Pamumuwesto of Mount Banahaw

Author(s): RENE D. SOMERA

Source: Philippine Studies, Vol. 34, No. 4 (Fourth Quarter 1986), pp. 436-451
Published by: Ateneo de Manila University
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 34 (1986):436-51
Studies
Philippine

Pamumuwesto of Mount Banahaw

RENE D. SOMERA

The people of Sta. Lucia in Dolores, Quezon believe a mystical

storyhanded down to them by their forebears. A person's belief in
this mystical tale rests on great faith, so the people contend. This
spiritually symbolic legend has actually transformed the entire
area1 into a religious complex now known as "Santong Lugar," or
the Holy Place.
When the Crucifixion took place, this mystical story begins, a
strong earthquake shook the earth. So strong was it that Mount
Calvary was divided into half ("nabaak ang bundok"). As an act
of conversion, five archangels who were nonbelievers prior to
Christ's death ("hindi binyagan") carried'half of the mountain, so
the story goes, and brought it to Mount Banahaw. This explains
why some of the landmarks associated with Jesus Christ are now
found in the Mount Banahaw area.
There is yet another version to this mystical tale. This other
account says that after the Crucifixion, God the Father expressed
displeasure at the world's continuing turmoil despite His Son's

As a member oftheFirstAteneoSummer HeldSchoolsupervisedbyDr.Prospero R.

Covar,I amgreatly indebtedto discussions
withthelatterwhicheventually
gaveshape
anddirection tomostoftheideasincorporatedinthispaper.
Acknowledgment is due theDepartment of Sociology-Anthropology,
Collegeof
ArtsandSciences, Ateneo deManila asa fieldwork
University, sponsor.
1. This"entire"areaactually includesthenearby barangaycalledKinabuhayan,
approximately anhour'shikefrom Sta.Lucia.Asitsnameimplies,
Kinabuhayanis re-
gardedas Christ's "placeof resurrection,"
hence,mystical stories
to thiseffect
are
common in theplace.Thisarticle howeverfocusesonlyontheParang-sideofMount
Banahaw.
For an integrative discussion
of pamumuwesto in bothParangandKinabuhayan
communities, see Prospero R. Covar's"Prayerin MountBanahaw Context,"paper
presented at thePhilippineProvinceSeminaron LocalForms ofPrayer,MP&,Ateneo
deManila 10June1985.
University,

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BANAHAW
PAMUMUWESTO 437

supreme sacrifice on the Cross. The Middle East remained a

ravaged land, and hence, He decided on a "mystical transfer5'of
the Holy Land. According to this story, God the Father chose
Mount Banahaw as the best site.2 Consequently, the believers
assert that Jesus Christ's Second Coming as foretold in the Bible
will be a descent from heaven to this mountain. Thus, the people
who have settled at the slope of Mount Banahaw live a ferventreli-
gious life in preparation for the prophesied Armageddon, which,
they believe, will happen rightin theirmidst.
Mystical though these accounts are, the whole Mount Banahaw
area has now become an area of homage and worship, with visitors
the whole year round coming from all over the country and
beyond. Through the years, many people have come to regard the
place as "Ang Bagong Herusalem" or the New Jerusalem, the
"tierra santa de promissiort."3 In the entire Mount Banahaw reli-
gious area, there are more or less thirtylocal-based religious sects
or groups, the largest of which is called Suprema de la Iglesia del
Ciudad Mistica de Dios (Supreme Church of the Mystic City of
God).4 By virtue of its history, this group holds the richest
religious tradition in the area. It is in this context that the
Suprema de la Iglesia del Ciudad Mistica de Dios (hereon referred
to as Mistica) is considered the "gatekeeper of the Santong Lugar
tradition."
Perhaps what serves as the binding spirit for all the different
religious groups in the area is the mountain itself, considered
sacrosanct by all. Though largely divergent in their systems of
homage and belief, the various religious sects in the place all regard
Mount Banahaw- "the holy mountain"- as the common denomi-
nator in theirreligious worship.5
2. Thisaccountwasgradually piecedtogether from informalexchangesI hadwith
Crisostomo Llamado, 40, andAquilina Noche,57, considered"unofficial
leaders" of
BayangHerusalem, a spacious puwesto whichserves as starting
pointas wellas resting
areaofordinary visitors
tothearea.Other details
wereprovided byArcadiaEscueta, 52,
sister-in-law
ofAquilina,andother unidentifiedvisitors
oftheplacewhowillingly traded
stories
withmeduring myseveral visits.
3. Literally
translated, "holypromised land,"a captionon theillustrated map,
HolyPlacesInsidetheNational Park, prominently displayedon thewalloftheBureau
ofForest Development (BFD) in
office Sta.Lucia.
4. It wasofficially
registeredas a religious
group withtheSecuritiesandExchange
Commission (SEC)in 1952.
5. Myinformants, in anattempt to explainthesacrednessofthemountain andtheir
religiousactivities
associated withit,referred meto theHolyBible,Matthew 5: 14,
whichreads: "Youarethelightoftheworld.A cityona hillcannotbe hidden." The
verysamelines,in Tagalogtranslation, appearon a bigposterboard,"AngLabin-
dalawang AralniKristo," atthefront oftheCiudadMistica deDioschurch.

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438 STUDIES
PHILIPPINE

Regardless of affiliation,one of the common expressions of reli-

gious worship in the area is the practice of visiting and praying
before shrines known as puwestos. As a Spanish-derivedTagalog
term for place, a "puwesto" {lunan in traditional Tagalog), in the
parlance of Mount Banahaw religious groups, refers to a natural
formation (e.g., spring, cave, rock, river,etc.) now regarded as a
holy shrine. Being a sacred place, a puwesto, as perceived by the
people, is hallowed by religious or Biblical association. The prac-
tice of visitingthese puwestos, according to a desired or specified
sequence, is called pamumuwesto, a termwhich inherentlycarries
a religious meaning in itself,since as practiced by Mount Banahaw
folk, this is considered an integral part of the doctrinal teachings
of their faith.
Puwestos found in Mount Banahaw are many and varied. On the
Parang-side of Mount Banahaw alone, there are over fifty of
them.6 As natural formations, they can be roughly classified
into four types: (1) bato (rock); (2) bukal (spring); (3) kuweba
(cave), and (4) taluktok (peak) puwestos. Admittedly however,
this taxonomy is limited and preliminary(Appendix).7
The mystical stories surroundingMount Banahaw find empirical
basis in early historical records and documents. As early as 1870, a
report submitted by the alcalde mayor of Tayabas, Emilio Martin,
addressed to the Spanish governor-general,gives us the first
description of a religious "cult" on the slopes of Mount Banahaw.
The report mentions "baths where the pilgrims were baptized,
seven trees successively marked 'firstheaven' to 'seventh heaven'
and a huge rock with a flat top upon which lighted candles were
left to burn." In conclusion, the report laden with obvious
Spanish bias, says: "Those which the inhabitants call temples, her-
mitages and holy places are represented only by rocks, trees and
streams."8 Yet, the French explorer Marche, writing in 1887,
pointed out that to the inhabitants of the place, Mount Banahaw

6. TheKinabuhayan-side is a complex
likewise ofpuwestos, from at
Pinaggapusan
thefootofthemountain tothellalim,itscrater.
7. Myco-fieldworkers
andI areindebted toMrs.GloriaSamiano
andherfamilywho
served hostsforthe duration
asexcellent oftheFieldSchool.Mostimportantly,
Ate
Gb as she is fondly called,waslargely andinstrumental
responsible in ourgradual
with
integration theMistica community, ofwhich sheis a respected
member andpriest-
ess.
8. Quotedin Reynaldo Ileto'sPasyon andRevolution (QuezonGty:Ateneode
Manila 1979),p. 86.
Press,

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BANAHAW
PAMUMUWESTO 439

was indeed a "holy land," where mystical stories explained a lot of

seeminglyunfathomable mysteries.9
Pilgrimagesto this holy land did not escape Marche's attention
and he included these in his account. He mentions that a pilgrim's
gathering, with participants, coming from differentareas of the
archipelago, had been raided by the guardia civil at the request of
the parish priest of Dolores town, the place where the pilgrimage
usually began.10 On the other hand, Reynaldo lieto textually
analyzed a literarypiece called awit to explain the significanceof
such a pilgrimagefrom the native's own perspective. According to
his own analysis, the pilgrimageinvolved several days experience
on Mount Banahaw "with much climbing, crawling through
narrow caves and intense prayer in the heat of the sun." As lieto
concludes, pilgrims went there to experience hardship and
exhaustion and to go through a "bloody and difficultascent to
Calvary," in desire for a common experience of damay with
Christ's pasyon}1

THE PUWESTO CONCEPT

A puwesto, in the civil governmentsense, is "rented space" in

the market place, for which a license is to be secured from the
authorities. Here, an endower-recipient relationship is clearly
apparent. The transferenceof meaning from "stall" to "shrine"
retains these same categories. For in the context of the Mount
Banahaw usage of the term "puwesto," God is the endower while
the mananalangin becomes the recipient. The word now acquires a
"religious" meaning; one does not "rent" a puwesto fromGod, it
is a holy endowment, "impregnated with sacredness."12 Mount
Banahaw's terrainas mountain logically points to the existence of
puwestos or natural formations in the area. However, mystical
stories associated with the place, and openly believed by the
people, add more to this claim. It is not mere geography but ac-
cording to a "divine plan" that the puwestos evolved, as the old
9. Ibid.
10.Ibid.
11. Fora moreexhaustive seelieto's book,Ibid.p. 89 andspecifically
discussion,
Chapter 2, "LightandBrotherhood," pp. 37-91,wherehe tracesthebeginnings of
Apolinário deSanJose andhowtheMount
de la Cruz's Cofradía Banahaw tradition
eventually
began as anoffshootofthismovement.
12. I amindebted to Edilberto AsianCenter,
Alegre, UP,forhisdiscussionswith
meregarding puwesto semantics.

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440 STUDIES
PHILIPPINE

folks would glibly explain.

The histories ascribed to each puwesto are differentand inter-
pretative, depending on who is givingthe account. Some of them
are identified with particular sects based in the area; others have
been known since a long time ago, while a few others have just
been recently discovered and named.13 The Mistica members
point to their late spiritual leader-adviser, Monsignor Amador
Suarez, as mostly responsible for the name-giving.Hence, Balon
ni San Isidro as a name for a bukal puwesto came fromhim, they
say.14 They recount an old account about a bird known as Ibon
de Custodio as having guided "Mamay" (as Mon. Suarez was fondly
called) and his companions, into the dense thickets of Mount
Banahaw while following the bird's flight. This was during the
early fifties,the time of the Santong Boses (Holy Voice). It is said
that this bird appeared and reappeared, after the Santong Boses
had given instructionsto Mon. Suarez to go to the mountain for
prayer and reflection.16 In effect, the Ibon de Custodio, as the
story is now told and retold to children, was actually believed to
be God in a balatkayo or disguise. Hence, to the Mistica flock who
deeply treasure this account, it was God himselfwho showed their
Obispo Misionero the way to the puwestos. Their leader, with
spiritual guidance fromabove, merely named them.
To the Mount Banahaw mananalangin, the puwesto as natural
formation,is a manifestation of God's immense kapangyarihanor
power. For example, no ordinary mortal could create or carve
such a perfect, grandiose cave as Kuweba ng Dios Ama. (These are
the exact words of an informant.)16 In the heart of the mountain

13.Theformer arecalledthetraditional
puwestos whilethelatter toas
arereferred
"puwestong bago."Thesearearbitrary however,
categories, sincea rigid
classification
as thisis boundto createa stiramongthereligious groups withparticular
identified
shrines, a phenomenon whichis probablyrelatedto theownership of"poons"inthe
Catholic sense.
14. Forthissection ofthearticle, informants
thefollowing provided details
varied
andinsights: BonifaciaSuarez,33; DionisioSamiano,50; TeodosiaPisara,50; Grilo
Romero, 48; LigayaUmali,19; BayaniMendoza, 65; Mar-
26; ElpidiaDalisay-Suarez,
celinaAsican, 40; andFloroBueno,35 - all members oftheMistica religioussect.
Among theseinformants, Mrs.ElpidiaSuarezprovided thefullestaccount,beingthe
widowofthelateMöns.Amador whousedto be theObispo
Suarez, Misioneroofthe
Mistica church.
15. Therearelikewise stories
mystical withthissameaccount,
associated asnarrated
by informant BonifaciaSuarez,33,daughter ofthelateMöns.Suarez.Thesestories
alonecouldbethesubject ofanotherarticle.
16. This,in thewordsof EduardoArceo,18,ourpatorwhenweclimbed Mount
Banahaw May20-21,1985.ltwasinthiscave>KuwebangDiosAma,wespent
ourselves,

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 PAMUMUWESTO
BANAHAW 441

itself, where one has full concentration, one communes with

Nature spirits amidst natural formations,like springs,caves, rocks,
that God alone, in His absolute power, controls. For the rock is: it
always remains itself,it does not change; yet to pray before it is a
conscious, overt recognition of the sacrality of God's kapangyari-
han which created it.17
Furthermore,it is believed that a tagatanod or guardian resides
in the puwesto, a "banal na espíritu," who oversees men in the
forest and guides them safely through it. This resident Nature
spirit also wields kapangyarihan and many, in certain opportune
occasions, manifest it through certain means. It is however mostly
in safe guidance in the forestthat the tagatanod's kapangyarihanis
made apparent.18 The following diagram schematically illustrates
the relationship among God, the puwesto, tagatanod and the
mananalangin himself:

G0Df'
vi
Tagatanod
(Kapangyarihan) Manalangin
i
Puwesto
In essence, the mananalangin, although he is before a puwesto,
recites his dasal (prayer) directly to God; this is his main prayer.
Yet, he also says a thanksgivingprayer or sings a dalit (hymn)
addressed to the kapangyarihan in the puwesto, to the "'banal na
'
espiritu whom he knows lurks nearby.19 Perhaps this will be
better understood when the puwesto is seen along with other
puwestos, not as a concept nor as a singular,isolated entity, but
as an integral part of a complex routine of ritual actions and
elements meaningfully organized in the whole pamumuwesto
practice itself. For ardor as he prays and chants before a single
thenight. (Thelocalterm"pator"tomeandiguide seems,a corrupted variantofpastor,
a leaderora minister.)
17.Mircea Eliade,TheSacredandtheProfane (NewYork:Harcourt, Brace& World,
Inc.,1959),pp.155-56.
18.MisticapatónMarcelina 40,andFloroBueno,35,after
Asican, initial
reluctance,
shared theinformation thattheydo possess a 'iihimnadasal"(secret prayer)which, to
myunderstanding, corresponds to an "anting-anting"or amulet. According to them,
theysilently recitethisas a direct
addressto a puwesto'stagatanod everytime theyare
givencharge ofa group ofnon-Misticamamumuwesto visitors
; thisisfora safeguidance
through theforest.
19.Ibid.

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442 PHILIPPINE
STUDIES

puwesto cannot quite accurately reflect the full meaning ascribed

to that physical referent. Only the complex dynamics of the
pamumuwesto ritual best serve to empirically illustrate that
meaning.

MISTICA PUWESTO-TREK

It has now become a traditionalpractice among the members of

the Mistica religious group to observe collective pamumuwesto20
during the month's last day, continuingup to the very firstday of
the succeeding month. A day or so prior to this appointed time,
Mistica members from other barangays, mostly from nearby
Batangas and Cavite, come to Sta. Lucia to participate in the
ritual. This group (including local members), usually numbering
fifty or more, assemble at Central, the Suprema's compound,
where an intensive prayeractivityis held, servingas a psychologic-
al and spiritual preparation for the two-day retreat to the
mountain.21
In order to understand the Mistica collective pamumuwesto
ritual as "religion in action, the cutting edge of the tool,"22 it is
necessary to probe into the organic routine of the ritual itself.
The following is the organic form of the ideal pamumuwesto
routine organized by a Mistica pamumuwesto group:
1. Assembly of mamumuwesto group at Central
2. Prayer before altar in Suprema's house where MBB or Maria
Bernarda Balitaan's picture, the sect's foundress,is hung
3. Prayerbefore main altar in church
4. Prayer in plaza before big wooden cross (church's left side)
5. Prayer before "Pinto ng Kalbaryo" (church's right side)

20. It mustbe clarified herethatpamumuwesto canlikewisebeobservedbya single

individualorbefore a singlepuwesto, butwithanentirely different
setofrituals.
21.Thebulkofthedetails inthissection ofthepaperwasgathered from threepriest-
essesoftheMistica sect:HelenHernandez, 43,Gloria Samiano,44,andTeodosia Pisara,
50. Thelatter,a high is considered
priestess, nextincommand toSuprema IsabelSuarez,
thehighest official
in theMistica churchhierarchy. Asa pointofinformation,women
playa veryimportant rolein Mistica life.They,
religious notmen,perform churchrites
andallother religiousfunctions inthecommunity. A passage ona mural
inscribed inside
thechurch, as a Mistica member explained,serves as thebasisforthispractice.The
passagereads:"Hanggang kailanmagpaparito't paritoka,o ikawna tumatalikod na
anakna babaengSion?Sapagka't angpaparoon aylumikha ngbagong bagaysa lupa.
Angbabaeangsiyang mananaig sa lalaki."
22.A.F.C.Wallace, 1966,102

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 PAMUMUWESTO
BANAHAW 443

6. Trek to the puwestos (Barefoot)

7. Prayer before specific puwesto (Repeated several times
before differentshrines)
8. Thanksgiving prayer at the last puwesto where itinerary
ends.
9. Trek back to church (Barefoot)
10. Thanksgivingprayerin plaza before big wooden cross
1 1. Thanksgivingprayèrbefore main altar in church
12. Dispersal
It is readily apparent that prayer or panalangin serves as
unifyingstrain of the entire structure.The Mistica mananalangin
explain that prayers are generallysaid throughoutthe entireritual
to seek guidance and protection in the course of pamumuwesto.
Hymns, addressed to both the puwesto 's tagatanod and to God,
are prayers that reflect a sense of thanksgiving,as well as praise.
It is important to clarifyhere that variations, as also ramifica-
tions, occur in this organizational structure.This, as is often the
case, depends on the namumuwesto group's composition. Among
the Mistica members however, this is the ideal, standard routine,
yet, on certain occasions, the whole process may not be fully
completed within the specified two-day period. Sometimes, it
could be of an extended duration, especially when the puwesto,
like Santos Durungawan, the peak of Mount Banahaw, can only
be reached aftera day's hike. In such cases, this could mean even a
full week's encampment on the mountain. Yet, a two-yearcycle of
pamumuwesto covering all the puwestos in Parang and adjacent
Kinabuhayan is the ideal practice. This is usually arranged
througha serialized pattern or on a staggeredbasis.
Tradition, it seems, is solely responsible for the linearity
apparent in the routine as observed by the Mistica mananalangin.
It is, to be more exact, "the living legacy of Mamay" ("turo ni
Mamay").23 In effect, this organized structureand routine, now
comprising the ritual process as a whole, gained intensified
"formalization" upon Mon. Suarez's death in 1982, although it
had since been practiced since the late fifties.Truly, the practice
could be considered a perpetuation of a meaningful tradition be-
queathed by a cherished and respected spiritual adviser.
Furthermore, this tradition extends to the sequencing of the
routine itself. In the performance of this ritual, structure and
23.Marcelina 40,ourHusgado
Asicari, pator, thisinformation.
confirmed

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444 PHILIPPINE
STUDIES

sequence are equally important. Both contribute to the general

meaning and essence attributed to the whole pamumuwesto
practice. As prescribed by Möns. Suarez when he was still alive
and now perpetuated by the Mistica flock, the pamumuwesto
itinerary follows a sequence or chronology, substantivelyin con-
junction with the former's teachings about the symbolic signifi-
cance of the whole ritual process in Mistica religiouslife.
In other words, this sequence is dictated by the basic Mistica
concept of the pamumuwesto event itself. To the Mistica flock,
this is a sacrificialjourney, a trackingof JesusChrist ("pamamakas
kay Kristo") in the course of His own trials amongst men.24 Un-
like the "Via Crucis" however, the puwesto-trek, although it
basically employs the journey or pilgrimagemotiflike the former,
does not involve a specified, specific number of "stations." More-
over, it is not mere empathy or pakikiramay per se in Christ's
pasyon, as lieto would lead us to believe, but more exactly a ritual
process of being Christ-likein spirit through acts of sakripisyo or
sacrifice. In this perspective,sakripisyo acquires an endemic mean-
ing, i.e., one must go through the pamumuwesto ritual process in
Mount Banahaw itself in order to personally experience it. This
whole pamamakas is a conscious reaching out of man to God; this,
through a tortuous uphill climb symbolic of Christ's own pag-
sasakripisyo on earth.
In the course of the entire routine, the individual puwesto thus
stands as a "station" for prayer, reflection and concentration. It
is not a mere landmark nor a stopover point in the course of the
journey; it serves as a concrete reminder of God's kapangyarihan,
a "sacred space" and thus, before this manifestation of the
world's sacrality, the namumuwesto mananalangin can take stock
of himself in relation to God in an atmosphere of serenity and
quietude. Every puwesto is thus a station of purificationleading
24. Accordingto GloriaSamiano, 44, thisphrase wasthe"exactwords"ofher
father,thelateMöns.Amador Suarez,whenhe beganto preachaboutthesymbolic
of thepamumuwesto
significance ritualto theMisticaflock.In a slightlymodified
vein,thisis alsohowa sixty-two-year-oldman,Serviliano Manguiera, a chance infor-
mantat theSantos Kalbaryo puwesto,described hisownpanataorvowofgoing upto
thepuwesto year.He claimed
every hehadbeendoing this"StationoftheCross" since
1925. Obviously,
heregarded hisownvowofpamumuwesto from a Catholic
standpoint.
On theotherhand,theNuestra del Carmen
Sefiora sect,through
religious itsleader
PatriciaJordanCastro, thepamumuwesto
regards as "pagrorosaryo"
practice (literally,
praying therosary).
It is howeverunclearhow,figuratively,thewholerosary chainis
completed throughthepamumuwesto ritual,as this
wasnotadequately explainedbythe
aboveinformant.

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 PAMUMUWESTO
BANAHAW 445

to a supplicant's eventual symbolic communion with God through

sakripisyo.
Praying in the puwesto, to the Mistica flock, adheres to a
pattern that includes the followingsequence:
1. TresagiongTagalog
2. Rosario ng Rosa Mistica
3. Santong Linay
4. Siyam na Koro
5. Rosario ng Luwalhati
6. Tresagio sa Sabado
7. Oficio Farvo
8. Oficio Divino
9. Miserere
10. Pasasalamat (One Largo)
1 1. Cantada (Dalit)25
How does the Mistica namumuwesto group achieve this lofty,
spiritual objective of symbolic union with God? The following
table shows this by putting into column form the whole ritual's
complex dynamics as broken down into: a) puwesto/sequence;
b) type of puwesto; c) ritual action/element; and d) symbolic
meanings ascribed to specific actions performed in the course of
the ritual process (See Table on pp. 446-47).
To synthesize, the whole pamumuwesto routine, (see Table of
the Mistica mananalangin) is a journey of symbolic oneness with
God. As a spiritual-psychologicalpreparation, one must be freeof
"impurities" and hence, bathing rituals in various puwestos (Table,
Column 3) constitute a meaningful symbolic action towards this
noble aim. From the "knocking" in Santong Pepe to the "clean-
sing" in Sta. Lucia (Table, column 1.1, 1.2), the mananalangin
confirms his relationship with the tagatanod in each puwesto, by
a dalit or dasal, sung or recited in exchange for a psychological
assurance of safe guidance in the course of pamamakas, the sacri-
ficial journey. In the mini-waterfallSta. Lucia, for example, a
hymn is usually sung while bathing under it. Stanzas 5 to 9 of this
dalit ("Sta. Lucia") provide us an idea of this relationshipbetween
the mananalangin and the puwesto's resident "kapangyarihan":

25. Interviewwithligaya Umali,19, namumuno

or prayerleaderin one
pamumuwesto 19May1985.
session,

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 Table THE PAMUMUWESTO
RITUAL-SEQUENCE
PUWESTO/SEQUENCE TYPE OF PUWESTO

1. SantongPepe Rock

2. Sta. LuciaComplex Rock(Guardianof place)

San Miguel Rock
PiedraMental Subterranean
Spring
Tubigng Sta. Lucia Subterranean
Spring
BuhokngBirhen (Bothareflowing
as mini-waterfall)

3. Hilamusan Subterranean
Spring
(Waterdropletsfroma bambootrough)

4. Balonni San Isidro Ground-Surface

Spring

5. Balonni SantongJacob Subterranean Spring

(Approximately well
20-ft-deep
lodgedin cavestructure)
6. Prisintahan Twin-cavesinsidea pitstructure
San Pedro about7-ftdeep
San Pablo

7. InangSantísima Cave

8. Matandang
Kiling Cave

9. InangAwa Cave

10. Husgado Cavewithlabyrinthinepassageway

about20-ftinlengthfromen-
tranceto exitpoints

11. Pinagkulasyunan R0ck

12. SantosKalbaryo Hilltop,where3 crossesarestra-

plantedin simulation
tegically
oftheactualcrucifixionscene

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RITUAL ACTION/ELEMENT SYMBOLICSIGNIFICANCE
Dasal Door-shaped entrance's
rocksignifying
pointof spiritual
journey;
Symbolicknocking
Dalit/Dasal "Baptism"
3 Inommulasa Palad Cleansingofbothbodyand soulin pre-
Bathing parationforjourneyofthespirit;
Ritualof purification

Hilamossa Mukha washingawayof sinsin a

Further
Dasal symbolicsense

3 Buhossa Ulo cleansing

Spiritual water
through
Dasal
Suotsa Balon Purification wateraftergoing
through
Dasal downto a deepwelllodgedin a
Bathing cavestructure

Burning ofwrittenname Presentationof one'sselfto God through

on a pieceof paper personalappearance;
withlightedcandle; nowachievedand
Spiritualreadiness
Dasal hence,journey"officially" starts

Dasal addressedto motherofGod,

Prayers
Bathing guidancefromher;
imploring
Further cleansing
spiritual water
through

Dasal invoked
Spiritualguidancefurther

Dasal Merciful
graceinvokedforjourney's
asked
success;Mary'sblessings

Finaljudgmenton spiritual
readiness
Leavingof slippers,
watch,etc.at cave's determinedby a successful
nego-
opening;Suotsa Ku- tiationofcave'slabyrinthnine
weba;Dasal inboth passageway
entrance & exitpoints
Dasal Regardedas Jesus'fasting
place("ayu-
nuhan");Passingthrough thisplace
emphasizesspiritual
emptiness
Dasal ngPasasalamat The spiritual
journeyendson top oí a
Dalit hillwheremancommunes withGod
inhissupremesacrificeon theCross
once againreachieved
Spiritualism

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448 PHILIPPINE
STUDIES

Ngayonkami'ynagpupuri Wepraiseyou today

Lahatninyong mgakinasi Andall thosewhomyoulove
Sa batísmo pongyari Herein thestream
Ngbiyayamo pongkasi Ofyourlovinggrace
Katawanko po'y iyonghugasan Cleansemybody
Dumi'tlibagkasalanan Ofdirtandsin
Sakitnaminaylunasan Cureourills
Upangkami'ymakapaghintay So we can standwaiting
SantaLuciaangtawag SantaLucia,it is called
Sa batísmo pongmarilag Yourlovelystream
Kamingayo'ynagagalak Nowwe rejoice
Sà biyayamo pongwagas In yourunending blessings
Atkungkami'yumaawit Andso we sing
Sa mahalmo pongpag-ibig Untoyourlove
Kamingayo'ynagnanais Andwe desire
lingapngiyongtangkilik Guidancefromyourcare

Angbendiciónpo'y igawad Blessus

Sa inyongmgapalad Withyourhands
SantaLuciangmarilag LovelySantaLucia
Ina'tluwalhatinglahat26 Motherandgloryof all
The dasal or dalit recited or sung in the name of the tagatanod
who takes care of the puwesto thus "prepares" the supplicant to
proceed, one puwesto at a time, one afteranother,until he reaches
the peak of Santos Kalbaryo (Table, column 1.2) where a "re-
newed spiritualism," borne out of pagsasakripisyo, engulfs his
whole being. Here at the peak, he is provided a retrospectiveview
of the complex of puwestos below - a vivid reminder of his
painful, albeit fulfilling,ascent.27 At Santos Kalbaryo, he is now
symbolically one with God. Essentially, this is the whole ritual's
raison ď etre. The specific reasons - viz. contrition or penance,
exhortation for grace, favor or blessing, petition or affirmation,

werecopiedfrom
26. Thesestanzas AklatngDalit9a Mistica hymn book,owned by
informant Bonifatia
Suarez.
27. AfterSantos
Kalbaryo,pamumuwesto is continued ontheKinabuhayan-side
of
Mt.Banahaw, wherea complexof puwestos forms a similar
sequencebutendsnotat
thepeakofthemountain butatitscrater below.Thefirst-timevisitor
totheareawho
is interested
ingoingthroughthiscomplex ofshrines in Kinabuhayancangather
useful
information froma thinbooklet, "Paglalakbay sa Banahaw" in
Guidelines
(Pilgrim's
Tagalog andEnglish) byV. Marasigan,
edited SJ. ofLoyolaSchoolofTheology, Ateneo
deManila Fr.Marasigan
University. hasa recentbook,A Banahaw Guru.

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BANAHAW
PAMUMUWESTO ^49

fulfillmentof panata or vow - are individual-orientedratherthan

group-based.
It must likewise be emphasized that in the entire ritual pro-
cess, a community is at work. The namumuwesto members pray
and sing together as one, united in purpose and spirit. A two-day
retreat (perhaps more) in the mountain necessitates communal
living, too. Thus, each one has a specific role to perform. The
women generally take care of cooking while the men carry the
things necessary for the journey, among other functions. In this
sense, the pamumuwesto ritual integrates,and achieves, both reli-
gious and social ends simultaneously.

CONCLUSION

The general manner in which specific ritual actions in the whole

routine itself are performed serves to reflect the impact of this
practice upon the Mistica members' religious way of Ufe. Within
the framework of the Mistica belief system, the sakripisyo com-
plex, is the basic foundation underlying the ritual's perfor-
mance.28
Sakripisyo or sacrifice,a tributewhich proceeds froma manana-
langin's recognition of his own selflessness,stands as the supreme
act of offeringaddressed to God. To the namumuwesto manana-
langin, for example, walking barefoot on the way to the puwestos
is sakripisyo in its real sense. For one must clamber up sharp-
edged boulders, or walk through thorny paths or crawl through
dark caves or wells. Yet, to the Mistica flock, the element of risk,
in fact, forms substantial part of this act of sacrifice. Fear must
be conquered and driven away. In its stead, unfailing faith and
trust in God's guidance should reign in the heart, and nothing
more.
Crawling through the Husgado cave-puwesto, for example,
would seem risky and dangerous to any outsider (Table, Column
1.10). As the name implies, this is a "place of judgment." One
must successfully negotiate the narrow, maze-like passageway of
the cave, approximately twenty feet in length (Table, Column
2), in order to be declared spiritually ready to continue the
28. Morethananythingelse,thesakripisyo
concept to God,is perhaps
as tribute
bestgiven basisin the"pagsusuplìna,"
empirical heldevery
ritual
a flagellation Tuesday
andFriday atthechurch
evening church
plazaoftheMistica inParang,Dolores,
Quezon.

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450 PHILIPPINE
STUDIES

perilous journey to the peak. A popular belief among the Mistica

folks is that the cave's width expands or narrows as necessary or
applicable, based on a person's religious and moral integrity.To
the sinful,it is a difficultcrawl fromentrance to exit points; yet,
to the virtuous, it is believed, the journey is never a problem at
all. Once the exit point is reached successfully,one is considered
"nahusgahan na" (adjudged to be fit) and hence, the journey con-
tinues, after this experience of risk. Indeed, danger, fatigue and
exhaustion - all these constitute an integralpart of the trialsone
must go through in the course of sacrifice, as offeringto God.
To the Mistica mananalangin, the entire pamumuwesto ritual as
pamamakas or trackingof Jesus Christ's sakripisyo brings him to
a psychological-spiritualplane that makes him feel "closest to
God" (napakalapit sa Diyos). Such a feeling of proximity has, of
course, a transcendent quality. In the corporeal world, the
mananalangin's closeness to God always remains concrete and
tangible. Why? The puwestos in his physical environment,remain
a sacrosanct reminder to him. The journey motif, in the final
analysis, serves as a folk expression of his natural, unique manner
of homage to God.

APPENDIX

TaxonomieListingofPuwestosinParang,Dolores,Quezon
Preliminary

A. Bato Puwestos(Rock)
PiedraMental
KamaligngAsin
KamaligngYaman
San Miguel
Pinagkulasyunan
KoronangBato
TorengBabel

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BANAHAW
PAMUMUWESTO 45 1

B. BukalPuwestos(Spring)
*Ground-Surface
Balonni San Isidro
lihimna Tubig

*Subterranean
Non-fl
owing
Balonni SantongJacob
Flowing
TubigngSta. Lucia
BuhokngBirhen
TubigngSantísima
TubigngBuhay
Sta. Ines
TubigngIna ngAwa
Hilamusan
San Bernardo

C. KuwebaPuwestos(Cave)
Prisintahan
San Pedro
San Pablo
Inang Awa
Husgado
Sta. Gara
KuwebangDios Ama

D. TaluktokPuwestos(Peak)
SantosKalbaryo
SantosDurungawan
UnangDungaw
PangalawangDungaw
PangatlongDungaw

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