
stitution does not prohibit the citizens of each State from regulating or prohibiting
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abortion.”). And the Court in Butler was clear that using the spending power to un-
dermine core state police powers at the election of the citizen is unconstitutional:
“An appropriation to be expended by the United States under contracts calling for
violation of a state law clearly would offend the Constitution.” 297 U.S. at 73. That
same observation applies here. The Court should not permit a new use of the Spend-
ing Clause that allows the federal government to “set policy in the most sensitive
areas of traditional state concern, areas which otherwise would lie outside its reach.”
Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus., 567 U.S. at 675–76 (joint dissent of Scalia, Kennedy,
pend state-police-power regulations without the State’s consent also implicates the
IV, § 4. A republican form of government is one where the people are governed by
legislatively enacted laws, not one where a different sovereign tempts citizens to
exempt themselves from state laws. See Hamburger, supra, at 147. Manifestly, “the
of government.” Id. That observation is particularly apt where submission is not un-
dertaken by the State itself, but by a citizen being paid by the federal government to
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Although the Supreme Court has never directly enforced the Guarantee
Clause against the United States, the Supreme Court has observed that “perhaps not
all claims under the Guarantee Clause present nonjusticiable political questions.”
New York, 505 U.S. at 185; see Democratic Party of Wis. v. Vos, 966 F.3d 581, 589
(7th Cir. 2020) (“We do not interpret Rucho or any other decision by the Supreme
able, even though no such claim has yet survived Supreme Court review.”). One type
of claim that the Supreme Court has not foreclosed is a claim arising from Congress
(or the Executive Branch) “actively interfer[ing] in the states’ republican self-gov-
ernance.” Hamburger, supra, at 147. That is the case here. The United States’ at-
tempt to pay hospitals to violate valid state laws enacted by elected state officials
The novelty of the United States’ position—that it can give private parties
money to violate state law and then sue States to interrupt enforcement of the vio-
a State, “the federal government,” “like any other plaintiff,” “must first have a cause
of action.” United States v. California, 655 F.2d 914, 918 (9th Cir. 1980). But no
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Previously, the United States attempted to justify its suit by invoking “equita-
ble” practice. U.S. Br. in Opp. to Stay at 38 n.10, Moyle v. United States, 144 S. Ct.
2015 (2024) (Nos. 23-726, 23-727); Oral Arg. Tr. 84:3–87:21. But the “power of
federal courts of equity to enjoin unlawful executive action is subject to express and
implied statutory limitations.” Armstrong, 575 U.S. at 327; see Ziglar v. Abbasi, 582
U.S. 120, 133 (2017) (if Congress “does not itself so provide, a private cause of
action will not be created through judicial mandate”). Those limitations include the
principle that the “express provision of one method of enforcing a substantive rule
suggests that Congress intended to preclude others.” Armstrong, 575 U.S. at 328
(quoting Alexander v. Sandoval, 532 U.S. 275, 290 (2001)). That rule applies here.
thorizes the federal government to seek civil monetary penalties against hospitals
ment to exclude hospitals and physicians who violate EMTALA from participating
in other federal programs. Talevski, 599 U.S. at 183 (quoting Gonzaga Univ., 536
does not authorize the federal government to seek injunctive relief against States for
their regulatory choices—a tactic that would engender serious federalism concerns.
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The novelty of this suit cuts against the United States’ position too. As the
Supreme Court has explained, “[t]he equitable powers of federal courts are limited
by historical practice.” Whole Woman’s Health v. Jackson, 595 U.S. 30, 44 (2021)
(citing Atlas Life Ins. Co. v. W. I. Southern, Inc., 306 U.S. 563, 568 (1939)). Federal
courts have “no authority” to create causes of action or “remedies previously un-
Fund, Inc., 527 U.S. 308, 332 (1999). Rather, a suit at equity must fall “within some
clear ground of equity jurisdiction.” Boise Artesian Hot & Cold Water Co. v. Boise
precedent authorizing it to seek injunctive relief against States over generally appli-
cable statutes that allegedly conflict with Spending Clause conditions on grants to
private parties. Both United States v. Washington, 596 U.S. 832 (2022), and Arizona
v. United States, 567 U.S. 387 (2012), arose out of disputes about state statutes that
allegedly conflicted with the federal government’s own operations. The radical ex-
pansion of federal enforcement authority that the federal government seeks here
must come from Congress, “not be created through judicial mandate.” Ziglar, 582
U.S. at 133.
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CONCLUSION
Respectfully submitted,
THEODORE E. ROKITA
Attorney General of Indiana
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ADDITIONAL COUNSEL
BRIDGET HILL
Attorney General
State of Wyoming
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This brief contains 6,233 words, including 0 words manually counted in any
visual images, and excluding the items exempted by FRAP 32(f). The brief’s type
[x] is an amicus brief and complies with the word limit of FRAP 29(a)(5), Cir. R.
29-2(c)(2), or Cir. R. 29-2(c)(3).
[ ] is for a death penalty case and complies with the word limit of Cir. R. 32-4.
[ ] complies with the longer length limit permitted by Cir. R. 32-2(b) because (select
only one):
[ ] it is a joint brief submitted by separately represented parties.
[ ] a party or parties are filing a single brief in response to multiple briefs.
[ ] a party or parties are filing a single brief in response to a longer joint brief.
[ ] complies with the length limit designated by court order dated _____________.
[ ] is accompanied by a motion to file a longer brief pursuant to Cir. R. 32-2(a).
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CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I certify that on September 20, 2024, I caused service of the foregoing brief to
be made by electronic filing with the Clerk of the Court using the CM/ECF system,
which will send a Notice of Electronic Filing to all parties with an email address of
record, who have appeared and consent to electronic service in this action.
30