Heaven and Earth Art of Byzantium From G

Heaven & Earth
EDITED BY
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI
ANASTASIA TOURTA
HELLENIC REPUBLIC BENAKI

MINISTRY OF CULTURE AND SPORTS MUSEUM
                
ATHENS 2013
The catalogue is issued in conjunction with the exhibition Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections,
held at the National Gallery of Art, Washington, from October 6, 2013, through March 2, 2014,
and at the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, from April 9 through August 25, 2014.
The exhibition was organized by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Athens, with the collaboration of the Benaki Museum, Athens,
and in association with the National Gallery of Art, Washington, and the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles.
EXHIBITION CATALOGUE
GREECE Editors ANASTASIA DRANDAKI, DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI,
ANASTASIA TOURTA
General Coordination MARIA ANDREADAKI-VLAZAKI
Benaki Museum research team PANOREA BENATOU, ELENI CHARCHARE,
Exhibition concept–Curators JENNY ALBANI, EUGENIA CHALKIA, ANASTASIA DRANDAKI,
MANDY KOLIOU, MARA VERYKOKOU
DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI, ANASTASIA TOURTA
Bibliography CONSTANTINA KYRIAZI
Supervision JENNY ALBANI, ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Translators from Greek Entries: MARIA XANTHOPOULOU
Research assistant MANDY KOLIOU
Essays: DEBORAH KAZAZI, VALERIE NUNN
Packaging and Trasportation MOVEART SA
Translator from French ELISABETH WILLIAMS
Coordination BYZANTINE AND CHRISTIAN MUSEUM, ATHENS
Text Editor RUSSELL STOCKMAN
Financial Management DIMITRIS DROUNGAS
Photographs of the exhibits VELISSARIOS VOUTSAS, ELPIDA BOUBALOU
USA Photographs of Mount Athos exhibits GEORGE POUPIS
Designer FOTINI SAKELLARI
NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART Map PENELOPE MATSOUKA
Curator SUSAN MACMILLAN ARENSBERG Color separations PANAYOTIS VOUVELIS, STRATOS VEROPOULOS
Exhibitions D. DODGE THOMPSON, NAOMI REMES, DAVID HAMMER Printing ADAM EDITIONS-PERGAMOS
Design and Installation MARK LEITHAUSER, JAME ANDERSON, BARBARA KEYES Printed on Fedrigony 150 gsm
Registrar MICHELLE FONDAS
Conservation BETHANN HEINBAUGH, KIMBERLY SCHENCK
Education FAYA CAUSEY, HEIDI HINISH
J. PAUL GETTY MUSEUM

Curator MARY LOUISE HART
Exhibitions QUINCY HOUGHTON, ROBIN MCCARTHY
Design MERRITT PRICE, ROBERT CHECCHI
Registrars SALLY HIBBARD, AMY LINKER, KANOKO SASAO
Antiquities Conservation and Mount-Makers JERRY PODANY, MARIE SVOBODA,
MCKENZIE LOWRY, BJ FARRAR, DAVID ARMENDARIZ
Education TOBY TANNENBAUM, SHELBY BROWN, CATHY CARPENTER,
AUDREY CHAN, LISA GUZZETTA
SPONSOR
The exhibition is supported by an indemnity from the Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities
Published by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports and the Benaki Museum, Athens
© 2013 Benaki Museum, Athens
© 2013 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording, or information retrieval system, without permission from the publishers.
ISBN 978-960-476-130-2 (HC)

ISBN 978-960-476-131-9 (PBC)
Jacket / Cover illustration Icon with Archangel Michael (cat. no. 59) • Frontispiece The Evangelist Matthew from the Four Gospels (cat. no. 83)
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FOREWORDS [CHAPTER 3] Intellectual Life
| 007 | PANOS PANAGIOTOPOULOS
Minister of Culture and Sports | 166 | BYZANTIUM AND THE ART OF ANTIQUITY
ANTHONY CUTLER
| 008 | LINA MENDONI
General Secretary, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports | 176 | Education and Social Identity
CHRISTINE ANGELIDI
| 010 | MARIA ANDREADAKI-VLAZAKI
Director General of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage, | 179 | Reading, Writing, and Books in Byzantium
Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports ANNEMARIE WEYL CARR
| 012 | NIKOLAOS ZIAS | 183 | CATALOGUE ENTRIES 81–96
President of the Organizing Committee
| 013 | ANGELOS DELIVORRIAS [CHAPTER 4] The Pleasures of Life
Director of the Benaki Museum, Athens
| 014 | EARL A. POWELL III | 202 | THE PLEASURES OF LIFE
Director of the National Gallery of Art, Washington EUNICE DAUTERMAN MAGUIRE AND HENRY MAGUIRE
TIMOTHY POTTS | 211 | Houses, Markets, and Baths:
Director of the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles Secular Architecture in Byzantium
| 016 | ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ROBERT OUSTERHOUT
| 019 | CONTRIBUTORS TO THE CATALOGUE | 214 | Natural Environment and Climate, Diet, Food, and Drink
JOHANNES KODER
| 020 | INTRODUCTION
ANGELOS DELIVORRIAS | 218 | Household Furnishings
| 024 | Map
| 223 | Clothing and Personal Adornment: The Semantics of Attire
PARI KALAMARA
[CHAPTER 1] From the Ancient to the
| 228 | CATALOGUE ENTRIES 97–157
Byzantine World
| 028 | FROM MAN TO GOD, OR THE MUTATION OF
A CULTURE (300 B.C.–A.D. 762) [CHAPTER 5] Byzantium between East and West
POLYMNIA ATHANASSIADI
| 278 | BYZANTIUM BETWEEN EAST AND WEST:
| 044 | The Christianization of the Past OPPONENTS AND ALLIES
ANTHONY KALDELLIS EVANGELOS CHRYSOS
| 048 | Eternity | 289 | Byzantium and the Integration of the Slavs in
EFTERPI MARKI the Orthodox Oikoumene
| 051 | CATALOGUE ENTRIES 1–17 ANTHONY-EMIL N. TACHIAOS
| 292 | Exchanges between Byzantium and the Islamic World:
[CHAPTER 2] Spiritual Life Courtly Art and Material Culture
ANNA BALLIAN
| 074 | IMPERIAL POWER AND THE CHURCH IN BYZANTIUM | 297 | Byzantium between Ottomans and Latins
MARIE-FRANCE AUZÉPY in the Palaiologan Age
| 084 | CATALOGUE ENTRIES 18–37 TONIA KIOUSOPOULOU
| 300 | The Morea
| 094 | The Early Christian Church, 4th–7th Centuries SHARON E. J. GERSTEL
CHARALAMBOS BAKIRTZIS
| 304 | Crete under Venetian Rule: Between Byzantine Past
| 098 | Iconoclasm and Venetian Reality
MARIA PANAYOTIDI CHRYSSA MALTEZOU
| 102 | The Church as a Symbol of the Cosmos | 309 | CATALOGUE ENTRIES 158–172
in Byzantine Architecture and Art
SLOBODAN C ´ URČIC´ | 326 | BYZANTINE ART IN THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE
| 109 | Icons in the Devotional Practices of Byzantium ROBERT S. NELSON
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
| 336 | Abbreviations
| 115 | Mount Athos. The Monastic Commonwealth of
| 337 | Bibliography
the Middle Ages
KRITON CHRYSSOCHOIDIS | 359 | Glossary
| 118 | CATALOGUE ENTRIES 38–80 | 360 | Index
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ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
NIKOLAOS ZIAS, President
Professor emeritus, University of Athens and Chairman of the European Center for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments
MARIA ANDREADAKI-VLAZAKI
Director General of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports
AIMILIA YEROULANOU
President of the Board of Trustees, Benaki Museum
ANGELOS DELIVORRIAS
Director of the Benaki Museum
EUGENIA GEROUSI
Director of Byzantine and Post-μyzantine Antiquities, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports
MARIA LAGOGIANNI
Director of Museums, Exhibitions and Educational Programs, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports
SOUSANNA CHOULIA-KAPELONI
Director for Documentation and the Protection of Cultural Goods,
Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports
ANASTASIA LAZARIDOU
Director of the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens
Honorary Curator of the Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki and
Director of Δhe Leventis Municipal Museum of Nicosia
ANASTASIA TOURTA
Honorary Director of the Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki and
Director of the European Center for Byzantine and Post-μyzantine Monuments
EUGENIA CHALKIA
Honorary Director of the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Curator of the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Collection, Benaki Museum, Athens
JENNY ALBANI
Architect and Art Historian, Directorate of Museums, Exhibitions and Educational Programs,
Hellenic Ministry Culture and Sports
LENDING INSTITUTIONS
BARON MICHAEL TOSSIZZA FOUNDATION – MUSEUM OF FOLK ART, Tossizza
Mansion, Metsovo • BENAKI MUSEUM, Athens • BYZANTINE AND CHRISTIAN
MUSEUM, Athens • FOUNDATION OF COMMUNICATIONS AND EDUCATION OF THE
ARCHDIOCESE OF CRETE–MUSEUM OF HOLY ICONS AND RELICS, Heraklion
• EPIGRAPHICAL MUSEUM, Athens • HELLENIC INSTITUTE OF BYZANTINE AND
POST-BYZANTINE STUDIES, Venice-Italy • HISTORICAL MUSEUM OF CRETE,
Heraklion • MUSEUM OF BYZANTINE CULTURE, Thessaloniki • MUSEUM OF
CYCLADIC ART, Athens • NATIONAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM OF GREECE,
Athens • NATIONAL GALLERY–ALEXANDROS SOUTZOS MUSEUM–EVRIPIDIS
KOUTLIDIS FOUNDATION, Athens • NATIONAL LIBRARY OF GREECE, Athens
• NEW ACROPOLIS MUSEUM, Athens • NUMISMATIC MUSEUM, Athens • PUBLIC
LIBRARY OF LEFKADA • THE HOLY AND GREAT MONASTERY OF VATOPEDI, Mount
Athos (Loans still uncertain at press time) • THE HOLY MONASTERY OF VLATADON,
Thessaloniki • THE HOLY MONASTERY OF OBLOU, Patras • THE HOLY, ROYAL,
PATRIARCHAL, STAVROPEGIC AND COENOBIAC MONASTERY OF SAINT JOHN THE
THEOLOGIAN AND EVANGELIST, Patmos (Loans still uncertain at press time)
EPHORATES OF ANTIQUITIES
2nd EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Athens • 4th EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE
ANTIQUITIES, Rhodes • 5th EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Sparta–Mistra
Museum • 6th EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Patras–THE CHLOUMOUTSI
CASTLE MUSEUM • 7th EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Larissa • 10th
EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Polygyros, Chalkidiki • 12th EPHORATE OF
BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Kavala–ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM OF SERRES • 16th
EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Kastoria – BYZANTINE MUSEUM OF
KASTORIA • 23rd EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Chalkis • 24th EPHORATE
OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Lamia–BYZANTINE MUSEUM OF PHTHIOTIS • 25th
EPHORATE OF BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Ancient Corinth • 28th EPHORATE OF
BYZANTINE ANTIQUITIES, Chania–BYZANTINE AND POSTBYZANTINE COLLECTION
• 1st EPHORATE OF PREHISTORIC AND CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES, Athens–THE PAUL
AND ALEXANDRA CANELLOPOULOS MUSEUM • 5th EPHORATE OF PREHISTORIC AND
CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES, Sparta–ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM OF SPARTA • 6th
EPHORATE OF PREHISTORIC AND CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES, Patras–ARCHAEOLOGICAL
MUSEUM OF PATRAS • 25th EPHORATE OF PREHISTORIC AND CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES,
Chania–ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM • 37th EPHORATE OF PREHISTORIC AND
CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES, Corinth–ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM
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Foreword
PANOS PANAGIOTOPOULOS
Minister
Hellenic Republic
Ministry of Culture and Sports
he past twenty years have been a new and exceptionally creative era for Byzantine
T studies and Byzantine museums in Greece. New Byzantine museums have been
established, presenting finds from long-term systematic archaeological excavations by
the Archaeological Service of the Ministry of Culture and Sports, and older museums have
redesigned the exhibits of their collections. New interpretative methods, innovative
approaches, and the use of advanced technologies have created a contemporary museum
environment that is both attractive and accessible to the wider public.
Interest in Byzantine civilization has been further strengthened by the flourishing of
Byzantine studies in major European and American universities, and has manifested itself
over the past twenty years in the presentation of important exhibitions on Byzantium both in
Greece and abroad.
Within this climate of creativity, new pursuits, and extroversion, the Hellenic Ministry of
Culture and Sports in collaboration with the Benaki Museum is offering its own
contribution to international exhibition activity with the traveling exhibition Heaven and
Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections. The exhibition, to be shown in two leading U.S.
museums, presents aspects of Byzantine civilization through featured works of high historical
and artistic value in addition to recent excavation finds from public, private, and ecclesiastical
collections.
The exhibition is accompanied by the present volume and the companion study Heaven
and Earth: Cities and Countryside in Byzantine Greece, in which prominent Greek and foreign
scholars contribute to the enrichment of contemporary research on Byzantium, providing the
international scientific community as well as the wider public with stimuli for new scholarly
interpretations and research.
Two of the exhibition’s main goals are to familiarize visitors with Byzantine civilization,
which is an integral part of Greece’s cultural heritage, and to highlight the important role
played by the Greek region within the broader context of the Byzantine Empire. Above and
beyond this, however, we believe that this multifaceted exhibition will form another link in
the chain of acquaintance, friendship, and cooperation between the Greek and American
peoples, and further the climate of dialogue and exchange of ideas at the international level.
I wish to congratulate and extend my thanks to all the exhibition’s contributors, both
Americans and Greeks, who collaborated harmoniously and with noteworthy zeal toward its
realization and exceptional attractive and scholarly presentation.
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Foreword
DR. LINA MENDONI
General Secretary
Hellenic Republic
e knew not whether we were in heaven or on earth. For on earth there is no
“W such splendor or beauty.” These were the words used by a number of foreign
ambassadors in describing the impression the church of Hagia Sophia made on
them during their visit to the “Queen of Cities” in the tenth century. Indeed, the fame of
what later scholars named “Byzantium”—i.e. the empire that ruled in the eastern part of the
Mediterranean for eleven consecutive centuries, which at its apogee embraced three continents
(Europe, Asia, and Africa)—was enormous, and of decisive influence during the Middle Ages.
At that time Byzantium was a model, a benchmark, and a standard of comparison for the
entire then-known world. This also explains the successive attempts to besiege Constantinople,
which the Byzantines managed to repulse for a long time until the first fall to the Franks in
1204 and the city’s final fall to the Turks in 1453. In the eyes of people that lived in those
times, Byzantium never ceased to be compared to an earthly paradise, against which many
measured themselves and strove to compete, and which others fought to conquer.
Most of the envious or contemptuous stereotypes linked with Byzantium in the past,
which for a long time dominated scholarly literature and affected collective perceptions and
ideologies, have today been largely left behind. Now we tend to find Byzantine history and art
ever more impressive and charming, and at the same time we realize that there is a wealth of
knowledge to be drawn from them. We are thus discovering anew a powerful state with an
elaborate administration, robust legislation, a well-developed taxation and financial system, an
effective army, and flourishing education. We are further astonished as we get to know the
material remains of an exceptionally high level of culture, both with respect to the urban
arrangement of Byzantine cities, their churches, palaces, civic buildings, private residences, and
infrastructure, as well as the multitude of monasteries and monastic communities scattered
throughout the countryside. Not to mention the glorious examples of wall painting, unique
portable icons and illuminated manuscripts, masterpieces of sculpture and silver- and
goldsmithing, and works in the other minor arts.
All these artworks and artifacts are abundant sources of information about institutions,
mores, customs, and practices that have survived down to our own time, and constitute a
sizeable part of our living intangible heritage. In the same spirit, the poet Constantine Cavafy
refers to the memories awakened every time he entered a Greek church: “its aroma of incense,
its liturgical chanting and harmony,” as well as “the majestic presence of the priests.” He
concludes by recalling what he calls “the great glories of our race, the splendor of our
Byzantine heritage” (C. Cavafy, “In Church,” trans. John Cavafy). For Byzantium was a
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multinational state distinguished by the Orthodox Christian faith and Greek education.
The language substrate of the Hellenistic koine, accompanied by the study and preservation of
ancient Greek literature and the growth of a literate society, functioned as a unifying
component par excellence within a multicultural reality. Through a process of assimilation,
mediation, and transformation, the secular heritages of Greece and Rome eventually became
constituents of the cultural distinctiveness of Byzantium, to the point that the last emperor,
Constantine XI Palaiologos, thought it appropriate to describe himself as a descendent of the
Greeks and the Romans.
The third major contributor to Byzantium’s long-lasting power and prestige was
undoubtedly the adoption of the Orthodox faith, which for a long period made it the sole
model of a Christian kingdom. The concurrence of secular and religious power, the formation of
an official ideology according to which imperial power emanated from divine power, the
osmosis between the Christian ideal and civic agendas, played a decisive role in the creation of
an idiosyncratic but exceptionally coherent system of sovereignty. A system with both the
emperor and the patriarch at its core. While the imperial court appeared as the reflection of the
heavenly one, at the level of the common man earthly obligations and pleasures, in concert with
the expectation of eternal life and the consequent care for the soul, defined the axes of life in the
present. In this life, the “here” and “now” were directly linked with the hereafter and eternity.
A new and fuller picture of the various aspects of Byzantine private and social life, as well as of
the venues and artifacts associated with it, continues to emerge from ongoing research.
The secular and the religious, the earthly and the heavenly, earth, paradise, and hell, the
Greco-Roman heritage in conjunction with Christian theology and Orthodox dogma, all
permeate the objects displayed in this exhibition, whose goal is to shed new light on the many
facets of Byzantium by suggesting a new way of “reading” and interpretation. The more than
170 exhibits from museums and collections around Greece presented to the American public
on this occasion are in the lead in what has become a fascinating journey. This exhibition
could not have been mounted without the active participation and arduous efforts of almost
every archaeological department of the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, which has
been committed, together with the staff of the Benaki Museum, to the necessary preparations
since 2010. Collaboration between Greek museums, academic institutions, and individual
scholars and researchers and their counterparts in the United States has also been exemplary.
I therefore wish to congratulate them and express my deep appreciation and gratitude to all
involved for their dedication and contributions to the success of this major endeavor.
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Foreword
MARIA ANDREADAKI-VLAZAKI
Director General of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage
Hellenic Republic
xactly twenty years have passed since the Hellenic Ministry of Culture participated in the
E organization of an exhibition of Classical Greek sculptures titled “The Greek Miracle:

Classical Sculpture from the Dawn of Democracy, the Fifth Century B.C.,” presented at
the National Gallery of Art in Washington and then at New York’s Metropolitan Museum.
Today the same central cultural institution of the Hellenic Republic in collaboration with the
Benaki Museum is organizing the exhibition Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek
Collections at the National Gallery of Art and the J. Paul Getty Museum, presenting Byzantine
works of high aesthetic and historical value within their historical and social context.
This cultural endeavor is of particular importance for us. Preparations began in 2010 when
more general issues of cultural cooperation with the United States were advancing, the major
achievement being the 2011 signing of the Memorandum of Understanding between the two
countries for the imposition of restrictions on the importation to the U. S. of cultural goods having
a Greek provenance. The present exhibition gives us the opportunity to promote for the first time
the intellectual and artistic achievements of Byzantine Greece at the National Gallery of Art, an
important and prominent museum in the U.S. capital, which is an internationally renowned
center for the promotion of Byzantine studies. We will also be presenting Byzantine Greece for the
first time at the J. Paul Getty Museum, another important U. S. museum with which Greece has
recently signed a Framework of Cooperation on cultural and scientific subjects.
To the question of why the Hellenic Ministry of Culture is today organizing a major
exhibition devoted to Byzantium, for us the answer practically goes without saying. It is
because Byzantine culture is a major, substantive, and above all still-living part of Greece’s
tangible and intangible cultural heritage. It is the continuation of ancient Greek civilization
into the medieval period; it gave us power and ideas during challenging periods of our modern
history, and it continues down to the present to nurture Greek intellectual and artistic life as
well as scientific thought. Through this exhibition, Greece, as the cradle of European
civilization—and despite the difficult times through which it is passing—is sending invaluable
gifts consisting of ideas and steadfast values to the global community, while renewing and
strengthening the latter’s interest in Byzantine culture.
We also wish to show with Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections the
efforts and interest on the part of the Greek state to preserve and study its Byzantine cultural
heritage through ongoing and systematic research by Greece’s Archaeological Service to make
Byzantium both internationally accessible and comprehensible, and to highlight its ecumenical
cultural dimension. Thus apart from the most-featured Byzantine exhibits in Greek museums,
the exhibition includes new and sometimes sensational finds of great historical and artistic
value that have recently enriched our museum collections, and which are being presented for
the first time outside Greece. These come from ongoing excavation activity by the Greek
Archaeological Service throughout the country, thus resulting in the publication of a second
companion volume to the exhibition that further links the exhibits with the geographic regions
from which they come. New interpretations and approaches have been taken into
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consideration in the museological thinking and catalogue texts in an effort to foster scholarly
dialogue and interest in Byzantine studies.
Our exhibition unravels the skein of time from A.D. 330, when Constantinople was
“inaugurated” as the capital of the Roman Empire, thus transferring the political center of gravity
to the Hellenistic East, down to 1453, when the Ottomans did away with the Byzantine Empire.
Initially we follow the transition from the ancient pagan to the Christian world, where under the
influence of Stoicism and later Neo-Platonism the historical-eschatological faith of the Christian
community became Hellenized. This is followed by a presentation of the fully formed character
and institutions of the Byzantine-Christian Empire. Another section of the exhibition is devoted
to the deep spirituality, the continuous cultivation of Ancient Greek culture by Greek scholars,
and so-called “Byzantine humanism.” The pleasures and luxury of everyday life among the
Byzantines, presented in another section, reveal the secular aspect of Byzantium to visitors. The
exhibition concludes with a section tracing the influence Byzantine culture was subjected to by
neighboring peoples during the more than a thousand years of the empire’s history.
Implementing the exhibition concept would not have been possible without the participation
and support of a large number of institutions and individuals. As General Director of Antiquities,
I would like to thank OPAP SA, the exhibition’s gold sponsor, and The A. G. Leventis Foundation,
its major sponsor. Their sponsorship was crucial and invaluable for the exhibition’s realization.
I would also like to extend my thanks to the political leadership of the Ministry of Culture,
which provided steady support for the exhibition, thanks to which it is today being realized.
Thanks also go to all the ecclesiastical, public, and private bodies that contributed to our effort by
loaning works for the exhibition: the Holy Metropolis of Patras, the Museum of Holy Icons and
Relics of the Holy Archdiocese of Crete, the Holy Monastery of Vlatadon, the National Library
of Greece, the National Gallery of Art – Alexandros Soutzos Museum – Evripidis Koutlidis
Foundation, the Museum of Cycladic Art, the Historical Museum of Crete, the Municipal Art
Gallery of Lefkada, the Baron Michael Tossizza Foundation, and the Hellenic Institute of
Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies in Venice.
The exhibition owes much to my collaborators, the members of its Organizing Committee
and the personnel in the Directorate of Museums, Exhibitions, and Educational Programs, as well
as the entire General Directorate of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage and the Benaki Museum,
who supported its organization with their knowledge, experience, and enthusiasm. Members of
the Greek Embassy staff (Washington, D.C.) and the Greek Consulate General (Los Angeles)
were of great assistance to us in matters involving the organization and promotion of the
exhibition, and I once more extend to them my particular thanks.
In closing, I would like to thank our transatlantic partners, the officers and staffs of the
National Gallery of Art and the J. Paul Getty Museum, the exhibition’s co-organizers and hosts.
They heard our ideas with interest, enriched them through their invaluable know-how, and
worked in exemplary fashion toward the exhibition’s reception in the U.S. I would very much
like to hope that this fruitful collaboration will continue.
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Foreword
NIKOLAOS ZIAS
President of the Organizing Committee
B
yzantium, the Greco-Roman Christian empire that survived for more than a millennium, has
since the 20th century aroused the interest of the broader European public, as one can see from
the success that marked the related exhibitions presented in Greece—“Byzantine Art: An
European Art,” the 9th Exhibition of the Council of Europe, Athens, 1964—and abroad—”The Age of
Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century” (1977); “The Glory of
Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era” (1997), and “Byzantium: Faith and Power
(1261–1557)” (2004), both at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. The exhibition Heaven
and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections, at the National Gallery of Art (Washington, D.C.)
and the J. Paul Getty Museum (Los Angeles), jointly organized by the Greek Ministry of Culture
and Sports and the Benaki Museum, also forms part of the effort to help the public become better
acquainted with the Byzantine world.
This exhibition is distinct from its predecessors inasmuch as its exhibits originate exclusively from
Greece, including public and private collections, the Church of Greece, and excavations in Greece itself.
Greece maintained close ties with Byzantium, focused on Orthodox worship, the Greek language, and
education. Mount Athos is the most obvious element in this living tradition, while many cities such
as Thessaloniki, Kastoria, and Mistra carry visible imprints of these ties.
The members of the exhibition’s Organizing Committee from the Ministry of Culture and Sports
as well as the Benaki worked zealously in order that this exhibition might convey through the visual
arts as authentically as possible Byzantium’s timeless spiritual message across the Atlantic.
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Foreword
ANGELOS DELIVORRIAS
Director
Benaki Museum
he exhibition Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections, was launched
T in Washington, D.C. in 2010 by then-Minister of Culture Pavlos Àeroulanos and

National Gallery of Art Director Earl A. Powell III. At that time it was also decided
that the J. Paul Getty Museum would participate, and that the exhibition would
subsequently move to Los Angeles. Discussions regarding the timely coordination of requisite
actions resulted in the co-organization of the exhibition with the collaboration of the Benaki
Museum and in the formation of the Organizing Committee. By November 2010, the
collaborating museums in the U.S. had a fully-formed general concept and an indicative
choice of works to propose for exhibiting.
Through related arrangements, continuous exchanges of views, and mutual contacts
throughout 2011, the exhibition material was finalized and the production of the catalogue to
accompany the exhibition was agreed. In 2012, despite the dramatic impact of the severe
financial crisis, particularly for Greece, preparatory work continued uninterrupted. Indeed, the
new Deputy Minister of Culture, Konstantinos Tzavaras, expressed his active interest in the
exhibition’s realization and success. This guaranteed concern facilitated in-person meetings in
Athens (May 2012) between representatives of the National Gallery of Art and the J. Paul
Getty Museum with representatives from the Greek side. Following organized visits to
Byzantine collections in local Ephorates of Byzantine Antiquities and Museums, the
catalogue of exhibits assumed final form and the exhibition’s inauguration was scheduled, as
scholarly work on the content of the exhibition proceeded at an intensified pace.
Heaven and Earth reveals more fully the historical and cultural importance of Byzantium,
and for Greece in particular. However, it should be noted that the appropriate presentation
and comprehensible rendering of a subject whose narration is no easy matter would not have
been possible without the support of all those who believe in and serve the idea of Byzantium,
and whose names receive honorable mention in the foregoing pages. Here we should
commend with especially warm thanks the exhibition’s debt to the Ministry of Culture, to
Lina Mendoni and Maria Andreadaki-Vlazaki, to the members of the Organizing
Committee, and above all to the private and religious foundations from which the material
gathered for the exhibition has come. Equally warm thanks go to all the key collaborators on
this exhibition, to the conservators and photographers, to the authors of the introductory texts
and the catalogue entries. The important contributions of the National Gallery of Art, with
active participation by D. Dodge Thompson, Susan MacMillan Arensberg, and Mark
Leithauser, as well as of the J. Paul Getty Museum with Claire Lyons and Mary Louise
Hart, should also be emphasized. Above all, thanks are due to Anastasia Drandaki, who as
the individual responsible for the Benaki Museum’s Byzantine collections assumed the lion’s
share of the work. And this was thanks to the close collaboration of Anastasia Tourta,
Demetra Papanikola-Bakirtzi, Eugenia Chalkia, and Jenny Albani, to the valuable assistance
of Mandy Koliou, Panorea Benatou, and Mara Verykokou, and to the beneficial presence of
Aimilia Yeroulanou.
| 13 |
Foreword
EARL A. POWELL III
Director
National Gallery of Art
TIMOTHY POTTS
Director
J. Paul Getty Museum
he courts and churches of the Byzantine empire (AD 330–1453) have long been
T admired for their rich artistic traditions. To these early champions of Christianity the
opulent decoration of sacred spaces was a fitting expression of a deeply spiritual
worldview, celebrating God’s dominion on earth with a splendor that matched the greatness of his
glory in heaven. The spectacular legacy of that celebration—the glittering mosaics and luminous
icons, ritual vessels, textiles of spun gold, precious codices, and other lavish creations of
Byzantium—is the subject of this exhibition, which traces the emergence of Byzantine art out of
the late Roman empire and into its millennium-long flourishing in the eastern Mediterranean.
The National Gallery of Art and the J. Paul Getty Museum are proud to host this
extraordinary exhibition in the United States, marking the first time many of these treasures of
Byzantine art will have traveled outside Greece. Organized by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture
and Sports in cooperation with the Benaki Museum in Athens, Heaven and Earth: Art of
Byzantium from Greek Collections comprises about 180 objects. Drawn exclusively from museums
throughout Greece, these works have been chosen by their curators and archaeologists to represent
the major artistic holdings from the early Christian and Byzantine eras. The Hellenic Ministry
has generously supported the conservation of many of the most important works.
We extend sincere thanks to the following for their critical assistance in realizing this
exhibition: Mr. Panos Panagiotopoulos, Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports; Dr. Lina
Mendoni, Secretary General, and Dr. Maria Andreadaki-Vlazaki, Director General of Antiquities
and Cultural Heritage; and journalist Anna Panagiotarea. This exhibition was first brought to the
attention of the National Gallery of Art in 2010 by Pavlos Yeroulanos, former Minister of
Culture, and developed by Professor Angelos Delivorrias, Director of the Benaki Museum,
working with Dr. Maria Andreadaki-Vlazaki. The J. Paul Getty Museum received the proposal
with enthusiasm, given its strong commitment to the art and culture of the broader Hellenic
world.
One aim of Heaven and Earth is to elucidate the aspects of Byzantine art and tradition that
have roots in its Graeco-Roman past. Architectural fragments from the Christianized Parthenon
manifest the intersection of paganism and Christianity in the period when ancient Greek temples
were turned into churches and thus formed architectural settings for early Christian art.
Prosperous monasteries preserved monuments of Greek literature in manuscript form, and the
educated elite learned to read and reflect through the study of Homer, Sophocles, and Euclid.
Senior clergy and wealthy courtiers surrounded themselves with precious vessels and jewels,
combining Roman technology and craftsmanship with Byzantine imagery and innovation.
Iconography that blends pagan and Christian motifs on luxurious objects manifests the twin poles
of Hellenism and Christianity that underpinned Byzantine culture.
The exhibition further illuminates the nature of Byzantine society through works of art
representing various aspects of life, both spiritual and secular, public and private. Mosaics, wall
paintings, and carved reliefs that once adorned churches are shown with processional icons, Gospel
books, and liturgical vessels to convey the ecclesiastical setting of public worship. Portable
| 14 |
altarpieces, small icons in various media, and pendant reliquaries worn by the pious suggest the
nature of private worship at home. Secular works of art intended for the domestic sphere—floor
mosaics, silver and ceramic dinnerware, bronze furnishings, and jewelry—offer a glimpse of the
accoutrements of daily life. Heaven and Earth concludes with works of art illustrating the
interactions between Byzantine and Western European artists during the final flowering of
Byzantine art under the emperors of the Palaiologan dynasty (1261–1453).
The National Gallery of Art has been exceptionally fortunate to have had several opportunities
to present the art of Greece to its visitors. Never before, however, has the Gallery exhibited the art
of Byzantium—surprisingly, given its importance for the Gallery’s collection of Italian painting.
The first of its galleries contains works reflecting Byzantine precedents that inspired the demand
for paintings in the style called the maniera greca. Two of the highlights in that gallery, known as
the Kahn and Mellon Madonnas, may even have been created by Byzantine artists or by painters
under their strong influence. Whereas panel painting waned in Western Europe after the late
antique period, knowledge of how to mix and blend pigments to model figures lived on in
Byzantium. The importation of Byzantine icons spurred the revival of panel painting in Europe,
ultimately resulting in the masterpieces that fill the galleries of European art.
This exhibition is also a landmark for the J. Paul Getty Museum, as it is the first collaboration
to result from the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the Getty Trust and the
Ministry of Culture in Greece in September 2011, which created a Framework for Cultural
Cooperation to support the promotion of the cultural heritage of Greece. A special debt of
gratitude for help in reaching that agreement and realizing this exhibition is due to the able
facilitation of the Greek consul general in Los Angeles, Elisabeth Fotiadou. Presented at the Getty
Villa in Malibu, Heaven and Earth will be seen in the very appropriate context of the Graeco-
Roman cultures from which Byzantine art emerged.
At the Getty Center, the exhibition is complemented by a display of manuscripts drawn from
its collection together with a number of superb examples from Greece. East Meets West: Byzantine
Illumination at the Cultural Crossroads (March 25–June 22, 2014) features many illuminated
manuscripts from select monasteries and collections in Greece shown in this catalogue. This
focused exhibition highlights the main characteristics of Byzantine illumination and shows its
influence on manuscripts produced in other Christian locales, including Western Europe,
Armenia, and Ethiopia.
We owe the conception and careful planning of this exhibition to the curators, conservators,
and archaeologists working in the Byzantine Ephorates of Antiquities throughout Greece and
especially to the members of the Organizing Committee (listed on p. 6). Heaven and Earth has
been curated at the National Gallery by Susan M. Arensberg, head of exhibition programs, and at
the Getty Villa by associate curator Mary Louise Hart. It is the hope of all those involved with
the development and realization of this project that it will provide an opportunity for visitors in
Washington and Los Angeles to gain an enriched appreciation of the art and culture of the
Byzantine Empire.
| 15 |
Acknowledgments
or the exhibition and indeed its accompanying catalogue we We have been very fortunate in the colleagues who have
F have to thank a whole host of people, whose strenuous

efforts have contributed to this collaborative project in many
different ways. First of all our thanks go to the staffs of Greek
worked with us on the catalogue, the sort of people on whom
ultimately the quality of any publication relies. To the translators
Deborah Kazazi and Maria Xanthopoulou, who took on the
museums, the archaeological service, and the various associations greater part of the entries and the introductory articles,
that have put a wealth of material from their collections at our respectively, but also to Valerie Nunn and Elisabeth Williams,
disposal. The essence of their knowledge about these objects is who translated other texts, we express our warmest thanks for
distilled in the catalogue entries, which have, as usual, been written their diligence and meticulous work. Russell Stockman, a
for the most part by the curators charged with their care. sometime collaborator on National Gallery of Art publications,
But the backbone of the catalogue—and of the exhibition—is took on the daunting task of proofreading the exhibition
formed by the introductory texts, which develop important aspects of catalogue. His hard work, speed, and professionalism guaranteed
Byzantine culture, giving both context and substance to the individual the quality of the end product.
exhibits. We are deeply indebted to the internationally acknowledged In any art book the relationship between text and image is
scholars who so readily agreed to add to their already growing central to its success and usefulness. Velisarios Voutsas and his
workload in order to bring their expertise to bear on this project. colleague Elpida Boubalou were responsible for photographing all
The collaboration with our fellow curators at the National the exhibits. Their long experience of archaeological photography
Gallery of Art and the J. Paul Getty Museum, Drs. Susan and above all their artistic sensibilities and their insistence on
MacMillan Arensberg and Mary Louise Hart respectively, and all perfect results have made it possible to present the works in the
their colleagues who were responsible for particular stages of the best possible light.
exhibition, was especially positive and productive. Their absolute The attention to detail in the catalogue is due to the hard
professionalism, their sensitivity, their well-judged suggestions and work of all our colleagues at Adam-Pergamos Editions and
friendly interpersonal contact all contributed immensely to especially Fotini Sakellari, who was responsible for the design. The
improving every aspect of the exhibition and ensuring the smooth Adam-Pergamos team worked under the often intolerable pressure
implementation of an admittedly challenging project. that is the preserve of exhibition catalogues and their assistance at
Eugenia Chalkia, our comrade-in-arms through all the every stage of the process has been crucial.
scholarly work in preparation for the exhibition, also made a The creation of this exhibition and its catalogue would not
crucial contribution to the editing of the catalogue entries and for have been possible without the constant support and tireless labor
it we are deeply indebted to her. The Benaki Museum working of the Accounts Department of the Benaki Museum, which
group was an unsung hero behind the making of the catalogue. under the direction of Dimitris Droungas assumed responsibility
Under the experienced coordination of Mandy Koliou, Mara for all the financial arrangements. Likewise the contribution made
Verykokou, and Panorea Benatou they did all the jobs that have by the Museum’s Legal Department under Maria Venieri, which
to be done to produce such a publication: absolutely everything has supervised the multiplicity of different agreements involved in
from finding comparisons, cross-checking facts, and clerical such a project. Our heartfelt thanks to all of them.
support to providing photographic material and much more.
Konstantina Kyriazi bravely tackled the horribly laborious task of
compiling the bibliography. Special thanks to our intern Campbell ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
E. Garland, who helped us with the glossary and the index. We DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI
are immensely grateful to all of them for their professionalism, ANASTASIA TOURTA
their dedication, and their unfailing creativity. The Catalogue Editors
| 16 |
Acknowledgments
he selection of national treasures from every corner of For facilitating our work in Argos and Corinth, we thank Dr.
T Greece for Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek

Collections required the cooperation of a network of curators,
archaeologists, and conservators from the offices of the Hellenic
Demetrios Athanasoulis, director of the 25th Ephorate of
Byzantine Antiquities, with curator Dr. Eleni Manolessou,
assistant curator Antonis Georgiou, and archaeologist Dr. Suzanne
Ministry of Culture and Sports in Athens and from museums Metaxas; as well as Dr. Ioulia Tzonou-Herbst, assistant director of
throughout the country. During our research in Greece, we had the Corinth excavations at the Archaeological Museum in
the honor of working with dedicated and generous scholars whose Corinth, American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
enthusiasm and erudition form the foundation of this exhibition. In the 16th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, Kastoria, we
From our early communications with the Greek organizers and are especially grateful to Angeliki Strati, director of the
throughout the process of bringing the exhibition to fruition, Dr. Archaeological Institute of Macedonian and Thracian Studies and
Anastasia Drandaki, archaeologist and curator of the Byzantine deputy director of the Ephorate, curator Andromachi Skreka, and
collection at the Benaki Museum, and Dr. Jenny Albani, architect conservator Amalia Gkimourtzina, for the generous loan of major
and art historian in the Directorate of Museums, Exhibitions, and icons from the Byzantine Museum. We also thank director
Educational Programs within the Hellenic Ministry of Culture Stavroula Dadaki and archaeologist Sophia Doukata of the 12th
and Sports, have been our most valuable advisors, facilitators, and Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities in Kavala, for sharing their
friends. expertise in the Archaeological Museum and Hagioi Theodoroi in
The realization of this exhibition at the National Gallery of Serres. For their hospitality and illuminating tour of archaeological
Art and the J. Paul Getty Museum at the Getty Villa is due to sites and museums on Lesbos, we are grateful to Athina-Christina
the impressive intellectual acumen of Byzantine scholars working Loupou, director of the 14th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities
in Greece today. We extend profound thanks to colleagues in and deputy director of the 20th Ephorate of Prehistoric and
Athens: Dr. Maria Andreadaki-Vlazaki, Director General of Classical Antiquities, Mytilini, and archaeologist Anthi
Antiquities and Cultural Heritage at the Hellenic Ministry of Fratzoglou. In Sparta, we extend appreciation to Dr. Alkestis
Culture and Sports, whose support has been invaluable from the Papadimitriou, director of the 4th Ephorate of Prehistoric and
outset, Dr. Maria Lagogianni, director of Museums, Exhibitions, Classical Antiquities and deputy director of the 5th Ephorate of
and Educational Programs, and Sotiris Fotakidis, assistant curator Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, and to assistant curator
of antiquities; Professor Angelos Delivorrias, director of the Chara Giannakaki. At Mistra, deputy director of the 5th
Benaki Museum, with president of the board Ms. Aimilia Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities Evangelia Pantou, curator Dr.
Yeroulanou, archaeologist and museologist Dr. Mandy Koliou, Angeliki Mexia, archaeologists Panagiotis Perdikoulias and
and archaeologist Eleni Charchare; Dr. Anastasia Lazaridou, Giannoula Katsougkraki all provided invaluable assistance. We
director of the Byzantine and Christian Museum, and deputy also thank Dr. Pari Kalamara, director, and Dr. Andromachi
director Dr. Kalliopi-Phaedra Kalafati, for their extraordinary Katselaki, curator at the 23rd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities,
generosity in lending many of their greatest treasures; Dr. for their help at the monastery of Hosios Loukas.
Nikolaos Kaltsas, honorary director of the National We extend a special note of gratitude to our colleagues in
Archaeological Museum, with curator of sculpture Dr. Evridiki Thessaloniki: Dr. Agathoniki Tsilipakou, director of the Museum
Leka, and curator of vases and minor arts Eleni Zosi; Antonia of Byzantine Culture, with curator Dr. Anastassios Sinakos, and
Arahova, deputy general director of the National Library, and head conservator Dimitra Lazidou, for their willingness to
reference librarian Gregory Chrysostomidis; Dr. George Kakavas, contribute so many works from their extraordinary collection to
director of the Numismatic Museum and deputy director of the this exhibition; and Dr. Despina Makropoulou, director of the 9th
National Archaeological Museum, and curator Yorka Nikolaou. Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, with art historian Dr. Maria
| 17 |
Kagiadaki, and archaeologists Konstantinos Raptis and Stavroula At the J. Paul Getty Museum we are grateful to director
Tzevreni. Timothy Potts; Claire Lyons, acting senior curator of antiquities;
At the National Gallery of Art, we acknowledge with Karol Wight, former senior curator of antiquities; and the team
gratitude the support of the director, Earl A. Powell III, and the responsible for realizing this exhibition: from the department of
essential contributions of our colleagues in the departments of exhibitions and design, Quincy Houghton, Robin McCarthy,
exhibitions, D. Dodge Thompson, Naomi Remes, and Olivia Merritt Price, Robert Checchi, and Susan McGinty; registrars,
Wood; exhibition programs, Carroll Moore, David Hammer, Sally Hibbard, Amy Linker, and Kanoko Sasao; education, Toby
Elizabeth Laitman, and Julia Mullenger; design and installation, Tannenbaum, Shelby Brown, Cathy Carpenter, Audrey Chan,
Mark Leithauser, Jame Anderson, and Barbara Keyes; publishing, and Lisa Guzzetta; antiquities conservation, Jerry Podany and
Judy Metro, Chris Vogel, Tam Curry Bryfogle, and Caroline Marie Svoboda, as well as mount-makers McKenzie Lowry, BJ
Weaver; conservation, Bethann Heinbaugh and Kimberly Farrar, and David Armendariz; preparations, Kevin Marshall, Al
Schenck; registrar, Michelle Fondas; education, Faya Causey and Aguilar, Marcus Adams, and Dan Manns; collections information
Heidi Hinish, press and public information, Deborah Ziska and and access, Maria Gilbert, Sahar Tchaitchian, Erik Bertellotti, and
Anabeth Guthrie; general counsel’s office, Isabelle Raval; special Karen Voss; communications and public affairs, John Giurini and
events, Carol Kelley and Maria Tousimis; development, Christine Desiree Zenowich; retail and merchandising, Thomas Stewart; and
Myers, Cristina Del Sesto, Patricia Donovan, and Kelsey the antiquities department interns who worked on this project
Horowitz; treasurer’s office, Nancy Hoffman; retail operations, across the two years of its development, Niki Stellings-Hertzberg
David Krol; website, John Gordy; and imaging and visual services, and Aurora Raimondi-Cominesi. A special note of thanks goes to
Peter Dueker and John Schwartz. In addition, we acknowledge Sharon Gerstel, professor of Byzantine art history and archaeology
the welcome advice of Christine Kondoleon, Museum of Fine at the University of California, Los Angeles, for her insightful
Arts, Boston; Robert Ousterhout, University of Pennsylvania; and observations. The concurrent display at the Getty Center, East
Gudrun Buehl and Stephen Zwirn, Dumbarton Oaks Research Meets West: Byzantine Illumination at the Cultural Crossroads, has
Library and Collection. We also thank Velissarios Voutsas, been co-curated by Elizabeth Morrison, senior curator of
Elpida Boubalou, and Patrick Duval for their splendid manuscripts, and Justine M. Andrews, associate professor in the
photographs of Byzantine churches in Greece. In particular, we department of art and art history at the University of New
are grateful for the advice and assistance of Sophia Philippidou, Mexico in Albuquerque.
deputy chief of mission, Embassy of Greece, and Zoe Kosmidou,
minister councelor, Cultural Affairs and Director USA Office, SUSAN MACMILLAN ARENSBERG
Hellenic Foundation for Culture. Finally, we thank Laurie National Gallery of Art
Weitzenkorn, counselor for public affairs, and Eleni Alexaki,
cultural affairs specialist at the United States Embassy, Athens, for MARY LOUISE HART
their support. J. Paul Getty Museum
| 18 |
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE CATALOGUE
JENNY ALBANI STAMATIA ELEFTHERATOU HENRY MAGUIRE ANTHONY-EMIL N. TACHIAOS
Architect and Art Historian, Directorate of Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Documentation, Professor Emeritus, History of Art, Byzantine and Professor Emeritus, Aristotle University of
Museums, Exhibitions and Educational Programs, Recording and Publication Department, 1st Ephorate Medieval Art, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore Thessaloniki. Foreign member, Serbian Academy of
Hellenic Ministry Culture and Sports of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities / Temporary Sciences and Arts and Bulgarian Academy of
Head of the Department of the Permanent APHRODITE MALTEZOU Sciences
CHRISTINE ANGELIDI Collection, New Acropolis Museum, Athens Curator of Antiquities, 5th Ephorate of Prehistoric
Research Director Emerita, Institute of Historical and Classical Antiquities, Sparta ANASTASIOS TANOULAS
Research, National Hellenic Research Foundation, FR. PERIANDROS I. EPITROPAKIS Honorary Architect in Charge, Propylaia Restoration
Athens Archaeologist, Directorate of Byzantine and Post- CHRYSSA MALTEZOU Project, Service for the Restoration of the Acropolis
Byzantine Antiquities, Hellenic Ministry of Culture Member of the Academy of Athens Monuments (YSMA), Hellenic Ministry of Culture
EVANGELIA ANGELKOU and Sports ELENI G. MANOLESSOU and Sports
Curator of Antiquities, Museum of Byzantine
VICKY FOSKOLOU Curator of Antiquities, 25th Ephorate of Byzantine
Culture, Thessaloniki
Antiquities, Ancient Corinth
IOANNIS TAVLAKIS
Assistant Professor of Byzantine Archaeology, Honorary Director, 10th Ephorate of Byzantine
ANASTASSIOS C. ANTONARAS University of Crete ZISIS MELISSAKIS Antiquities, Polygyros, Chalkidiki
Curator of Antiquities, Museum of Byzantine Researcher, Institute of Historical Research,
Culture, Thessaloniki ANASTASIA GADOLOU EVA TEGOU
Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological Department of Byzantine Research, National
Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Department of
ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA Museum of Greece, Athens Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens
Documentation, Recording and Publication, 25th
Deputy Director, National Library of Greece, Athens IOANNIS MOTSIANOS Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities –
PENNY GANI Archaeological Museum of Rethymnon
Curator of Antiquities, Museum of Byzantine
POLYMNIA ATHANASSIADI Curator of Antiquities, 23rd Ephorate of Byzantine
Culture, Thessaloniki
Professor of Ancient History, University of Athens Antiquities, Chalkis IRENE THEOCHAROPOULOU
DEMETRIOS ATHANASOULIS ANTONIS GEORGIOU ROBERT S. NELSON Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Department of
Robert Lehman Professor, History of Art, Medieval Public Relations, Documentation and Publications,
Director, 25th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, Curator of Antiquities, 25th Ephorate of Byzantine
Art and Architecture, Yale University Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens
Ancient Corinth Antiquities, Ancient Corinth
SOPHIA GEROGIORGI DIMITRIS NALPANTIS ANASTASIA TOURTA

MARIE-FRANCE AUZÉPY ∏onorary Head of the Department of Public Honorary Director, Museum of Byzantine Culture,
Professor Emerita, University of Paris VIII Curator of Antiquities, Byzantine and Christian
Relations, Documentation and Publications, Thessaloniki, and Director of the European Centre
Museum, Athens
Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments
CHRISTINA AVRONIDAKI
Curator of Antiquities, National Archaelogical SHARON E. J. GERSTEL YORKA NIKOLAOU
Professor of Byzantine Art History and Archaeology, ANTONIS TSAKALOS
Museum of Greece, Athens Curator of Antiquities, Numismatic Museum, Curator of Antiquities, Byzantine and Christian
University of California, Los Angeles
Athens Museum, Athens
Honorary Director, 9th Ephorate of Byzantine KALLIOPI-PHAEDRA KALAFATI ROBERT OUSTERHOUT
Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Department of CHRISTINA TSIGONAKI
Antiquities, Thessaloniki and Director of the Professor of Byzantine Art and Architecture, Lecturer in Byzantine Archaeology, University of
Foundation “Anastasios G. Leventis.” Nicosia, the Archaeological Collections of icons, wall
Director, Center for Ancient Studies, University of Crete
Cyprus paintings, mosaics, copies, manuscripts, sketches,
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
engravings, drawings, early printed books, and AGATHONIKI TSILIPAKOU
AIMILIA BAKOUROU the Loverdos Collection, Byzantine and Christian GEORGIOS PALLIS Director, Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki
Honorary Director, 5th Ephorate of Byzantine Museum, Athens Lecturer in Byzantine and Postbyzantine
Antiquities, Sparta Archaeology, University of Athens CHRYSANTHI TSOULI
PARI KALAMARA Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological
ANNA BALLIAN Director of the 23rd Ephorate of Byzantine MARIA PANAYOTIDI Museum of Greece, Athens
Curator Emerita of Islamic Art, Benaki Museum, Antiquities and 11th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Professor Emerita of Byzantine Art and
Athens Classical Antiquities, Chalkis Archaeology, University of Athens MARIA TSOULI
Curator of Antiquities, 5th Ephorate of Prehistoric
NIKOLAOS BONOVAS ANTHONY KALDELLIS IOAKEIM PAPANGELOS and Classical Antiquities, Sparta
Curator of Antiquities, Museum of Byzantine Professor of Greek and Latin, The Ohio State Former Curator of Antiquities, 10th Ephorate of
Culture, Thessaloniki University, Columbus Byzantine Antiquities, Polygyros, Chalkidiki KATERINA TZANAKAKI
Curator of Antiquities, 25th Ephorate of Prehistoric
GUDRUN BUEHL GEORGE KAKAVAS DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI and Classical Antiquities, Chania
Curator, Byzantine Art, and Museum Director, Director of the Numismatic Museum, Athens, and Honorary Curator of Antiquities, Museum of
Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Acting Director of the National Archaeological Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki and Director of the ANTIGONI TZITZIBASSI
Museum of Greece, Athens Leventis Municipal Museum of Nicosia, Cyprus Curator of Antiquities, Museum of Byzantine
EUGENIA CHALKIA Culture, Thessaloniki
Honorary Director of the Byzantine and Christian PANAGIOTIS KAMBANIS MICHALIS PETROPOULOS
Museum, Athens Curator of Antiquities, Museum of Byzantine Honorary Director, 39th Ephorate of Prehistoric and NIKI VASILIKOU
Culture, Thessaloniki Classical Antiquities, Tripolis Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Department of
MARIA CHIDIROGLOU Museums, Exhibitions and Educational Programs,
Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological MARIA KATSANAKI ANNA PIANALTO
Curator, National Gallery – Alexandros Soutzos Curator of Antiquities, Byzantine and Christian 2nd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, Athens
Museum of Greece, Athens
Museum– Evripidis Koutlidis Foundation, Athens Museum, Athens MARIA VASSILAKI
EVANGELOS CHRYSOS EVI KATSARA BRIGITTE PITARAKIS Professor of the History of Byzantine Art, University
Professor Emeritus, University of Athens of Thessaly
Curator of Antiquities, 5th Ephorate of Byzantine Researcher, Centre d’histoire et civilisation de
KRITON CHRYSSOCHOIDIS Antiquities, Sparta Byzance, CNRS, Paris
EVANGELOS VIVLIODETIS
Director, Institute of Historical Research, National Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological
ANGELIKI KATSIOTI MARIA SALTA
Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological Museum of Greece, Athens
Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Department of
´ URČIC´
SLOBODAN C Museums, Exhibitions and Educational Programs, Museum of Greece, Athens
ELENA VLACHOGIANNI
Professor Emeritus, Princeton University and SANU 4th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, Rhodes
GUY D. R. SANDERS Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological
Hon Academician GEORGE KAVVADIAS Director of Corinth Excavations, American School Museum of Greece, Athens
Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological of Classical Studies at Athens
ANTHONY CUTLER ANNEMARIE WEYL CARR
Evan Pugh Professor of Art History, Pennsylvania Museum of Greece, Athens
KLEANTHIS SIDIROPOULOS Professor Emerita of Art History, Southern Methodist
State University, University Park TONIA KIOUSOPOULOU Curator of Antiquities, 38th Ephorate of Prehistoric University, Dallas
Professor of Byzantine History, University of Crete and Classical Antiquities, Kalamata
STAVROULA DADAKI MARIA XANTHOPOULOU
Director, 12th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, JOHANNES KODER MARIA Z. SIGALA Lecturer in Byzantine Archaeology, University of
Kavala Professor Emeritus, University of Vienna and Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Department of Peloponnese
Member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences Documentation, Recording and Publication, 2nd
AIKATERINI DELLAPORTA Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, Athens AIMILIA YEROULANOU
Director, 2nd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, ANASTASIA LAZARIDOU Art Historian, President of the Board of Trustees,
Athens Director, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens NIKOLAOS SIOMKOS Benaki Museum
Curator of Antiquities, 25th Ephorate of Byzantine
MARIA DHOGA-TOLI EVRIDIKI LEKA Antiquities, Ancient Corinth ANGELOS ZARKADAS
Curator of Antiquities, Museum of Cycladic Art, Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological Curator of Antiquities, Paul and Alexandra
Athens Museum of Greece, Athens TERPSICHORI-PATRICIA SKOTTI Canellopoulos Museum, Athens
Curator of Antiquities, Byzantine and Christian
ASPASIA DINA EFTERPI MARKI Museum, Athens ELENI ZAVVOU
Honorary Director, 7th Ephorate of Byzantine Honorary Director, 9th Ephorate of Byzantine Curator of Antiquities, Head of the Collections
Antiquities, Larissa Antiquities, Thessaloniki ANGELIKI STRATI Department, Epigraphic Museum, Athens
Director of the Archaeological Institute of
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI EUNICE DAUTERMAN MAGUIRE Macedonian and Thracian Studies and Acting ELENI ZOSI
Curator of the Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Visiting Scholar, History of Art, Johns Hopkins Director of the 16th Ephorate of Byzantine Curator of Antiquities, National Archaeological
Collection, Benaki Museum, Athens University, Baltimore Antiquities, Kastoria Museum of Greece, Athens
| 19 |
INTRODUCTION
ANGELOS DELIVORRIAS
he importance of Byzantium went unappreciated for many defended the states of central Europe. However, the constant
T centuries, lacking wide-scale recognition. This may be due

to the fact that until around the end of the nineteenth
century it was viewed negatively and seen as representing a
military engagements with powerful adversaries (e.g. Persians,
Vandals and Goths, Slavs, Avars and Arabs, Bulgarians, Russians,
and Seljuks) inevitably resulted in a gradual shrinking of territory.
decline from the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations. In other After the definitive loss of Italy, all the Empire’s possessions in the
words it was viewed in a way that either circumvented the facts Eastern and Western Mediterranean were lost along with the
of its historical context or played them down. However, if the whole of North Africa in the triumphal onward progression of
evidence had been considered from a somewhat different angle, it the Arabs. Yet the Byzantine Empire suffered a deeper blow from
would have been recognized earlier that the Byzantine period did the famous Fourth Crusade, which, instead of liberating Jerusalem
not debase the values of the two great civilizations that had in accordance with its announced aim, attacked, conquered, and
flourished in the same geographical area. In fact, it ensured their plundered Constantinople in 1204. Though the Byzantines
natural continuation, because it could combine some of the quickly retook the capital in 1261, they could not avert the final
essential characteristics of the Greco-Roman past in a new, overthrow of what had become in the meantime a shrunken and
dynamic arrangement. fragmented state in the Fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans in
1453. Yet it is worth noting that despite the inauspicious
The dynamism of the Byzantine Empire is reflected above all circumstances, Byzantine art experienced an unexpected revival in
in the genuinely impressive fact that it was the only empire in the that late period, the dazzling proofs of which are still to be seen in
Western world that managed to survive for more than a the Chora Monastery (or Kariye Camii) in Constantinople, on
thousand years: to be specific from 330, when Constantinople Mount Athos, in Mistra, and elsewhere.
became the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, until 1453,
when it was finally conquered by the Ottomans. This generous Though throughout the thousand years of its existence
allocation of historical time was determined by Byzantium’s Byzantium had to contend with the constant to and fro of a
advantageous geopolitical situation at the point where Europe fluctuating history and the unpredictable vicissitudes of
meets Asia and where the Mediterranean connects with the Black circumstance, it never ceased to protect the values of the Greco-
Sea. And this made it possible for many of the reminders of Roman spirit. By this I mean, with the celebrated “Imperial City”
ancient Greece that had survived along the Asia Minor coastline at its heart, with its splendid university—the first in Europe—from
to be assimilated and exploited right up to the time of Julian the as early as 425, and with the Greek language as its unshakeable
Apostate and the ecumenical councils of the fourth, fifth, and linch-pin, it went on systematically cultivating its traditions and
sixth centuries. And, while those same echoes of ancient Greece subsequently handed down many of its fundamental ideas with
came up against what was left of the Hellenistic heritage and added value. And within these parameters the ethical framework
experiences of Roman tradition, other processes were at the same was created that ensured social cohesion. In the meantime, by
time legitimizing and establishing Christianity as an official enacting new rules the administrative machinery was reorganized,
religion. Meanwhile the Greek language, the so-called koine that the theory behind case law in the justice system was revised,
had been the lingua franca in the area for centuries and in which welfare and education services were adjusted, as were the demands
the Gospels themselves were written, quickly took the place of on agricultural production and small-scale industry, on trade and
Latin throughout the empire. Horizons were widened thanks to economic life in general. At the same time art works of
the new cultural experiences and new technical expertise with outstanding quality fashioned the traits of a distinctive identity in
which Byzantium, that indisputably spectacular cultural architecture and painting, mosaics, and the decorative and minor
phenomenon, was now generously endowed. arts. Then again, the contribution Byzantium made to humanity
in terms of the systematic copying and dissemination of extant
The dynamism of the Byzantine Empire is confirmed above all works of ancient Greek literature is considered equally important.
by the fact that for a thousand years it repulsed successive waves Finally, among the character traits of the Byzantine identity, along
of hostile invaders with almighty strength and at the same time with some exemplary refinements in living conditions, there are
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imaginative appropriations of many lessons from foreign cultural August Heisenberg, Franz Dölger and Hans Belting in Germany;
models and an incipient and pleasing cosmopolitanism. The of Josef Strzygowski in Austria; and of Nikodim Kondakov,
vibrant life that I am attempting to describe as succinctly as Alexander Vasiliev, Georg Ostrogorsky, and Alexander Kazhdan
possible was not dulled even in exceptionally traumatic times, in Russia and the Balkans. The English contribution to this
such as in the long Venetian and Turkish occupations of the Late collaborative endeavour is marked by the invaluable academic
Byzantine and early Post-Byzantine periods, when the empire had work of Sir Steven Runciman, David Talbot Rice, and Cyril
been choked back to an area not much larger than that of Mango. While for the spread of Byzantine Studies to the United
modern-day Greece. States the migration of Kurt Weitzmann and Ernst Kitzinger
from Nazi Germany in the period just before World War Two
Light began to be shed on the historic importance of and that of Ihor Ševčenko in the early fifties had a beneficial
Byzantium around the middle of the nineteenth, but more effect. Greek interest had been aroused as far back as the mid-
particularly from the twentieth century onward, when systematic nineteenth century with the studies of Spyridon Zambelios and
in-depth studies were undertaken in a conscientious manner. The Spyridon Lambros, as well as the highly controversial publication
reconstruction and recovery of many previously obscure aspects, History of the Greek Nation by Constantine Paparrigopoulos.
overriding earlier distorted interpretations and counteracting However, in the twentieth century interest was rekindled thanks
academic indifference, are undoubtedly largely the product of a to the grandiose reconstructions of architectural monuments
much more thorough investigation of knowledge. Study of the effected by Anastasios Orlandos, to large-scale excavations by
textual sources and information from surviving evidence, distinguished archaeologists, and to in-depth research by such
reviewing the research field and radically revising received eminent scholars as George Sotiriou, Andreas Xyngopoulos,
opinions, the reliable collection and methodical documentation of Dionysios Zakynthinos, and Manolis Chatzidakis.
the available data were all undertaken more seriously in every
respect. A more thorough review of all the ins and outs of what These brief references to research centers and scholars,
has since become a globally developed screening process would mentioned above by way of example, in no way undervalue the
show more clearly how fortunate it was that so many extremely importance of the scholarship of many others, equally well known
important contributions and a host of independent but for their contributions. An ever more global approach to
interrelated initiatives came together. This was the only way, but Byzantium has been encouraged by the similarly well-recognized
it is also how those who assembled the fragmented concept of the phenomenon of specialization by discipline, which systematically
Byzantine past should be honored for their share in this process. and increasingly accompanies the growth of Byzantine studies in
Nevertheless, since the settlement of this outstanding debt is likely most institutions of higher education throughout the world. The
to be of interest mainly to those who are specialists in academic individual university departments, the related research bodies, and
matters, I shall avoid long-winded digressions. Yet I am honor the corresponding teaching institutions that have been set up are
bound to summarize, albeit in shorthand fashion, some of the naturally imbued with common objectives. These objectives are
building blocks in this process, which in my opinion should not reinforced by the regular publication of journals of a specialized
be overlooked. nature, such as Byzantinische Zeitschrift, the Dumbarton Oaks Papers,
or Byzantion, and they in turn are backed up by a variety of
As regards the flourishing of Byzantine studies and the additional collaborative activities. This type of well-coordinated
production of scholarly publications which underwrote it, we have endeavour includes the international congresses that have been
to acknowledge the enormous contribution of the French School. convened—apart from the war years—every five years since 1924.
In other words to stress, at least in a general way, the leading role They also include the exhibitions celebrating the Byzantine
in terms of important teaching and ground-breaking publications collections of world-class museums. For the very seductive
played by such scholars as Charles Diehl, Gabriel Millet, André individuality of their material and for the way they continue to
Grabar, Paul Lemerle, and Hélène Glykatzi-Ahrweiler. Equally, add to their collections museums such as the State Hermitage
the praises must be sung of the research of Karl Krumbacher, Museum in St. Petersburg and the Pushkin in Moscow, the Bode
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Museum in Berlin, the Louvre in Paris, the British Museum in international scholars in analyzing it and putting it to good use.
London, and the Metropolitan Museum in New York have Generally speaking, these exhibitions represent the collective efforts
received recognition. Some collections belonging to the of organizations that have been deliberately introducing the not
monasteries on Mount Athos, Patmos, or Sinai or the always well-informed general public to the mysteries of
Foundation set up by Archbishop Makarios in Nicosia in Byzantium’s cultural makeup since the middle of the twentieth
Cyprus can be considered their equals in quality. We should also century. Let me just remind you that one of the first of these
add the displays of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine painting in exhibitions, and one of the most important from every point of
other places such as Sofia, for example, and the Recklinghausen view, was held in Athens in 1964 under the auspices of the
Icon Museum, the Dr. Schmidt-Voigt Foundation in Frankfurt, Council of Europe with the eloquent title “Byzantine Art. An
the Icon Museum in Kampen in the Netherlands, and European Art.” Indeed, the study of its conceptual content, i.e.
Dumbarton Oaks in Washington. Finally a constantly growing dovetailing Byzantine achievements with the cultural capital of
number of private collections must also be taken into account. European self-discovery, blazed a trail that all the corresponding
organizations would then follow.
Greek concern for Byzantium was demonstrated as early as
1884, when the Christian Archaeological Society was founded, one Out of the much larger number of equally important
of the earliest Greek academic bodies. However, the de facto exhibitions I shall mention only a selected few: e.g. “Age of
interest of the state was first expressed in 1914 with the Spirituality: Late Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to
establishment of the Byzantine and Christian Museum in Athens, Seventh Century” (1977) at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.
the celebrations for its official opening in 1930, and more recently This exhibition, which confirmed the direct evolution of the
with the extension and radical remodeling of its premises in 2004. Byzantine era from the Late Roman one, contributed to a revision
It should be noted that the International Congress of Byzantine of some hotly debated relations in historicity. The museum’s
Studies has been held twice in Athens, in 1930 and 1976 and decidedly original contribution went on to be displayed in two
once in Thessaloniki in 1953. It should also be noted that in 1955 additional complementary exhibitions of an exemplary nature:
the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies “The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture of the Middle
began its work in Venice, while in 1994 a new museum, devoted Byzantine Era (843–1261),” which in 1997 revealed the dazzling
exclusively to Byzantine culture, opened its doors in Thessaloniki, light Byzantium shone on other crucially important chapters in
subsequently winning an award from the Council of Europe in history, and “Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261–1557)” from
2005 for its original approach to display. Many similar museums 2004, which completed this remarkable triadic scholarly offering.
have become independent in other Greek towns and cities such as Yet with its monumental 2012 exhibition “Byzantium and Islam:
Alexandroupolis, Veroia and Kastoria, Ioannina, Arta, Mistra, Age of Transition” the Metropolitan Museum continued to
Corfu, Zakynthos, and in Chania, Heraklion, Rhodes, and Chios. identify still more unexplored aspects of history.
The excavated or other material that has become available and
contributed to their construction is proliferating on an almost French museological policy was worthily represented in 1992
daily basis with the accumulation of finds from historical sites of in the Louvre’s exhibition “Byzance. L’art byzantin dans les
outstanding importance, and the collecting, cleaning, conservation, collections publiques françaises,” which assembled outstanding
and reconstruction of rare works of art. As regards the assembly examples of Byzantine art from various sources all over France.
and care of exhibits, just how much is owed to the laborious and In 2007, 2010, and 2012 the same museum followed up with
strenuous efforts of each of the 28 Byzantine Ephorates of “Armenia Sacra,” “Sainte Russie,” and “Chypre entre Byzance et
Antiquities must be emphasized. Their well-trained academic and l’Occident, IVe–XVIe siècle” respectively, exhibitions with related
technical staffs not only supervise archaeological sites and content. In Paris in 2009 the Petit Palais hosted an exhibition
museums, but at the same time carry out rescue digs, look after from Greece, “Le Mont Athos et l’Empire Byzantin: Trésors de la
objects and remains from excavations, and restore architectural Sainte Montagne,” at the same year that the exhibition titled “De
monuments. Byzance à Istanbul: Un port pour deux continents” was on view
at the Grand Palais.
However, there is absolutely no doubt that the wider acclaim
enjoyed nowadays by Byzantine civilization is also due to some To illustrate, albeit in broad outlines, the engagement of
extent to a constantly increasing number of special exhibitions. international interest, it is necessary to note some other exhibitions
These events, typically associated with museums, are by definition of great importance: “Splendeur de Byzance” (1982) in the Musées
of an educational nature, and are provided with past finds, both Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire in Brussels; “Byzantium: Treasures of
well known and little known, as well as more recent ones Byzantine Art and Culture from British Collections” (1994) in
belonging to public and private collections and some sudden the British Museum in London; “Byzanz–Das Licht aus dem
chance discoveries. In other words, they offer exceptionally Osten. Kult und Alltag im Byzantinischen Reich vom
appealing material, which rewards the efforts of (for the most part) 4. bis 15. Jahrhundert” (2001) in the Diözesanmuseum in
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Paderborn; “Die Welt von Byzanz – Europas östliches Erbe. Population Exchange” from 2011 at the Orthodox Centre of the
Glanz, Krisen und Fortleben einer tausendjährigen Kultur” Ecumenical Patriarchate in Chambésy, near Geneva.
(2004) in the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Munich;
“Holy Image, Hallowed Ground: Icons from Sinai” (2006) at the Potential gaps, probable omissions and incomplete references to
J. Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles; “Byzanz. Pracht und the thematic content of all the above individual events may
Alltag” (2010) in the Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle in Bonn; and undermine my line of argument. Yet from the general drift of my
“Das Goldene Byzanz und der Orient” (2012) in the Renaissance somewhat itemized narrative, I am sure that both the alert reader
castle of Schallaburg . and anyone who sees the exhibition “Heaven and Earth” will be
able to summon up some highlights of Byzantine culture. Like
Greece did not remain immune to the general atmosphere of the Early Christian basilicas of northern Italy with their
exhibition euphoria. In particular, the Byzantine Museum can architectural and mosaic decoration, for example, or the Byzantine
boast of its exhibition “Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art,” mosaics from the mosque of Cordoba in Spain and the Norman
which—with some changes of exhibits and adaptations to the monuments in Sicily, all of which are glittering testimony to a
title—traveled from 1985 to 1990 to the Palazzo Strozzi in centuries-old tradition. This same powerful radiance issues from
Florence, the Royal Academy in London, the Walters Art many marvellous monuments in the Middle East, Serbia, Bulgaria,
Gallery in Baltimore, the Center for the Fine Arts in Miami, and Russia, not to mention the momentous invention of the
Florida, the Kimbell Art Museum in Forth Worth, Texas, the Cyrillic alphabet by Greek monks. Finally, the beneficial effects of
Fine Art Museum of San Francisco, the Cleveland Museum of Byzantine civilization are scattered throughout central Europe, but
Art, and the Detroit Institute of Art. Mention must also be made above all in Early Renaissance Italy.
of exhibitions such as “Conversation with God: Icons from the
Byzantine Museum of Athens (9th–15th Centuries),” mounted in In addition to the obvious Greek dimension of Byzantium, all
1998 at the Hellenic Centre in London, the multi-venue the above references illustrate Greece’s active participation in most
exhibition “Byzantine Hours. Works and Days in Byzantium” of the activities that I have tried to summarize on the occasion of
from 2002 held in Athens, Thessaloniki, and Mistra, and the this exhibition at the National Gallery of Art and the J. Paul
“Transition to Christianity: Art of Late Antiquity, 3rd–7th Getty Museum. Because in Greece, moreover, the dazzling
Century” of 2011 at the Onassis Cultural Center in New York. splendor of Byzantine civilization remains alive, not just in what
has been preserved of the architecture, the panel and wall
In this context, of course, we cannot fail to mention the not paintings, mosaics, minor arts, goldsmithing, and embroidery, or
inconsequential contribution of the Benaki Museum. I need only simply in the tenets of the Orthodox faith, but also in the
mention the exhibition “Byzantine Icons of Cyprus,” which in extraordinarily enduring continuation of many traditions in the
1976, not long after the tragic events of 1974 in Cyprus, made Post-Byzantine period. In other words, in the transformation of a
some masterpieces of Byzantine painting known to the general flourishing civilization, which despite the dramatic effects of
public for the first time. In 1983 the exhibition “Icons of the centuries of foreign rule, was borne up by the internal cohesion of
Cretan School” identified connections between the artistic Hellenism and the historical continuity of the Greek language.
creations of the Late Byzantine/early Post-Byzantine period and
the contemporary achievements of Renaissance Italy. Then again, Based on the detailed, though not exhaustive enumeration of
since 1992 the “Icons of the Velimezi Collection” have become a the information I have marshaled as evidence, some conclusions
standard bearer for Byzantine civilization in various institutions spring unbidden to mind. First, the decisive importance of
throughout the world. The following exhibitions have also left international collaboration for the ongoing examination of
their mark: “The Glory of Byzantium at Mount Sinai” (1997); Byzantium, a fitting counterpoise to the cosmopolitan tendencies
“Mother of God. Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine Art” that characterized the empire. And the universal adoption of
(2000); “Greek Icons: 14th–18th c. From the Rena Andreadis geographical and chronological boundaries, from East to West and
Collection” (2002); “Pilgrimage to Sinai: Treasures from the Holy from the Late Roman to the early Post-Byzantine period. And
Monastery of Saint Catherine” (2004); and “From Byzantium to finally the decisive part played by Greece in the making of the
Modern Greece, Hellenic Art in Adversity 1453–1830” at the Byzantine idiom. To be more specific, it was the latter that
Onassis Cultural Center in New York (2005). Mention must originally encouraged me to suggest an alternative title for the
also be made of the extremely ambitious exhibition “Byzantium: exhibition. Rather than “Heaven and Earth,” I proposed the
330–1453,” which opened at the Royal Academy of Arts in equally pithy, but perhaps semantically more literal “Byzantium’s
London in 2008, and the exhibitions “The Origins of El Greco. Greece,” or with inverted symmetry, “Greece’s Byzantium,” for, as I
Icon Painting in Venetian Crete” from 2009 at the Onassis still believe, that might well describe the conceptual counterweight
Cultural Center in New York, “Hand of Angelos. An Icon of the exhibition’s content even more clearly.
Painter in Venetian Crete” of 2010 in Athens, and “Relics of the
Past: Treasures of the Greek Orthodox Church and the
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From the Ancient to
the Byzantine World
FROM MAN TO GOD, OR THE MUTATION OF
A CULTURE (300 B.C.–A.D. 762)
POLYMNIA ATHANASSIADI
[I] THE LONG HELLENISTIC AGE
T
he average Byzantine moved in an environment whose landmarks
constantly referred him back to the Hellenistic past. The social and
political structures of his world, its linguistic, aesthetic, intellectual, and
spiritual foundations had all been launched or had acquired their canonical
form in the era that followed Alexander’s conquests. His world was co-
extensive with the Hellenistic oikoumene—“the inhabited (and by implication
‘the civilized’) earth,” as the Greek and Roman conquerors of the Middle East
designated the area that was culturally relevant to them.1 Enriched with
cosmic and eschatological overtones by the Christian theologians, this
Fig. 1 | Mosaic with a phoenix (symbolizing rebirth
and immortality), from the House of the Phoenix at Hellenistic outlook persisted in Byzantium.2 But until when?
Daphne, Antioch (Antakya, Turkey), late 5th century.
Louvre Museum, Paris, Ma 3442. Photo: ©Musée du
Louvre, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais/Paul Veysseyre.
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mperceptibly change was creeping in: both the objective scene world) was succeeded in turn by the Roman emperor, the
I and its perception continued to evolve until the moment when Byzantine basileus, and finally the Islamic caliph. Each stage on
the links with the world that emerged after the military conquest this road to centralisation brings with it a heightening in the
of the East and its colonization by the inventors of the concept of status of the person invested with power, and correspondingly his
Greek classicism were no longer evident. When can one place this steady distancing from the rest of humanity until he acquires a
milestone? The reigns of Justinian (527–65) and Herakleios virtually divine persona.
(610–41) have been suggested as convenient landmarks, yet they Monarchical rule had preoccupied Greek political thinking at
far from coincide with the end of the mutation process.3 least since classical times and, taking their cue from specific
Developments that would result in the definitive estrangement of historical polities, both Plato and Aristotle had devised theoretical
Egypt and Syria from Byzantium and in the subsequent loss of constructions of great complexity. When on the death of
their centrality to the Islamic World itself had not yet been Alexander the Great his successors divided up the conquered
completed: in the second half of the seventh century the territories and turned them into Macedonian-style kingdoms, the
Hellenistic heritage was still palpable within the new order. It is phenomenon of kingship became a burning intellectual issue. This
only with the foundation, in 762, of “the City of Peace” (Madinat was just one of the many tasks to be undertaken by the new
al-salam), more popularly known under its Iranian name of philosophies that sprang up in Hellenistic times to meet the
Baghdad—“the God-given”—that our tale comes to a natural end.4 challenges that faced the individual as he moved from the polis
For symmetry’s sake, we will begin it in the year 300 B.C., when into the oikoumene. These philosophies might represent new
Antioch was founded on the banks of the Orontes, a city whose systematic propositions (Epicureanism and Stoicism), revivals of
importance in the context of the long Hellenistic era can hardly lapsed trends (Pythagoreanism), codifications of a recognized way
be overestimated. of life (Cynicism), or, indeed, mutations of the scholastic traditions
The millennium that separates the foundation of Antioch from created by the two overpowering geniuses of the ancient world,
the birth of Baghdad spans “the long Hellenistic age.” It may be Plato and Aristotle. In this last case by adapting the technical and
likened to a bridge which, by linking two disparate worlds—the methodological aspects of their teaching to the demands of a new
classical and the medieval—can serve the historian as the ideal age, their immediate successors transformed inherited tradition and
observatory for watching the metamorphosis of the Hellenistic created think tanks which became known respectively as “The
into the Byzantine and the Islamic universes. By evoking a solid Academy” (Scepticism) and “The Peripatos.” Each of the schools
continuum, the image of the bridge suggests a firm and enduring of thought that cropped up in the Hellenistic world was
surface on which the constant interplay of change and continuity advertised as a haeresis, literally “a choice” of a way of life or
is acted out. Various types of change, which can be classified thinking in a global environment.
according to their degree of intensity, result from this Although the bulk of the writings produced by Hellenistic
confrontation of the old with the new: evolution, mutation, philosophers have been lost, their surviving fragments and the
intensification of specific trends, as well as rupture with what testimonies provided by later authors can give us some idea of the
went before are some of the modalities that we shall meet as our ways in which they viewed the monarchical institution. Through
story unfolds. Although these categories are not absolute, but the composition of straightforward theoretical treatises and the
rather tend to spill into each other, it is helpful to begin our search construction of social and political utopias Hellenistic thinkers
by using them as guidelines; as we proceed, they will be fashioned an ideal of kingship; and on a more practical level,
necessarily superseded by a finer analysis of the structures under exploiting their official position as king’s “friend” and counselor,
review. they established codes of royal behavior for their masters—the
genre later known as the “mirror of princes”—and provided
informal advice when needed. One of the most ingenious ways of
[II] THE IDIOM OF POWER compelling a monarch to behave humanely to his subjects was to
encourage his hopes of immortal glory, stressing that the road to
Change in the form of evolution throughout the long divinization is paved by good deeds. First formulated by a “friend”
Hellenistic era can be exemplified by the institution of monarchy: of King Cassander, Euhemeros of Messene, the theory that the
the Hellenistic king (just one among many in a still diverse universally worshipped gods were historical figures who had
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foreshadowing the Islamic dogma that the two functions should
be combined in a single figure of authority.11
The crucial period of our millennium, when we can observe a
clear acceleration in the evolution of the monarchical ideal, is the
seventh century. Tampering with a tradition established by
Augustus, Herakleios (610–41), the ruler who lost Egypt and
Fig. 2 | Gold medallion with Syria to the Arabs, altered his title from Latin imperator to Greek
Constantine I and the Sun God basileus, with its explicit Hellenistic and Old Testament overtones
(Sol Invictus). Cabinet des Médailles,
Bibliothèque nationale de France Paris.
(629); at the same time he introduced the cross on his coins,
Photo: ©BNF. thereby associating his rule with this symbol of victory abroad and
salvation at home (fig. 3a). After the Arab conquest the cross
attained divine status through the exercise of just and humane survived for a time on the coinage of the Umayyad dynasty,
rule gained wide popularity among Sceptics and Cynics, and was thereby reflecting the religious affiliation of the great majority of
eventually used by Christian apologists and polemicists as a major its subjects in Syria and Egypt (fig. 3b). But this concession to
weapon in their attack on paganism.5 Christian sensibilities did not last long, and the cross was soon
Even if Pythagorean political theorists had accorded the king a replaced by a pillar to represent the one true God. The human
superhuman status, describing him as the living embodiment of figure continued to emblazon Islamic coinage, with the image of
the law (῎ÂÌ„˘¯Ô˜ ÓfiÌÔ˜), it was not until the legitimization of the Byzantine basileus yielding to that of the caliph and—if a
Christianity that a theocratic view of royalty could be fully recently suggested reading of the numismatic evidence is
articulated.6 The Life of Constantine, published immediately after accepted—that of the Prophet himself.12 It was in this climate of
the emperor’s death in 337 by Eusebios of Caesarea (c. 263–c. trial and experimentation that in 692 Justinian II (685–95 and
338), propounds with uncommon clarity and vigor the view that 705–11) went even further and issued a revolutionary coin with
the Roman emperor was God’s chosen representative on earth (fig.
2).7 Even more significantly, Eusebios codified Hellenic wisdom
according to the demands of Christianity, presenting the
accumulated mass of the Greek philosophical output as a
Preparation for the Gospel (∂᾿˘·ÁÁÂÏÈÎ Ë̀ ¶ÚÔ·Ú·ÛÎÂ˘Ë̀), while
simultaneously launching a new historiographical approach that
viewed universal history from a wholly religious perspective. In all
these projects, as in his conception of royalty as the gift of God,
Eusebios was faithfully followed by his Byzantine posterity, who
a
believed kingship to be divinely bestowed, so that life on earth
under such a monarch could be a preparatory experience for the
eternal life under the rule of God himself.8
Though in practice not unconnected, the political and the
religious forms of rule, exercised respectively by emperor and
patriarch, remained in theory distinct throughout the Byzantine
centuries.9 Only one man in the course of Roman history
presented himself as the simultaneous holder of spiritual and
worldly power, thereby anticipating the principle on which the
b
Islamic caliphate was to be based. This man was the emperor
Julian (361–63). By interpreting in the light of Neoplatonic Fig. 3a | Solidus of Herakleios and Herakleios Constantine, gold, Constantinople, 630.
theology the Roman tradition according to which the emperor Benaki Museum, Athens 31354. Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum/Makis Skiadaresis.
held the office of pontifex maximus, Julian proclaimed the unity of Fig. 3b | Umayyad coin imitating the Byzantine solidus, gold, Damascus (?), ca. 660–80.
faith and politics under the umbrella of Greek paideia,10 thus The British Museum, London, 1904, 0511.320. Photo: ©The Trustees of the British Museum.
| 31 |
synthetic process, while others remained in a more or less pure
form (fig. 5).17 At the apex of the pyramid was to be found the
One God who, in imitation of his earthly counterpart, exerted his
absolute rule through a well regulated chain of subordinates. The
paradox of a theological structure which combines the one with
the many through tradition and innovation is explained by
Plotinos (205–270):
c
Not contracting the divine into one, but recognizing it in that
multiplicity in which God has manifested Himself, this is
Fig. 3c | Solidus of Justinian II, gold, Constantinople, 692. Benaki Museum, Athens what it means to know the power of God, who, while
31587. Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum/Makis Skiadaresis. remaining such as He is, creates many gods, all depending on
Him, existing through Him and by Him (Enneads II 9 [33]
9, 36–40).
Christ on the obverse and his own portrait on the reverse (fig. 3c), This One God—Plotinos’ first principle—was a transcendent
which his successors were quick to discontinue.13 The decisive entity, mysterious and elusive, beyond both being and
final step was taken by Abd al-Malik (685–705). In a bold understanding, and consequently it needed the services of an ever-
iconoclastic gesture, the ruler who replaced Greek with Arabic as increasing host of divine mediators and human interpreters.
the official administrative language of the caliphate (696/97) also The mediating role of all the subsidiary—originally ethnic—
launched the coinage of the future, which—like the Dome of the gods, including the god of the Jews, in a world in which
Rock that he constructed in Jerusalem—bore as exclusive monotheism was becoming the politically correct religious idiom,
ornamentation koranic inscriptions.14 was proclaimed by philosopher, prophet, and magician alike. By
the third century A.D. the “Age of Spirituality” was in full swing.
Philosophical treatises, Gnostic revelations, Hermetic hymns,
[III] ONE GOD magical papyri, and a growing body of theological oracles and
dedicatory inscriptions from all over the Roman commonwealth
Evolution is also the category of change that best represents proclaimed the universal belief in the one transcendent God who
the ineluctable movement toward monotheism (fig. 4).15 Already a reveals Himself to the person who seeks Him.18 Following the
prominent theme in the teaching of philosophical and mystic logic of the imperial administration, mediation became the key
circles in archaic and classical Greece, the monotheistic trend notion of the revelatory creeds of Late Antiquity: whether in the
gained momentum in Hellenistic times, as the distinction between guise of Christian Logos (fig. 6), Neoplatonic intellectual god
religion and philosophy became increasingly blurred. This was a acting as saviour in the context of the mystery cults of Roman
gradual process. We have already referred to the philosophical paganism (figs. 7 and 9), Manichean prophet of a world religion,
boom of the Hellenistic age, when new and reformed schools Pythagorean divine man, or Hermetic teacher, the agent of
competed to provide the individual with a complete thought- salvation was ever at hand to lead man to his eschatological goal.
world and a code of behavior valid in any part of the oikoumene. But as well as illustrating these complex cosmic and
As time passed, however, competition gave way to a process of bureaucratic hierarchies, the metaphor of the pyramid provides an
selection, and by the first century B.C. a synthesis had emerged ideal symbol for the variety of spiritual roads open to the men and
following the demise of the traditional schools. The phenomenon women of Late Antiquity.19 As already mentioned, the alternative
described in philosophy manuals as eclecticism consists primarily paths converging on the final goal of the One were all originally
in the adoption of elements from various “schools” to form a haireseis (literally “choices”), indicating the freedom of the will in a
conceptual koine—a common language—of a distinctly theological
nature, which in due course would crystallize into what we call
Neoplatonism. Platonic metaphysics, Stoic ethics and cosmology,
and a Pythagorean ideal of holiness are the main ingredients of
this new philosophical idiom, whose ultimate goal was the
assimilation of man with God—in other words, his divinization.16
The Stoic theory of universal sympathy presented the koine
with a cosmic frame which bound together heaven and earth in
an indivisible unity. Envisioned as a pyramid, this hierarchical and
increasingly elaborate structure could accommodate in its various
compartments all the divinities of the Hellenistic world: some,
Fig. 4 | Stamp with inscription ∂πC £∂√C
such as Isis, who had appropriated the functions and attributes of (= One God), copper alloy, Late Roman. Dr. Christian
most of the female Olympians, were the result of a complex Schmidt Collection, Munich, C.S. 297.
| 32 |
society where most people were not born into a religious tradition,
but could choose whichever product attracted their attention on
the open market of spirituality.20 This freedom of choice was
eventually deemed extravagant, and by the second century A.D.
intellectuals had begun to mock the facility with which people
jumped from one spiritual option to another.21 From mockery to
outright condemnation was but a step, and that step was soon
taken by the Christian Apologists who denounced the notion of
choice in religious matters as a dangerous and indeed sinful
practice. The semantic evolution of the term haeresis took a similar
course: from the classical sense of “unqualified choice” through the
narrower Hellenistic usage of “philosophical school” to its final
identification with “heresy,” hairesis —choice— was progressively
criminalized, in a process that was intensified and accelerated by
the activities of the missionary, who preached that there was but
one true spiritual goal, and one way of reaching it.
Initially promoted by the Christians as part of their Jewish
heritage, the exclusion of any road to salvation other than the one
taught in the context of their own revealed religion came
gradually, through the effect of osmosis in a global world, to affect Fig. 6 | Mosaic of Christ from a villa at Hinton St Mary, Dorset, 4th century. The
the mentality of the heirs of the Greek philosophical tradition.22 British Museum, P&EE 1965 4-9 1. Photo: ©The Trustees of the British Museum.
Under the influence of the “divine” Iamblichos (c. 245–c. 325),

Plato had now to be read in the light of the theology of a holy
book—the so-called Chaldaean Oracles—which was revealed to humanity in the second century A.D. All other readings of Plato
were eventually condemned as heretical.23
[IV] THE HOLY MAN AND THE HOLY BOOK
The repository of Truth—at once spiritual guide and defender

of the “orthodox” faith in theoretical and practical terms—was the
holy man in his role as teacher (fig. 8). This concept too can be
traced back to the beginnings of the Hellenistic era, when the
philosopher established his authority as leader of society: the
mission of both Stoics and Epicureans was not so much to inform
people by imparting a specific know-how as to form their pupils’
inner world according to the precepts of a specific philosophy
which was reflected in a particular way of life.24 It was at this time
that the social role of the philosopher became universally
recognized, for no sooner had these two “missionary” schools been
set up than kings and cities hastened to honor their founders as
benefactors of the community—on their death, Zeno and Epicurus
were honored by the erection of statues at the public expense.25
The extent to which the Hellenistic philosopher was viewed as
arbiter in private and public affairs alike is attested by the
Athenians’ decision in 155 B.C. to send as ambassadors to Rome
the heads of the three major philosophical schools in order to
negotiate their city’s political future with the rising universal
power. By that time busts modeled on the honorific statues of
well-known philosophers could be found adorning the private
libraries of the Roman elite: increasingly, Roman aristocrats spent
Fig. 5 | Relief with syncretistic Orphic deity Phanes-Aion, 3rd century. Galleria
Estense, Modena, 2676. Photo: ©concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
time studying philosophy in the East, and in both peace and war
Culturali. Archivio fotografico della SBSAE di Modena e Reggio Emilia. they turned for advice to their close companion, “the pet
| 33 |
Fig. 8 | Portrait of a philosopher-holy man, from
Aphrodisias, Caria, 5th century. Photo: Dick Osseman.
we do now (in fact at that time there were no books as we know

them today), but a thesis was proposed, and the students argued
for or against it in order to exert their critical faculty.”26
Alexander’s offhand remark that the book held a key position

in the educational ethos of his day is crucial to the present
Fig. 7 | Mithras shrine in the 1st-century underground basilica, San Clemente, enquiry; indeed the contribution of the written word—and more
Rome. Photo: ©San Clemente, Rome, Italy/The Bridgeman Art Library.
specifically of the Holy Book—to the mutation of Hellenistic
culture cannot be overestimated. To appreciate the extent of the
philosopher” of the great Roman households, as he has been

humorously described.
The transition from practical counselor to late antique divine
man was facilitated—indeed precipitated—by two changes in the
shape of teaching, both initiated in the first century B.C. At the
institutional level, the collapse of the Athenian schools resulted in
the replacement of the “class” by the more informal and flexible
“circle” (which in due course was to mutate into the well-known
late antique “textual community”). By the same token, dialectics,
which had constituted the backbone of the teaching of philosophy
in classical and Hellenistic times, was supplanted by preaching
and exegesis, through which a master expounded the authorized
texts of an increasingly standardized curriculum to a circle of
disciples who took down his comments and never questioned his
authority. This transition from a system which favored debate and
critical analysis to a dogmatic methodology was noted with regret
in the early third century by the Aristotelian Alexander of
Aphrodisias: “This form of discourse [i.e. the discussion of a Fig. 9 | Silver plate with the Triumph of Cybele and Attis, watched by the
personifications of Time and Eternity (Aion). From Parabiago near Milan, late
thesis] was customary among the ancients, and it is in this way 4th century. Archaeological Museum, Milan. Photo: ©2013. Photo Scala,
that they gave their courses; they did not comment on books as Florence – courtesy of the Ministero Beni e Att. Culturali.
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change one need only examine the well-defined field of Platonic
studies, for whereas in the second century A.D. the criterion for
the acceptance of Oriental wisdom by Greek philosophy was still
the degree of its accord with Platonic doctrine, three centuries later
the canonization of the Chaldaean Oracles had effected an exact
reversal of the position: the masters of “the purified philosophy of
Plato” now read the products of classical Greek thought in the
light of the Chaldaean Revelation, and went to inordinate lengths
to make it agree with the teachings and rituals prescribed by the
Oracles.27 These Platonic gurus—links in an unbroken “golden
chain” that corresponds to the “Apostolic succession” of Christian
bishops—considered it their ultimate mission to compose a
commentary on the newly introduced sacred book. Moreover,
they led their lives according to a Pythagorean code of sanctity
that we find minutely detailed in a multitude of biographies, some
inspired by Pythagoras himself, and others by saintly men from a
more recent past, such as Apollonius of Tyana. On their death,
these paradigmatic teachers themselves became the subjects of
biographies, which illustrate the new literary genre of hagiography
just as faithfully as do the Lives of the martyrs and saints of the
Christian faith (fig. 10).28
As well as raising the Chaldaean Oracles to the status of holy
scripture, Iamblichos emphasized the importance of prayer and
ritual act as means towards the salvation of the soul. The only
difference —albeit a crucial one— between the Neoplatonic and
the Judeo-Christian soteriological discourse is that in the former
salvation was to be achieved before physical death; in order to be
saved, man had to return to his spiritual origins before leaving the Fig. 11 | Christ Pantokrator with holy book, 6th century. The Holy Monastery of
body. And in setting out on the path to divinization, he had first Saint Catherine, Sinai, Egypt. Photo: Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai.
to grasp and accept his absolute nothingness —his Ô᾿˘‰¤ÓÂÈ·— in
every field of activity that had been opened up to humanity by
Prometheus’ daring venture.29 Pride was as capital a sin for the his own following from all over the Roman oikoumene.
late antique philosopher as it was for his Christian counterpart. At the basis of the new spirituality is then to be found the
The ascetic feats performed by the holy men of late Hellenism holy book through which the One God reveals Himself to
are a match for those of their contemporary “athletes of the desert.” mankind (fig. 11). But before we examine how this revolutionary
In both milieus mortification of the body and humiliation of the object brought about the late antique change of paradigm from an
spirit were prerequisites to achieving the ultimate spiritual goal. anthropocentric to a theocentric mentality and way of life, it is
Inspired by a holy book, in whose light all previous and necessary to stress a technical point: between the second and the
subsequent intellectual production was to be understood, both fourth centuries the form of the ancient book changed from the
these human types —the illiterate anchorite and the professional scroll to the codex, the ancestor of our modern book (see A. Weyl
philosopher— served the same ideal in ways that differ only in Carr below, 179–82). This transition from a cumbersome and
formal detail. Saint Anthony and expensive medium in the privileged possession of a tiny elite to a
Symeon the Stylite, the “divine” handy and significantly cheaper article—which also doubled the
Iamblichos and the “blessed” writing surface—revolutionized the spread of information in late
Proklos were poles of antique society, and by the same token it promoted the
attraction for those who dissemination of the monotheistic religions, as the compact format
aspired to the salvation of of the codex ensured speed and secrecy in the propagation of their
their soul, and each drew message. Moreover the new medium was the ideal instrument for
the formation of canons, since, once enshrined in codex form, a body
of texts could become immutably fixed in both content and order
Fig. 10 | Contorniate with Pythagoras as a sacrosanct entity, indeed “a holy book.”30 As a result of these
(or Helios), 4th century. Cabinet des
Médailles, Bibliothèque nationale de France,
developments, between the second and the seventh centuries
Paris, CM 17125. Photo: ©BNF. Christians, Platonists, Manicheans, and especially Muslims all
| 35 |
harnessed the new technology to serve their mission;31 indeed, an area extending from Iran to China, and created a social and
recognizing the crucial role played by the Book in preparing the religious ethos that survived for many centuries.37
ground for the reception of his own revelation, the Prophet At the close of the second century A.D. Antioch was granted
Muhammad (or, more likely, the compilers of the canonical by the emperor Commodus the privilege of organizing Olympic
version of the Qur’an) accepted as “religiously correct” the People Games. Located in the metropolis itself and its leafy suburb of
of the Book—ahl al-kitab: Zoroastrians and Jews, Christians and Daphne, the varied activities of this quadrennial event, which
the mysterious Sabeans (who, according to one interpretation of lasted for many days, attracted both talent and wealth to the city
the evidence, may have been the heirs of Iamblichan Platonism)32 and provided its inhabitants with an opportunity for ostentatious
were accorded a recognized legal status, and therefore a certain display. In 356 the rhetor Libanios, who after years of absence had
degree of visibility, in the Muslim state.33 returned home to settle in his native city, was chosen to conclude
The veneration of the Book opened up new creative fields, the festivities with a ceremonial speech.38 This inordinately long
notably the discipline of calligraphy, which reached full flowering oration, which includes an encomium of the physical setting of
with the triumph of Islam. Exploiting the power of the written Antioch and of its cultural achievement, is especially notable for
sign, the scribe explored its possibilities as a mystic code, and its description of the urban landscape and of the lifestyle
thereby produced works of art that were pleasing to the eye of the pertaining to it, in a portrait whose faithfulness to the historical
viewer and salutary to his soul. A new language that endowed truth is confirmed not only by other literary sources, but also by
matter with the gift of speech was born. The products of creation— archaeological research.
from humble clay to the most precious marble, from tin and A theme stressed by the orator relates to the city’s single and
copper to silver and gold, from the papyrus plant to animal skins double porticoes, which “like rivers in flood” (§ 201) run for miles
and bones—were transformed into surfaces for the reception and in all directions, burgeoning with a vivacious humanity. While
transmission of messages from the beyond. The mystical power of
the word—and the beauty of its material representation—opened up
new perspectives for the learned and the illiterate alike (fig. 11).34
[V] THE VELVET REVOLUTION:

FROM ANTIOCH TO THEOUPOLIS
Another way of tracing the mutation of Hellenistic culture is
to embark on a diachronic tour of city and countryside in Syria,
where, as early as 300 B.C., Seleucus Nicator, in his desire to
provide his vast continental state with a window onto the
Mediterranean, had established a group of four cities with
Macedonian dynastic names, known as The Tetrapolis. Of the four
sister foundations, Antioch and Apamea were inland towns, with
Seleuceia and Laodicea as their respective ports. In what follows,
the first two will fulfill the role of complementary guides in our
search for change.
Antioch and its hinterland

During the millennium that concerns us here, Antioch served
successively as Hellenistic royal city, provincial capital of Roman
Syria, and Byzantine imperial residence (fig. 12).35 It was here that
an important Christian community took root in the Apostolic
Age —indeed the term “Christian” was coined in the city (Acts
11:26). A patriarchal see with an influential school of scriptural
exegesis, throughout the whole of late antiquity Antioch evolved a
systematic theology which consistently contradicted the “orthodox”
doctrines formulated by a series of ecumenical councils.36 This
Fig. 12 | Tyche (Fortune) as the patron goddess of Antioch, copy of the Hellenistic
alternative theology, which became known as Nestorianism, statue by Eutychides (3rd century B.C.). Musei Vaticani, Vatican City, 2672.
played a significant role in the spiritual history and cultural life of Photo: Marie-Lan Nguyen/Wikimedia Commons.
| 36 |
Fig. 13 | Mosaic from a dining room depicting the courses of a lavish meal and silverware. House of the Buffet Supper at Daphne, Antioch, early 3rd century.
Hatay Archaeological Museum, Antakya, 937. Photo: Dick Osseman.
constituting the principal feature of the physical typology of the summer? […]. Of the houses, those under construction are in
ancient town, the colonnaded street is also the symbol of a way of the magnificent style now in fashion, while those of an earlier
life steeped in leisure and sociability: “while the rain beats on the day are in a more restrained style, with no element of
roofs, we in the colonnades stroll in comfort and settle down as ostentation or vulgarity (§ 218–221).
we please” (§ 216).
Libanios’ Antioch is a locus amoenus, where a basically outdoor
Besides the extent of the colonnades contributes not just existence is spent in market place, theater, and amphitheater,
towards human pleasure, but towards promoting what is most gymnasium, and baths.39 Christianity, which by this date had
important for Man: attached to them are the hippodrome, the endowed the city with a large number of impressive buildings, is
theatre and the baths. The hippodrome is big enough to satisfy absent from his urban inventory. But so is paganism. Libanios’
horses which run like the wind, while the abundance of its emphasis is on the joie de vivre for which the games (a religious
rows easily accommodates the mass of the townspeople. The event organized in honour of Zeus!) offered a golden opportunity.
theatre resounds with contests of flute, lyre and voice and the The speech is a hymn to the Greco-Roman ideal of an aristocratic
manifold delights of the stage. Who would ever succeed in existence in which libraries and galleries of art played as important
enumerating the many forms of theatrical venues, some made a role as the gastronomic refinements which are profusely portrayed
for athletic contests, others for the encounter of men and on the mosaic pavements of the elite’s mansions (fig. 13).
beasts, all in the heart of the city? […] And who would not In the fourth century Antioch was a fully fledged “royal city.”
enjoy the baths, some fitted for the winter, some for the Its cosmopolitan character, the affluence of its markets, and the
| 37 |
Fig. 14 | Tryphe (Luxury), House of the Drunken Dionysos, Antioch, 4th century. Hatay Archaeological Museum, Antakya. Photo: Dick Osseman.
magnificence and diversity of its entertainments impressed natives first to the fifth centuries that have come to light in Antioch and
and visitors alike.40 Yet the excess of luxury displayed by the rich, its suburbs testify to a life of material ease and moral self-
and the pleasure-seeking spirit that governed all classes gave rise indulgence.43 The figure of ΔÚ˘Ê‹ (Luxury) seems to symbolise
not only to sentiments of admiration and envy, but also to the city itself, as does ∞fiÏ·˘ÛÈ˜ (Enjoyment / Delight), whom
disapproval and disgust. A notable example comes from the visit Libanios specifically associates with bathhouse culture (or. XI 134),
to the city by the pagan emperor Julian, who wintered there in and whose image can indeed be found in the guise of an imposing
362–63 in preparation for his Persian campaign. The royal visit matron at a spa east of Antioch44 (see E. Dauterman-Maguire and
ended disastrously, as the high expectations of both emperor and H. Maguire below, 202–10). Yet for Julian and Chrysostom these
citizens quickly turned to disenchantment. This had little to do qualities were reprehensible, to be castigated as synonymous with
with religious differences, however: the Antiochenes disliked the licentiousness, debauchery, and depravity (fig. 14).45
emperor’s aggressively ascetic manner, while Julian was repelled by For Libanios the highest expression of civic virtue consisted in
their selfish materialism, the anarchic mentality which permeated the competitive munificence of the curial class. To his mind the
all their activities, and above all the lack of humanity displayed by ideal and practice of “evergetism” was a reassuring sign of
the wealthy. Before leaving the “licentious town,” Libanios’ hero continuity, proof that the way of life inherited from the Early
composed a venomous satire that ostensibly lampooned himself Empire and the mechanisms that sustained it were still
and his unkempt “philosophical” beard, but in reality inveighed operational. By the mid-fourth century, however, both the content
against a city which in his eyes had no redeeming feature.41 of public munificence and its principal practitionners had been
Reading Julian’s satire, one is amazed to discover the extent seriously challenged: the imperial official and the bishop had
to which the emperor’s discourse matches that of another stepped into the shoes of the city councillor, who was gradually
celebrated denouncer of Antiochene permissiveness, John reduced to the status of simple tax collector. Administrative and
Chrysostom (c. 349–407).42 The diatribes of both emperor and cultural initiatives were being taken over by an increasingly
hierarch translate into repugnant vices all those qualities which are powerful civil service, while the Church actively promoted
represented in personified form throughout the domestic and munificence of a totally different kind—what we would call today
public spaces of the city. The hundreds of mosaics dating from the a program of social services for the sick and the poor.46 Typically,
| 38 |
Julian’s social policies were in full agreement with the new spirit.
Much as he cared for tradition and the cultural autonomy of the
City, he conceived its self-determination within a wider social
context whose parameters were set by the philosopher-priest, a
spiritual paragon with a pastoral and liturgical profile not
dissimilar to that of the ideal bishop. Slowly but surely the new
spirit was eroding the foundations of the way of life celebrated by
Libanios. Yet, as fought out in Antioch, the battle between the old
and the new was a protracted one. As late as the mid-fifth century
a splendid mosaic pavement from Daphne (fig. 16) acclaims the
civic virtue of liberality (ÌÂÁ·ÏÔ„˘¯›·). Personified as a beautiful
woman, Megalopsychia presides over scenes of combat between
men and wild beasts in a self-promotional tribute to the
sponsorship activity of the mansion’s owner.
It was such displays of wealth and public munificence that
came under attack by John Chrysostom, who viewed the crowded
theatre as a place of perdition, and liberality as mere “vainglory”
(ÎÂÓÔ‰ÔÍ›·)47—by sponsoring games the rich were corrupting the
masses and destroying their own hopes of salvation. A new ideal, Fig. 16 | Personification of Megalopsychia (Liberality), Hunt mosaic, Daphne, 5th
century. Hatay Archaeological Museum, Antakya, 1016. Photo: Dick Osseman.
which found its rhetorical expression in his sermons and its
practical application in the transformation of the Syrian
countryside, heralded the future: monasticism, both coenobitic and
eremitic, became the new force that attracted people of all ecclesiastical hierarchy. Even before his ordination as priest, John
conditions like a magnet. The careers of Chrysostom and of directed his “golden-mouthed” oratory against the lifestyle of the
another aristocratic and well-educated Antiochene, Theodoret of nominally Christian city of Antioch, and recommended to all and
Cyrrhus (393–c. 466), are excellent illustrations of the new cursus sundry the virtues of the ascetic ideal.49 Theodoret, on the other
honorum.48 After completing their studies at rhetorical school, both hand, had been promised to the Church at birth by a mother who,
spent several years as monks before moving on to join the under the impact of a conversion experience, exchanged a life of
sensual gratification for one of Christian devotion. On his parents’
death Theodoret renounced his considerable fortune and withdrew
to a monastery near Apamea to lead what the Christians now
called “the philosophical life.” After a few years spent in that retreat
(ÊÈÏÔÛÔÊ›·˜ ÊÚÔÓÙÈÛÙ‹ÚÈÔÓ), he returned to preach in Antioch, and
in 423 accepted (unwillingly, as he would have us believe) his
nomination as the bishop of neighbouring Cyrrhus.
As well as writing a general ecclesiastical history in the
tradition of Eusebios of Caesarea, Theodoret became the chronicler
of the ascetic movement of the Syrian countryside—a scene in
which he had been involved ever since his earliest childhood, as
his pious mother took him every week to the outskirts of Antioch
to visit the holy Macedonius. In a hagiographical composition
colored with more than a touch of autobiography the bilingual
bishop has left us portraits of individual holy men whose lives
spanned the period from the early fourth to the mid-fifth
centuries. His gallery of sanctity provides a full study of the
anthropology of the Syrian steppe: imperial officials, steeped in the
Hochkultur of the period, compete in feats of asceticism with
Syrian villagers, and indeed with Persians from across the border.
The interaction of these holy men with the urban and rural
populations was constant, and their authority spread far and wide.
By the late fourth century the remote hovels and the tall columns
Fig. 15 | Silver plaque with Saint Symeon Stylites, on his column, being
tempted by the devil, late 6th century. Louvre Museum, Paris, Bj 2180 MND 2035.
where the recluse and the stylite ostentatiously led their “angelic
Photo: ©RMN-Grand Palais (Musée du Louvre) /Hervé Lewandowski. lives” had become busy centers of pilgrimage (and commerce!).
| 39 |
(fig. 15) Besieged by a humanity avid for grace, these alternative as the home of philosophical innovation, that Iamblichos of
philosophers of the Greco-Roman oikoumene administered their Chalcis came to settle toward the end of the third century. Several
spiritual charisma in the form of healing miracles and prophecies, generations of disciples studied with him, leaving Apamea after
and not infrequently they left their holy abode and traveled as far years of a hard Pythagorean regime to spread the message of “the
as the great city—whether Antioch or Constantinople. As the divine Iamblichos” from their posts as teachers and
living embodiment of freedom of speech (parrhesia), the holy men administrators.55 The future emperor Julian was in the 350s the
pronounced their verdict on the theological and practical themes pupil of a number of spiritual descendants of the Apamean
that represented the burning issues of the day. And on their death philosopher, and throughout his career he continued to depend
the sites that had been sanctified by their presence gave birth to on at least two of them—Maximus and Priscus—as mentors; even
remarkable monuments.50 As the rolling hills between Antioch, more importantly, the Iamblichean philosopher-priest became the
Apamea, and Beroea became studded with monastic complexes main instrument of his religious reform. To Libanios, writing at a
and pilgrimage centers, the desert emerged as an alternative city.51 time when the circle of Apamea had become something of a
Yet the metamorphosis of the rural landscape of northern Syria in legend, Iamblichos appeared as “the divine leader of the chorus of
Late Antiquity was only partly due to the impact of Christian philosophers” who had conferred on Apamea the status of a
asceticism. Ever since the mid-fourth century, systematic (and sacred city.56
exclusive) cultivation of the vine and the olive brought to the One element that reinforced the sacred character of Apamea—
region extraordinary economic growth, which continued well into at once focus and symbol of its ancient religious tradition—was
the sixth century.52 This is the wider setting against which the huge oracular complex of Zeus-Bel that dominated the city
Theodoret’s heroes acted out their roles. center. Whether central to the ideology of Iamblichos’ circle, as
Theodoret titled his account of the ascetic phenomenon suggested by recent research, or incidentally connected with its
ºÈÏfiıÂÔ˜ ῾πÛÙÔÚ›·—a history dear to God. Published around 444, activities, the Temple of Bel appeared as the very emblem of the
this chronicle is cast in the mold of pagan hagiography, which by city’s pagan identity.57 This was the reason why in the 380s
then had found its canonical form in the work of Eunapios of Theodosios I ordered the demolition of temples specifically in the
Sardis. Eunapios’ Lives of Philosophers, a gallery of pagan sainthood, city of Apamea and its hinterland. The imperial edict would have
is structured around a double axis: on the one hand the author been addressed to the praetorian prefect of the East, Maternus
presents his holy men and women as part of a spiritual succession Cynegius, who arrived in Apamea in 386 with a force of two
extending back to Plato and Pythagoras, and on the other he thousand men and set them immediately to work at pulling
portrays a social and intellectual network that stemmed from the down the Temple of Bel. Yet “seeing that the structure was
community founded by Iamblichos in Apamea. exceptionally compact and solid, he realized that no human effort
could destroy the nexus of stones.” At that point the local bishop
Marcellus appeared “and sent the praetorian prefect away to other
Apamea on the Orontes: From home of cities, while he himself prayed to God to reveal to him the way of
elephants to breeding ground of philosophers demolishing the edifice.” Eventually the gigantic temple was
destroyed by fire, in the first act of vandalism committed by a
The most formidable resource of the Seleucid army was its bishop against a monument in the Roman empire.58 And while
troop of 500 elephants, which represented the ancient equivalent the bishop responsible for what appeared to the citizens of
of tank weaponry. The area best suited to housing these animals Apamea as an eminently sacrilegious act was hunted down by
was the countryside around Apamea, the city founded as the them and burned alive, all efforts were made by the powers-that-
military headquarters of what was in effect the successor state of be to ensure that the ground where the temple had once stood
Alexander’s empire.53 As such, Apamea developed as a great remained desecrated. As an exploratory dig in 1981 confirmed, the
Hellenistic metropolis, and by the time of Augustus numbered a whole area was used as a rubbish dump (and that in the center of
population of half a million.54 In the following centuries Apamea a still prosperous city), until in the sixth century the damnatio
was an economic, military, cultural, and administrative center of memoriae of the place was consummated when the road leading to
growing importance, and when in 415 Syria was divided into two the abandoned sanctuary was blocked by latrines.59 By this date
parts, the city was automatically elevated to the status of Apamea was not only an archibishopric but, more importantly, a
provincial capital, with Antioch becoming the capital of a reduced famous center of pilgrimage, which boasted possession of half of
area henceforth designated as Syria Prima. The splendor of the Holy Cross, allegedly transferred there by Saint Helena. The
Apamea’s public and private sectors rivaled that of Antioch, and martyrion, which was built in the late fourth or early fifth
this prosperity survived well into the sixth century: the fact that century to house the precious relic, was erected over a splendid
the Persians took no fewer than 292,000 captives in a single mansion manifestly connected with Iamblichos’ school, in an
lightning raid on Apamea in 573 is indicative of its continuing effort to counteract and eventually obliterate the memory of his
significance at that date. legacy (fig. 17).
It was in this thriving city, already famous in the early empire
| 40 |
Fig. 17 | Socrates, from the Seven Wise Men Mosaic in the “School of Iamblichos”, Apamea, Syria, second half of 4th century. Apamea Museum. Photo: Dick Osseman.
A more intimate scale called “Chosroes’ Antioch.”64 This replica of a Roman town
(presumably designed on the geometric grid of a Hellenistic city)
The violence enacted against Apamea’s Iamblichean heritage was located not far from the site where, a couple of centuries later,
was an extreme case in a city for which our sources document a was to spring up the round city of Baghdad.65
fair degree of continuity in material culture throughout the fifth Back at home, the ancient city praised by Libanios was
and sixth centuries.60 Yet this was the very time when the urban steadily losing its character. Shops and houses were now invading
scene and its functions were irreversibly changing. In the the “spacious, ordered elegance” of its colonnaded arteries and
complicated process of the metamorphosis of the ancient city public squares, and a new urban layout of winding lanes and
several factors played their part. Some, such as the catastrophic covered markets was gradually emerging.66 As the Church
earthquakes, the outbreaks of plague, and the recurrent Persian usurped the social function of the theater, the palestra, and the
invasions that afflicted Antioch and Apamea in the sixth century, bathhouse, the first two were allowed to decay while the huge
can be characterized as external, even accidental,61 while others, luxurious bath complexes and the aqueducts and monumental
such as the persistent discourse on the vanity of human existence nymphaea that supplied the population with running water in
and the flight of local elites to the imperial administration, the abundance were drastically reduced in scale.67 Other, more
desert, or the ranks of the Church, were endogenous and signify a important changes ensued: the gradual disappearance of the
change of mentality. colonnaded street resulted in the replacement of the wheeled
There were efforts to turn the clock back.62 After the terrible vehicle by pack animals as a means of transport. By the sixth
earthquake of 528, Justinian is reported to have rebuilt the main century the great colonnade of Apamea, which measured almost
colonnade and the theater at Antioch. At the same time, however, two kilometers in length and in places no less than 123 feet (37.5
he felt the need to exorcise the city’s bad luck by entrusting it to m) in width, was closed to wheeled traffic; indeed, with the
the hands of God and replacing its dynastic name with the increasing use of beasts of burden, a road width of no more than
euphemistic Theoupolis—City of God.63 But the hour was late: in 11 ½ feet (3.5 m) was now amply sufficient (fig. 18).68 Eventually
540 Chosroes was to crown his victory with the deportation of the space between the columns was filled by walls of rubble and
the citizens of Theoupolis to the vicinity of Ctesiphon, where he spoils, while transverse walls extended into the street. Even more
built a city, complete with baths and a hippodrome, which he graphically, ancient sarcophagi were moved to the center of the
| 41 |
Fig. 18 | The main north-south thoroughfare (cardo maximus) of late antique Apamea, Syria. Photo: Jim Gordon.
town to be used as troughs for animals. For Clive Foss, the sum Christianity and Islam, but an overall mutation that affected all
of the changes in Apamea marks “a clear break in the life of the aspects of the way of thinking, feeling, and living in the Greater
city and a fundamental transformation in which the ancient Mediterranean, and may be summed up as the substitution of an
regular plan was abandoned, open spaces were filled in the most anthropocentric culture by a theocentric one.
casual fashion, and a rural appearance replaced that of the ancient
city.”69 In this new landscape the only monumental buildings
were the houses of God. It was this changed city with its cosy, if
parasitic, urbanism that the Muslims inherited from the
Byzantines. 1
For one definition of the term, Strabo I, 1.16. For the oikoumene as a cultural entity,
van Nijf 2006. See also Aneziri 2009.
In his seminal article “From Polis to Madina,” Hugh Kennedy 2
The councils at which Christian doctrine was defined were oecumenical in both a
defines the metamorphosis of the late antique city as “the product geographical and a metaphysical sense. (see figs 46, 107. The 6th century
of long-term social and economic changes,” with Islam being no Alexandrian merchant Kosmas Indikopleustes depicts the ÁË῀ ÔÈ᾿ÎÔ˘Ì¤ÓË as part of a
universe that is based on a literal reading of the old Testament).
more than “one stage in the long transformation which began in 3
According to Bowersock et al. 1999, VIII and passim, the symbolic landmark for the
the sixth century or earlier and was probably not completed until end of Late Antiquity is the foundation of Baghdad in 762; for a differently defined
millennium of transition, one that stretches “from the beginning of the Christian era
the tenth or eleventh.”70 Advancing one step further, Jean-Michel to about 1000,” see Elsner 2011.
Spieser emphasizes the importance of the ideological factor in 4
The name Madinat al-salam, with its explicit allusion to the Islamic paradise (cf. Qur’an
effecting so radical a change in the living conditions of the 6:127, 10:26), was given to Baghdad by its founder, the caliph Al-Mansur. On the city
as the symbol of the new political, demographic, social, and cultural horizons of the
Mediterranean population; yet, as the very title of his essay Abbasid revolution after the break with the Ummayads and their “pre-Islamic pattern
suggests, he holds Christianity—or rather the Christianization of of tribal factionalism,” see Gutas 1998, passim.
the empire—as the primary agent of urban change, which he
5
Winiarczyk 2002 and 2011.
6
For the Pythagorean political philosophy, see Centrone 2000.
places at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh 7
Eusebios, Vita Constantini 1975, especially 1. 4 and end of Book 4; cf. Eusebios,
centuries.71 In response to these two interpretive proposals I would Tricennalia 1902, 16. 4; for Augustus preparing the ground for the reception of
Christ, see Eusebios, Praeparatio Evangelica 1954–56, 1.4.4 with Johnson’s comment
argue for the primacy of the intellectual, spiritual, and (A. Johnson 2006, 174–78) on the temerity of proclaiming sole rule as the ideal polity
psychological factor over the forces of the market. As this analysis in a post-Tetrarchic age.
has attempted to show, the real change that occurred over the 8
For the evolution of this attitude in Byzantium, see Dagron 1996.
9
The classic definition of the relationship between imperium and sacerdotium/ ‚·ÛÈÏÂ›·
course of the millennium defined for our purposes as “the long and ῾ÈÂÚˆÛ‡ÓË is to be found in the preface of Justinian’s 4th Novel.
Hellenistic age” was not the transition from paganism to 10
Cf. Athanassiadi 1992, 121–91.
| 42 |
11 41
For an amusing anecdote in connection with Umar’s understanding of the meaning For an analysis of the Misopogon, see Athanassiadi 1992, 201–22.
42
of the term “caliph,” see Dagron 1996, 71–72. An excellent account of Chrysostom’s life and career is provided in Kelly 1995; for a
12
Foss 2012, 137, with references. comparative biography of Chrysostom and Ambrosius, see most recently
13
See New York 2011, 166, no. 138 (A. M. Stahl). Liebeschuetz 2011.
14 43
One could mention in this connection that Abd al-Malik is also the caliph who settled For Henry Maguire, who has studied the various aspects of “the good life” in late
the definitive version of the Qur’an. For two diametrically opposed interpretations of antique society, and analysed the psychology of those seeking it in both its more
the inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock, see Amir-Moezzi 2011, 82, and Flood extravagant versions and its cheaper imitations, the main motive behind this desire
2012, 244–57. Summing up the process described above, Griffith (2009) concludes for luxury is the growing insecurity of the age; H. Maguire 2011b, 43–47; cf. H.
with the following suggestion (which could also serve as a link between Parts II and III Maguire 1999a, 238–57.
44
/ IV of the present essay): “it may well have been the case that the image of the one For a personification of °ËıÔÛ‡ÓË (Joy, Pleasure) from a bath on the site occupied by
God simply evolved from cross and icon to become the written word; the Word of the Orontes island (Bath D), see Becker and Kondoleon 2005, 194.
45
the one God became his enduring icon, in the incarnation for the Christians and in For ΔÚ˘Ê‹, see Levi 1947 (House of Menander, room 13, pl. XLVI; House of the
the Qur’an for the Muslims” (84). drunken Dionysos, LI); see also pl. LXVπππ for ∞fiÏ·˘ÛÈ˜ (and ™ˆÙËÚ›· in the
15
For an overall treatment of this important theme, see Athanassiadi and Frede 1999, frigidarium). For the mosaics as historical testimony, see Huskinson 2004 and
and Athanassiadi and Makris 2013. Bowersock 2006.
16 46
The Platonic formula ÔÌÔ›ˆÛÈ˜
῾ ıÂˆ῀ (Theaet. 176b) became a slogan profusely and For a lively description of John Chrysostom’s humanitarian activities among the sick,
variably commented on by the adepts of different philosophical schools. the old, and the poor during his time as deacon at Antioch from 378 onward, see
17
For a famous example of Isiac piety, Apuleius 1989, Book XI. Kelly 1995, 40.
18 47
On the rise of Islam against a background of several fast evolving religious traditions John’s oration On Vainglory and Julian’s Misopogon present the reversed image of the
(Hellenism, Zoroastrianism, and Christianity), see Donner 2005, Bowersock 1990, and city to Libanios’ Antiochikos.
48
E. Fowden 1999. Kelly (1995, 6–8, 14) argues convincingly that John was indeed Libanios’ pupil, as
19
This was a milieu which also favoured syncretism, as demonstrated by the masters of reported by Church historian Socrates.
49
later Platonism who attempted, in works of systematic philosophy as well as in more See especially books II and III of his homily Ad oppugnatores vitae monasticae (PG 47,
popular writings, to combine the Orphic, Hermetic, Chaldaean, and Platonic 319–86). Elected in 398 to the patriarchal see of Constantinople, John continued to
theologies. denounce the corruption of court, clergy, and the people of the capital alike, until he
20
This right to religious choice is summarized in the lapidary formula uno itinere non was deposed and exiled.
50
potest perveniri ad tam grande secretum (“it is not possible to reach so great a mystery On Simeon the Younger’s death (459), a cruciform complex of four basilicas was
by one road alone”), addressed by a Roman senator to the Christian emperor at the erected at Qal’at Siman, each radiating from the central octagon which surrounded
end of the fourth century (Symmachus 1883, Rel. III 10). the column on which the Stylite had stood; the site was to evolve into a monastic
21
For a few striking examples, see Lucian 1915, Philosophies for sale (‚›ˆÓ Ú·῀ ÛÈ˜); Galen and pilgrimage center of universal appeal.
51
1821–33, De ord. libr. suorum XIX 50, 4–13; and Alciphron 1949, 19. Cf. the title of Chitty’s famous book on Palestinian monasticism: “The desert a
22
For this process, see Athanassiadi 2006, passim. city...” (Chitty 1966).
23 52
Athanassiadi forthcoming. Tate 1992.
24 53
This striking formula (coined by V. Goldschmidt in connection with the Platonic Strabo 16.2.10.
54
dialogues) is applied by Pierre Hadot to the whole of Greek philosophy (1995, 118 Quirinius’ census of A.D. 6/7 records a population of 117,000 free men; this number
and passim). should be quadrupled to provide an estimate of the total population of the city and
25
Zanker 1995, 92–136. the surrounding countryside.
26 55
Alexander of Aphrodisias 1898, I 2, 27, 12–16 (CAG, 2, 2). O’Meara 1989; Athanassiadi 2010b.
27 56
For the former attitude, see Numenius fr. 1a; for the latter, Syrianus, the fifth-century Libanios 1963, or. 52.21 and ep. 1389.
57
head of the Academy of Plato who wrote a treatise on the agreement (Û˘ÌÊˆÓ›·) of Athanassiadi 2005.
58
the doctrines of Orpheus, Pythagoras, and Plato with the Chaldaean Oracles: Souda For the full story, see Theodoret 1954, 5, 21, 5–16, and Sozomenos 1954, 7, 15, 11–
1928–38, IV, 479, 1–2 s.v. “Syrianus.” 15.
28 59
Some of the classics in this connection are Porphyry’s Life of Plotinos, Eunapius’ Lives Balty1997; the finding of coins documents the uninterrupted use of the latrines from
of Philosophers, Marinus’ Life of Proclus, and Damascius’ Life of Isidore or The Justinian to Herakleios (613–16): Foss 1997, 210.
60
Philosophical History. Kennedy 1985, 23, with references.
29 61
For Ô˘‰¤ÓÂÈ·
᾿ as a philosophical virtue, Iamblichos 1966, I 15, 47, 16–19 and III 18, For an overview as regards the two cities, see Foss 1997, 190–229; on plague,
144, 12–14. On asceticism as the hallmark of the late pagan philosopher, see Zanker Horden 2005.
62
1995, 310–20. On the competition between the way of Orpheus and that of Claude 1969, 54–55 for Justinian’s aesthetic concerns when legislating on cities.
63
Prometheus which traverses Greek (and by extension Western) culture from archaic See Malalas 2000, 18. 29; cf. Leontius of Byzantium, Adv. Incorrupticolas, PG 86.1, col.
to modern times, see Hadot 2004. 1364 D. A further attempt to disengage the city from its Seleucid past and link it
30
For the causal connection between canon and codex, see B. Metzger 1987. with a pious present occurred in the late sixth century, when Antioch seems to have
31
As early as 332 the emperor Constantine instructed Eusebios of Caesarea (Vita adopted the name of its dynamic bishop Gregory (570–92): Bowersock (2006, 81–87)
Constantini 4. 36–37) to produce and send him fifty codices of holy scripture for use plausibly suggests that the mysterious city of °ÚËÁÔÚ›· which figures on the mosaic
in the churches of Constantinople. of Hippolytus at Madaba should be identified with Antioch itself.
32 64
For this ingenious (though controversial) identification, see Tardieu 1986. Prokopios 1914, 2.14.1–5.
33 65
It was the great reformer Abd al-Malik (685–705) who bestowed the status of On the round shape of the city and its symbolisms, see Gutas 1998, 51-53 with
dhimmi (protected) on the religious minorities of the Muslim empire. references.
34 66
On the salvational power of writing in Byzantium, see Rapp 2009. Kennedy 1999, 229, for the quotation. Ellis (2004) concludes his article “The seedier
35
The bibliography on Antioch is enormous. The best general history is still Downey side of Antioch” with the following remarks: “Several houses at Daphne, and the
1961; Liebeschuetz 1972 is also essential; for an overall presentation with Atrium House at Antioch itself, demonstrate that some of the rich mosaic houses
illustrations, see the catalogue of the exhibition “Antioch. The lost ancient city” held were already in terminal decline in the sixth century” (130); cf. Balty 1977, 14:
at the Worcester Art Museum in 2000 (Worcester 2000). “Daphne was not the Eden of late antiquity. The recorded remains span a period of
36
On the School of Antioch, see most recently the two volumes of collected essays by several centuries. By the time the last figured mosaics were laid in some peristyle
Guinot (2012). houses, communities of inhabitants with a much poorer lifestyle already occupied
37
Wood 2002, 118–19, 126–29; J. Walker 2012. others” (132). The residential area of late antique Apamea presents an analogous
38
Libanios 1963, Or. XI, known as the Antiochikos; English translation and commentary, picture.
67
Norman 2000, 3–83. On the new culture of water management, see now Jacobs and Richard 2012.
39 68
As A. H. M. Jones put it, “The city was a social phenomenon, the result of the Discussion of this point in Kennedy 1985, 17 and 22.
69
predilection of the wealthier classes for the amenities of urban life”; Jones 1971, 170. Foss 1997, 209.
40 70
In 359 an anonymous visitor to Antioch corroborated Libanios’s picture in a treatise Kennedy 1985, 26–27 and passim.
71
of mercantile geography: “civitas splendida et operibus publicis eminens, et Spieser 1986, 55.
multitudinem populorum <undique> accipiens, omnes sustinet; abundans omnibus
bonis», Expositio totius mundi 1966, XXIII.
| 43 |
The Christianization of the Past
ANTHONY KALDELLIS
to begin with, far less one built up
I
n 1935 Getrude Stein visited her
hometown of Oakland, California, over thousands of years in the
but everything about the place presence of ancient and medieval
had changed. She could not find her monuments, and the relentless
former house, the town reflected turnover of neighborhoods in
none of her memories, and she American towns would have
famously wrote that “there is no undermined incipient feelings of
there there.”1 Her sense of place, “thereness.”
history, and memory had been
disrupted and effaced. A European
traveler might have felt that a town
incorporated in 1852 could not have
had a deep sense of its own history
Fig. 19 | Odysseus bound to the mast, bronze, Late Roman, 3rd-4th century.
Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond. Adolph D. and Wilkins C. Williams
Fund (67.20). Photo: ©Virginia Museum of Fine Arts/Ron Jennings.
| 44 |
In the western provinces of their built up in part by borrowing—or stealing, on a theological point: If the gods were
empire especially, Roman planners did in some argued—that of more ancient places. held to be mere human delusions, then
fact design “Identikit” cities whose purpose Constantinople acquired huge collections there could be no harm in keeping
was often to disrupt prior ethnic or of statues from Greece and Asia Minor sculpted stones around. But if they were
political configurations and historical that acquired new symbolic meanings, (see demons who dwelt in statues and haunted
memories. Latin gradually replaced the A. Cutler below, 166-75) thereby creating the faithful, then they had to be smashed.
local languages and native cults took on a and defining the city’s past. The Baths of Both views are found, and indeed there
Roman appearance and nomenclature. The Zeuxippos contained a collection of more was much smashing and symbolic
eastern cities, by contrast, were already than eighty statues of heroes, poets, and disfigurement, especially in Syria and
drenched in their own sense of the past, gods with a prominent Trojan theme. Egypt. Crosses were carved to keep the
and this was the world in which most These linked New Rome to the older demons out—or to seal them in (fig. 22
early Christians originated. The past was Rome via their common ancestor, Ilium.2 and cat. no. 6) But imperial officials often
defined by mythical associations with In the Hippodrome stood a row of took a different approach, one that would
founders, heroes, and oracles; by the antiquities, each with its own associations, have dramatic consequences: they
memory of political history, recent and including the Serpent Column from redefined ancient statues as “art,” which
ancient; by monuments; and by hundreds Delphi (fig. 20). At first this signified should be preserved for its aesthetic rather
if not thousands of statues of gods, heroes, perhaps the emperors’ intention to defeat than religious value (artis pretio quam
artists, and notables. It was enhanced by Persia, thus appropriating Greek glories for divinitate),7 so long as there was no pagan
literary references and sometimes recorded the Christian emperor, but later it acquired worship.
in works of history. The leaders of the new magical functions, such as keeping snakes The same approach was being applied
faith struggled to decide how much of this out of the city.3 A high official, Lausos, by Christian thinkers to ancient texts such
past could be absorbed into the Christian created a magnificent collection including as those of Homer, in which the gods
life, and under what terms. Was it to be Pheidias’ chryselephantine statue of Zeus were omnipresent: whereas many pagans
understood as pagan and thus destroyed, or from Olympia, an Athena from Lindos, believed that Homer contained important
was it neutral (secular), in which case it and Praxiteles’ Aphrodite from Knidos
could be ignored or even converted to (fig. 21).4 In their new context these pagan
Christian purposes? These boundaries relics, including the Palladium of Troy said
were fluid, but the issue could not be to have been moved by Constantine from
ignored, as the past was everywhere Rome to his column in the forum,
present in the Greek cities. blended with the city’s increasingly
The present chapter will present some Christian character to produce a rich
fascinating ways in which the past— symphony of historical associations. The
invariably a pagan past—was appropriated symbolic map of Constantinople encoded
and Christianized in the Early Byzantine the Byzantine appropriation of all pasts
period (A.D. 330–641). Considerations of (heroic, Greek, Roman, and Christian),
space prevent a systematic discussion, but and made the city a true caput mundi.5
we can present a range of different kinds These museum collections made some
of material, some of them undiscovered Christians uncomfortable. Eusebios
gems. distorted their aim when he said that
The new imperial capital, Constantine put these statues on display to
Constantinople, was itself a city without a ridicule the beliefs of the pagans.6 He
past, especially after Constantine leveled viewed the past that they represented
the site of Byzantion and populated his solely in religious and polemical terms, and
new foundation with subjects from some preferred to destroy such statues and Fig. 20 | Serpent column from Delphi, Hippodrome,
different provinces. Its own “thereness” was the temples they stood in. Much depended Constantinople. Photo: ©Livius. org.
| 45 |
truths about their gods, Christian scholars (for example, Byzantine plot summaries of collection, we hear of a painter whose
viewed his poems as literature to be the Iliad omit the gods, as do some hands withered when he made an icon of
consumed for aesthetic pleasure, or for modern film adaptations).8 But there were Christ modeled after Zeus (he was healed
their symbolic value. Odysseus’ Sirens limits to imperial tolerance: when by the patriarch).10 Olympian Zeus may
became symbols of the temptations the Justinian famously closed down the have projected an image of power that
hero of the faith had to withstand (fig. 19). philosophical schools of Athens, he made operated subconsciously. How were
Our modern categories of “art” and it clear that the contents of Greek Christians to imagine the godhead of
“literature” were largely by-products of this philosophy were still potentially subversive. Christ anyway? No one knew. But there
effort by Christians to desanctify and As later emperors would affirm, it was best were ways to tame the past of the gods. In
sanitize the pagan past for their own use taught by Christians who could explain its the sixth century John Malalas wrote a
errors to their students. comedic chronicle that began with the
History was rewritten to make pagan Creation and extended up to his own day.
literature more acceptable. It was said, for He integrated the history of the Greek
instance, that Achilles Tatius and and Egyptian gods into his survey of the
Heliodoros, authors of two popular Old Testament by euhemerizing them, i.e.
romance novels, later became bishops. This treating them as mortal kings who had
legitimized their erotically charged works established the first communities and
for Christian audiences. One enterprising taught basic arts for the benefit of
author went so far as to write a mankind. This, of course, was an ancient
hagiographical romance, Galaction and theory, but Malalas’ framework was
Episteme, as a sequel to the two novels. scriptural, and his approach mostly
Galaction he presents as the son of the irreverent and “demythologizing” in a
protagonists of Tatius’ novel, Cleitophon literal sense. His Zeus, for example, “had
and Leucippe (though his parentage many sons and daughters by beautiful
evokes Heliodoros’ protagonists as well). women. He had mystic knowledge and
It turns out that the couple were astonished the women, who regarded him
unhappy, and did not manage to as a god and were seduced by him since he
conceive a child until they converted to showed them displays by mechanical
Christianity; their son Galaction then means.”11
converted his wife Episteme so that they Other appropriations of the past were
could live in separate monasteries, and theologically more ambiguous. In Athens,
eventually they were both happily probably in the late fifth century, the
martyred (under Decius). This
retroactively claimed the literary past for
Christianity, while also suggesting that
paganism was “sterile” and replacing
conventional erotic values with those of
ascetics and martyrs.9 The pagan past
emerges as a necessary “prequel” that is
transcended, not rejected.
Art and literature, however, have
unintended consequences, and a power
that cannot so easily be tamed. Soon
after the creation of the Lausos
Fig. 21 | Aphrodite of Knidos, Roman marble

copy of the ancient Greek original by Praxiteles
(4th century B.C.). National Museum of Rome,
Ludovici Collection (8619). Photo: su
concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le
Attività Culturali-Soprintendenza Speciale per i Fig. 22 | Roman funerary stele. Andros Archaeological
Beni Archeologici di Roma. Museum no. 245 (1975/129).
| 46 |
Fig. 23 | Reconstruction drawing of the Christian Parthenon by M. Korres (after Tournikiotis 1994).
Parthenon was converted into a church the Parthenon. An inscribed block with 1
2
Stein 1937, 298.
Kaldellis 2007a.
consecrated to the Virgin (fig. 23). This fifth-century lettering containing the text 3
Stichel 1997.
entailed very little change to the building. of the oracle was found on the island of 4
Bassett 2004.
5
Dagron 1984.
The pediment sculptures were retained Icaria.12 In this way, with mind-defying 6
Eusebios, Vita Constantini, 1975, 3.54.
throughout the Byzantine period, and theology both the god and the ancient 7
Cod. Theod. 1954, 16.10.8.
there is almost no evidence of violent heroes were enlisted in support of the 8
Kaldellis 2007b, 154–56.
9
Robiano 2009.
destruction of the city’s pagan sites. The conversion. This oracle was, in fact, part of 10
Theodore Anagnostes 1971, 107–8.
city’s (belated) conversion presents an an extensive corpus of pseudo-pagan 11
Malalas 1986, 8 (= 1.10).
impression of quiet continuity. Sources inscriptions that began to circulate circa 11
Kaldellis 2009, 47–53.
from around A.D. 500 recount that when 500 in support of Christianization (known
the temple was being converted, the today as the Tübingen Theosophy).
Christians found the text of an oracle that The Christian culture of the early
had been delivered to Jason and the Byzantine Empire did not establish itself
Argonauts about both the temple at by wiping out all traces of its predecessor.
Kyzikos and the Parthenon. When those Destruction and loss there certainly were,
temples were being built, the god Apollo but in myriad subtle ways Christian
was asked to whom they should be culture creatively established its own
dedicated. He answered that it did not “thereness” amid the monuments,
matter, as the temple would in time be traditions, and literature of classical
rededicated to Mary. It is said that this antiquity.
oracle was placed to the left of the door of
| 47 |
Eternity
EFTERPI MARKI
According to the apostle Paul, after the Nilotic landscapes. The thematic repertoire
M
y forebears, who came
from the Propontis in Asia first coming of the Messiah with his of paintings of the Elysian Fields, where
Incarnation and the Resurrection, his the deceased is frequently accompanied by
Minor, only came to an Second Coming is anticipated in the future, cupids, doves, garlands, peacocks, and roses,
understanding of eternity1 with the when “the Lord himself shall descend from and partakes of the funerary banquet held
heaven with a shout, with the voice of the in his honor, would be adopted by
help of the priests of the Ecumenical
archangel, and with the trump of God, and Christian art starting in the fourth
Patriarchate, whose sacerdotal duties the dead in Christ shall rise first. Then we century, with depictions on the walls of
included preparing Christians for the which are alive and remain shall be caught catacombs and tombs of cupids, funerary
up together with them in the clouds, to banquets, and birds or animals against a
long-awaited coming of the Savior. It
meet the Lord in the air, and so behold, I blooming background set amid trees,
passed to me through my aunt, who shew you a mystery; we shall not all sleep, baskets, plants, and vases.
during my childhood often referred but we shall all be changed, shall we ever A second way of depicting eternity
be with the Lord.”2 Another passage in 1 began to appear in the fifth century. Now
to Paradise and the other life, but
Corinthians3 states “Behold, I shew you a Christ reappears in triumph on the day of
never to Hell. She used to tell me mystery; we shall not all sleep, but we shall the Second Coming6 (the Rotunda and
that when the Second Coming all be changed, in a moment, in the Hosios David in Thessaloniki, figs. 24–25).
twinkling of an eye, at the last trump: for In tomb painting eternal life and the
arrives and the Lord appears in
the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall bliss of Paradise were rendered
heaven in all His glory, we will arise be raised incorruptible, and we shall be symbolically with scenes of gardens7
and be judged for our deeds. If the changed.” One gathers from the texts of the bordered by closure panels. Within a field
letters that the life of Christians, which is normally strewn with flowers and fruits
Lord judges that we were just and interrupted by death when the soul is are vases framed by birds, fountains
good Christians while we lived, then separated from the body, will continue after spilling forth the life-giving water of
we will go to Paradise and dwell death in the beyond,4 when body and soul baptism,8 vines laden with grapes,9 trees,
are reunited upon the resurrection of the and baskets with flowers and fruits.
there for all eternity near to God. dead. Peacocks, doves, partridges, pheasants, and
Those deemed worthy of eternal life The Second Coming of Christ will be other birds sometimes face each other,
will live without pain and suffering, followed by the judgment of man’s earthly sometimes peck at their food. The animals
deeds and his consignment to Paradise or and birds, symbols of the souls of the
and enjoy the kingdom of God in a Hell. Those who have performed good deceased, enjoy a state of carefree bliss,
beautiful garden beneath the shade deeds during their earthly life will win refresh themselves by drinking from vases,
immortality and eternity, i.e. existence or feed in a space characterized by peace
of trees, accompanied by the singing
without beginning or end near to God, and plenty.
of birds. where there will be no pain, a state A comparable repertoire hinting at
It was through this almost described in the Greek Orthodox funeral Paradise as a place of rest is found in the
service with the phrase “from where pain funerary painting of Thessaloniki until the
fairytale-like narrative that the
and sorrow and mourning are fled away.” fifth century, when the Church appears to
theological concept of eternity and From an early date Christian art have imposed the presence of the cross,
belief in eternal life passed from included eternity in its thematic repertoire, which would predominate throughout the
and treated it in one of two ways. In the sixth and seventh centuries. The cross is
generation to generation down to
first, it depicted Paradise symbolically and initially (4th–6th centuries) pictured in
the twentieth century. implicitly. The subject was familiar in red and blue, later (6th–7th centuries)
Roman art from the depiction of gardens, brown and black, and stands in the center,
bucolic scenes, the Elysian Fields,5 and sometimes rayed and inscribed in a circle
| 48 |
Fig. 24 | Northeastern part of Rotunda dome, Thessaloniki, end of 4th century. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
of various colors and surrounded by plants Thessaloniki in preparation for the wedding by the symbols of the four evangelists, is
or trees, at others resting on open ground, of her son Valentinian III,14 depicts the seated on a multi-hued rainbow with the
framed by opposing animals or birds amid heavenly Church and the gathering of the four rivers of Eden flowing from beneath
lush vegetation. It is identified with the elect for the celebration of the Divine his feet (fig. 25). This depiction represents
Messiah and his triumphant arrival at the Liturgy,15 in the course of which a more doctrinaire Epiphany. It is
Second Coming, and serves as a symbol of participants receive Christ descended from connected with the Apocalypse of John17
victory over death. This is why it is heaven. There follows a zone from which and the text of the prophet Isaiah, which is
represented as rayed and accompanied by only the feet of 24 heavenly forms—angels16 related to the depiction of the ruined city
the letters ∞ø, referring both to the in all probability—are preserved, and in the behind the figure at the left, which has
Creator10 and to the Last Judgment. center of the dome, within a medallion held been identified as the prophet himself; the
I consider the most important scene of by four angels with open wings, there is a seated form at the right has been identified
the triumphant arrival of Christ at the depiction of a standing Christ holding a as John the Evangelist.18 The
Second Coming to be that of the cross in his left hand, his right hand in the representation at Hosios David comprises
Epiphany11 in the dome of the Rotunda in gesture of the Pantokrator. This a liturgical Epiphany, in which the earthly
Thessaloniki, and have chosen to comment monumental composition represents a Church is pictured allegorically in the
on it for that reason. It is organized in three unique vision of the Second Coming, the lower section and the heavenly Church
zones, the lowest separated into eight panels result of discussions between the sponsor, with Christ in Majesty above. As has been
arranged along an east-west axis and the artist, and the era’s most distinguished maintained, it seeks to stress the
indicating the Christian Church12 as well as theologians. importance of the mystagogy of the
the Heavenly Jerusalem (fig. 24).13 The Another important comparable Divine Liturgy, through which the earthly
entire composition, which in my view has representation, again in Thessaloniki, is and heavenly spheres are conjoined.19
rightly been linked to the sponsorship of that in the apse of Hosios David, where Scenes depicting the Preparation of the
Galla Placidia while she was residing in the image of Christ in Majesty, supported Throne also suggest the Second Coming
| 49 |
Fig. 25 | Mosaic from the sanctuary
apse, Hosios David, Monastery of
Latomou, Thessaloniki, end of 5th
century. Photo: Photographic Archive
of Emporiki Bank/M. Vernardos.
in accordance with the text of Matthew: Gospels (fig. 26). In the representation tradition the vine suggests Dionysian bliss following
death, while in the Christian tradition it suggests the
“When the Son of man shall come in his from Louloudies, both decoration and Divine Eucharist.
glory, and all the holy angels with him, inscription suggest the salvation Christ 10
Marki 2006, 185.
11
van der Meer 1938, 43.
then shall he sit upon the throne of his ensures, and the owner of the tomb’s wish25 12
A. Grabar 1967, 59–81.
glory.”20 to gain a place in Paradise. 13
Kühnel 1987, 61; Rossi and Rovetta 1983, 81–83; and
The vision of the arrival of Christ at rki Torp 2002, 6.
14
Mentzos 2001–2, 67.
the Second Coming, pictured in 15
Δorp 2002, 14.
exceptional fashion on the above- 16
M. Sotiriou 1970–72, 191.
mentioned Thessalonian monuments, was
1
On the etymology of the word, see Hanson 1875. 17
Ghioles 2004–6, 217.
2
1 Thessalonians 4:15–18. 18
Ibid, 213, 215.
transformed in the eleventh century in the 3
1 Corinthians 15:51–52. 19
Ibid, 220.
narthex of Panagia ton Chalkeon21 into a 4
Lekatsas 2008. 20
Matthew 25:31.
5
Bisconti 1998, 40.
representation of the final judgment, 6
Spieser 1984, 157.
21
22
Evangelidis 1954; Tsitouridou 1985, 49–55.
Ghioles 2002, 46.
characterized by a strict hierarchy. Here 7
On the depiction of paradise, see Bisconti 1990, 25–28. 23
Marki 1997, 22.
we see both the coming of Christ and the 8
Velmans 1969, 39–40. 24
Kiourtzian 1997, 31–39.
9
According to D. Pallas (1969, 129–30), in the pagan 25
∫iourtzian 1997, 31.
judgment of mankind,22 with the
illustration of Hell as a new element.
However, in my view the clearest
illustration of the Christian concept of
eternity is provided by the decoration of a
tomb dating to the second half of the sixth
century from the episcopal complex at
Louloudies Kitrous.23 In the center of the
west wall is a triumphal red cross
surrounded by plants and partridges,
accompanied by an inscription drawn from
Psalm 132: “This is my rest forever; here
will I dwell, for I have desired it,”24 a phrase
referring to the belief in the cessation of
man’s sufferings after death and eternal rest Fig. 26 | Tomb decoration
near God, which is gained through the from the episcopal complex
in Louloudies of Kitros,
choice of Christianity and a life lived in 5th–6th century. Drawing by
accordance with the teachings of the George Miltsakakis.
| 50 |
he veiled female stands with her
1. Statuettes of Deities from
a Late Roman House,
1A. Statuette of Europa
Tweight on her left leg, her right leg
bent with the foot extended and turned
from the Panagia Field Athenian workshop, 1st or early
out slightly. Her head is turned three-
domus, Ancient Corinth 2nd century
quarters to left, her left forearm extended
Marble
three-quarters to side, her right arm
H. 13 ⅝ in. (34.5 cm); H. of figure 12 ⅜ in.
his unique group of sculptures was
T
originally folded against her breast. She
(31.4 cm)
discovered in a large urban house wears her hair parted in the middle, with
Condition: three joining fragments;
(domus) close to the forum of Corinth. wavy locks descending to her ears, and the
complete, missing the left hand and some
Judging from the painted decoration on its chips; drill used to create deep space
mass of a bun indicated under mantle at
walls, the small room where they were between the sides of the face and veil, also the back. A few incised lines indicate
found may have been the household possibly for folds in the veil, corners of the strands. She has an oval face, low
shrine. The domus was built in the early mouth; the surfaces of plinth lightly polished triangular forehead, straight brow ridge,
fourth century and burned down toward Ancient Corinth, Archaeological Museum of horizontal and shallow eyes, a straight
the end of the same century. Ancient Corinth, inv. no. S-1999-004 nose, and a small mouth. She wears a
The fourth century was the beginning chiton, fine folds of which are visible over
of a period of transition between the her ankles and feet; over this a long mantle
worship of Hellenic deities and pulled up to cover the top of head and her
Christianity. In Corinth, this transition body to above her ankles.
seems to have lasted well into the sixth The identification of this figure as
century, when large basilica churches, with Europa is suggested by a statuette of the
generous space for catechumens and large same type in New York carrying the
baptisteries, were constructed.1 The inscription ∂Àƒø¶∏ on the base (ªª∞
Hellenic deities represented in the domus 24.97.31). The prototype for the type dates
reflect the religious preferences of a to the second quarter of the fifth century
wealthy pagan Corinthian household in a B.C. It is a widespread subject in Roman
period when the administration was sculpture, with more than thirty known
increasingly prohibitive of such things. examples, including three others at
The two figures of Asklepios and the Corinth. Although Europa is usually
Europa reflect aspects of divinities relevant associated with Crete, she also has strong
to the immediate region, whereas the Peloponnesian links inasmuch as,
Roma refers to the capital of the Roman according to the lyric poet Praxilla of
Empire. Although several pieces were Sikyon (5th century B.C.), Europa was the
antiques, the larger Artemis, the Roma, mother of Karneios. East of Corinth there
and the larger Asklepios may have been is a district which in antiquity and still
new acquisitions. today is called Kraneion—the transposition
of the r and a in its spelling is not an
unusual one. Furthermore, Europa is
1
On Corinth see Athanassoulis 2013b.
associated with the Helloteia, a festival for
Hellotis, who was a daughter of King
Timander of Corinth.
Literature: Ridgway 1970, 65–67; Sanders 2005, 420–29;

Stirling 2008, 93–95, figs 1, 3; New York 2011, no. 2g
(G. Sanders).
1A
| 51 |
to finished edge. The head was originally central groove, top rasped. The high-
socketed into a torso; the sides and backed throne, its back side incised in
underside of tenon worked with point. squares, has projecting wings, elaborate
Coarse rasp work on underside of chin lyre-shaped legs with three groups of
and side of neck. double volutes; the figure is seated on a
cushion. A large snake is coiled against
the right side of the throne, its head
Literature: Sanders 2005, 420–29; Stirling 2008, 95–97, originally under Asklepios’s right hand.
figs 1, 4; New York 2011, no. 2f (G. Sanders).
Asklepios enthroned is often considered
to represent the chryselephantine cult
image of the god made by Thrasymedes of
Paros for the temple at Epidaurus
described by Pausanias (2.27.2). An
1C. Statuette of Asklepios Epidaurian coin of the second half of the
Enthroned fourth century B.C. is thought to represent
this statue, which, like the Panagia
Athenian workshop, second half of statuette, shows the god holding a staff in
1B 2nd century his left arm and reaching out with his
Marble right hand to a coiled snake. The white
1B. Statuette of Pan H. 16 ⅝ in. (42.3 cm); H. of figure 13 ¾ in. marble and gilded surfaces of the Panagia
(34.8 cm)
Athenian workshop, 2nd century (?) Condition: numerous joining fragments:
Marble figure complete except for right hand, left
H. 5 ⅝ in. (14.4 cm) forearm and hand; throne missing most
of back left leg, small parts front legs,
Condition: the head intact except for the
cross straps of seat; upper part of
very tip of the nose; the surface heavily
snake and head missing. The figure
blackened; crack through bridge of nose to
is highly polished; red adhesive for
left side of head; chip in chin
gilding preserved on hair, fillet
Ancient Corinth, Archaeological Museum of reserved, mustache and beard,
Ancient Corinth, S-1999-014 pupils; borders of himation; outline on
volutes of throne and snake
Ancient Corinth, Archaeological
he head of youthful male turned
Tsharply to right and possibly tilted
Museum of Ancient Corinth, inv. no.
S-1999-008
down somewhat. His hair is short with a
central part, loose curls curling back from
sklepios is seated on a
forehead or downward; a vestigial fillet
circles the head and indents the hair, short Athrone, leaning forward with
flatter curling locks over the crown and his head turned slightly to the
back of the head, separated by drill proper right. He wears a plain
channels. Two protuberances project from round wreath, his hair parted in
above center of forehead (horns?). the middle with short curls to
Triangular forehead with pronounced either side, lengthening around
crease, projecting brows, deep-set large eyes his face to his shoulders;
with heavy upper and thin lower lids, wears a mustache and
with small drilled holes at inner corners; curly beard; his himation
straight nose with flaring nostrils; short hangs vertically from his
dimpled upper lip, lips parted by drill left shoulder and upper
channel, deep dimple below lower lip, arm with zigzag border
pronounced chin; high-boned cheeks, and V-shape folds. His
flattening toward the mouth; ears partly elaborate network sandals
covered by hair, summarily rendered. tie above the ankle. His
Short neck with adam’s apple, curving out feet rest on large footstool
1C
with squat animal feet and
| 52 |
statuette are suggestive of an ivory and
gold prototype, and it may well be a “copy”
of the image at nearby Epidauros.
Literature: LIMC II, 1984, 874, no. 84, pl. 641, 871–72,
nos. 44–51, pls. 636, 637, s.v. “Asklepios” (B.
Holtzmann); Richter 1966, 23–28, fig. 116; Sanders
2005, 420–29; Stirling 2008, 97–101, figs 1, 5–7; New
York 2011, no. 2c (G. Sanders).
1D. Statuette of Roma
Athenian workshop, mid-3rd century

or later
Marble
H. 23 ¼ in. (59.2 cm); H. of figure 21 ⅜ in.
(54.2 cm)
Condition: many joining fragments,
essentially complete, though missing several
details; left wrist badly burnt; whole surface
polished; red adhesive for gold leaf, of
which traces are still visible on hair,
eyebrows, pupils, drapery borders
Ancient Corinth, Archaeological Museum of
Ancient Corinth, inv. no. S-1999-007
he statuette presents a seated female

T figure about one-third life size. She
wears a Corinthian helmet with a triple
crest, each a plain brush with a groove 1D
down the top, the central crest higher

than others, the cheek pieces up. Her long
wavy locks are pulled back from her face,
with curly locks over either shoulder. The A baldric hangs from her right shoulder, and appears in the east only at
face is asymmetrical, oval with a low sword at left side. There is a drilled hole in Aphrodisias, Corinth, and perhaps
brow, long incised eyebrows, and close-set her right palm, where a metal (?) patera Nikopolis. A seated female in Amazonian
eyes with a groove beneath the brow. was originally attached. The figure sits on dress from the pediment of Temple E
Drilled nostrils and a small bow-shaped a stool with a plump pillow, four animal (Temple of Octavia?) at Corinth is also
mouth with drilled corners. She is semi legs, and a heavy rectangular support thought to represent Roma.
draped with a peplos with long overfold, under the seat.
pinned at the left shoulder, leaving her This image of Roma is typical of her
right breast bare. Over this a mantle portrayal on coinage of the eastern Literature: Sanders 2005, 420–29, fig. 16.4; Stirling
hangs over her left shoulder in front, provinces of the empire. She resembles 2008, 108–13, figs 1, 14–15; New York 2011, no. 2d
(G. Sanders).
falling in back in a mass of stacked Athena Parthenos, but her clothing
V-shaped folds down the left side, with identifies her as belonging to the “draped
catenaries across the back. It is pulled Amazon Roma” type wearing a hunting
across her lap in front, and hangs in a chiton and high boots with one breast
mass of zigzag folds between her legs. She exposed. In sculpture this type is more
wears boots with a roll at the top. typical of the western Roman provinces
| 53 |
below the hair, and the round neck has a
1F. Statuette of Dionysos
Venus-ring at the lower break.
This head of Artemis is one of ten
and Panther
fragments preserved of the original
statuette. These include the base, both feet, Athenian workshop, mid-3rd century
or later
the left leg, the lower arms, and pieces of
drapery, indicating that she is an Artemis Marble
of the Rospigliosi type, similar to a smaller H. 13 ⅜ in. (34.1 cm)

Artemis in the same assemblage (not on Condition: numerous joining fragments,
display). A curving strut on the right arm complete except for the right arm below the
deltoid, the left elbow, most of left hand,
suggests that Artemis may have been
the muzzle of the panther, and various
portrayed with both arms outstretched,
chips. The plinth is roughly rectangular,
holding a bow and arrow. It probably thicker at the back than the front, the top
resembled a late fourth-century statuette roughly picked, the front worked with rasp,
of Diana found in the Roman villa of sides with point, back with long oblique
Petit-Corbin at Saint-Georges-de- strokes of point. Dionysos’s skin is lightly
Montagne in the Gironde, France. A polished; drills used in corners of eyes, ear,
1E Diana from the sanctuary of Jupiter behind long locks, outlining features on tree,
and separating forelegs from background;
Doliochenus on the Aventine has a
1E. Statuette of Artemis similar configuration.
flat chisel on tree. Red paint in hair
Athenian workshop, mid-3rd century
or later Literature: LIMC II, 1984, 838, no. 338, pls. 621 and
Marble 850, no. 376, pl. 625, s.v. “Artemis/Diana” (E.
Simon and G. Bauchhenss); Sanders 2005, 420–
H. 4 ¾ in. (12.1 cm) 29; Stirling 2005, 31–34, figs. 4–7; Stirling 2008,
Condition: a single fragment, the head and 30–31, 113–19, figs. 1, 17–19; New York 2011,
most of the neck complete; the top of the no. 2a (G. Sanders).
hair and topknot burned. All skin surfaces

polished. Red adhesive for gilding of the
hair, spots of which are preserved, leaving a
reserve band for the fillet. The eyebrows
and irises also have red adhesive
roughly one-third life-size head of a

A female, turned toward the right and
back. Her long hair, bound by plain fillet,
is pulled back from her face in wavy locks,
rendered by parallel incised lines over the
crown of her head and folded into a
chignon at the back, with tresses hanging
below it, and into a topknot above her
forehead. The oval face features a low
sloping brow and long incised eyebrows
with eyes set just below. Long incised
lines articulate their upper lids, grooves
surround the eyeball, and there are deep
drill holes at the inner corners. The
straight nose flares at the tip. The lips of
the small, pursed mouth are separated by a 1F
drilled channel and its corners are drilled.
The chin is rounded, earlobes project
| 54 |
ionysos stands with his weight on preserves the right hand of Asklepios
Dhis left leg, his left hip thrust out, his 1G. Statuette of Asklepios
and Telesphoros
holding an egg and the head of the snake.
right leg flexed, foot back and turned out, The two-dimensionality, flat surfaces, and
heel raised. He wears a red-painted fawn surface treatment are all suggestive of
skin (nebris) diagonally from his right Athenian workshop, 3rd or 4th century Roman and Late Roman ivory carving.
shoulder across his chest to his waist, with Marble The pose is a version of the Asklepios
the legs hanging down over his hips. His H. 8 ⅛ in. (20.7 cm); H. of figure 7 ⁷⁄₁₆ in. Giustini attested in several other examples
head is turned three-quarters to the right, (18.9 cm) at Corinth. When Telesphoros
shoulders level, his right arm at his side, Condition: six joining fragments, complete accompanies Asklepios, the latter is
his left resting on the tree support, the except for right lower arm, staff, possible frequently portrayed in this pose. This
support by right side; some surfaces
hand flexed. His long hair is pulled back version of the Asklepios Giustini emerged
blackened by fire. The plinth has vertical
into a knot at nape of his neck, bound by faces, curved across front, flaring on the
in the second half of the second century
a strophion, with large wavy clumps (a right side, straight on the back and left side. and is typically found in the eastern
wreath?) framing his face; long locks hang The hair and beard of Asklepios have red Mediterranean.
over and along either shoulder. His face is pigment with traces of preserved gilding
heart-shaped, with a broad low forehead, Ancient Corinth, Archaeological Museum of GUY D. R. SANDERS
sharp brows, long narrow, horizontal eyes Ancient Corinth, inv. no. S-1999-012
with very heavy upper lids, a straight nose, Literature: Grimm 1989, 170; Sirano 1994, 218; Sanders
flaring nostrils, a small mouth tilted up to 2005, 420–29; Stirling 2008, 122–126, figs. 1, 23–25;
New York 2011, no. 2b (G. Sanders).
sklepios stands with his weight on his
the right, with lips together, and pointed
chin. His soft youthful body is nude A left leg, his right leg bent but with the
except for the painted fawn skin, with foot on same plane as his left. His head and
sloping shoulders, chest thrown forward, upper torso twist somewhat to right, his
small pectorals, and long slender legs. He arms at his side, the left one bent. He wears
wears half-boots with folded flaps, toes a thick fillet with diagonal incisions around
exposed; a rectangular strut at the top of his head. His hair is neck-length, with
the right hip and thigh anchor the right thick curly locks framing his face to
arm and hand. The left forearm rests on below his ears; over the crown is a central
the tree, covered with drapery and a incised part with cross lines for locks. He
clump of grapes and ivy at mid-height, all has a low, sloping brow with incised line,
painted red. The missing upper right arm horizontal shallow-set eyes, a short nose,
hung apart and parallel to the body. In his and mouth framed by mustache and
right hand Dionysos holds a kantharos short beard. A single long lock—or tail
from which he pours wine. To the right is of the fillet—falls over either shoulder. He
a crouching panther with right foreleg is semi draped in a cloak that hangs
raised, head tilted up, ill-defined vertically from his left shoulder to cover
hindquarters. his left arm, wraps around his torso just
This languorous Dionysos does not below the pectorals, with a twisted and
conform to any particular type in the large gathered hem passing over his left arm (not
and varied iconography of the god, rendered), then falls down the left side in a
although aspects have parallels in other series of stacked V-shape folds. A slender,
representations. Dionysos also has no knotted staff is tucked under his right
known special association with Corinth, shoulder and rests on the ground by
although Pausanias mentions two gilded his right foot, with coils of a
wooden statues of him in the forum. snake wrapped around the
lower part. Standing beside
Asklepios is baby
Literature: LIMC III, 1986, 435–36, nos. 119–124; Telesphoros, frontal with
Sanders 2005, 420–29, s.v. “Dionysos” (C. Gaspari,
A. Veneri); Stirling 2008, 119–22, figs. 1, 20–22; both arms bent, wearing a
New York 2011, no. 2e (G. Sanders). mantle over his head that
covers his whole body
A separate, non-joining 1G
fragment of the statuette
| 55 |
2. Bust of Isvardia and several statuettes and portraits of 1
Rome 2000a, 452, no. 40 (A. Carignani); Bergmann
2000, 541, no. 187.
deities.10 Accordingly, the bust of the 2
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 28; Schade 2003, 194–96.
priestess Isvardia could have once 3
Fejfer 2008, 345.
Asia Minor workshop, circa mid- 4th 4
Bald Romano 2006, 219.
decorated the Late Roman villa of a pagan
century 5
Fishwick 1991, 481.
aristocrat in Smyrna. 6
Price 1984, 129, 258.
Parian marble
Either way, this bust of a priestess 7
Bergmann 2005, 157.
H. 28 in. (71 cm) 8
Kiilerich 2011, 367–69.
testifies to the survival of pagan worship in 9
Bergmann 2000, 168–71.
Inscription: πCμ∞ƒ¢π∞ (Isvardia) the late fourth century. 10
Ensoli 2000, 279–82.
Condition: good, arms chipped
Provenance: Smyrna, Asia Minor ANNA PIANALTO
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum,
inv. no. μÃª 18
Literature: Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 28, no. 14. 3. Bust of a Lady
he woman in this bust with an From an Asia Minor workshop, possibly in

T integral cylindrical base wears a chiton Aphrodisias, circa 410
White Phrygian (Dokimion) marble
and a himation, which covers her head
and is topped by a wreath. Her features, H. 22 in. (56 cm), W. 13 ⅜ in. (34 cm);
notably the eyes with engraved pupils, the H. of head 8 ⅝ in. (22 cm)
band-shaped eyebrows, the protruding Condition: excellent; modern chips on the
chin, and the small, closed mouth date the garment’s folds and neck, older chips on
nose and lower lip. The ellipsoid bust has an
sculpture to the last years of the
integral support ending in a small plinth,
Constantinian dynasty.1 Part of a support which allows the bust to stand upright
is preserved on the left shoulder.2 when placed on a flat surface. Because the
Although she is identified in the mortice of a collonette would not have
inscription as Isvardia, there is no provided a safe support, however, the
historical figure associated with the name. bust’s tenon was probably placed in
Features like her peplos3 and the twisted a mortice inside a niche, where it
would not have been visible,
woolen band (infula) that priests usually
with the bust projecting slightly
wore around their heads identify her as a
out of the niche
priestess.4 Also, she wears a wreath of bay
Provenance: Chania (ancient
leaves, which according to written sources Kydonia)
was associated with the imperial cult.5 The
Chania, Archaeological
cult was widespread in Asia Minor, and Museum, inv. no. § 3176
the city of Smyrna was one of its most
important centers, with many temples
dedicated to emperors.6 Isbardia was ortrait bust of a lady with
therefore probably a priestess in such a
temple.
P an elaborate hairdo and
aristocratic beauty in her prime
Female statues and busts are rare (approximately 25–30 years old).
compared to those of prominent men, which She is depicted frontally, her neck
often decorated Late Antique cities.7 Since slightly turned toward the right.
women could not hold public office, only Above her forehead and temples is a
honorary statues of patronesses or priestesses band of twenty-two ellipsoid
could be placed in a city’s public spaces. depressions (schematically rendered
However, a bust could also have been curls), each with two or three horizontal
intended for a private space.8 Numerous grooves. Above the band, four braids are
marble portraits of deities and private wrapped around her head. The ovoid face
individuals decorated the large Late is distinguished by a tall forehead,
Roman villas owned by prominent pagans, almond-shaped eyes, small, fleshy lips, and
such as those at Chiragan in France9 or on a powerful chin. The irises were inlaid
the Esquiline in Rome. The latter included with rose-colored glass paste, traces of
a private shrine decorated with a statue 2 which are preserved. The earlobes are
| 56 |
schematically rendered. A heavy himation is
draped around her neck and shoulder in
elaborate folds, revealing a fine chiton. The
left shoulder is partially rendered.
This portrait is distinguished by the
spirituality of its features and by the high
classicizing style, particularly in the
garment folds. It was intended to decorate
a niche, probably in a private house, as
suggested by its structural features, roughly
hewn rear side, and only partially finished
left shoulder.
The bust was discovered in 1982 in a
non-stratified fill, which provided no
secure dating evidence. Although
excavation showed that the area where the
sculpture was found was occupied for a
long time in several consecutive phases
from the Roman period to the fourth—
fifth century, the portrait could not be
associated with any particular phase.1 The
excavated area is in the modern settlement
of Nea Chora in Chania, which
corresponds to the westernmost sector of
ancient Kydonia, a particularly wealthy
and populous area in the Greco-Roman
period.2 The luxurious houses of Kydonia
have been identified at the center of
modern Chania and in this area.3
The bust has been variously dated from 3
the second to the fourth centuries.4 A
recent detailed study proposes a later date Kydonia), since reliable written sources are Literature: Markoulaki 1982, 376–77, pl. 265; Stavridis
1985, 105–10; Frangakis 2011, 344–65.
in the reign of Theodosios II (c. 410).5 lacking. Excavations present a picture of
This date is based on stylistic similarities general demise. However, relations 1
Markoulaki 1982, 376–77.
between this portrait and both the head of between the island and Constantinople 2
Scattered shops, workshops, and houses have been
excavated within a range of 200–300 meters,
the statue of Valentinian II in were probably strengthened when the including a wine amphora worshop (Limantzaki 2009,
Constantinople and the head of diocese of Illyricum, which included Crete, 186) and a murex dye production workshop (Tsingou
Theodosios II in the Louvre.6 The Chania became part of the Eastern Empire in 3
2009, 196).
This is suggested by the Roman domus with mosaic
portrait is attributed to an Asia Minor approximately 395. A little later, after floors excavated to the east of and near the bust’s
workshop, specifically in Aphrodisias, another powerful earthquake, Emperor findspot, see Markoulaki 1998, 862–64, pl. 380.
4
Stavridis 1985, 108, pl. 13.
where the statue of Valentinian II Theodosios II (408–50) hastened to 5
See Frangakis 2011, 355, 359–60.
originated.7 relieve the island with significant material 6
The first dates to 390, the second to 414; see De’
If correct, the attribution of this assistance.10 Finished architectural Maffei 1988, 80–81 and 120–24.
7
Frangakis (2011, 361) does not exclude the possibility
portrait to the early fifth century8 sheds sculptures, such as marble capitals and that the Chania portrait was manufactured by a
light on and raises questions about a little- slabs, were imported into western Crete migrant sculptor from Aphrodisias.
known period for Crete, the decades directly from Constantinople in the fifth 8
Written sources mention Kydonia as a metropolitan
seat in the mid-fourth century. The city’s thriving
following the massive earthquake of 365, and sixth centuries,11 which could explain Christian community made use of the Early Christian
the greatest natural disaster in Crete’s the presence of this exquisite bust from an basilica excavated at Kasteli, Chania, in 1990; see
history9 (see cat. no. 15). Little is known of Asia Minor workshop at Chania. 9
Andrianakis 1997, 14–15.
Approximately 8.5 on the Richter scale; see Stiros et al.
the populace’s living conditions after the 2004, 427–44.
earthquake, their economic and social life, KATERINA TZANAKAKI 10
Tsougarakis 1987, 333–35, 339.
11
Tsigonaki 2004, 1147–59.
or construction and general cultural
development in the Chania region (ancient
| 57 |
4. Bust of an Elderly Man philosophical system developed in the of Plato’s Academy, on the north slope of
Early Byzantine period by the followers of the Areopagus, and of Proklos at the south
Plotinos (205–270), whose main foot of the Acropolis (cat. no. 14)
Attic workshop, second half of the
inspiration was Plato. It is probably safe to date the bust to
5th century
Stylistically, the bust belongs to the so- the fifth century, although an early sixth-
H. 22 ¼ in. (56,5 cm), W. 8 ½ in. (21.5 cm)
called “Theodosian tradition,” which spread century date has also been suggested.3
Condition: right shoulder and forearm
in the East from the end of the fourth
reconstituted with plaster, nose missing,
face highly polished
century. According to J. Meischner, this ELENA VLACHOGIANNI
portrait is a Greek version of the type
Provenance: probably from Athens
represented by a portrait of Eutropios of
Athens, National Archaeological Museum,
Ephesus, which combines expression and Literature: von Sybel 1881, 115, no. 690; Kollwitz 1941,
inv. no. 423
introspection with the period’s 91, no. 18, 104, 125–27, pl. 41,1.2; E. Harrison 1953,
80, 81; Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1968, 32; Alföldi-Rosenbaum
conventional stereotypes.2 In fact, this is a 1972, 176, pl. 14c; Severin 1972, 61–62, 81, 82, 87,
peculiarity of the Athenian sculpture 167–68, no. 13; Datsouli-Stavridi 1981, 137–38, pl. 51d;
Goette 1990, 70, 147, no. E14, 153, no. L77, pl. 58,1;
he man wears a chiton (tunica) and
T himation (toga), the latter draped
workshop that produced this work. The
flowering of Athenian sculptural
Meischner 1991, 386, pl. 87,1; Rhomiopoulou 1997, 1,
32, no. 144; Kaltsas 2002, 373, no. 798; Johanning
diagonally under the right armpit and over production during this period was linked 2003, 135, 150; New York 2011, 97, no. 36 (N. Kaltsas).
the left shoulder, forming a flat fold over the to the city’s intense building activity, 1
For the first hypothesis, see Kollwitz 1941, 91, and
chest. He turns his head slightly toward the which focused on the establishment of Goette 1990, 70, 147, 153. For the second, see
left, his curved, rounded forehead furrowed philosophical schools inside the luxurious Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1968, 32, and Alföldi-Rosenbaum
1972, 176.
by shallow wrinkles. His strongly houses of rhetors (sophists) and 2
Meischner 1991, 386.
protruding eyes are wide open; together philosophers (followers of Neoplatonism) 3
Goette 1990, 70 (5th–6th century); Johanning 2003,
with the well-defined raised eyelids they such as those of Damaskios, last scholarch 150 (circa 500).
make his gaze seem ecstatic. The irises are

carved in the shape of three-quarters of a
circle; the pupils are flat and shield-shaped.
Engraved diagonal lines denote the
eyebrows, forming raised arches that follow
the shape of the eyelids. The hair falls in a
neat tongue-like tuft on the forehead,
whereas more irregular, tasseled tufts form
at the temples, where traces of drilling are
visible. A rich, voluminous beard covers
the lower part of the face below the
protruding cheekbones. A horizontal slit
describes the mouth under the heavy
mustache that completely covers the lips.
The relatively large ears are an
individualized feature.
Details of the object’s back—specifically
the absence of the central tenon that was
customary on busts—suggest that it was
originally part of a full-figure statue,
though it has also been suggested that the
tenon was removed at a more recent date.1
The face exudes serenity and
spirituality, almost dematerialization—all
characteristic features of Early Byzantine
abstraction. This bust is considered the
portrait of a senator or government official
that follows the iconographic model of the
philosopher, given the popularity of
Neoplatonism during that period, the 4
| 58 |
5. Portrait of a Priest priest.1 A philosopher and soldier, the last
pagan emperor and reigning member of
the dynasty of Constantine I (306–37),
Athens, late 4th century
Julian, the so-called “Apostate,” sought to
Pentelic marble
revive paganism against Christianity
H. 17 ⅛ in. (43.5 cm), W. 8 ½ in. (21.6 cm)
during his short reign, and held office as
Condition: almost complete; left half of nose high priest. Julian’s iconography, however,
and upper right part of diadem missing;
is problematic, as are the identification and
small fragment restored at top of nose;
chips and scratches on hair, diadem,
date of his alleged portraits.
forehead, mouth, and neck; interspersed The head is dated to the last decade of
brown concretions throughout the fourth century on the basis of its
Provenance: Athens, Monastiraki, built into stylistic features.2 It is a typical classicizing
the wall above the door of a private house work of the early Theodosian period,
and taken to the National Archaeological which corresponds to the reign of
Museum c. 1900 Theodosios I (379–95) and his successor
Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Arkadios (395–408). The portrait belongs
inv. no. ° 2006 to the so-called “courtier-academic,”
“beautiful,” or “fine” iconographic type, one
distinguished by both an abstract
his head is slightly larger than life. A
Ttenon, roughly hewn with the pointed sculptural language that uses simple
geometric motifs for the outlines and
chisel, projects from the neck for socketing internal structure of portraits and presents
the head on the body of a statue of a man a balanced relation between the
wearing a himation. There is visible rasp proportions of the different elements. The
work on the face and neck. The back and portraits of this group combine a high 5
top of the head are coarsely hewn, since degree of refinement and elegance with an
they were not intended to be visible. A impersonal coldness. of Hadrian, part of which is still visible in
rectangular section of the diadem on the Stylistically, this head recalls the relief the area, would have been ideal for
rear was left smooth, without the relief figures on the base of the obelisk of housing such a statue. The slightly larger-
lozenge-shaped ornament. Theodosios I in Constantinople (390/5)3 than-life size suggests that the statue was
The head belongs to a mature bearded and several Hermaic stelae from the placed at a distance from the viewer,
man with a tall diadem and a wide band Welschbillig Collection,4 all representative possibly in an elevated niche, as the
in his hair, the band tied at the back, its of early Theodosian courtly art. A similar roughly hewn back surface indicates.
ends hanging loosely at the nape. The diadem is featured on a priest’s portrait,
imposing diadem is in fact a laurel wreath, now in the Dresden Museum,5 and on EVRIDIKI LEKA
its leaves rendered schematically as relief another from Corinth,6 where the band
lozenges. The thick hair is divided into and bay leaves are rendered in a more
Literature: Kastriotis 1908, 349–50, no. 2006; Kastriotis
regular crescent-shaped curls and forms a naturalistic manner. In these portraits the 1923; Papaspiridi 1927, 100, no. 2006; Lévêque 1960,
symmetrical, wavy line across the forehead diadem, hair, and beard dominate the 112–13, fig. 9; Vermeule 1968, 356–57, 404–5;
and temples. Similar curls render the sides composition, and the facial features seem Datsouli-Stavridi 1985, 91–92, pl. 136; Meischner 1988,
19–28, figs. 1-2; Meischner 1990, 320, 322–24, fig. 12;
of the long, well-groomed beard, which weak. All the portrait’s elements serve its Rhomiopoulou 1997, no. 143; Kaltsas 2002, 373, no.
features finer wavy locks at the front. The priestly character and reflect the essence 800.
opulent hair and beard frame a long, and activity of the subject, who seems to 1
∫astriotis 1908, 349–50, no. 2006; Kastriotis 1923;
narrow, slightly wrinkly face with high, recede behind the statement of his priestly Lévêque 1960, 112–13, fig. 9; Vermeule 1968, 357,
flat cheekbones. The facial features office. 404–5; Datsouli-Stavridi 1985, 91–92.
2
Papaspiridi 1927, 100, no. 2006; Meischner 1988, with
(eyebrows, eyes, nose, and mouth) are This portrait revives the iconography earlier bibliography supporting this hypothesis;
small and fine, completely symmetrical and and style of both Antonine sculpture (96– Meischner 1990, 320, 322–24, fig. 12.
aligned, placed close to one another. 192) and classical types of the fifth and 3
Bruns 1935.
4
Wrede 1972.
The tall sacerdotal diadem and hair fourth centuries B.C., suggesting that the 5
Meischner 1988, figs. 3–4.
band identify the man as a priest, officer, sculptors of Late Roman Athens had not 6
F. Johnson 1931, 148–49, no. 321.
or even an emperor. One hypothesis is lost their creativity.
that the head represents Emperor Julian II The head was found at Monastiraki, in
(361–63) in the iconographic type of the the heart of Roman Athens. The Library
| 59 |
he head is turned slightly toward the West as much as in Greek territory.3
T right. The features of the ovoid face Apart from the damage along the
form a harmonious ensemble. The hair is central vertical axis, this head of Aphrodite
parted in the middle, its thick curls gently is in good condition. It might have been
framing the triangular forehead and used by Christians as the image of a saint
temples, and gathered in a bun at the nape. or even the Virgin. Ancient funerary stelai
A wide band holds the curls, which are were reused in the same manner: they were
rendered in low relief, at the top of the placed inside churches and venerated like
head. Below the curving eyebrows the eyes icons, as in the case of the classical Attic
with their slightly puffy lids occupy a long, stele of Phrasikleia, now in the National
narrow space. The lower part of the face is Archaeological Museum, which once stood
fleshier—the wide cheeks, tip of the nose, in the Church of the Megale Panagia
lips, and rounded chin. The long neck (built over the Library of Hadrian).4
features shallow grooves, so-called “Venus
rings.” MARIA SALTA
This head belonged to an oversize
6
statue of Aphrodite of the Aspremont-
Lynden/Arles type,1 known from several Literature: Collignon 1892, II, 270 1968, fig. 135;
Kastriotis 1900, 88–90, pl. 5; Karouzou 1968, 158, no.
preserved copies of a fourth-century B.C. 1762; Croissant 1971, 65–88, figs. 15–17; Vierneisel-
Praxitelian model of a dressed Aphrodite. Schlörb 1979, 341 n. 28; Delivorrias et al. 1984, 39, no.
261; Lauter 1988, 21–29, pls. 14–19; Delivorrias 1991,
Although the head is thought to represent
113–14, pl. 54d; Despinis 1994, 189 nn. 59–60, 196 n.
6. Head of Aphrodite the goddess, it has also been attributed to a 87; Corso 1997–98, 63–91; Kaltsas 2002, 244, no. 510;
statue of the courtesan Phryne owing to a Athens 2007b, 122–23, no. 25 (A. Corso); Paris 2007,
156–57, no. 27 (A. Pasquier); New York 2011, 148, no.
Attic workshop, 1st century, copy of certain individualization of the facial 115 (¡. Kaltsas); Athens 2011, 96, no. 208 (E.
a Praxitelian work of first half of 4th features. The statue was probably an Vlachogianni).
century B.C. offering to the sanctuary of Aphrodite and 1
This type is known from five copies and was named
Marble, possibly Parian (Marathi) Eros, located on the north slope of the after the head of the Trivulzio Collection, now in the
Max. H. 15 ¾ in. (40 cm) Acropolis. Aspremont-Lynden Collection, and a bust from the
Condition: the nose is broken, chips on the The cross on the forehead was probably theater of Arles, see Athens 2007b, 122, no. 25 (A.
Corso).
eyes, lips, and chin carved by Christians, who also damaged the 2
New York 2011, 148, no. 115 (N. Kaltsas).
Provenance: found in the Roman Agora of goddess’ eyes and mouth in a deliberate 3
Delivorrias 1991, 113–14, and 107–23 for a list of
similar cases; Krug 2008.
Athens, near the Clock of Andronikos effort to “close” the former and “silence” the 4
Inv. no. 831; Kaltsas 2002, 160, no. 316 (illus.);
Kyrrestos, in 1889 latter.2 The carving of a cross on ancient Despinis 1991–92, 57–70, especially 62–70, fig. 2.
Athens, National Archaeological Museum, statues is not always interpreted as an act of
inv. no. 1762 chasing away demons. Often these statues
were reused as expressions of a new
Christian content before their final
destruction. This practice occurred in the
| 60 |
7. Fragments of a Curved such as the ambo closure slab now in the 8. Table Support
Byzantine and Christian Museum (inv.
Frieze (Trapezophoron) with
no. μÃª 393, 5th–6th century),4
belonged to the Parthenon basilica, they
Orpheus Surrounded by
Attic workshop, end of 5th century
would greatly contribute to the dating of Animals and Birds
Pentelic marble the basilica itself.5 The Parthenon’s
A: 10 ¼ x 37 x 18 ¾ in (26 x 94 x 47.5 cm) conversion into a Christian church is an Asia Minor, 4th century
B: 10 ¼ x 14 ⅝ x 18 ⅛ in. (26 x 37 x 46 cm) example of the appropriation of an ancient White, coarse-grained marble with gray
C: 10 ¼ x 19 ¹¹⁄₁₆ x 18 ⅛ in. (26 x 50 x 46 cm)
pagan space and its adaptation to the veining, probably Prokonnesian; sculpted in
D: 10 ¼ x 26 ¾ x 18 ⅛ in. (26 x 68 x 46 cm) the round and in relief; limited use of drill
needs of the new religion. The memory of
Condition: good 42 ¾ x 19 ¼ x 6 ⅞ in. (108.5 x 49 x 17.5 cm)
the traditional cult of the goddess Athena
Provenance: Acropolis (probably from the
is reflected in the church’s dedication to Condition: very good
Christian church in the Parthenon)
the Virgin Atheniotissa.6 Provenance: Aigina
inv. no. BXM 394 a–d
ANNA PIANALTO inv. no. μÃª 1.
hese four fragments of a curved frieze

T are decorated with foliate scrolls
Literature: Pallas 1989, 38–40; Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999,
42; Pallas 2007, 188–89. O
rpheus sits against a tree trunk
playing his lyre. He wears a himation
interspersed alternately with five-leaf 1
Pallas 2007, 188–89. and Phrygian cap, which indicates his
palmettes and fleurs-de-lys and crowned 2
Pallas 1989, 38–40; Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 42. On Thracian origin. He is surrounded by
the Christian Parthenon, see Kaldellis 2009.
by a bead-and-reel motif and a Lesbian 3
animals and birds, both wild and tame,
Pallas 1957, 98.
kymation. Its motifs and style date the 4
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 63. real and imaginary: a giraffe, lions, an
sculpture to the end of the fifth century. 5
Ch. Bouras 2010, 134. elephant, a deer, wolves or dogs, a bear, a
6
Ghioles 2005, 56–57.
The carving is attributed to two different griffin, a sphinx, a monkey, an owl, a
craftsmen working in an Attic workshop.1 rooster, and peacocks. An eagle is standing
The fragments’ provenance from the on his head. More animals are depicted in
Acropolis and their curved shape have led low relief along the bottom: a wild boar, a
to the hypothesis that they belonged to the donkey, a ram, a snail, a tortoise, and a
interior decoration of the apse of the lizard. A scene of a lion killing a deer
Parthenon basilica.2 The apse of the decorates the integral base.1
Lechaion basilica at Corinth featured This sculpture is a trapezophoron, or
similar luxurious decoration consisting of a table leg, for a single-leg table,2 as suggested
curved frieze on contiguous demi- by the shallow mortice at the top of the
columns.3 “tree,” into which the tabletop’s tenon was
If it were proven that the Early inserted. Technical and stylistic features of
Christian sculptures from the Acropolis, the main figure and scene decorating the
| 61 |
base date this trapezophoron to the fourth Probably the work of itinerant craftsmen particularly in mosaics.8 The motif
century.3 from Nikomedeia working in the quarries acquired a Christian significance as an
This sculpture belongs to a large group of Prokonnesos,5 these trapezophora were allegory of Christ saving the souls of men
of table supports decorated with motifs widely distributed throughout the with his word, the Gospel,9 both in Early
that were popular in antiquity and that Mediterranean at the end of Late Christian patristic texts10 and in the wall
Christians invested with new allegorical Antiquity.6 paintings of the catacombs of Rome as
meanings, such as the calf- or ram-bearer, The motif of Orpheus playing his lyre, early as the late second century.11
who became an allegory for Christ the or kithara, and enchanting animals appears The motif is quite rare on
Good Shepherd, or Bellerophon, whose in ancient Greek art as early as the sixth trapezophora.12 Opinion differs regarding its
Christian equivalent was the dragon- century B.C.7 In the Roman period it was meaning on such objects. According to an
slaying saint (see cat. nos. 9, 11, 165).4 common throughout the Mediterranean, early hypothesis, the trapezophora of this
group belonged to funerary tables used for
the ritual of the Holy Eucharist,13 because
of the allegorical meaning attributed by
Christians to the mythological figures
depicted. Recently, it was suggested that
they decorated places of leisure and
pleasurable living, such as baths and
fountains, and that their mythological
figures did not necessarily have a Christian
meaning.14
The eagle sitting on Orpheus’ head on
the present trapezophoron is a symbolic
reference to Christ, however, as this bird
was one of the main symbols of the
resurrected and ascended Christ.15
Unfortunately, the lack of information
concerning the object’s discovery context
on the island of Aigina makes it
impossible to draw any secure conclusions.
It is unlikely that a trapezophoron with an
allegorical representation of Christ would
be placed in a recreation area, since the
figure would not be visible to visitors in
order to spread its message.16 The
trapezophoron of the Byzantine and
Christian Museum therefore probably
belonged to a single-leg table located in a
space associated with Christian worship.
TERPSICHORI-PATRICIA SKOTTI
Literature: Strzygowsky 1890, 98; G. Sotiriou 1915, 42,

fig. 5; Wulff 1918, 149, fig. 141; G. Sotiriou 1931, 34–
35; Leclercq 1936, cols. 2749–51; G. Sotiriou 1962,
149–52, fig. 90; M. Chatzidakis 1975, 334, fig. 2;
Vlachogianni-Dagkli 1975; Pallas 1975, 17–19, figs. 27–
28; Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, passim, pl. 107a;
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 26–27; Athens 2002a, 180–81,
no 47 (N. Dimitrakopoulou-Skyloyianni); Chalkia 2010,
54–56, 58.
1
Strzygowsky 1890, 105; G. Sotiriou 1962, 150.
2
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 22–23, 58–73.
3
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 26.
8 4
Lehmann-Hartleben 1923–24, 270–80.
| 62 |
5
6
Pensabene 2011, 57; see also cat. no 9. marble workshops in Asia Minor located iconographic theme popular since the
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 25–26, 76.
7
Ziegler 1972, 352. See also Schoeller 1969. near marble quarries and specializing in Archaic period, could also be allegorically
8
R. Harrison 1962, p. 13. the production of statues and architectural associated with the Christian parable of
9
Eusebios, “De Laudibus Constantini Oratio in ejus
sculptures.3 This particular group of Late Christ as a Good Shepherd (John 10:11)
Tricennalibus Habita”, PG 20, 1315–1440.
10
Leclercq 1936, cols. 2736–38. Roman table supports appears to be the and savior of the soul.
11
Wilpert 1903, 223–24, pls. 37, 98, 229; Stevenson product of itinerant craftsmen based in the According to the available archaeological
1978, 101.
12
Schoeller 1969, 29; Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 25–26,
city of Nikomedeia, but also working in evidence, only the table support from
69–70. the quarries located on the island of Thessaloniki (cat. no. 10), with a known
13
Lehmann-Hartleben 1923–24, 277–78. Prokonnesos, modern Marmara AdasÈ, in provenance from the city’s Christian and
14
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 205–6.
15
Schneider and Stemlinger 1950, 92; Pallas 1975;
the Sea of Marmara (Propontis) near pagan cemetery, can be identified as
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 26. Constantinople.4 The white marble of belonging to a funerary offering table.5 It is
16
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 205. Prokonnesos, one of the cheapest and most uncertain what kind of table the sculpture
widely distributed, was used primarily for in the Byzantine and Christian Museum
sarcophagi and architectural sculptures. supported, since there is no information
The motif of the Good Shepherd was concerning its discovery context in Corinth.
9. Table Support used in Late Antique sculpture primarily
on sarcophagi and table supports, since the ANNA PIANALTO
(Trapezophoron) with
shepherd, as guardian of the flock, an
the Good Shepherd
Literature: Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 25, no. 12.
1
Rome 2000a, 634 (Dimitrakopoulou-Skiloghianni).
Asia Minor workshop, first half of 4th 2
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 58–73.
century 3
Pensabene 2011, 37.
4
Ibid., 56–57; on this subject in general, see Ward-Perkins
Prokonnesian marble 1992, 61–105.
∏. 28 ⅜ in. (72 cm), base Diam. 11 ¼ in. 5
New York 2011, 151, no. 118 (D. Makropoulou).
(28.5 cm)
Condition: very good
Provenance: Ancient Corinth
inv. no. μÃª 2
he Good Shepherd of the Byzantine

T and Christian Museum is one of the
best-preserved examples of Early Christian
art. He appears as a child standing on an
integral Attic column base of a type
common in Late Antiquity, two small
rams at his feet.1 The details of the facial
features are carefully rendered: drilling was
used for the eyes, curly hair, ears, and
mouth. The garment was rendered in the
same manner: the chiton’s deep grooves,
the hide’s triangular ends, the strap
hanging from the right shoulder, the linear
decorative elements on the shoes.
This sculpture served as a base for a
console table, as indicated by a support in
the shape of a stylized tree on the back. It
belongs to a well-known category of Late
Antique table supports (trapezophora) with
examples dating from the third to the fifth 9
centuries.2 Recent research identified
| 63 |
10. Table Support Condition: very good; small losses from The figure of the ram-bearing youth
figure and upper part of stand; the abacus, was a popular decorative motif.
(Trapezophoron) with the rectangular marble plaque secured into
Originating in the iconographic type of
the Good Shepherd the shallow circular mortice on the top of
the Hermes Kriophoros, it developed into
the stand, is missing.
an allusion to a bucolic, peaceful, happy life
Probably Asia Minor workshop, mid-4th Provenance: Thessaloniki, Langada Street,
West Cemetery, “Axios” burial complex
for pagans and Christians alike. In the
century
third to fourth centuries, however, the
White, coarse-grained marble Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture,
inv. no. A° 2491
theme of the Good Shepherd acquired a
H. 37 ⅝ in. (95.5 cm); new Christian meaning as a symbol of
H. of figure 22 ⅝ in. (57.5 cm);
Christ as guide and savior of souls
base: H. 6 ⅞ in. (17.5 cm),
his was the support of a luxurious, according to the well-known parable from
L. 7 ½ in. (19 cm),
W. 6 ¾ in. (17 cm) T single-leg table, made of a single piece the New Testament, which speaks of the
rescue of the lost sheep. Invested with the
of marble. It consists of a cubic base with
oblique fascia, four small feet in the corners, same meaning, the figure of the Good
and a pillar-shaped stand with crowning Shepherd appears on sarcophagi of the
piece that ends in an oblique fascia. The third to fourth centuries and on wall
stand’s main side is decorated with a paintings in Rome’s catacombs. At
representation of the Good Shepherd, the Thessaloniki the theme of the Good
young shepherd carrying a ram on his Shepherd occurs in four third- to fourth-
shoulders, sculpted in the round. century tombs decorated with wall
The exquisitely carved shepherd is paintings depicting Old and New
shown frontally and in full figure. He Testament scenes.5
wears a short, sleeveless chiton, gathered at
the waist, and boots. His head, with short, ANTIGONI TZITZIBASSI
curly hair and expressive eyes, is turned
slightly toward the right. He holds the
Literature: London 2008, 378, no. 3 (A. Tzitzibassi); New
ram’s legs in his right hand and originally
York 2011, 151, no. 118 (D. Makropoulou).
held a staff, now lost, in his left. A dog
once lay at his feet. The table was 1
Makropoulou 2007, 66.
2
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 205.
originally placed against a wall, with the 3
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1985, 122–25, no. 27.
long side of the abacus touching it and the 4
Makropoulou 1990, 337.
decorated side facing the viewer. The back 5
Marki 2006, nos. 15, 49, 52, 89, figs. 3a, 6a, 7a–c.
of the support, which was not visible, is

flat and roughly hewn.
This table support was found in the
entrance to a monumental burial complex
consisting of nine vaulted chambers and
11. Table Support
dating to 350–400.1 The corresponding (Trapezophoron) with a
table was probably used by the deceased’s Group of Bellerophon,
relatives to hold vases and foodstuffs Pegasus, and Chimera
during funerary rituals. [Los Angeles only]
Marble table supports depicting the
Good Shepherd were manufactured in Asia Minor workshop, early 4th century
Asia Minor in the third to fourth Greyish-white marble (probably
centuries. The theme was apparently Prokonnesian)1
unknown to Attic workshops.2 Widely 47 ¼ x 30 in. (120 x 76 cm)
distributed in the Mediterranean, these Condition: rright arm and spear of
supports were used in both private and Bellerophon, legs of Pegasus (except left
public spaces. This is the third marble rear), and tail of Chimera missing; support
trapezophoron with the Good Shepherd under the horse’s legs restored
excavated so far in Thessaloniki,3 and the Provenance: Athens
only one from a cemetery with both pagan Athens, National Archaeological Museum,
10
and Christian burials.4 inv. no. 2706
| 64 |
his trapezophoron features a low archaeological context are unknown, and
T
Literature: Lehmann-Hartleben 1923–24, 267–68, fig. 2;
Hiller 1970, 109, cat. D,V,3, fig. 30; Datsouli-Stavridi
rectangular base with protruding foot because fourth-century Athens was still 1984, 187, pl. 26d; Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 20 n. 27,
and top. The table support proper, which committed to the old religion.2 Therefore, 26, 42 n. 100, 51 n. 177, 69 n. 315, 230, pl. 108a–c;
Despinis et al. 1997, 136, no. 107 (Th. Stefanidou-
is shaped like the trunk of a palm tree, the subject might have entirely pagan
Tiveriou); Lochin 1994, 226, no. 186c, pl. 163; Athens
stands directly on the base, as does the connotations as in the mosaic floors of Late 2011, 195, no. 407 (E. Vlachogianni).
integral rectangular plinth that holds the Antique triclinia, where Bellerophon
1
According to analysis of a sample at the La Sapienza
group. The group represents Bellerophon embodies the mythical hunter who University in Rome.
on horseback impaling the Chimera. The defeated the horrible fire-breathing monster. 2
Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1993, 231 nn. 182–83.
winged Pegasus gallops to the right over Its depiction probably promoted the social 3
Ibid., 206–7; Despinis et al. 1997, 136, no. 107 (Th.
Stefanidou-Tiveriou).
the Chimera’s back, its front legs raised status and virtue of the sculpture’s owner.3 4
Lehmann-Hartleben 1923–24, 278, 279.
high, its rear legs barely touching the beast. In the Christian world the subject may
A larger-scale Bellerophon holds the have acquired a Christian significance and
horse’s bridle in his left hand—the right was paralleled to representations of Saint
hand, which held his spear, is missing— George slaying the dragon.4 In fact, Greco-
and turns backward to face the beast. He Roman themes were often adopted by the
wears a chiton fastened over the shoulder new religion and invested with a new
and a billowing himation that gets tangled content and symbolic meaning.
on one of the palm tree’s branches. The
Chimera is lying beneath the horse, her CHRYSANTHI TSOULI
lion’s head turned backward toward the
rider, her muzzle open to let out a roar.
The base of the goat’s head is preserved on
the Chimera’s back.
This sculpture can be attributed to an
Asia Minor workshop, probably one in
the region of the Sea of Marmara, based
on stylistic and typological features, such as
the protruding integral plinth, which
occurs on a group of late works from Asia
Minor, and on its material.
Trapezophora with relief decoration were
used as supports for single-leg tables,
whether decorative tables intended for the
display of silverware in houses and villas, or
tables used in public spaces (fountains,
baths, theaters), temples (as offerings or for
devotional purposes), or even in cemeteries.
In the Christian world they were also used
as prothesis or offering tables, or in
thanksgiving and commemorative banquets
honoring the martyrs and the dead.
The motif of Bellerophon appears on
trapezophora in the second century and
becomes common in the third and fourth
centuries, gaining in popularity against
other mythological figures. Its great
popularity is attested in Late Antique
iconography in general. A Christian
interpretation of the theme and association
of this sculpture with the introduction of
the new religion in Athens cannot be
excluded—or claimed with certainty, since
11
the object’s exact find spot and
| 65 |
12, 13. Two Fragments of a
Mosaic Floor
Late 3rd–early 4th century

Provenance: Sparta, Sinakidis plot
hese two fragments came from a

T mosaic floor, originally 35–37 x 48–
50 feet (10.60–11.20 x 14.80–15.20 m),
which, according to the excavator,
decorated a large central room or, possibly,
the internal courtyard of a luxurious
Roman building.1 The mosaic featured a
central panel with the nine Muses, framed
on three sides by five portraits, most of
them named by inscriptions: Sappho,
Alcman, Anacreon, Alcibiades (cat. no. 12),
and possibly Alcaeus. These were followed
by rows of square panels with decorative
motifs. The outer (east and west) sides of
the mosaic were decorated with hunting
scenes and four personifications, two on
each side2—Day, Night, Sun (cat. no. 13),
and Moon (the latter not preserved).3 12
12. Portrait of Alcibiades

who chose to decorate his property with scene is rendered by personifications of
47 ¼ x 47 ¼ in. (120 x 120 cm) depictions of famous personalities of the Day and Night.
Inscription: (top right): ∞§∫∏μ∂π∞¢∏C past, probably wanted to show both his The figure’s head and upper torso are
(Alcibiades) education and taste and, possibly, his depicted within an almost square frame
Condition: almost complete, some tesserae nostalgia for Sparta’s glorious past. formed by a black line, a white band, and
missing from the garment and the frame a braid pattern. The three-quarter view
Sparta, Archaeological Museum, inv. no. MARIA TSOULI gives the impression of depth, and the
11582 multicolored tesserae contribute to the
rendering of details, shading, and volume.
Although lacking an inscription, the Sun
he portrait of Alcibiades is one of the
T
is identified by his attributes, namely the
finest in the series. It is set within a 13. Personification of the Sun rays wreathing his head and the orb in his
square frame and faced the Muses in the hands. The gentle features, wavy hair, full
47 ¼ x 47 ¼ in. (120 x 120 cm)
original composition. The male figure has cheeks, lively gaze, and head turned slightly
Condition: bottom left corner missing, some
thick, tousled hair rendered with rich color damage on the right, above the figure’s left
upward and to the right costitute one of
gradations. Made of particularly small shoulder, and around the face the finest idealistic portraits, lit by a wide
tesserae, the face has strong features, Sparta, Archaeological Museum, inv. no.
circular band of yellow tesserae framing
reflecting the man’s restless spirit. Despite 11583 the head like a halo.
the inscription, the figure’s identification is This mosaic was made in the opus
problematic, given its association with four tessellatum technique, which uses cut
great lyric poets. It may represent the This personification of the Sun was on the tesserae. As was customary, very small
famous Athenian politician Alcibiades, lower edge of the hunting scene, below the tesserae were used for the face and
who was closely associated with the hunters’ legs. Together with the Moon, it luminous wreath, and larger ones for the
history of Sparta. 4 probably represents the element of time in frame (bands and geometric motif).5
The owner of this luxurious building, the action, which in the other hunting More than 170 mosaic floors of rich
| 66 |
14. Plaque with a Dioskouros
Eastern Mediterranean, possibly Egypt,

5th century
Ivory with traces of gilding
H. 7 ½ in. (19 cm),
W. 3 ¼–3 ½ in. (8.3–8.8 cm),
max. H. of relief ⅞ in. (2.1 cm)
Condition: complete, minor wear, cracks,
and chips; polished on one side only
Provenance: Athens, Makrygianni plot,
excavations for the “Acropolis” metro stop
Athens, Acropolis Museum, inv. no. ª 2516
he plaque’s obverse depicts one of the

TDioskouroi and his horse in high
relief. The young god wears a chlamys that
reveals most of his body and a conical cap
(pilos). He holds a spear in his right hand
and the horse bridle in his left. The horse
tilts its head toward his master’s hand.
Traces of gold on the young man’s knee
indicate that the plaque was partially gilt,
13 and the three round heads and one shaft of
three small iron rivets suggest that it was
originally attached to a flat surface.
The twins Castor and Pollux were sons
houses, baths, and public buildings have century is a sign of Sparta’s prosperity at of Zeus (Gr. Dios-kouroi) and Leda, wife of
been excavated in Sparta to date. These that time.8 Tyndareos, king of Sparta.1 According to
Spartan mosaics are distinguished from legend, Castor was mortal but Pollux
those discovered in other parts of Greece APHRODITE MALTEZOU immortal, since only he was a true son of
and other Roman provinces by the novel Zeus, Leda having slept with both Zeus
rendering of geometric ornaments, the and her husband on the night the twins
variety and richness of their colors, the Literature: Ch. Christou 1964, 138–41; Daux 1966, 795–
were conceived. The boys grew up
96; Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1973, no. 65, pl. 29b;
originality of their iconography, and the Waywell 1979, 303, no. 49, 318–19, no. 20; together in Sparta, competed in many
enrichment of known mythological scenes Panayotopoulou 1998, 113–18; Dunbabin 1999, 217– athletic events, and when Castor died,
18, fig. 231.
with new elements.6 Scholars believe that a Pollux shared immortality with him. As
local, especially prolific mosaic workshop 1
All the mosaic floors that decorated the building in the both chtonic and celestial deities, they were
was active in Sparta during the third A. Kanakaris (formerly Sinakidis) plot at Magoula, west associated with several legends and
of modern Sparta, were first presented in Ch. Christou
century, particularly during its second half, 1964, 138–41.
miraculous intervention in men’s lives.
and there is evidence for a second 2
Ch. Christou 1964, 140; Waywell 1979, 303, no. 49. The ancients imagined them as young
workshop, contemporary with the first, 3
4
Ch. Christou 1964, 140, pl. 140a. warriors on white horses,2 and worshipped
According to Waywell 1979, 318–19, and Dunbabin
which produced mosaics of exceptional 1999, 218.
them as saviors, particularly of those in
quality. Mosaic production continued 5
Panayotopoulou 1998, 112. danger at sea.3 They are connected to
almost unabated in Sparta during the early Attica through the myth of their rescuing
6
For the characteristic features of Spartan mosaics see
Panayotopoulou 1998, 115, 117–18.
decades of the fourth century. In these 7
See Panayotopoulou 1998, 113. their young sister Helen, who had been
later mosaics, however, figures are designed 8
Ibid. kidnapped by King Theseus of Athens.
in a more conventional manner, colored Although their Athenian shrine, the
surfaces are rendered with wide “strokes” of Anakeion, has not yet been identified,
a single color, and objects lack a sense of recent scholarship places it on the east
perspective.7 The flowering of mosaic slope of the Acropolis.4
production in the second half of the third On the Acropolis Museum plaque the
| 67 |
young god is depicted with his main 1
On the Dioskouroi and their worship, see Burkert
1993, 441–44, and Pologiorgi 2001, 354–55, with
attributes: the horse, the spear —a reference bibliography.
to the Dioskouroi’s skills as hunters and 2
Pindar, Pythia, 1.66
3
Homeric Hymn to the Dioskouroi 33.
warriors— and the conical cap. The latter 4
Dontas 1983, 60–62.
had a twofold symbolism: being worn by 5
Euripides, Helen, 17ff.
seamen, it alluded to the Dioskouroi’s 6
Study of the rich, still unpublished finds from Well 10
of the Athens metro excavations (ceramic water
capacity to protect from the dangers of the vessels, amphorae, lamps, fragments of marble
sea and through its resemblance to an sculptures and architectural elements) showed that
eggshell broken in half it recalled the myth the area was in use from the mid-second to early fifth
centuries. This calls for a re-examination of the date
according to which the twins were born formerly attributed to the plaque on stylistic grounds
from the magic egg that Leda laid after her (5th–6th century). For the former date, see Pologiorgi
intercourse with Zeus, who had taken the 7
2001, 353–54.
On the Athens metro excavations, see Athens 2000b.
form of a swan.5 On the excavations of the adjacent plot of the
This plaque was found in a well Acropolis Museum, see Athens 2006b and
Eleutheratou 2009.
southeast of the Acropolis.6 No building 8
On the character of Late Antique Athens, see Frantz
remains that might be associated with it 1965, 191–93; Frantz 1988, 57–58; G. Fowden 1990,
were identified. Excavations, however, 501; and Castrén 1994, 5–13. foot and dipping him in the River Styx,
showed that the area was residential.7 The which is personified as a half-naked woman
plaque, and possibly its pair, which would resting against an amphora from the mouth
have depicted the other Dioskouros, of which water in running. The third scene
probably decorated a luxurious wooden shows Thetis surrounded by three servants,
casket belonging to the wealthy resident of 15. Three Ivory Plaques handing Achilles to the centaur Chiron for
Late Antique Athens, at a time when the his education. Plaque μ pictures three
city, with its famous philosophical schools, Probably Constantinople or Thessaloniki, women sitting probably in a circle on some
remained, despite its growing Christian first half of the 4th century rocks. They might be associated with the
community, a pagan city par excellence.8 Ivory return of the young Achilles to Thetis.1
∞: 3 ¾ x 15 ½ x ⁵⁄₁₆ in. (9.6 x 39.5 x 0.8 cm); Plaque C shows the armed Achilles on a
STAMATIA ELEUTHERATOU μ: 4 ⅛ x 4 ⅞ x ⅜ in. (10.4 x 12.4 x 1 cm); chariot, dragging the dead body of Hector
C: 3 ⅞ x 4 ⅜ x ⁷⁄₁₆ in. (9.7 x 11.2 x 1.9 cm) before the walls of Troy.
Literature: Pologiorgi 2001. Condition: ∞: Original size preserved, restored These plaques, the best preserved of a
and reconstituted; relief surface in very good total of 145 fragments,2 were found inside a
condition. μ: Partially preserved, parts missing room in a luxurious domus at Eleutherna.
from both sides. C: Partially preserved, parts
Another group of plaques belonging to a
missing from both sides and bottom; the
different casket and decorated with motifs
relief surface is convex; multiple irregular
incisions and remains of red color on reverse inspired by the marine thiasos was found in
Provenance: Crete, Eleutherna, Sector π,
an adjacent room (Room 116) of the same
House π, Room 100 house. These finds come from the
Rethymno Archaeological Museum, inv. no.
destruction layer associated with the
√ 1400 earthquake of July 21, 365, which struck the
island of Crete3 and provides a terminus
ante quem for their dating.
hese three plaques are from the ivory
T
Ancient Eleutherna is located in
revetment of a wooden casket central Crete, near the modern city of
decorated with scenes from the life of Rethymno. The earliest archaeological
Achilles. Plaque ∞ depicts three consecutive evidence dates to the Neolithic period.4
scenes from the life of Achilles, beginning Beginning in the early Iron Age the
with his birth, which takes place inside a settlement was gradually organized and
house. Thetis reclines on a bed opposite a developed into one of the most important
servant, who, sitting on the floor, holds the cities of ancient Crete. From the late
newborn Achilles for his first bath in a fourth century and throughout the
basin between her legs. Behind Thetis, Hellenistic and Roman periods the city
another servant holds a torch. The next flourished economically and culturally.5
14 scene shows Thetis holding Achilles by the The Roman house in which the plaques
| 68 |
15
were found was a luxurious urban domus considerably from contemporary ivories survived in the Christian world as a model
with propylon, impluvium, atrium, and produced there.12 They were subsequently of virtue.19
peristyle courtyard. The house was built in tentatively attributed to a workshop in
the first century B.C., refurbished in Constantinople, which, as the new capital, EVA TEGOU
approximately 290, and abandoned in 365 had developed into an artistic center,13 or
after its destruction by earthquake.6 to Thessaloniki, also an important center Literature: Athens 2004, 231–32, no. 248 (P. Themelis).
Another luxurious domus with a history at that time.14
1
Vasiliadou 2008–9, 65–66, pl. XXVII/7.
similar to House I was discovered nearby,7 The ivory plaques from Eleutherna, 2
Ibid., 61, pls. ÃÃ–XL; Themelis 2004, 61–62; Vasiliadou
as were two baths, one of which dates together with the other finds, such as 2011, 67.
from the second century B.C. to the third ceramics, coins,15 etc., and the architecture 3
Stiros et al. 2004, 427–44.
4
Stampolidis 2004b, 82.
century A.D.,8 and the other from second of the houses illustrate a local society, 5
Themelis 2004, 50–69; Kalpaxis 2004.
to the sixth-seventh centuries.9 which, although less affluent than in earlier 6
Themelis 2004, 58–62.
The two ivory caskets from House I centuries, still prospered in the fourth 7
8
Ibid., 63–64.
Ibid., 64–67.
may have been commissioned as gifts for century.16 The life of Achilles functioned 9
Ibid., 67–70.
festive occasions: the casket with scenes as a paradigm, as suggested also by his cult, 10
Vasiliadou 2011, 69.
from the life of Achilles for the birth of a which was established under Alexander
11
Themelis 2004; Vasiliadou 2011, 69–72.
12
Vasiliadou 2011, 71, fig. 8.
boy, the one with scenes of a marine and maintained until Emperor Julian’s 13
Ibid., 73.
thiasos for a wedding. They might also time.17 Scenes from his life were popular 14
In fact, the octagonal disk of Pausilypus from the
Kaiseraugust Hoard, which was manufactured in
have been offered together as wedding subjects in various art forms. The narrative
Thessaloniki in the fourth century, is one of the closest
presents, the former for the groom, the character of these scenes probably drew parallels for the Eleutherna plaques. Metal vessels
latter for the bride.10 from a now lost illustrated book relating often served as models, and were copied in other
materials; see Vasiliadou 2011, 73–74, fig. 9; Themelis
The Eleutherna plaques are the hero’s life, which might be associated 2004, 62; Stutzinger 1983.
distinguished by their high artistic quality with the unfinished Achilleid composed by 15
Sidiropoulos 2004, 81.
and the fullness of their narrative. The Statius in the late first century.18 Like 16
17
Vasiliadou forthcoming; Themelis 2004, 64–67.
Stutzinger 1983, 177.
plaques were first attributed to an several other mythological heroes, 18
Ibid., 175, 177.
Alexandrian workshop,11 but differ including Herakles, the figure of Achilles 19
New York 1979, 202.
| 69 |
16. Funerary Stele of coming of age.3 Thaumasios, the deceased’s sophisticated use of iambic trimeter, which
husband’s name, is equally rare; was rare in Late Antique Athens.9 The
Athenodora unparalleled in Athens, it seldom occurs in reference to the earth, which takes away
other parts of the Greek world in pre- and hides the body of the deceased in its
6th century
Christian and Christian times.4 dark depths, is also a pagan trope.10
Pentelic marble, engraved and relief The adjective philentheos is otherwise
decoration
known only from the hymn to Delphic ELENI ZAVVOU
14 ⅝ x 14 ⅛ x 4 ⅜–4 ⅞ in. (37 x 36 x 11– Apollo5 and the Late Hellenistic–Early
12.5 cm)
Roman Orphic hymns to Pan and
Condition: intact
Athena,6 the study of which was favored Literature: IG II/III² 13481; Peek 1960, 234–35, no. 413;
Provenance: Athens, Panathenaic Stadium by fifth-century Athenian philosophers Guarducci 1978, 317–19, no. 1; Panagopoulou 1986,
145–48; Trombley 1993, 286–89; Sironen 1997, 236,
Athens, Epigraphic Museum, inv. no. EM such as Proklos. For this reason, the use of no. 195; Rife 2004–9, 267–78; Thessaloniki 2002, 484–
9940 the epithet philentheos for a Christian 85, no. 658 (Ch. B. Kritzas).
mother in the sixth century has been seen 1

The stele has been dated to the sixth century on the
as a penetration of pagan Greek basis of the lettering. Sironen 1997, 236; IG II/III2
his funerary stele was carved on the
T vocabulary into Christian usage7 and an 13481.
2
The female name Athenodora is rare, unlike its male
abacus of an unfinished Ionic capital. example of the classicist trend prevalent in equivalent.
The upper part is decorated with an Christian Athens during Late Antiquity.8 3
Trombley (1993, 287, 289) dates the inscription to
incomplete engraved pediment, the The same trend is evident in the stele’s 4
roughly 400.
Rife 2004–9, 269.
tympanum of which depicts a relief four- other archaic elements, such as its 5
FD III 2, 138. 23.
petal rosette flanked by two engraved ivy decoration, the standardized content of the 6
Orphei Hymni 1962, XI.5, 11.21, 32.11.
leaves. Below the pediment an inscription inscription, reminiscent of famous Roman
7
Trombley 1993, 287.
8
Rife 2004–9, 271.
in iambic meter reads: funerary epigrams from earlier periods, 9
Ibid., 270.
+ ᾿AıËÓÔ‰ÒÚ·Ó Ù Ë̀Ó ·᾿Á·ı‹Ó, Ù Ë̀Ó ᾿AÙÙÈÎ‹Ó, where only the name of the deceased and 10
Guarducci 1978, 318; Trombley 1993, 286; Rife
2004–9, 270.
Ù Ë̀Ó £·˘Ì·Ûίου Á˘Ó·῀È Î·, Ù Ë̀Ó ÊÈÏ¤ÓıÂÔÓ, his/her virtues are mentioned, and the
·È‰›· ÙÂÎÔ῀˘Û·Ó Î· È̀ ÙÚ¤ÊÔ˘Û·Ó Ó‹È·
῾Ë Á<῀Ë> Ï·‚Ô῀˘Û· Ù Ë̀Ó Ó¤·Ó Ù Ë̀Ó ÌËÙ¤Ú·
5 Î·Ù¤¯ÂÈ· Á¿Ï·ÎÙÔ˜ ‰ÂÔÌ¤ÓˆÓ Ù῀ˆÓ ·È‰›-
vacat ˆÓ.
+ The good Athenodora of Attica,
the God-loving wife of Thaumasios,
who gave birth to children and
nourished toddlers,
the earth received and now owns this
young mother,
while her children crave for milk . . .
In a syntactically incoherent manner
the metrical inscription lists the virtues of
the deceased Athenodora, who died young
leaving behind her nursing children. The
theme of the young mother’s death and of
her separation from her newborn or young
children is common in ancient epigrams.1
The cross at the inscription’s beginning
indicates that the deceased was a Christian
despite her rare pagan name (Athenodora =
gift of Athena).2 Names with pagan
religious significance are still common in
the funerary inscriptions of Athenian
Christians in the sixth century echoing the
pagan cults of the past and indicating,
according to one view, the conversion to
Christianity of many pagans after their 16
| 70 |
17. Funerary Wall Painting with men. wearing chitons and himations with century, in which scenes sprawl freely on
brown folds, depicted in profile as they the walls, without borders, and are
Susanna and the Elders turn toward the woman in an agitated characterized by a love of nature and the
manner with wild looks on their faces. The representation of gardens with lush
Early 5th century scene clearly represents the biblical story of vegetation. This particular subject was very
Funerary wall painting, fresco (detached) Susanna, whom two Elders accused of popular during this period, because it
H. 66 ⅞ in. (170 cm), W. 50 in. (127 cm), adultery when she refused to give in to expressed allegorically the triumph of the
Th. 2 in. (5 cm) their solicitations and demanded that she Church and of orthodox dogma against
Condition: good, local wear be condemned to death. Susanna raised her the heresies that shook the Christian
Provenance: Thessaloniki, East Cemetery arms and prayed for God’s help, world in the third and fourth centuries.
Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture, whereupon God sent Daniel to examine
μΔ 17∞-μ the witnesses and uncovered the scheme, EVANGELIA ANGELKOU
restoring truth and Susanna’s honor.
One of Thessaloniki’s exquisite fifth-
his wall painting depicting the biblical century funerary wall paintings,3 this
T
Literature: Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1983; Marki 2006,
episode of Susanna and the Elders1 representation is distinguished by its 185–86, drawings 141–42, pls. 24a, 67a; London 2008,
380, nos. 9.1 and 9.2.
came from the west wall of a vaulted realistic rendering of the garments, trees,
tomb.2 The composition is divided into and slabs, the expressive power of the faces 1
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1983.
2
Christian tombs are oriented so that the deceased
two registers. The lower register depicts an revealing their psychological state, and the faces east. Therefore, the tomb’s west wall is the most
openwork stone slab decorated with a scale variety of colors, which is rare in funerary important, as it is located opposite the entrance and
pattern and framed by small piers crowned painting. It exemplifies the funerary above the deceased’s head.
3
Marki 2006, 185–86.
with pine cones; the small piers extend painting of the first half of the fifth
onto the tomb’s adjacent north and south
walls, where they are pictured in
perspective. Like the slab frames, they are
painted white (they were painted on the
damp whitewashed surface), whereas the
fluting, frames, and scales are rendered
with fine red lines, their interior filled with
reddish tones shading to a dark burgundy.
Despite the absence of archaeological
evidence, the painting’s subject suggests
that the tomb belonged to a woman.
Above the slab two wide bands of
green and orange represent the ground, and
provide the setting for three figures. Two
tall, dark green trees, suggestive of cypresses,
frame the scene left and right, softly
curving towards the center with the curve
of the vault. A female figure stands in the
center of the composition, her arms raised
in a gesture of supplication, her legs
casually spread apart, and with one foot
extending beyond the frame and stepping
on the slab. She wears a reddish brown
chiton and dark dalmatic—a thick overcoat
made of pieces of multi-colored leather,
with wide sleeves and fur along the hem,
named after the women of Dalmatia, who
introduced this fashion. Her face is seen in
three-quarter view, framed by carefully
arranged hair parted in the middle and
curling outward. She is flanked by two 17
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Spiritual Life
| 73 |
IMPERIAL POWER AND THE CHURCH
IN BYZANTIUM
MARIE-FRANCE AUZÉPY
I
n the Byzantine Empire the relationship between the imperial power and
the Church was determined by the historical conditions that shaped their
first encounter in the fourth century. In this period the emperors of the
Roman Empire in effect chose Christianity as the religion of their state, which
they called the basileia, Ë῾ ‚·ÛÈÏÂ›·. The empire became Christian by imperial
decree. From the very beginning, then, the emperor was placed in a position
of power over the Church: with this very first choice, the premise followed
that it was the emperor who ruled in religious matters. This decision was not
immediate. It took time to impose changes not only on deeply rooted beliefs
(from polytheism to a trinitarian monotheism) but also on entire ways of
thinking (such as attitudes to death, the body, and relationships between men
Fig 27 | The emperor Constantine, the vision at the
Milvius River, and the recovery of the True Cross by and women). Between the Edict of Milan of 318, issued by emperors
his mother Helen, Liturgical Homilies of Gregory of
Nazianzos, 9th century. Bibliothèque nationale de Constantine and Licinius, which reestablished religious liberty in the empire,
France, Paris, cod. gr. 510, fol. 440r. Photo: ©BNF.
and the decrees of Theodosios I of 380 and 381, which made Christianity the
only religion permitted in the empire, it took the emperors more than sixty
years to make the empire Christian. Yet even more time was required to
eradicate the traditions of Roman religion. “Pagan superstition,” as Theodosios
I called it in his famous edict of 392 that forbade it, only disappeared in the
sixth century, during the reign of Justinian (527–65).
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he emperor Constantine (306–37), named posthumously the The adoption of Christianity in the Roman Empire, which
T first Christian emperor following a deathbed baptism, is gathered together all people around the Mediterranean and
considered a foundational figure in the Empire’s Christianization. therefore thought of itself as ecumenical, represented a historic
Indeed, his importance is such that he is the only one of the opportunity for the new religion. It was one that the Church
emperors to have been sanctified by the Church, which celebrates quickly understood and provided with a theoretical basis: the
his feast day on May 21. In order to allow the Church to put an concurrent birth of the empire under Augustus and the birth of
end to the divisions which threatened it, Constantine called the Christ were interpreted as divinely willed, for Christianity could
bishops to a council at Nicaea in 325. This council, which the thus take advantage of the empire’s ecumenicalism. In the fourth
Church later recognized as the First Ecumenical Council, century Eusebios of Caesarea and Athanasios of Alexandria
condemned the beliefs of Arius, a priest of Alexandria, one of repeated this over and over again, and Kosmas Indikopleustes,
which was that the Son was a creation of the Father; the council writing in the sixth century, considered it an article of faith.3 Such
also created a common text, symbol of the Nicaean faith, in which an interpretation, fully accepted from this point on, established a
the main articles of the Christian faith are gathered and where parallel between the celestial realm and the terrestrial one, between
Christ is said to be “of the same essence” as the Father (o῾ÌÔÔ‡ÛÈÔ˜, Christ and emperor, the emperor being designated as the imitator
generally translated as “consubstantial”). Constantine was therefore of Christ, ÌÈÌËÙË̀˜ ÃÚÈÛÙÔ˘῀. Even in this, the Church could not
the first emperor to organize the Church. But with him the avoid the emperor’s almost sacerdotal status, and integrated it in
Church was faced with what could be called a “political enigma in its traditions as a way of controlling it. Thus the Synaxarion of
the domain of the Sacred,” which Gilbert Dagron attempted to Constantinople, the calendar of feast days in celebration of events
trace in his book Emperor and Priest: The Imperial Office in and holy figures followed by the Church, began with the indiction
Byzantium.1 This was because the emperor, being divine, was at on September 1, the first day of the civil and fiscal year rather than
once god and pontifex maximus (greatest pontiff or priest) according a religious festival. This was a secular date widely noted in
to Roman religion: how could this imperial sacredness be Byzantium, and its prominent appearance on the liturgical
incorporated into the new religion? By having himself buried in calendar is astonishing. But the related text in the Synaxarion
the mausoleum of the Holy Apostles, which he built to contain recalls that the period of the first fiscal reckoning under Augustus
relics of the Twelve Apostles and his own tomb, Constantine, coincided with the birth of Christ, and thus a religious celebration
according to his latest biographer Jonathan Bardill, had staged his at the beginning of the fiscal year was justified.4 This represented
response: the deified emperor was Christ himself.2 Soon relegated to the Church’s remarkable appropriation of civil time and even
the status of a thirteenth apostle by the construction of a taxation, a core feature of the Byzantine state.
neighboring church, which brought the presence of Christ into this The “Church.” It is still important to recognize what the word
new building, Constantine had at the least started the tradition of means. At the beginning of the fourth century the Church was
the isapostolos emperor, one identical to an apostle. Dagron and made up of believers, supervised by priests (presbyters, “the elders,”
Bardill are in agreement that the Church by no means welcomed presbyteroi, ÚÂÛ‚‡ÙÂÚÔÈ) who celebrated the Eucharist on behalf of
this tradition. According to them, the Church seems to have the faithful. Priests were in turn overseen (episkopein, Â᾿ÈÛÎÔÂÈ῀Ó)
dismissed the emperor’s sacerdotal ambitions, which put its very by bishops (episcopoi, Â᾿›ÛÎÔÔÈ). The bishops functioned as part of
existence in danger, by positioning Constantine instead within the a collegial governing body at the provincial, regional, and imperial
acceptable parameters of sanctity, which it could control. The level. Their meetings—called synods in Greek and councils in
emperor, however, retained a particular status with regard to the Latin—were considered ecumenical when they assembled bishops
Church, since he was the only layman permitted to access, under from across the entire empire according to the model of the
certain circumstances, the doors of the sanctuary usually reserved to Council of Nicaea, convoked by Constantine. During these
clergy. And by selecting the cross as a victory symbol, the emperor councils bishops made disciplinary decisions, called canons, and
blended in his very person the qualities of imperator and Christian. refined texts defining doctrine, called Ô῞ÚÔÈ (horos, pl. horoi). These
Indeed, thanks to Constantine and his vision, which Eusebios of were applied throughout the empire, the emperor being
Caesarea describes as having taken place on the Milvius Bridge (Â᾿Ó responsible for ensuring they were put into practice.
ÙÔ‡Ùῳ Ó›Î·, “By this sign, be victorious!”),, the cross of Christ came Beginning with the Council of Nicaea, certain bishops ranked
to represent a triumphant Christian empire (fig. 27). above the rest owing to the religious and political-economic
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Fig 28 | The Council of Nicaea with the patriarch and the emperor on either side of the cross. Menologion of Basil II (ms Vat. gr 1613, fol. 24r), 11th century.
Vatican City, Vatican Library, Ms Vat. gr. 1613, fol. 24r. Photo: ©2013 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
importance of their cities. Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch were The Council of Chalcedon had essential doctrinal importance,
apostolic sees, since they had been founded by apostles (Rome and because it fully confirmed the tenet of the Nicaean faith by
Antioch by Peter, Alexandria by Mark) and were the richest cities defining that the two natures of Christ—the divine and the
in the empire. Rome enjoyed a particular prominence because it human—coexisted without confusion in his person and substance
was the empire’s historical capital, even though it was sacked twice (hypostasis). But beyond this, the council also ratified the
over the course of the fifth century and the disintegration of the organization of the Church. Except for the Church of Cyprus,
western half of the Roman Empire at the end of the same century which constituted a particular case because it had been
had transformed it into a provincial backwater. The bishop of independent since the Council of Ephesus in 431, the Church was
Constantinople did not appear at the Council of Nicaea in 325, and divided into five large units that took the names of their
for good reason: the eastern capital founded by Constantine was patriarchates: Rome, the jurisdiction of which corresponded to the
established only in 330. By the time of the Second Ecumenical old Western Empire, and also included Illyricum with
Council in 381 Theodosios I had definitively established the Thessaloniki; Constantinople, which had authority over the
imperial residence in Constantinople, and the bishops accorded to bishops of civil dioceses of Thrace, Asia, and the Pontis, as well as
its see the prime place of honor after Rome “because over the bishops of those dioceses in barbarian territory (Council
Constantinople is the New Rome” (‰È·` ÙỒ ÂÈ῏Ó·È ·˘᾿ÙË̀Ó Ó¤·Ó ‘ƒÒÌËÓ, of Chalcedon, Canon 28), which opened up the path to a
Canon 3). With its twenty-eighth canon the Fourth Ecumenical missionary vocation; Alexandria, which oversaw the bishops of
Council, in Chalcedon in 451, confirmed the primacy of Rome Egypt, Libya, and the Pentapolis, and which supervised the
“because this city is sovereign” (‰È·` ÙỒ ‚·ÛÈÏÂ‡ÂÈÓ ÙË̀Ó fiÏÈÓ Â᾿ÎÂ›ÓËÓ). churches in Nubia and Ethiopia; Antioch, whose domain covered
The council offered the same prerogatives to Constantinople, the the civil diocese of the East (Syria, Arabia, Cilicia, Mesopotamia)
city honored with the presence of the senate and the emperor, as it and went beyond its borders to Georgia and Persia; and, finally,
had to Rome, though the New Rome was considered second in Jerusalem. From this point on the Church included monks, lay
ecclesiastical affairs. The same council offered the bishop of people who from the fourth century had chosen to withdraw
Jerusalem independence from the see of Antioch, while also giving from the world to find their salvation either by themselves as
him authority over bishops from the three provinces of Palestine. hermits or collectively in monasteries. These figures were regarded
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with suspicion by the council’s bishops, who placed the monks formula had changed very little, although the elevation was then
under their strict control (Canon 4). performed in the Blachernae Palace instead.6 In any case, the
Within this overall structure, the patriarchate of ecclesiastical ceremony, properly speaking, took place only after the
Constantinople, which carved out the lion’s share for itself, was a emperor’s presentation and promotion, and it only served to ratify
preeminently political creation: its legitimacy, contrary to that of his position. This was the consecration of the new patriarch at
the other patriarchates, was not linked to any historical religious Hagia Sophia by the archbishop of Herakleia of Thrace, the figure
importance, but simply to the fact that it was the imperial city. on whom the bishop of Byzantium had depended before the
Once again the emperor was placed in a premier position, as it foundation of Constantinople.
was his presence that justified the honor given to the bishop of The emperor was furthermore in charge of the administrative
the city in which he lived. But their shared affiliation with organization of the Church: he determined the number of bishops,
Constantinople linked together these two men who would defend created new bishoprics, elevated others to the level of
it throughout history. The tie between these two powers was autocephalous archbishopric or metropolis, and imposed
furthermore inscribed on the city itself, inasmuch as the Great limitations on the patriarchate. The emperor’s power might appear
Church, Hagia Sophia (or Holy Wisdom), the realm of the excessive, but the jurisdiction of the patriarchate of
patriarchate, was only steps away from the Great Palace, the realm Constantinople, like the creation of new bishoprics, depended
of the emperor (fig. 28). directly, at least until the thirteenth century, on the extent of the
During the eleven centuries of Byzantium’s history, the initial empire. New bishoprics were automatically created whenever the
inequality between the emperor and the Church established in its emperor founded a new city, a frequent occurrence in conquered
earliest days endured, but so did their cooperation, even if the two or recaptured regions, in southern Italy and Thrace in the eighth
powers’ relationship was often constrained. Yet even this ongoing century, for instance,7 or again in southern Italy in the tenth
relationship was to adapt to changing forces. Its evolution can be first through eleventh centuries. The elevation of a bishopric to a
traced to the way the papacy and the patriarchate of Constantinople metropolis or archbishopric could in fact depend uniquely on the
managed imperial Iconoclasm. Another change can be seen in the good will of the emperor, as for example when Justinian elevated
empire’s final centuries, when the Church and the Constantinopolitan the town of his birth, Justiniana Prima (Caričin Grad) to the level
patriarchate single-handedly managed to retain its territory while the of an archbishopric, and carved out a province for it accordingly.
empire dwindled to the point of total disappearance. Leo III (717–42), in another example, detached Illyricum from
From the moment the empire became Christian the emperor papal dominion and placed it instead under the jurisdiction of the
was responsible both for seeing that the Church was well patriarch of Constantinople. Even more, the emperor, rather than
governed and for preserving the unity of the faith. The emperor the patriarch, determined the size of the patriarchal administration
was to ensure that the Church administration be effective and its and clergy: the number of clerics attached to Hagia Sophia and its
members worthy of the functions they were supposed to perform, dependency the Church of the Theotokos of the Blachernae was
while preserving the unity of the faith was seen as a way to ensure fixed by two of Justinian’s novellae in 535 (numbers 3 and 16), and
the unity of the empire itself. In both cases authority was in the again in 618 by a novella of Herakleios (610–41).8 (fig. 29)
hands of the emperor, and the Church conformed to his decrees. In this way the institutions of the Church were modeled after
But the patriarchate and the Church united in councils were also those of the imperial state: the empire was composed of cities, and
powers with which the emperor found he had to reckon. so there was a bishop in each city; cities were grouped into
The Church’s institutional framework was established by provinces led by a governor, and the bishop of the provincial
imperial authority, and it stayed under its dominion until 1453. capital, called the metropolitan, held authority over the bishops of
At the very beginning the emperor chose and promoted the the cities in his province. The word “eparchy” (Â᾿·Ú¯›·), which
patriarch. Starting in the fifth century, it is true, the patriarch was designated the Roman province, furthermore remained the name
in principle elected by the clerics and people of his own city, just of the ecclesiastical province during the entire Byzantine period,
like any other bishop, yet it was the emperor who in fact selected even though the province had been replaced, beginning in the end
him. The Church reduced its electorate to clerics only in 787, but of the eighth century, with another administrative structure, the
the emperor was not bound to accept the result of elections. In thema. In the fifth and sixth centuries the imperial power also
the tenth century the emperor either picked one of the three considered the bishop a point person in exercising state authority,
names suggested to him by the metropolitans or simply selected and he was put in charge both of constructions in his city as well
someone else. He then presented his choice to the senate and to as of the municipal civil servants. Little by little, the bishop
the metropolitans in the audience hall of the Magnaura with these became his city’s most important figure.
words: “Divine grace and our majesty which comes from it Finally, the emperor also gave the Church an economic
designates the very pious so-and-so as the patriarch of foundation that allowed it to prosper, by declaring that church
Constantinople.” (Ë῾ ıÂ›· ¯¿ÚÈ˜ Î·È̀ Ë῾ Â᾿Í ·˘᾿ ÙË῀˜ ‚·ÛÈÏÂ›· Ë῾ Ìˆ῀Ó assets, constantly accrued through donations, could not be taken
ÚÔ‚¿ÏÏÂÙ·È ÙỒÓ Â˘᾿Ï·‚¤ÛÙ·ÙÔÓ ÙÔ˘῀ ÙÔÓ ·ÙÚÈ¿Ú¯ËÓ away. This did not prevent certain emperors, when confronted
∫ˆÓÛÙ·ÓÙÈÓÔ‡ÔÏÂˆ˜).5 Even as late as the fourteenth century the with difficult situations, from confiscating Church assets, as did
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Constantine V (741–75) and Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118), venue constantly changed, at one point shifting to the patriarchal
or, as in the case of Herakleios, convincing the patriarch to palace. Beginning in the eighth century the ceremony routinely
participate in war efforts. included a declaration of orthodoxy on the part of the emperor.
The emperor was not the only person who legislated Until the sixth century the emperor’s coronation by the patriarch
ecclesiastical concerns, for the ecumenical councils established seemed superfluous in light of his designation by the army and the
whose law held through their canons. However, until the sixth senate; later it became an essential element of the new emperor’s
century the councils put forth only general recommendations, accession, since it was the patriarch in the end who assured the
with civil authorities, i.e. the emperor, responsible for ensuring that legitimacy of the one who nominated him. In this way, following
its decrees were implemented. Justinian, for example, went as far as the patriarch’s flight from Constantinople after the Latin conquest
to regulate the gifts bishops gave to clerics at the time they were in 1204 and his subsequent abdication, Theodore Laskaris named a
enthroned (Novella 123). Civil and ecclesiastical laws were in fact new patriarch, chosen from among the bishops he had called
very closely interwoven: Justinian considered the canons of together in Nicaea. This new patriarch in turn crowned him
councils to have the same force as his own laws (Novellae 6 and emperor, which gave him legitimacy in the eyes of the Greeks
131). Conversely, collections of canon laws, notably the first one dispersed among several states. At the end of the thirteenth century
compiled by the patriarch of Constantinople, John Scholastikos the coronation was accompanied by an unction that transformed
(565–77), included the texts of Justinian’s Code and his novellae the emperor into a sacred figure, underscoring the patriarch’s
relating to Church affairs (fig. 30). legitimizing role even more emphatically.
With the affirmation of a Christian empire the political and Normally the Church took care of provincial-level affairs by
religious realms became intertwined to such an extent that it was convening the bishops of each province around their metropolitan
impossible to separate them. Ideally, their aims were the same, at least once a year, although such meetings had been held twice a
namely encouraging the peaceful existence and unity of the year in the time prior to Justinian (Council of Nicaea, Canons 4
empire’s people, considered to include all Christians throughout the and 5). For matters concerning the whole Church, however, the
world. This gave rise to the concept of the “ecumenical” patriarch— emperor followed the example of Constantine and called for an
a title held by the patriarch from the end of the sixth century, the ecumenical council. In fact, ever since the empire had become
adoption of which angered the pope in Rome—seen in turn as a Christian, the emperor could not ignore questions of dogma that
reflection of the ecumenical nature of the entire empire (see E. threatened to divide his Christian subjects, for religious unity and
Chryssos below, 279—88). Out of this, too, came a judicious political unity were inseparable. Refusing to receive communion
equilibrium between the patriarch and the emperor, for if the from one’s local bishop was a clear demonstration that one did not
emperor named the patriarch, it was the patriarch who crowned accept the bishop’s doctrinal choices. Such a gesture was as much
the emperor—until 1204 at the ambo of Hagia Sophia. Owing to political as it was religious, for it meant that one refused the
the empire’s increasing troubles after that date, the coronation authority of the emperor, of whom the bishop was a representative.
Fig 29 | Hagia Sophia, Istanbul. Photo: Marie-France Auzépy.
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Fig 30 | The emperor Theodosios and Gregory of Nazianzos, bishop of Fig 31 | The emperor Theodosios and the Ecumenical Council of Constantinople
Constantinople, Liturgical Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos, 9th century. (381), Liturgical Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos,9th century. Bibliothèque nationale
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, Ms gr. 510, fol. 239r. Photo: ©BNF. de France, Paris, Ms gr. 510, fol. 355r. Photo: ©BNF.
When doctrinal disputes arose—and there were many of them in the “orthodox” clergy, called Chalcedonian because its members held to
fifth century, above all between the rival patriarchates of Antioch and the ruling of the Council of Chalcedon, and a Monophysite
Alexandria—the emperor attempted to effect a compromise with a community, both among the Coptic priests and patriarchate in
text acceptable to all by reuniting bishops from throughout the Egypt, and in Syria, where these were known as Jacobites. In the
empire. He often presided over the council’s opening, but generally seventh century Herakleios made a last-ditch effort to reunite the
did not attend its sessions in person, as he was content to have his eastern Monophysite communities by proposing a compromise,
representatives moderate the debates (fig. 31). known as “Monoenergism” (holding that Christ had two natures,
Attempts to attain unity of faith were crowned with success but one energy), which was later transformed into
with the condemnation of Arianism at the Council of “Monothelitism” (two natures, one will). The effort was met with
Constantinople in 381. Later, in the fifth century, the Church hostility by the pope in Rome, supported by Maximos the
condemned other positions as well, though with less success. The Confessor. The concept of Monothelitism was finally condemned
Council of Ephesus in 431 dealt with beliefs in Antioch at the Sixth Ecumenical Council in Constantinople in 680. As it
concerning the relationship of the two natures of Christ, divine happened, it was no longer really necessary to try to reunite the
and human and condemned Nestorius, a priest of Antioch who Christians of Antioch and Alexandria, for both cities had ceased
had become patriarch of Constantinople. The Alexandrian to be part of the empire following the Arab-Muslim conquests of
position on the same subject (referred to as Monophysitism) was Syria, Palestine, and Egypt between 635 and 640.
in turn condemned at the Council of Chalcedon in 451. Indeed, the fact that the empire no longer coincided with the
Confusion resulted when a large portion of the Alexandrian oikumene—already a fact in the sixth century, but more obvious
clergy and the Egyptian populace refused to accept the council’s in the seventh century after the loss of its eastern provinces—had
decision, while the emperors wavered between support of the serious consequences for the relationship between the imperial
Monophysites and persecuting them. In the sixth century several power and the Church.
rival clerical communities emerged out of this upheaval: an Although the relationship remained basically unchanged and
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unequal in the ways described above, the shrinkage of the empire emperor should take care of Church affairs. However, one
to Asia Minor and the Balkans brought changes to the way the exceptional patriarch, Tarasios, understood that the Church could
Church thought of itself. In the eighth century, just as the pope in benefit by condemning imperial Iconoclasm. Tarasios was already
Rome claimed political and religious independence from unusual in that he had been a layman serving as head of the
Byzantine authority, the patriarch of Constantinople came to see imperial chancellery (protasekretes), and in a matter of days had been
his Church as independent of politics, marking the beginning of a promoted to the priesthood and from there to the patriarchate. The
period of “patriarchal royalty” (Gilbert Dagron). Second Council of Nicaea’s restoration of the veneration of icons
In Rome the Monothelite crisis provided ideological weapons, with the support of the Empress Irene gave the Church a double
inasmuch as Maximos the Confessor had been the first Church advantage. It legitimized Church tradition, which was itself the
official to affirm that the emperor should not be concerned with only justification for the cult of images that scriptural tradition in
dogma.9 On the other hand, the Lombard conquest can explain fact condemned, and elevated that tradition to a test of faith.
the pope’s alignment with the new Carolingian powers. The Moreover, it not only made possible the damnatio memoriae of the
creation of the pope’s temporal domain, at the expense of two great Isaurian emperors Leo III and Constantine V, but even
Byzantine territories and made possible with Carolingian demanded it. Both had wanted to limit the Church to clerics, and
assistance, was facilitated by a famous forgery, the Donatio make it entirely submissive to the emperor, the patriarch being of
Constantini (Donation of Constantine). With it the emperor use only as conveyor of the imperial will, with cruel repercussions
Constantine purportedly granted Pope Sylvester primacy over all in cases of disloyalty. The Iconoclast emperors were condemned as
other sees, imperial honors, and vast territories even beyond those enemies of Christ not only because they had destroyed his images,
of Rome and the Western Empire.10 but also because they had dared to claim that in doing so they
In Constantinople, at the Second Council of Nicaea, which themselves and not Christ had done away with idolatry. By
established guidelines for the worship of images in 787, the bishops condemning them and restoring the use of icons the Church was
made an astonishingly audacious declaration. They acknowledged able to reaffirm that its affairs fell to clerics and monks. The latter
the emperor’s power to wage war and to protect the lives of his were now integrated into the Church, as evidenced by their very
subjects in all matters according to law, but excluded him from presence at the council, and in future patriarchs would even be
Church affairs.11 The bishops were following attempts by earlier recruited from among their ranks (fig. 33).
writers and theologians to limit imperial power, notably Maximos From that moment on a “competitive synergy” was effected
and John of Damascus. Maximos served as a model, in that he had between the emperor and the patriarch: synergy, because generally
denied that the emperor held any priestly role. John of Damascus, speaking their goals were the same, but competitive because the
who was never cited by any of the council’s participants, wrote in patriarchs, now heads of their Church, took on almost imperial
the 730s in Jerusalem; he criticized Emperor Leo III’s proscription stature. The patriarch’s realm now extended well beyond the limits
of images of Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, denying the of the empire, thanks to missions in Moravia, Bulgaria, and
emperor’s right to interfere in Church affairs (fig. 32).12 among the Kievan Rus’ (see A. N. Tachiaos below, 289-91).
The bishops’ attacks at the Second Council of Nicaea were Emperors and patriarchs were henceforth rivals with respect to
brutal and unprecedented, for up to that time, with the exception the model offered by Christ, each of them claiming to manifest it
of the two writers named, it had been universally accepted that the on earth (fig. 34). It is certainly true that the emperor still
Fig 32 | The emperor and the patriarch as Iconoclasts, Theodore Psalter, 9th century. British Library, London, Add 19352, fol 27v. Photo: ©The British Library Board.
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Fig 33 | The patriarch Ignatios, Hagia Sophia, Istanbul, 9th century. Fig 34 | The emperor crowned by Christ and confirmed by the angels,
Photo: Dick Osseman. Psalter of the Emperor Basil II (975–1025), 11th century. Venice, Bibliotheca
Nazionale Marciana, Ms gr. 17, fol. 3r. Photo: ©2013. Photo Scala, Florence.
nominated the patriarch, and that certain emperors, like Leo VI by Photios, a great-nephew of Tarasios, like his great-uncle a
(886–912) or Romanos I Lakapenos (920–44), chose brothers or protasekretis elevated in only days to the position of patriarch. He
sons as patriarchs so as to limit competition or avoid it entirely. demanded from Rome both recognition of Nicaea II as the
But a sense of competitiveness persisted through this period, not Seventh Ecumenical Council and the renunciation of the right to
only between the men themselves, but also between the places appeal from eastern clerics. The Eisagoge starts with the definition
they inhabited, namely the Great Palace and Hagia Sophia. of the respective roles of the emperor and the patriarch: the
As for these places, ceremonies and the spatial distribution of emperor is defined as the “legal authority” (Â῎ÓÓÔÌÔ˜ Â᾿ÈÛÙ·Û›·),
relics demonstrated before the eyes of all, both in gesture and in whereas the patriarch is “a living and animated image of Christ by
space, the proximity of both the emperor and the patriarch to the deeds and words typifying the truth” (ÂÈ῎ÎˆÓ ˙ˆ῀Û· ÃÚÈÛÙÔ˘῀ Î·È̀
sacredness of Christ. Accordingly, tenth-century tradition held Â῎Ì„˘¯Ô˜, ‰È’ Â῎ÚÁˆÓ Î·È̀ ÏfiÁˆÓ ¯·Ú·ÎÙËÚ›˙Ô˘Û· ÙË̀Ó ·᾿Ï‹ıÂÈ·Ó).15
that the emperor leave behind his crown before entering the The Eisagoge had absolutely no practical impact, but in ideological
narthex of Hagia Sophia during all processions leading from the terms it represented the culmination of patriarchal pretentions, in
Grand Palace, and that the patriarch return it to him when he left which the emperor was confined to civil tasks while the patriarch
the Great Church.13 This was a way of indicating that the served as the legitimate representative of Christ.
emperor was naked in the house of the “king of kings,” that is, At just about the same time, at Christmas in 907, the
Christ. However, as the Great Church was also the realm of the patriarch Nicholas Mystikos refused Leo VI entrance to Hagia
patriarch, the ceremonial humiliation of the emperor in Hagia Sophia: when the emperor arrived with his retinue before the
Sophia was somewhat ambiguous. As for their relics, the True imperial doors in the church’s narthex, he was turned away. Leo
Cross was needless to say the most disputed one: the Palace had VI had in effect broken a law forbidding third marriages that he
three reliquaries, while Hagia Sophia had only one. Imperial himself had established to ensure, so he said, that civil law was in
sources insist that the palace sometimes lent its fragments to accordance with canon law. Leo VI was on his fourth marriage,
Hagia Sophia, a fact entirely ignored in patriarchal sources. The and had in fact been showing off his wife, the mother of his first
emperor was to win the battle of the relics, however, because the and only son, the future Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, at
reconquest of Syria beginning at the end of the ninth century the palace itself. Urged on in his intransigence by the
permitted the transfer of numerous eastern relics to metropolitans, Nicholas paid for his rebuff with his position, for
Constantinople—notably the mandylion of Edessa—which were the emperor quickly found a more accommodating patriarch.
then placed in the palace.14 Nonetheless, his unprecedented act was long remembered and
The competition between men, on the other hand, emerges in recorded in the chronicles. The event was even illustrated. A
a famous text, the Eisagoge (sometimes Epanagoge), or Introduction mosaic above the imperial doors at Hagia Sophia pictures an
to the Compilation of Laws, compiled under Basil I, which later emperor, identified as Leo VI by comparison with his portraits on
carried the name Basilika. The text was inspired—if not written— coins, in proskynesis before a representation of Christ in majesty
| 82 |
Fig 35 | The emperor bowing in front of
Christ, mosaic above the imperial doors at
the narthex of Hagia Sophia, Istanbul, 9th-
10th century. Photo: Dick Osseman.
seated on an imperial throne. Later emperors were thus reminded

whenever they entered Hagia Sophia over the following five
centuries that imperial power was second to that of Christ, of
whom the patriarch, according to Photios, was the image (fig. 35).
The last and most flamboyant of the patriarchs with imperial
ambitions was Michael I Keroularios (1043–59), a figure who, in
troubled times, named and refuted emperors. Michael did not hide
the fact that he wished to elevate the position of patriarch to the level
of emperor, and thereby rule the empire in the name of the Church.
It is reported that he shocked his contemporaries by wearing the
purple boots reserved exclusively for the emperor. In any case, his
obstinacy, combined with that of Cardinal Humbert, a legate from
the pope, resulted in the reciprocal excommunication of the pope and
the patriarch in July 1054. Despite the best efforts of the emperors in
the following centuries, neither the pope nor the ecumenical
patriarch would relent, to the extent that these excommunications
became a definitive schism—sometimes called the Great Schism—
between the Church of the East and the Church of the West.
During the two and a half centuries between the capture of Fig 36 | John VI Kantakouzenos at the Council of Constantinople (1351).
the capital by the Latins in 1204 and its conquest by the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, Cod. gr. 1242, fol. 5v. Photo: ©BNF.
Ottoman Turks in 1453, the empire was alternately broken up 1

Dagron 1996.
piece by piece, then restored, then dismembered, to the point that 2
Bardill 2012, 364–76.
3
Athanasios of Alexandria. Sermo de Descriptione Deiparae, 4: PG 28, 948; Kosmas
it consisted exclusively of its very core, the city of Constantinople
Indikopleustes 1968–73, II. 74–75: vol. 1, 388–91.
itself. But for the first time, after nearly a millennium of shared 4
Synaxarium CP 1902, col. 1.
history, the patriarchate did not follow the empire’s fate, and 5
De cer. 1829–30, II 14: 565.
6
Pseudo-Kodinos 1966, X 10:277–83.
instead incorporated the emperor into the Church, according him 7
Kountoura-Galake 1996.
the status of epistemonarch. At the same time, however, he was 8
Konidaris, 1982, 62–72.
stripped of any influence, for of the hundreds of metropolises that 9
PG 90, 115–19.
10
Constitutum Constantini 2007; Fried reinterprets the Constitutum as a Carolingian
fell under his jurisdiction at the beginning of the fourteenth production of the 830s.
century, half were outside the empire. At the time of the siege of 11
Mansi 1960–61, vol. XIII, 356AC.
Constantinople by the Turks, the patriarch did not stand by the 12
John of Damascus 1975, II 12 and I 66: 102–5 and 166–67.
13
De cer. 1967, I 1: I, 10 and 14.
emperor’s side to defend the queen of cities “protected by God,” as 14
Klein 2004; Magdalino 2004.
he had already abandoned it to its sad fate (fig. 36). 15
I. Zepos and P. Zepos 1931, vol. II, 240 and 242.
| 83 |
Coins 18. Solidus of Arkadios
(395–408)
R
ooted in Hellenistic tradition and heir to the imperium romanum, the
christian empire of the East graced its coins with the glorious figure
of the Byzantine emperor. Indisputable sovereign of the entire
known world, equal to the apostles, the emperor (augustus), wearing
precious garments and holding the cross-topped orb of the universe, is
crowned by Christ as a ruler appointed by and receiving the scepter of Mint: Ravenna, 402–8
authority from God. In times of peace he holds banners of the Christian faith, Gold (LRC, 272)
Diam. ¾ in. (2 cm); weight 4.42 gr.
imperial emblems, and the akakia, a small pouch of purple silk containing
Obverse: dotted circle, with bust of emperor
soil– a constant reminder that he too belongs among the mortals –and is wearing diadem facing right
accompanied by empresses or young successors. In times of crisis he wears Inscription: DN ARCADIVS PF AVC (Our Lord
Arkadios Pious Fortunate Augustus)
a cuirass and holds a sword, as general and trophy-bearer, or kneels before
Reverse: dotted circle, with standing
the heavenly king pleading for the once mighty empire’s salvation. emperor turned to the right, holding a
banner and a globe; he tramples a captive
The Byzantine theocratic state impresses its coins with first the represen-
with his left foot, and is being crowned by
tation of the Calvary cross, a reminder of Christ’s martyrdom and triumphant Nike
resurrection. Later, the depiction of Christ Pantokrator, in bust, full-figure, or Inscriptions: VICTORI AAVGGG (Victory of the
Augusti); in the field: R V; in the exergue:
enthroned, confirms the heavenly protection of pious rulers and guarantees COªOB
the empire’s perpetuation. Along with Christ, the Virgin sees the Byzantine Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª
Kindynis Collection 42/1981
capital, Constantinople, and its ruler through difficult times.
The Byzantine gold coin’s solvency –the solidus and the histamenon re-
n both small faces of this Byzantine
mained stable both in weight (4.5 gr) and purity (almost 24 carats) for ten
centuries– made it the most successful means of spreading the Byzantine
Ocoin, in a transcendental space,
sometimes in a narrative and sometimes in
ideology of world domination. As the main exponent of the Byzantine em- an elliptic but always apposite and clear
manner, the imperial figure, without
peror’s divine rule, the Byzantine gold coin spread the ideology of Byzantine
volume, depth, individual, or
dominion throughout the oikoumene, from the Black Sea to the Indian prosopographic features, an immaterial,
Ocean, providing a standard for all medieval coinage. almost devotional icon, connects with the
divine. This connection proclaims that the
emperor rules “by divine grace and by
GEORGE KAKAVAS God’s mercy,” enjoying God’s care and
YORKA NIKOLAOU protection. The emperor’s figure lacks
personal characteristics. As Christ’s deputy
on earth, the emperor is depicted as a cult
icon, not as a realistic portrait.
This fascinating period of the empire’s
transformation from Roman to Byzantine
saw the gradual abandonment of the old
numismatic iconographic themes with
Roman reminiscences: the Roman goddess
Victoria, normally depicted on the reverse
of Roman coins, was replaced by the
Christian angel. Later, from the early
| 84 |
seventh century onward, this place is taken as is the three-quarter profile, was schematically without realistic features.
by the simple cross on a three or four- abandoned from the seventh century The frontal representation allows the use
stepped base (cat. no. 21). onward. Personifications of Rome and of a greater number of symbols—orb,
Constantinople are a common scepter, shield, etc.—and a clearer depiction
YORKA NIKOLAOU iconographic theme on the coins of the of diadems and crowns.
Theodosian dynasty. The depiction of Such insignia played an important
Constantinople resting one foot on a ship’s symbolic role in the numismatic
Literature: New York 2011, 100, no. 41 (Y. Nikolaou).
prow clearly refers to the new capital’s representation of the emperor as equal to
dominion and to the Eastern Roman the apostles. These were the symbols of the
Empire’s naval power. Orthodox Christian ruler’s god-given
authority, the regalia of Byzantium’s
YORKA NIKOLAOU supreme rule over the known world: the
akakia or anexikakia, a small pouch of purple
19. Solidus of Theodosios II
silk (vlattion) containing soil, which the
(408–50) Literature: New York 2011, 91, no. 22 (Yorka Nikolaou).
emperor held in his right hand to remind
him that terrestrial power was perishable
and temporary, like himself, and that he
ought to be humble; the mappa, a piece of
linen textile, which, when dropped, marked
20. Solidus of Justinian I the start of races—a symbol of consular
(527–65) office in the Early Byzantine period, then
symbol of imperial authority since the sixth
century; the cross-topped orb or globus
cruciger, the ultimate imperial attribute,
Mint: Constantinople, 430–39
which symbolized the universe over which,
Gold (LRC, nos. 379ff.)
according to Byzantine political ideology,
the authority and sovereignty of the
Obverse: dotted circle, with bust of the
Christian Byzantine emperor dominated;
emperor wearing helmet, diadem, and
the imperial crown or diadem (“Glory to
breastplate, and holding a spear, turned to
the right in three-quarter profile
God who crowned your head”);1 and of
Inscription: DN THEODOSIVS PF AVC (Our Lord
course the scepter, whether topped with a
Theodosios Pious Fortunate Augustus). Mint: Constantinople, 542–65 cross or not, in an impressive variety of
Reverse: dotted circle, with personification of Gold (MIB I, no. 7) designs. According to Pseudo-Kodinos: “Of
Constantinople holding a cross-topped Diam. 13/16 in. (2.05 cm); weight 4.33 gr. these crowns and garments the emperor
globe and long scepter, resting her foot on Obverse: dotted circle, frontal bust of the
wears whichever he wishes, and he always
the prow of a ship; in the field, on the right, emperor wearing helmet, crown, carries a cross on his right side, and on his
is a star perpendulia, and breastplate and holding a left he carries a silk pouch that looks like a
Inscriptions: VOTXXX MVLTXXXÃ B (May the cross-topped orb scroll and is tied with a kerchief . . . this
emperor [live] many years [officina] μ; in the Inscription: DN IVSTINIANVS PP AVC (Our Lord pouch contains soil and is called akakia. By
exergue: CONOB Justinian Perpetual Augustus) carrying the cross the emperor shows his
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª Reverse: dotted circle, an angel holding a tall faith in Christ, by [wearing] the crown he
Kindynis Collection 46/1981 cross and a cross-topped orb; a star in the shows [his] office . . . by the soil, which as
field on the right previously mentioned is called akakia, the
Inscriptions: VICTORI AAVCCC ∏ (Victory of the emperor shows that he is humble as a
he emperor, the main secular figure on
T
Augusti); [officina] ∏; in the exergue: CONOB mortal so as not to become conceited and
Byzantine coins, is depicted in a Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª arrogant, by the kerchief he shows the
variety of representations and types. In the Kindynis Collection 89/1968 instability of royal office and that it passes
early Byzantine period (5th–7th centuries) from one [emperor] to the other”).2
he is usually shown as a frontal bust and
more rarely, particularly in the ith the frontal representation, the
subdivisions of the gold solidus—that is, W imperial portrait becomes
YORKA NIKOLAOU
semissis and tremissis—in profile. The bust impersonal, and the Byzantine ruler an Literature: Caramessini-Oeconomides 1968, 270; New
in profile, which is a Roman reminiscence, immaterial, transcendental figure, pictured York 2011, 101, no. 43 (Y. Nikolaou).
| 85 |
1
“δόξα Θεῷ τῷ στέψαντι τὴν κορυφὴν σου” De cer. he declined the title, effectively deciding to seventh century onward, the honorary titles
1967, vol. 2, 47 (38), 4.
2
“Ἀπό μέν οὖν τῶν τοιούτων φορεμάτων καὶ abolish it. Justinian’s full name is preserved hypatos (= consul) and apo hypaton take on a
ἐνδυμάτων φορεῖ ὁ βασιλεὺς οἷα ἄν βούλοιτο, τὸν only on an ivory consular diptych different meaning and decline in prestige.
δέ γε σταυρὸν ἐν δεξιᾷ φέρει ἀεί, ἐν δὲ τῇ
produced at Constantinople during his This commemorative consular solidus
ἀριστερᾷ βλάτιον κώδικι ἐοικός, δεδεμένον μετὰ
μανδυλίου· ὅ βλάτιον ἔχει χῶμα ἐντός, καὶ καλεῖται first consular term and now in the of Justinian I, now in the Numismatic
ἀκακία. Kαὶ τὸν μὲν σταυρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς φέρων δι΄ Metropolitan Museum in New York.1 Museum in Athens, remains an unicum
αὐτοῦ δείκνυσι τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν ἑαυτοῦ πίστιν, διά
τοῦ στέμματος τὴν τιμήν … διὰ τοῦ χώματος, ὃπερ
This issue of consular solidi is probably to this day.
καλεῖται ἀκακία, ὡς εἴπομεν, τὸ τόν βασιλέα associated with Justinian’s second
ταπεινὸὸν εἶναι ὡς θνητὸν καί μὴ διὰ τό τῆς consulship in 528, just one year after his GEORGE KAKAVAS
βασιλείας ὕψος ἐπαίρεσθαι καὶ μεγαλαυχεῖν, διὰ
τοῦ μανδυλίου τὸ ταύτης ἄστατον καὶ τὸ
accession to the throne, which was
μεταβαίνειν ἀφ̓ ἑτέρου εἰς ἔτερον”; Pseudo-Kodinos celebrated with great solemnity and pomp
Literature: Caramessini-Oeconomides 1966, 75–77, pl.
1966, IV, 200–202; Pseudo-Kodinos 2013. in Constantinople. Supporting this date,
XXVII,1; Tsourti 1996, 44.
the two Victories depicted on the reverse
probably symbolize Justinian’s double 1
Evans et al. 2001, 15.
2
ODB, s.v. “Consul” 525–26. (A. Kazhdan).
ascent, as emperor in August 527 and as 3
Grierson 1982, 52, 60.
consul on 1 January 528.2 The enthroned 4
See above, n. 2.
emperor, an equal to the apostles, wears
21. Consular Solidus of the opulent consular garments, the
Justinian I (527–65) emperor’s most formal dress, worn during
mass on the major feast days of the
Orthodox Church at Hagia Sophia.
Justinian wears the same precious 22. Solidus of Tiberios II
garments in the famous mosaic panel at (578–602)
San Vitale in Ravenna.
The iconographic type of the seated
emperor, which first appeared on coins in
the fourth century, remained in use until
Mint: Constantinople, 528?
the late ninth century, when it was
replaced by the enthroned Christ
Gold (Unicum, DOC I, 2)
Pantokrator. Used on Roman coins for
Diam. ⅞ in. (2.13 cm); weight 4.38 gr.
reasons of symmetry, the symbolic
Obverse: the emperor seated on a backless
representation of two Victories is rare in
throne, haloed and crowned, wearing a
the Early Byzantine period. The motif of Mint: Constantinople, 578-82
divetesion and ornate loros (trabea
triumphalis) and holding a mappa in his right the single Victory holding a tall cross first Gold (MIB II, no. 4)
hand and a cross in his left occurred on coins of Theodosios II (408–
Diam. 13/16 in. (2.1 cm); weight 4.4 gr.
Inscriptions: DNIVSTINI ANVSPPAVG (Our Lord 50).3 Also extremely rare is the indication
Obverse: dotted circle, frontal bust of the
Justinian Perpetual Augustus); in the of the mint on both sides, probably to emperor wearing a crown with perpendulia
exergue: CONOB stress that this important piece was minted and breastplate and holding a cross-topped
Reverse: two Victories holding scepters in in Constantinople, the empire’s capital. orb
their left hands and with their right hands Under Justinian I the old Roman Inscription: ‰mTIbCONSTANTPPAVC (Our Lord
supporting a tall bejeweled cross pictured institution of the consul began to wane. Tiberios Constantine Perpetual Augustus)
between them; in the field above, two stars The last consuls to hold office were Decius Reverse: dotted circle, cross on a four-
Inscriptions: VICTORI AAVCCC (Victory of the Paulinus in the West (534) and Anicius stepped base
Augusti); in the exergue CONOB Faustus Albinus Basilius in the East (541). Inscriptions: VICTORI AAVCC ∏ (Victory of
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª Moreover, the consular year was no longer the Augusti); [officina] ∏; in the exergue:
911/1968
used as the official dating reference from CONOB
537, when Justinian’s Novella 47 replaced Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª
it with the indiction and year of emperor’s 12135‚
lavius Petrus Sabbatius Iustinianus reign,4 which appear on coins from 538/9
F was nominated imperial consul for the onward. Thereafter and until 632 (under
eginning in the second half of the sixth
first time in 521. During his reign as
Emperor Justinian I he was consul three
Constans II) only emperors took the title
of consul, which was definitively abolished B century the reverse of the gold solidus
more times in 528, 533, and 534. In 541 with Leo VI’s Novella 94. From the features a simple cross on a three or four-
| 86 |
stepped base. This is the cross of the hen the emperor is depicted in
W
Inscription: ‰NDLEONPAMYL (Our Lord Leo
Crucifixion, and the stepped base is an military costume, as is Constantine Perpetual Augustus Many Years)
abstract representation of Calvary. The IV here, this usually consists of a cuirass, Reverse: dotted circle, with bust of the
cross was the all-holy symbol of short cloak (sagion), helmet, spear, and beardless Constantine V wearing a cross-
topped crown and holding a cross-topped
Constantine I and of the Christian sword and/or shield. The emperor was
orb and akakia
Empire he founded: “Constantine the depicted in this way mostly during the
Inscription: ‰NCONSTA NTINYS (Our Lord
Great and the Just … First of all, as the early centuries of the empire, following
Constantine).
foremost and excellent sign of his piety Roman tradition. The military attributes
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª
toward Christ, the true son of God, he were gradually replaced by consular and
Riancourt Collection 241
engraves the heaven-sent sign of the court garments. The loros, the design of
salutary cross on the coins of his royal which was gradually simplified, and
city”.1 chlamys dominated during subsequent
centuries. Military dress was re-introduced mperors are represented either bearded or
YORKA NIKOLAOU in the eleventh century, when circumstances Ebeardless. The beard is an iconographic
demanded it—that is, when external statement of adulthood and maturity.
enemies threatened the empire. In fact, Under-aged co-rulers/heirs and young
Isaac I Komnenos (1057–59) is depicted emperors are usually depicted beardless or
1
“Κωνσταντίνος ὁ μέγας καί δίκαιος … Πρώτιστον, on coins with military garments and a with a short beard. Older emperors are
καί ἐξαίρετον καλλιέρημα τῆς εἰς Χριστόν τόν naked sword. Moreover, emperors shown almost always bearded. In certain cases the
ἀληθινόν ἡμῶν Θεόν εὐσεβείας, γνώρισμα
together with military saints, such as Saint beard represents an actual facial feature, as in
ἐγχαράττει τῷ βασιλικῷ τῆς πολιτείας νομίσματι, το
τε οὐρανοφανές σημεῖον τοῦ Σωτηρίου σταυροῦ”; George or Saint Theodore, often wear a the realistic busts of Phokas (602–10),
John of Damascus, Letter to Theophilos (PG 95, 345 sqq.). military costume as well. Herakleios (610–41), Constans II (641–
Young co-rulers, sons and heirs to the 68)—nicknamed “Pogonatos” (the Bearded)
throne or brothers and co-emperors, are for his impressively long beard—and
usually dressed in court dress, including Andronikos I (1183–85).
the precious loros, and hold insignia similar The period of Iconoclasm is probably
23. Solidus of Constantine IV to those of the emperor (cat. no. 20). when imperial portraits were the most
(668–85) schematic and uniform: all the emperors
YORKA NIKOLAOU have identical features, and the older ones are
distinguished from the younger ones by
their beards and larger size, reflecting their
Literature: Thessaloniki 2011b, 61, no. 21 (Y. Nikolaou).
greater age and higher position in the
hierarchy. In the rare instances when an
effort is made to represent the Byzantine
emperor’s facial features, this is due to the
emperor’s wish to stress his individuality, to
the engraver’s dexterity, or to the empire’s
Mint: Syracuse, 674–81 24. Solidus of Leo III (717–41)
general cultural and artistic flowering.
Gold (MIB III, no. 33)
Numismatic imperial portraits that feature
prosopographic characteristics and are
Obverse: dotted circle, with bust of the
believed to be faithful representations include
emperor wearing a helmet, diadem, and
those of Phokas, Herakleios, Constans II,
breastplate, and holding a spear, in three-
quarter profile Leontios (695–98), Leo VI (886–912),
Inscription: ‰NCONST(AN)Δ(INVS) P(P) A(VC)
Constantine VII (913–59), and Andronikos
(Our Lord Constantine Perpetual Augustus). I. These contrast sharply with most of the
Reverse: dotted circle, with Herakleios and schematically rendered imperial portraits.
Tiberios on either side of a cross on a four- Mint: Constantinople, c. 737–41.
stepped base Gold (DOC III, 1, Class III, no. 7a, 1ff.) YORKA NIKOLAOU
Inscriptions: VICTO(RπA A)VGY I (Victory of the Diam. ¾ in. (2 cm); weight 4.40 gr.
Augustus); [officina] π; in the exergue: Obverse: dotted circle, with bust of the Literature: Thessaloniki 2011b, 60, no. 20 (Y. Nikolaou).
CONOB bearded emperor wearing a cross-topped
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª crown and holding a cross-topped orb and
Riancourt Collection 217 akakia
| 87 |
Literature: Caramessini-Oikonomides 1969, 9. dubbed sentzata after the term sentzos
25. Solidus of Irene of Athens
(throne). The proof’s reverse, which depicts
(797–802) 1
Grierson 1982, 158, 177; Penna 2002, 131.
the busts of Basil and his son Constantine,
recalls the solidi with similar hierarchical
representations of the two co-emperors.
This solidus was probably the first
numismatic issue of Basil I, introduced
after Constantine was nominated co-
26. Solidus of Basil I (867–86) emperor between November 5, 867, and
February 12, 868. Therefore, the sentzaton
mentioned in Theophanes Continuatus
Mint: Constantinople, 797–802 probably corresponds to this issue,2 which
Gold (DOC, III, 1, no. 1a.1ff.) continued until Basil’s death. The rare
Diam. 13/16 in. (2 cm); weight 4.411gr. issue formerly identified as the sentzaton3
Obverse: bust of Empress Irene wearing the was probably a celebratory issue, which
imperial loros and a cross-topped crown with might be associated with the inauguration
triangular finials and prependulia. She holds a of the Nea Ekklesia on May 1, 880.4
cross-topped orb in her right hand and a Mint: Constantinople, 867/8–86
cross-topped scepter in her left Gold (DOC III, 2, Class II, 2a.1ff.) GEORGE KAKAVAS
Inscription: Є πRIŊH b∞SILISSH (Queen Irene) Diam. ¾ in. (1.9 cm); weight 4.34 gr.
Reverse: same motif as on the obverse Obverse: dotted circle; Christ shown
Literature: Caramessini-Oeconomides 1968, 271.
Inscription: same as on the obverse, but with frontally, seated on a throne with a lyre-
a ⊕ at the end shaped back, blessing with his right hand 1
Class II according to DOC III.2, 487-488, nos. 2a.1ff.,
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª and holding a closed Gospel on his knee date: 868–79.
887/1968 with his left hand 2
Theophanes Continuatus 1838, 173, IV.21.17-18.
3
DOC III.2, 487, no. 1, Class I.
Inscription: +IhSXPSREX REGNANTIYM* (Jesus 4
Penna 2010, 663–73, particularly 671–73.
Christ King of Kings)
Reverse: dotted circle; on the left a large
fter the death of Emperor Leo IV
∞ (775–80), his wife Irene served as
bearded Basil I wears a loros and cross-
topped crown; on the right co-emperor
regent for her underage son. Later she did Constantine is shown smaller and beardless,
not hesitate to oppose Constantine VI, by wearing a chlamys and cross-topped crown;
then of age, throw him in jail (790), and with their right hands the two figures hold a
have him blinded (797). Immediately patriarchal cross between them 27. Solidus of Constantine VII
afterward she ascended the throne and Inscription: bASILIOSET CONSTANT’ AVGG’ b’ Porphyrogennetos
became the first woman to reign in (Basil and Constantine Augusti Kings) (913–45 regency, 945–59)
Byzantium alone. As sole ruler she issued Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. NM
coins that bore her already established Kindynis Collection 152/1968
numismatic type, but identical on both
sides.1 The only visible difference between
the obverse and the reverse is the addition, his issue of Basil I has usually been
on the latter, of a dot at the inscription’s
beginning and of a letter (officina?) at the
Δ considered the second of his rule.1
However, a recently appeared, hitherto
end. By then she spelled her name unknown bronze numismatic “proof” of
∂πRINH and used the title basilissa (queen) Basil changes this view. This “proof” features
instead of the usual augusta. In fact, she the bust of Christ on the obverse, a motif Mint: Constantinople, 945–59
signed her official correspondence as “Irene, adopted for the coins of Michael III (842– Gold (DOC III, 2, Class XV, no. 15.1ff.)
pious king,” instead of “queen.” Later 67) after the end of Iconoclasm in 843. Diam. ¾ in. (1.9 cm); weight 4.33 gr.
Michael II (820–29) issued similar gold Basil rejected the “proof,” probably because
Obverse: dotted circle; Christ pictured as a
coins featuring his bust and the title basileus he wished to break any association with the frontal bust in the iconographic type of the
on both sides, but with different garments previous ruler, the assassinated Michael. He Pantokrator with a nimbus cruciger and a
and imperial attributes on each side. replaced the bust of Christ with a new closed bejeweled book
iconographic type, Christ enthroned, thus Inscription: *IhSXPSREX REGNANTIYM* (Jesus
GEORGE KAKAVAS initiating the circulation of the coins Christ King of Kings)
| 88 |
Reverse: dotted circle; on the left a cult icon of the empire’s capital; the
Constantine VII is shown bearded and
28. Histamenon of
Virgin Nikopoios; the Virgin tes
wearing a loros and cross-topped crown; on Nikephoros II Phokas Episkepseos; and the Virgin Hodegetria.
the right Romanos II is pictured smaller and (963–69) During the Late Byzantine period, when
beardless, with a chlamys and cross-topped
crown; with their right hands the two the devastated empire was fighting for its
figures hold a large patriarchal cross survival, the Virgin was depicted within
between them the walls of Constantinople, praying for
Inscription: CONSTANT’CEROMAN’AVGGbR the city’s salvation. The Virgin is always
(Constantine and Romanos Augusti Kings of dressed in a long chiton and maphorion,
the Romans) which covers her head and entire body.
1902/3 π΄270 YORKA NIKOLAOU
Literature: Thessaloniki 2011b, 55, no. 18 (Y. Nikolaou).
Gold (DOC III, 2, Class II, 4.1, ff.)
onstantine VII spent much of his rule Diam. ⅞ in. (2.2 cm); weight 4.35 gr.
C first under his mother’s regency and Obverse: dotted circle, bust of Christ
Pantokrator
then under the shadow of Romanos I
Lekapenos and his sons (December 920– Inscription: +IhSXPSREXREGNANTIYM (Jesus
Christ King of Kings)
January 945). When he finally came to
rule alone in 945, he issued a solidus with Reverse: dotted circle, the Virgin (left) and 29. Histamenon of Basil II
his bust, probably a “portrait,” and the Nikephoros (right) holding between them a (976–1025)
Patriarchal cross
inscription autokrator, featured for the first
Inscription: +£∂√Δ√C’b’ ∏£’ hICHF,‰ESP
time on gold coins, to stress the king’s sole
(Mother of God aid Nikephoros the
rule.1 Both the 945 issue and the one Emperor)
examined here, which also depicts his son,
future Emperor Romanos II, feature Riancourt Collection 339
Christ Pantokrator on the obverse. This
change marks a return to the numismatic
type of Michael III (issues of 843/850–56
oly figures, represented schematically
and 856–67),2 which drew on the
iconographic model provided by the solidi H or in a more detailed manner, often
Gold (DOC III, 2, Class VI, 6a.1ff.)
of Justinian II’s first reign (692–95). accompany the emperor. From the tenth
Diam. 1 in. (2.6 cm); weight 4.35 gr.
Constantine obviously reinstated the century onward either Christ or the
Virgin blesses the emperor on coins (see Obverse: triple dotted circle; frontal bust of
iconographic type of the bust of Christ to Christ Pantokrator with a bejeweled nimbus
stress the return of the Macedonian cat. no. 28). Beginning in the eleventh
cruciger and a closed Gospel with decorated
dynasty and his release from the tutelage century the coins of the Greek empire of cover
of the Lekapenoi, whose issues featured the Christian East feature saints and
Inscription: +IhSXISREXREGN§NTIhM (Jesus
Christ enthroned on the obverse. angels, which, together with the ruler, the Christ King of Kings)
equal of the apostles, lift the resplendent
Reverse: triple dotted circle; on the left Basil
GEORGE KAKAVAS banners of the Christian faith. II, bearded, with a loros and cross-topped
Although introduced in the tenth crown; on the right, Constantine VIII,
Literature: Unpublished century by Leo VI (886–912)—much smaller and beardless, wearing a chlamys
later than Christ—the Virgin is also and cross-topped crown; with their right
1
Grierson 1982, 176, 179.
frequently depicted on Byzantine coins. hands the two figures hold a large cross
2
Penna 2002, 57, 132–33.
The Byzantines were always particularly between them
devoted to the Virgin, hence the great Inscription: +b§SILCCONST§NTIbR (Basil and
Constantine Kings of the Romans)
number of representations and variety of
iconographic types in Byzantine art. The Athens, Numismatic Museum, Kindynis
same variety is seen on Byzantine coins, Collection, inv. no. NM182/1968
which show the Virgin in bust or in full
figure, according to such iconographic
n the obverse this coin features the
types as the Virgin Vlachernitissa, named
after the icon of the Virgin Vlachernitissa, Obust of Christ Pantokrator typical for
| 89 |
the Macedonian dynasty. On the reverse Diam. 11/16 in. (1.73 cm); weight 3.93 gr. the daily performance of the Eucharist
Basil II and his brother, the future Obverse: dotted circle; bust of Christ ritual at Hagia Sophia.
Emperor Constantine VIII (1025–28), Pantokrator with pointed beard, thick hair,
hold a simple cross instead of the and bejeweled nimbus cruciger, blessing with GEORGE KAKAVAS
his raised right hand and holding a Gospel
patriarchal cross of earlier issues. The triple
with a bejeweled cover in his left
dotted circle on both sides is also
Inscription: IC XC (Jesus Christ) Literature: Caramessini-Oekonomides 1969, 9.
noteworthy. From this issue onward1 the
Reverse: dotted circle; bust of the empress
gold histamenon, which was larger and 1
Grierson 1999, 26–27, figs 31, 49, 59.
wearing a cross-topped crown, precious
featured a triple dotted circle as a 2
Psellos, Chronography, 6.4–7, “…̓HÚ›ıÌÂÈ ÙÔ`˘˜
prependulia, and ornate loros; she is holding ÛÙ·ÙË͂ Ú·˜ ‰È‰Ô˘͂ Û· …”.
distinctive feature, was clearly a cross-topped orb in her left hand and a
distinguished from the gold tetarteron, scepter in her right
which retained its original diameter (see Inscription: £∂√¢ø ƒ §V°√V (Theodora
cat. no. 35). Introduced by Nikephoros Augusta)
Phokas (963–69), the tetarteron was Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª
lighter and of lesser value than the 881/1968
histamenon by two keratia (carats). The
decorative detail of the triple dotted circle 31. Hyperpyron of Alexios I
led to the appearance of the term scyphati heodora co-reigned briefly with her Komnenos (1081–1118)
or scifati in South Italian documents, if not
since 1024, at least since the late 1030s. It
Tolder sister Zoe (April 20—June 11,
1042). After the deaths of Zoe and her
has been successfully argued that the term husband Constantine IX Monomachos,
derives from the Arabic word shafah (“rim,” the elderly Theodora, who in the
“border”) and the derivative adjective shuffi meantime had become a nun in the
or shiffi, and that the Greek term skyphata Petriou Monastery in Constantinople,
(or skyphota) refers to the triple dotted reasserted her right to rule as the last
circle on the rim rather than the coin’s descendant of the Macedonian Dynasty
later concave form.2 (January 11, 1055—August 31, 1056).
Her gold tetartera depict her frontally, Mint: Constantinople, 1092/93–1118
GEORGE KAKAVAS wearing royal garments and a crown, and Gold (DOC IV, 1, Var. I (B), no. 20d. 1ff.)
holding a scepter and cross-topped orb as
Diam. 1 ¼ in. (3.2 cm); weight 4.4 gr
befitting a Byzantine empress. Theodora is
Literature: Caramessini-Oeconomides 1968, 274. Obverse: dotted circle, with Christ
named augusta on her gold coins
enthroned, blessing with one hand and
1
Class VI according to DOC III.2, 621, nos. 6a-b, circa (histamena and tetartera) and despoina holding a closed Gospel with the other
1005–25; Grierson 1982, 198–99. (lady) in the inscription that accompanies Inscription: KERO H£EI (Lord help); in the
2
Grierson 1971, 253–60.
her image on her silver miliaresion.1 The field: IC XC (Jesus Christ)
rare earlier histamena of Zoe and Reverse: double dotted circle, the emperor
Theodora represent the two co-empresses with crown, divetesion (long tunic), and
without clearly distinguishing one from chlamys, holding a banner and a cross-
the other, despite Michael Psellos’s topped orb. In the field, above right, the
30. Tetarteron of Theodora testimony that their physiques differed hand of God (Manus Dei) blesses him
greatly. The two women were equally Inscription: in two columns flanking the
Porphyrogennete different in character, Zoe being an figure: §§EZIø ¢EC¶OTH Tø KOMNHNø (To
(1055–56) extravagant spender and Theodora tight- Alexios Despot the Komnenos)
fisted—“she counted the coins as she gave Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª
12471·
them.....“2 Zoe’s generosity is reflected in the
famous wall mosaic in the south gallery of
Hagia Sophia in Constantinople (1044),
where the empress is depicted with he socio-political needs of each period
Constantine IX Monomachos (1042–55) T and the emperor’s personal ambition
praying to Christ and holding respectively guided the choice of the emperor’s
a scroll with a chrysobull and a coin-filled garments—courtly, consular, or military—
Mint: Constantinople, 1055–56 apokomvion (pouch) in commemoration of on coins. Because the emperor’s depiction
Gold (DOC III, 2, no. 2.1ff.) a munificent donation, which provided for lacks all sense of volume and perspective,
| 90 |
the insignia that he carries underscore Inscriptions: In a column on the left πø ¢∂C ¶√ Mint: Magnesia, 1232–54?
universal imperial authority, which is Δ∏ (John Despot); in the field: V£ ª∏ƒ Gold (DOC IV, 2, Second Coinage, B:
(Mother of God)
blessed by the hand of God (manus Dei). “Transitional” to “Late” Style, no. 5.1ff.)
When shown in court dress, the Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. NM Diam. 1 ⅛ in. (2.9 cm); weight 4 gr.
∞.∂. 28
emperor wears a chlamys or sagion—that is, Obverse: double dotted circle; Christ as
a long purple cloak, one of the most Pantokrator seated on a backless throne
important symbols of imperial authority, blessing with his right hand and holding a
fastened by a fibula over the right shoulder closed Gospel with a decorated cover in his
he iconography of this hyperpyron of
and baring the right arm; a divetesion or
sakkos, a precious silk robe; and tavlia,
T John II Komnenos, also known as
left
Inscription: in the field, left and right IC and
Kaloioannis (John the Good), because of his
XC (Jesus Christ)
richly decorated and embroidered square pious and gentle character, imitates the
Reverse: double dotted circle; the emperor
or trapezoidal pieces of fabric hung over electrum trachea of his father, Alexios I,
wearing a crown, divetesion, and loros, and
the chlamys. which recalled the gold histamena of holding a tall cross-bearing banner in his
Romanos III Argyros (1028–34).1 On the right hand and an anexikakia in his left.
YORKA NIKOLAOU reverse, the Theotokos stands by the Wrapped in an elaborately draped
emperor offering her protection—a motif maphorion, the Virgin blesses John by
that first appeared under Herakleios. Here placing her right hand on his head
she raises her hand to bless John. The Inscriptions: arranged in columns, left and
emperor’s piety towards the Virgin is right πø ¢∂C ¶√ Δ∏ Δø ¶√ƒºÀƒ√°∂¡¡∏Δø
reflected in the twelfth-century mosaic (Despot John the Porphyrogennetos); in the
field ª∏ƒ £V (Mother of God)
panel in the gallery of Hagia Sophia in
Constantinople, which depicts John and his
1892/93, π£΄1
wife Irene offering their gifts to the Virgin
and receiving the blessing of the young
32. Hyperpyron of John II Christ in her lap. In fact, the monastic
foundation document (typikon) of the his hyperpyron of John III Doukas
Komnenos (1118–43)
Pantokrator Monastery in Constantinople
(1136), which dates to the reign of John II,
T Vatatzes imitates an issue of John II
Komnenos (1118–43). The reverse, which
mentions a nomisma theotokion (coin of the depicts the Virgin blessing the emperor, is
Virgin),2 probably a reference to this basically similar with minor differences in
particular issue. A similar earlier use of the the secondary motifs. Similarly, another
term refers to the electrum coins of Alexios hyperpyron issue of John III copies an
I, which feature the same type. equivalent issue of John II.1 The issues of
John III generally borrow iconographic
GEORGE KAKAVAS elements from the Komnenoi.
Literature: Unpublished.
Interestingly, even though not “born in the
Mint: Constantinople, 1137–43? 1
Grierson 1982, 217. purple,” John III uses the title
2
DOC IV.1, 57, Alexios I to Alexios V, 1081–1204.
Gold (DOC IV, 1, Third Coinage, Variation B, porphyrogennetos, another reference to John
no. 3b.1ff.) II. This imitation and parallelism probably
Diam. 1 ⅛ in. ( 2.8 cm); weight 4.27 gr. indicate John III’s ardent desire to recover
Obverse: double dotted circle; Christ seated the Byzantine capital with God’s help. The
on a throne decorated with pearls, with a same desire is probably reflected in the
square back, cylindrical cushion, and bulla (1222–41) of his wife Empress Irene,
footrest; he blesses with his right hand and
which depicts Christ the Savior on the
holds a scroll in his left
33. Hyperpyron of John III obverse.2
Circular inscription: KERO H£EI (Lord help); in
the field, left and right: IC and XC (Jesus
Vatatzes (1221–54)
Christ)
GEORGE KAKAVAS
Reverse: double dotted circle; the emperor
wearing a crown, divetesion and loros, and
holding a cross-topped orb; wrapped in an
elaborately draped maphorion, the Virgin 1
Grierson 1982, 248–49.
blesses John by placing her right hand on his 2
Nikolaou 2002, 150, no. 59.
head
| 91 |
minting technique of this period’s concave emperor (1347–54). Subsequently, for
34. Hyperpyron of Andronikos
coins confirms this information. The fourteen years Anna held court in
II Palaiologos (1282–1328) obverse depicts the kneeling co-emperors Thessaloniki issuing decrees in her name,
Andronikos II and his son Michael IX in minting coins and making donations.
front of the blessing Christ. Archaeological evidence, such as coins and
portraits of her crowned and accompanied
GEORGE KAKAVAS by the monogram A (for ∞˘ÁÔ‡ÛÙ· =
Augusta), confirm her status and authority.
She died as a nun under the name
Anastasia in 1365. This issue depicts Anna
1
Grierson 1982, 290–91; Hendy 1985, 527. and young John on the reverse, and Christ
2
Pachymeres, 1999, 541, XII, 8.7–9. blessing John’s father, Emperor Andronikos
III Palaiologos (1328–41), on the obverse—
Mint: Constantinople, 1303–20 or later. an obvious reference to the authority
Gold (DOC V, 2, Class II(b), b, no. 327ff.; see bequeathed by the deceased emperor to his
also DOC V, 1, 138, pl. 13, no. 126) wife and first-born son and heir. This is one
Diam. ⅞ in. (2.2 cm); weight 2.4 gr. of the last issues of hyperpyra, since the
Obverse: in the center, a frontal, full-length minting of Byzantine gold coins stopped
figure of Christ blessing the kneeling shortly after the mid-fourteenth century for
emperors Andronikos II and Michael IX, who
35. Hyperpyron of John V
Palaiologos (1341–91) lack of the precious metal.
are dressed in royal garments and are
praying to God
GEORGE KAKAVAS
Inscription: in columns, left and right
∞¡¢ƒ√¡π∫√C XM ¢∂CPOTIC (Andronikos
Michael despots)
Reverse: nearly full-length figure of the
1
Grierson 1982, 287.
Virgin praying within the walls of

Constantinople
Inscription: in the field, left and right: ¢ª
and μ
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª Mint: Constantinople, 1341–47
75/2005 Gold (DOC V, 2, nos. 942–43)
Diam. 1 in. (2.5 cm); weight 3.2 gr.
36. Bulla of Michael VI
Obverse: Andronikos III Palaiologos in
aving been crowned co-emperor by Stratiotikos (1056–57)
Hhis father Michael VIII Palaiologos
imperial dress kneeling before Christ, who
blesses him by placing his right hand on the
in 1272, Andronikos II became sole ruler emperor’s head
after his father’s death and reigned for 46 Inscriptions: (fragmentary): ∞¡¢ƒ√¡π∫√C
years (1282–1328). The motif of the (Andronikos); in the field IC XC (Jesus Christ)
Virgin praying between the schematically Reverse: shown in full length and wearing
rendered walls of the Byzantine capital imperial garments, Anna (left) holds a
repeats a model established by Michael scepter and John (right) a scepter and akakia
VIII (1259–82) after the recovery of Inscription: (fragmentary in columns) ∞¡¡∞

(Anna), ∂¡Ãø (In Christ), πø (John)
Constantinople in 1261.1 George Gold (unicum)
Pachymeres notes on this issue of Michael Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª
460/1999 Diam. ⅞ in. (2.2 cm); weight 6.41 gr.
III, that the city (and the Virgin)
Obverse: dotted circle, Christ, with halo and
decorated the coin’s reverse, not the wearing a chiton and himation, seated on a
obverse: “… Â᾿ È̀ ªÈ¯·Ë̀Ï ÙË῀˜ fiÏÂˆ˜ throne with a square back, his right hand
his issue dates to the period when
·῾ÏÔ‡ÛË˜ … ÌÂÙÂÁÂÁÚ¿Ê·ÙÔ ÌẦÓ Ù·` Ùˆ
·Ï·Èˆ῀ Ó ÛËÌÂ›ˆÓ, ÙË῀˜ fiÏÂˆ˜
῀Ó
T Anna of Savoy was regent for the
raised in blessing and with a jewel-studded
Gospel in his left
¯·Ú·ÙÙÔÌ¤ÓË˜ ῎ÔÈÛıÂÓ …” (“ … under underage Emperor John V Palaiologos Inscription: in the field, left and right: πC- XC
Michael, after the city was conqwered … (1341–91).1 Anna’s regency ended with civil (Jesus Christ)
the old signs were changed by engraving strife, during which John Kantakouzenos Reverse: dotted circle, with the emperor
the city on the reverse …”).2 Study of the prevailed and succeeded in becoming co- standing frontally,wearing a cross-topped
| 92 |
crown with perpendulia, a loros, and a Inscription: in columns, left and right: IC - O -
divetesion; he holds a banner and a cross- § - V - XC - TP - ø - TH- C (Jesus Christ the
topped orb Savior)
Inscription: + ªπÃ∞∏§ ∞CΔ√∫ƒ¢Δ (Michael Reverse: Irene standing frontally with a tall
Emperor); on the left traces of a moved seal crown, divetesion, and loros, holding a
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no. ¡ª scepter in her left hand and lifting her right
177/1993 hand in supplication
Inscription: in the field, left and right: HPEI -
NHEV - CERE - ™TA - TH - VA - °OV - ™TAK -
OMNH - NH (Irene Most Pious Augusta
his gold bulla (seal) of Michael VI
TStratiotikos has no published parallels, Komnene)
Athens, Numismatic Museum, inv. no.
and is therefore considered a unicum. It 154/1999
was donated to the Numismatic Museum
in 1983 by the museum’s dedicated friend
ead seals or bullae were widely used in
and passionate collector Petros
Protonotarios. L Byzantium by all social classes and
Most extant imperial gold bullae are professions to ensure the safety and
preserved in the monasteries of Mount authenticity of private correspondence and
Athos and in the Vatican, though a few official documents. They sealed the
are in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection in correspondence of state and church officials,
Washington, D.C., the State Hermitage but also of private individuals. From the
Museum, the British Museum, and eighth century onward their iconography
Geneva’s Musée d’Art et d’Histoire. Gold was enriched with representations of holy
bullae, the weight of which was calculated figures—mostly the Virgin, but also Christ
in solidi, validated the Byzantine ruler’s and various saints—and even narrative
official state correspondence. religious scenes. Lead seals provide useful
information on Byzantine prosopography
YORKA NIKOLAOU and genealogy, on the empire’s bureaucracy
and administrative structure, and on
iconography.
Literature: Oikonomidou 1994, 177–81; Nikolaou 2012. The women of the imperial house also
used lead seals to ensure the confidentiality
of their private correspondence. The
iconography of the imperial family’s lead
seals is usually identical to that of its coins.
Daughter of Theodore I Laskaris, first
emperor of Nicaea (1205–21) , and wife of
37. Seal of Irene Komnene John III Vatatzes (1221–54), Irene chose
(1222–41) to represent the figure of Christ the Savior
on her lead seal’s obverse. Her choice
explicitly refers to the exiled emperor of
Nicaea’s hope of reconquering
Constantinople, then under occupation by
the House of Flanders.
YORKA NIKOLAOU
Literature: Zacos and Veglery 1972, 109–10, 119a;

Lead Athens 2002b, 150, no. 59 (Y. Nikolaou).
Diam. 1 ⅝ in. (4 cm); weight 51.24 gr.
Obverse: Christ standing frontally, with halo,
chiton, and himation; he blesses with his
right hand and holds a Gospel in the left
| 93 |
The Early Christian Church, 4th - 7th c.
In parallel with the weakening of Athens and the Basilica of Saint
B
etween the fourth and
seventh centuries momentous bouleuteria and local governments due to Demetrios in Thessaloniki (fig. 37). Yet
the consequences of barbarian incursions another possibility was the conversion of
events marked the end of and the assignment of civil responsibilities ancient public buildings into churches,
antiquity: the division of the Roman to bishops, a large number of Christian like the Julian Basilica and the South
churches “invaded” cities in an Basilica in the agoras of Corinth, or the
state into East and West, the
unprecedented building boom. Scattered Parthenon itself. Earthquakes frequently
Hellenizing of the Eastern Roman through the entire city and its countryside, offered opportunities for the occupation
state, and the establishment of these churches combined religious and and renovation of ancient structures.
social functions and became points of The most important and obvious
Christianity as the official state
reference. The ancient agoras changed uses, impact of the establishment of Christian
religion and of the Church itself as in Thessaloniki, Athens, and Corinth, for churches in the cities of Late aAntiquity
regulator not only of religious but example, and their central role in urban life was their deviation from the urban grid
was replaced by the cathedral church, and their disruption of the regularity and
also social life. These events are
which was connected with the bishopric axial features of street planning systems,
connected with changes in state and baptistery. At Philippi the colonnades either because the churches’ orientations
structures, law, ideals, customs, around the agora were restored in the sixth did not coincide with the axes of the street
century, the facades of ancient temples plan, or because they extended beyond
habits, and social behaviors and
were shored up to prevent their collapse, regular building blocks, occupying portions
priorities, echoes of which one meets and the episcopal complex of the Octagon, of main and secondary city streets. This
in the form and function of cities. Basilica A, and Basilica B was constructed occurred in Jerusalem, Thessaloniki,
around the agora. The density of churches Philippi, Christian Thebes, Corinth,
in cities was independent of their Thasos, and other cities of this period. The
population; rather, it was connected with lack of geometric clarity in the urban
the divinely-inspired zeal of frequently fabric of Early Christian cities creates an
anonymous founders and donors. impression of randomness and imprecision.
It was not easy to find free plots of However, this was really a mutation of
land in cities that had become heavily town planning principles rather than a loss
populated owing to the insecurity of the of a capability for regular town planning.
countryside. An example of the use of an The modernization of the wider social
open space was the tetraconch church in environment required the replacement of
the courtyard of the Library of Hadrian formerly secular public spaces with sacred
in Athens (5th century). Another option Christian sites. The disruptive force with
was to build churches on sites occupied by which this mutation in the urban fabric of
public buildings such as bathing cities occurred was owed to the dogmatic
establishments and gymnasiums, whose omnipotence of the Church, which
operations had been suspended by dint of stamped Christian cities with a new
new mores and fragile hydraulic perception of urban space, a new hierarchy
installations. Nearly all the Early of buildings, the relationship between
Christian basilicas in Thessaloniki were them and their functions, in which divine
connected with pre-existing bathing rather than human standards prevailed.
installations. Another option for the Churches were often large building
establishment of a church was the complexes that required sizable spaces,
presence of a martyrion, as for example the inasmuch as they included guest quarters
Basilica of Leonides (5th century) in for pilgrims and philanthropic foundations
| 94 |
such as hospitals, almshouses, etc. In the
Basilica of Saint Demetrios in
Thessaloniki there was a hospital with
many specializations, where treatment was
carried out in accordance with
Hippocratic medicine as well as with
miracles during the enkoimesis of patients,
in a combination of medical methods
known at both ancient Asclepieia as well
as Sarapeia. The conversion around 450 of
the Asclepieion of Athens into a Christian
healing center is a case in point.
Spolia such as marble and stone
architectural members, rubble, and bricks
from buildings lying in ruins were
important to the urban economy. Their
reuse met compelling needs, such as the
removal of rubble and clearing of cities,
and the provision and sale of building
materials. Philippi’s Basilica B was built Fig. 37 | Saint Demetrios, Thessaloniki. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
entirely of spolia from the gymnasium at
the same site.
Ravenna is an indication of their common architectural type of the basilica was
imperial origin. standardized and came to prevail. It featured
Constantinian Period (4th ∞t Philippi a Christian church was three or (normally) five linear stoas (aisles),
century) built in the courtyard of a Hellenistic the central one being the widest, at the
heroon. The simple long rectangular, eastern end of which were the sanctuary
In addition to those in Rome and the tripartite structure was characterized by and altar table where the Divine Eucharist
Holy Land, Constantine (312–37) also the mosaic founder’s inscription as a was celebrated. At the western end was a
built churches in Thessaloniki and basilike, dedicated to the apostle Paul. narrow narthex by way of which one
converted older buildings into churches. Around 400 an octagonal church entered through a peristyle atrium.
The large basilica beneath Hagia Sophia connected with late antique mausoleums By linking the altar table with the
and its baptistery is an example of the and martyria replaced the church. The tomb of a Christian martyr (enkainion), the
former, while the conversion of a bathing grave of the Hellenistic martyrion was church space was consecrated and
hall into an oikiskos with the tomb of Saint preserved in the center of the Octagon’s transformed into a place of prayer, where it
Demetrios represents the latter. outbuildings, and the tomb of the apostle was possible to communicate with the
Constantine combined imperial worship Paul was shown to pilgrims divine. Natural light falling into the
with Christianity, and made official accommodated in the guesthouse that church’s interior through the clerestory
Christian art a continuation of imperial formed part of the complex. windows and the large window in the
art. A focal monument was the Rotunda sanctuary apse played an important role in
of Thessaloniki, which was built and this mutation. The entering light was
decorated with mosaics as his mausoleum. Late 4th–Late 6th century reflected and diffused, creating a meditative
The similarity between the cruciform environment. During night services and
church of Hosios David in Thessaloniki With the triumph of the Orthodox vigils the glow of candles and lamps
and the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia in Church under Theodosios I (379–95), the through church windows identified them
| 95 |
as spiritual spaces par excellence. formulated in a moderate number of sixth century, not only in the cities but
In the fifth century magnificent large- variants of a liturgical and symbolic nature, throughout almost the whole of the
scale basilicas were built both inside and including triconch basilicas, where the countryside. The basilica type acquired a
outside cities (fig. 39). Like the eastern apse was connected with a grace thanks to the refined decoration of
Acheiropoietos in Thessaloniki, Basilicas A martyrion (basilica at Knossos, the triconch its marble architectural members, the
and C in Philippi, and churches in martyrion at Akrini Kozanis), or three- generalized use of marble revetments, and
Amphipolis, in Christian Thebes, and at aisled basilicas with transept (Basilica A, splendid wall mosaics. The basilica type
Nikopolis and other cities, they were Philippi) forming the shape of a cross. In not only did not decline, but expanded
adorned with marbles and mosaics. Their some cases the narrow sides of the under Justinian I (527–65) throughout
spaces were designed to meet liturgical transepts formed apses (Dodoni and the entire Mediterranean, experiencing
requirements. Apart from urban basilicas, Paramythia [Epiros]; Hagia Paraskevi more complex embodiments such as those
large cemetery basilicas were also built [Kozani], Synaxis [Maroneia]). The at Saint Nikon in Sparta, or evolving into
outside the city walls in Thessaloniki, double basilica with baptistery in the a cross-shaped basilica (Katapoliani
Philippi, Corinth, and other cities. In fifth- limited space of Alyki (Thasos) was [Paros], Saint Titus [Gortyna]), or domed
century basilicas the austerity of Roman connected with the marble quarries. basilica (Basilica B, Philippi). The
architecture and decoration was combined Basilicas dominated by baptisteries, such as introduction of the dome to the basilica-
with the exuberance of the new the one at Mastichari (Chios) or Basilica type church was a revolution in church
preeminent religion, expressed in a not A at Saint George (Pegeia, Cyprus), were architecture that established the vertical
altogether faithful application of the connected with navigation and the need axis opposite the longitudinal one in the
principles of Roman architecture and the for baptizing sailors. magnificent church of Hagia Sophia in
introduction of decorative motifs removed The closing of the Academy of Athens Constantinople. History has ranked this
from natural representation. (529), the bastion of secular philosophy, work among the wonders of the world,
The type of the large basilica was also signified the victory of Christianity in the and preserved the names of its engineers,
Fig. 38 | Early Christian baptistery, Filippoi, 5th-6th century. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
| 96 |
Fig. 39 | Early Christian basilica of Leonidis, Lechaion, Corinth, 5th-6th century. Photo: ©25th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities.
Anthemios of Tralles and Isidore of and central Macedonia. Slavic peoples and have divine support. The previous
Miletus, despite the anonymity of mountain populations which had once founders were replaced by citizens and
architects that was the norm during that been kept far from the borders were foreign settlers. The large residences of a
age. Buildings with a central plan such as allowed to enter the empire’s sparsely- Greco-Roman type that were built until
the church at Amphipolis, which was populated lands. In coalition with the the fifth century (Athens) were partitioned
probably dedicated to Saint Mokios, are Avars, they put the autonomy of cities in into smaller spaces, accommodating one-
found in provincial versions such as those danger (sieges of Thessaloniki and the and two-room households. Building blocks
of the churches of the archangel Michael miracles of Saint Demetrios; siege of were turned into neighborhoods with
in Episkopi (Kissamos, Crete) and of Saint Patras). With their entrance and later small churches in the central courtyard,
John on Kos, which was a baptistery. settlement in the plains as farmers and in and streets of the Hippodamian grid
With the complete dominance of the mountains as stockbreeders, they became narrow streets with labyrinthine
Christianity, important temples of antiquity disturbed the sense of safety in the alleys leading to the interiors of blocks.
including the Parthenon and Erechtheion countryside. During this period insecurity Cemeteries entered the cities, aqueducts
in Athens were converted to Christian increased. The urban cores of cities shrank were replaced by wells and cisterns, and
churches; all the ancient sanctuaries on the significantly (Philippi), which resulted in cities themselves were turned into castle-
Acropolis became Christian, and the bishop the shifting of fortifications inward fortresses whose chief virtue was that they
transferred his seat to the Acropolis. (see A. (Amphipolis, Maroneia). The old names of guaranteed self-sufficiency and the
Kaldellis above, 46–47, fig. 23). cities that had been associated with the capability for defense and survival.
names of settlers changed to toponyms
(Abdera to Polystylon; Anastasioupolis to
Late 6th–7th Centuries Peritheorion); some cities were abandoned, Selected Bibliography: Lemerle 1945; A. Grabar 1946;
while others were transferred to better- Avramea 1974; Pallas 1977; Ch. Bouras 1981; Feissel
The apogee of the Justinian period was fortified sites (Didymoteichon). A few 1983; Duval and Popovic ́1984; Villes et Peuplement
1984; Spieser 1984; Avramea 1989; Krautheimer 1986;
succeeded by a period of internal unrest in survived (Thessaloniki) or were newly Frantz 1988; Dunn 1994; Orlandos 1994; Avramea
the cities, Arab expansion, discontinuation founded (Servia). Building projects were 1997; Bakirtzis 1999; Curć ̌ic ́ 2000; Lavvas 2002;
of grain transport from Africa to interrupted, and restorations like that of Thessaloniki 2002; Saradi 2006; Bakirtzis 2007;
Ousterhout 2008; Bakirtzis and Koester 2009; Bakirtzis
Constantinople, and the need to cultivate the Basilica of Saint Demetrios in ́ ̌ic ́ 2010a; Bakirtzis and Mastora 2011;
2010; Curc
new lowlands, e.g. those of eastern Thrace Thessaloniki (circa 620) were believed to Bakirtzis 2012; Bakirtzis 2013.
| 97 |
Iconoclasm
MARIA PANAYOTIDI
The possibility of depicting divine exceptional soldiers and politicians13 who
T
he period of Iconoclasm
(726–843)1—and broadly figures had continued to trouble the in fact hailed from the East and were thus
Christian Eastern Roman state during the favorably disposed toward aniconic
speaking, the so-called Early entire Early Christian period,4 indeed concepts,14 favored the non-figural
Byzantine period (642–823) within under the pressure of the aniconic (non- decoration of churches in an effort to
which Iconoclasm falls—is perhaps figural) cultural expression of the East, maintain their imperial status and their
which did not accept that it was possible hold on the Eastern populations they saw
the most dynamic episode in for the divine to be pictured in human being abruptly lost and to bring some
Byzantine history. During this age, form.5 However, it is known that aniconic balance to the cultural crisis that had been
through the clash of ideological artistic expression was employed in church provoked.
decoration during the entire early period This position, formulated by Leo III
concerns of Late Antiquity inherited in parallel with figural expression.6 In the (717–41) in 726,15 went into effect in 730
by the Christian Eastern Roman state eighth century, this denial of the possibility with a decree prohibiting the veneration of
and the consequent cultural crisis, of depicting the divine was formalized and images. Recent historiography questions the
systematized, due to cultural conflict, an information—based on later, Iconophile
the medieval form of Byzantium attempted syncretism, and the consequent sources—that Leo III ordered the removal
acquired its definitive form, both crisis exacerbated by enormous Arab of the icon of Christ from Constantinople’s
with respect to its socio-political expansion.7 Chalke Gate,16 since earlier sources made
As an eastern people, the Arabs, who no reference to the presence of this icon
structures as well as its cultural after the Hegira (Hijra) in 622 swiftly above the palace gate.17 The doctrinal
identity. The crisis of Iconoclasm was moved to occupy the empire’s eastern expression of Iconoclast positions was
the last of the heresies and disputes provinces, accepted only the aniconic given by the council convened in the
decoration of places of worship as a palace of Hieria in February 75418 by
surrounding the Christological human possibility of expression.8 In Leo’s co-emperor from 720 and successor
problem; at the same time, it marked contrast, Greco-Roman civilization Constantine V (741–75).
the clear onset of the conflict depicted God.9 The osmosis of these two The Church of Rome, like many
cultural traditions, when it took place prelates, refused to follow imperial policy.19
between Greek cultural traditions following the iconoclastic crisis, implied There was a reaction throughout the
and those of the East, following the the possibility of theasis (viewing God) and empire, and it called forth bloody clashes
first forms of interfaith osmosis that consequently, that of theosis (union with that were linked to political revolts such as
God). In other words, the depiction of the that of Artabasdos (741–42).20 The initial
had begun to be evidenced during divine expressed the possibility man phase of the conflict continued until 787,
the age of Justinian.2 In other words, acquired to see God after the realization of when the Seventh Ecumenical Council
the crisis of Iconoclasm was a the Incarnation.10 With the Incarnation of was convened in Nicaea by the empress
Christ and the removal of original sin, Irene of Athens (780–90, 797–802) and
sociological phenomenon that man acquired the possibility of returning Constantine VI (780–97). Irene restored
showed the massive socio-political to the bliss of the paradise that had been the veneration of icons.21
underpinnings with consequent lost, and of finding himself once more face However, according to modern
to face with God.11 Man could now see the historiography, Leo III the Isaurian’s
financial implications that were aided invisible. That is, man could find again the involvement in the Iconoclast crisis is not
and abetted by all the related “Nous,” the archetype of the Neoplatonic attested by the sources, and the position
movements that had convulsed the philosophy, according to the realized that imperial Iconoclasm provoked severe
osmosis of the Greek and the oriental social strife is owed to the narrative later
empire throughout the preceding mentality.12 formulated by the Iconophile faction that
period.3 The Byzantine Iconoclast emperors, ultimately prevailed. The form of worship
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established by the Seventh Ecumenical
Council at Nicaea in 787, whose basic
positions continued to be refined until the
ninth century, provided the opportunity
to present the Isaurians’ policy as heretical.
In actuality, however, it was a policy of
purging which was implemented after the
ideological and cultural crisis of the late
seventh century, chiefly in relation to the
role of icons.22
The second phase of Iconoclasm was
provoked by Leo V (813–20) with the
convening of the Iconoclast Synod of
815.23 During this period, Thomas’s revolt
(820–23)24 was viewed as a reaction to
the Iconoclast crisis, despite its purely
political character.25 The Hierateion
gathering convened in Constantinople in
February 843 under the aegis of
Theodora, a year after the death of
Theophilos (829–42), definitively restored Fig. 40 | Virgin and Child, apse mosaic from the church of the Dormition of the Virgin, Nicaea,
9th century. Photo: ©State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg.
the veneration of icons.26
It is noteworthy that during this era,
i.e. that of the definitive restoration of
icons and formulation of Orthodox dogma conflict, due to which the empire’s existed in parallel with the figural painting
concerning the depiction of the divine as populations became passionate and used for church decoration in the
an actualization of theasis, the empire fanaticized, shows the important role Christian Roman Empire during the
permanently lost control of its eastern played by religious painting in the society Early Christian period. According to
provinces, just as it had lost control of the of that era.29 But while the Arabs forbade recent research,31 non-figural decoration
northern territories in the Balkans with the representation of any living form in continued in use even after Iconoclasm,
the Slav penetration and founding of the the mosque,30 in Byzantium the Iconoclast despite the official prevalence of the
state of Danube Bulgaria.27 From this movement condemned only religious dogma that the possibility of representing
period, the Eastern Roman state became figural decoration. Even during this divine figures was obligatory, since it
more confined and was Hellenized, given extreme phase of syncretism with the East, provided validation of the fulfillment of
that Greeks or strongly Hellenized the Greek cultural tradition never reached the Incarnation, through which man
populations remained under its rule. The the point of condemning living figures, acquired the possibility of returning to
end of Iconoclasm marked the beginning and sought doctrinal interpretations for “heavenly bliss.”
of the so-called Middle Byzantine period the acceptance or removal of religious Monuments with wall mosaics from
(843–1204), when in the wake of the themes. the age of Iconoclasm that exemplify the
fermentation process—of which During the Iconoclast period, official era’s aniconic decoration are few in
Iconoclasm was the final cutting edge— church decoration was confined to number and clearly identifiable as such in
medieval Greek culture reached its highest geometric motifs and scenes depicting the empire’s major cities. At Hagia πrene
form of expression.28 flowers and animals. The symbol of the in Constantinople, the mosaic cross resting
The major political significance cross was established for adorning the on three steps set in the apse conch after
Iconoclasm acquired as a purely religious sanctuary apse. However, all these themes the earthquake in 740, which was repaired
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the apse semi-dome date to the same era.
The inscription at its base was borrowed
from the Consecration Service (Euchologion
to Mega) and the other (on its face) is from
Psalm 64, like that preserved in Hagia
Irene.37
Wall paintings featuring aniconic
decoration have been discovered in
Thessaloniki,38 Mani,39 in many churches
on Naxos (fig. 42),40 on many islands of
the Aegean sea,41 in Crete,42 in Cyprus43
and elsewhere but also in Asia Minor44
and South Italy.45 The problem of course
is the degree to which these murals
actually expressed the official position of
the state during the Iconoclastic period,
like the major monuments mentioned
above, which were situated in the empire’s
Fig. 41 | Hagia Irene, Istanbul, view of the apse conch, ca. mid 8th century. centers. The aniconic murals that had
been identified in Thessaloniki in 1933
were preserved only in the lower parts of a
by Constantine V (741–775),32 still background of the representation of the chapel that lay in ruins, which doesn’t
dominates the church’s decoration (fig. 41). Virgin, when after the final restoration of help to consider the decoration as
The inscriptions surrounding the arch of icons in 843 the Virgin and Child was iconoclastic.46 In some churches, however,
the face of the conch and decorative bands once more placed in this position, at least on Naxos47 and a few in Asia Minor,48 as
were done at the same time. The according to the inscription preserved on well as in Hagios Prokopios in Mani, a
inscriptions, the interior one of which was the vault: “Naukratios restores the holy church that has been linked to the
borrowed from Psalm 64 ([65]: 5–6) and images” (“™Ù˘ÏÔÈ῀ ¡·˘ÎÚ¿ÙÈÔ˜ Ù·`˜ ıÂ›·˜ founding of the theme of the Peloponnese
the second of which (on the exterior face) ÂÈ᾿ÎfiÓ·˜”).35 (fig. 40) and the effort to impose positions held by
was inspired by the Book of Amos (9:6), In the metropolitan church of the central authorities,49 it appears that
allude to the residence of God, and glorify Thessaloniki, Hagia Sophia, the mosaics of decoration was done to express the
his holiness. Traces of murals with non- the semicircular barrel vault of the iconoclastic spirit.
figural decoration have also been sanctuary which included a cross in the As noted above, the tradition of non-
uncovered in the church’s south nave.33 center against a starry sky, and which were figural decoration was common not only
Part of the mosaic decoration of the enclosed in a disk and two wide side bands during the Early Christian period, but
Mikron Sekreton in the southwest corner with crosses and vegetal motifs, belonged continued in the Iconoclastic period and
of the gallery of Hagia Sophia also belongs to the original phase of the church’s even after the restoration of images,
to the reign of Constantine V. According decoration. According to an inscription at particularly in the era immediately
to the sources, in 768/69 the gold crosses the base of the dome, which includes the following their restoration.50 The first layer
were set in the position depicted in metal monograms of emperors Constantine VI of decoration from Episkopi in Evrytania,
busts of Christ, the Virgin, John the and Irene and mentions the bishop where amid the rich non-figural
Baptist, the leading apostles and four Theophilos (which doesn’t help to consider decoration there also were some figural
evangelists, which along with winding the decoration as iconoclastic),36 the work scenes such as the monumental
tendrils had decorated this area from the was carried out between 780 and 787 composition of the Crucifixion,51 should
reign of Justin II (565–78).34 (most likely in 784, when the empress be dated to the period immediately
In the church of the Dormition of the traveled to Macedonia). During this same following Iconoclasm. In most cases,
Virgin in Nicaea (destroyed in 1922), period, the decoration on the semi-dome of however, it is probable that non-figural
during the Iconoclast period the original the apse must have been a single large decoration was owed to the wishes of
scene of the Virgin, which was cross, because on the gold background of founders, who followed aniconic tradition
contemporary with the decoration of the the later scene of the Virgin (late 11th conservatively and somewhat obsessively.
vault, was replaced with a cross. Traces of century) that has been preserved to the From the Middle Byzantine period
its arms actually appeared from the present day, traces of its arms may still be onward, the aniconic tradition was
disturbance of the tesserae on the gold discerned. The inscriptions surrounding weakened though not entirely forgotten52
| 100 |
as the Iconophile tradition became slowly 6
Pallas 1974, 298–309. Brubaker 1989, 23–93; Brubaker 1998a, esp.
7
Haldon 1990. Brubaker 1998b, 71 and Cormack 1998, 151–163.
but surely consolidated. 8
Selected bibliography: O. Grabar 1978, 104–138, 29
See in addition: Brubaker 1989, 61–75; Cutler and
Interestingly, examples of Iconoclast- 223–225; Crone 1980, 59–95; Griffith 1992, 121– Spieser 1996, 21–63, esp 54.
138; Piccirillo 1996, 173–191; Ognibene 1998, 30
See above n. 8
era paintings have been preserved in Italy,
373–389; Ognibene 2002; Assimakopoulou-Atzaka et 31
See below, nn. 51–53
where Iconoclasm was not accepted by al. 2008, 30–36, with select bibliography; Griffith 32
George 1913, 47–56, figs. 17, 18, 22; Peschlow
the Roman Church. Part of the painted 2009, 63–84. 1977; Cormack 1977, 35–36, fig. 2; Brubaker and
9
Cf. Cameron 1991, 287–313; Cameron 1992, 250– Haldon 2011, 213–214, fig 16.
decoration of the dilapidated basilica of 276. 33
Cormack 1977, 36.
Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome was done 10
A. Grabar 1957, 183–257 (21984, 213–297). 34
Cormack and Hawkins 1977, 191–212; Cormack
during the era of Iconoclasm.53 The very 11
So do certain exceptional people, according to the 1977, 39, fig. 7; Brubaker and Haldon 2011, 201–
Old Testament: Exodus 33:11 (new king James 202, 214–215, fig. 12.
high-quality murals in the small tri-conch version) 35
Schmit 1927; Underwood 1959, 235–44; Brubaker
church of Santa Maria foris Portas in 12
A. Grabar 1945, 15–34; A. Grabar 1951a, 127–143. and Haldon 2011, 203–6, figs. 13, 14.
Castelseprio outside Milan, usually See also: Parry 1996, esp 52–64. 36
Monograms: ∫‡ÚÈÂ ‚Ô‹ıÂÈ ∫ˆÓÛÙ·ÓÙ›ÓÔ˘ ‰ÂÛfiÙÔ˘
13
Treadgold 1997, 346–470. Especially as respects the (Lord help the despot Constantine); ∫‡ÚÈÂ ‚Ô‹ıÂÈ
attributed to a Constantinopolitan artist Isauriens see Masai 1963, 191–221. ∂᾿ÈÚ‹ÓË˜ ‰ÂÛÔ›ÓË˜ (Lord help the despoina Irene).
who appears to have copied late antique 14
Barnard 1974, 141–146. Inscription: ÃÚÈÛÙẦ ‚Ô‹ıÂÈ £ÂÔÊ›ÏÔ˘/ Ù·ÂÈÓÔ˘῀
15
Barber 2002, 9, and nn. 12–13. Brubaker and Haldon ᾿
ÂÈÛÎfiÔ˘ (Lord help the humble bishop Theophilos)
originals, were executed around this same
2011, 119–127. 37
Pelekanidis 1964, 337–349; Pelekanidis 1973, 31–40;
time.54 16
Mango 1959, 112–135. Cormack 1980–81, 111–35; Brubaker and Haldon
17
Auzépy 1990, 445–492; Brubaker 1999, 258–285; 2011, 294–96, fig. 26.
Haldon and Ward-Perkins 1999, 286–296; Brubaker 38
Evangelidis 1937, 341–51.
and Haldon 2011, 128–135. 39
Drandakis 1964, 6–15, pls. 2, 3b, 6a, 7; Drandakis
1
Selected bibliography: A. Grabar 1957 (21984); Brown 18
Alexander 1958, 493–505. 1995, 216–22, figs. 5–8.
1973, 1–34; Barnard 1974; Gero 1973; Gero 1977; 19
Gouillard 1968, 306–307. 40
A. Vassilaki 1962–63, 49–74; Acheimastou-
Bryer and Herrin 1977; ODB 2 (1991), s.v. 20
Speck 1981; Treadgold 1992, 93. Potamianou 1984, 340–82; Panayotidi 1991, 284;
“Iconoclasm”, 975–977 (P. Hollingworth and A. 21
Sahas 1986. Mastoropoulos 2006, 68–70. The aniconic murals of
Cutler); Auzépy 2007; Brubaker and Haldon 2001; 22
Brubaker and Haldon 2011, esp. 772–799; Brubaker Hagia Kyriaki, Hagios Artemios and Hagios Ioannis
Barber 2002; Brubaker and Haldon 2011; Brubaker 2012, esp. 125–126. seem to be dated at the first half of the ninth
2012. 23
Alexander 1958, 493–505. As has been claimed, it century. More than fourteen non-figural painting
2
Kitzinger 1977; Cameron 1979, 3–35. appears that it was then that the icon of Christ was layers have been detected on the Island.
3
For the various readings of Iconoclasm, see: ODB 2 placed on the Chalke Gate, Auzépy 1990, 445–492; 41
On Amorgos, Rhodes, Telendos, Karpathos, see Pallas
(1991), s.v. “Iconoclasm”, 975–77 (P. Hollingworth Brubaker 1999, 279–281. 1986, 171–79; Acheimastou-Potamianou 1992b,
and A. Cutler); Barber 2002, 10, 144, n. 20. 24
Lemerle 1965, 255–297. 136–37; Gallas 1993, 54–55; Kollias 1994, 29–31;
4
Selected bibliography: Kitzinger 1954, 85–150; A. 25
Nevertheless sources are unclear, see: Brubaker and Katsioti 2002, 117–19.
Grabar 1969; Murray 1977, 215–257; Weitzmann Haldon 2011, 388. 42
Gallas et al. 1983, 80–81, 422–24, fig. 395;
1979, XIX–XXVI; Belting 1994, 30–163; Parry 1966, 1–8. 26
Mango 1977, 133–140. Borboudakis 1988, 16–18; Papadaki-Ökland 2000,
5
Jews began to depict divine figures only from the third 27
Ahrweiler 1974, 219, 222–227; Sophoulis 2012, 1–4, 55–56.
century onward in the face of competition with 51ff. For the Aimos Peninsula, Curta 2001, esp. 43
A. Stylianou and J. Stylianou 1985, 384–85; Ghioles
Christians. Weitzmann and Kessler 1990, 178–183; 335ff. 2003, 87–88, fig. 66. The church with its original
Barber 1997, 1019–1036. 28
Grabar 1957, 183–257 (21984, 213–297). See also: decoration goes back to 900.
44
Gough 1957, 153–63; Thierry 1976, 81–130; Thierry
1981, 205–28; Thierry 1982, 389–403; Lafontaine-
Dosogne 1987, 321–37; Thierry 1998, 651–74,
especially 671; Ruggieri et al. 1996, 33–48.
45
Falla Castelfranchi 1996, 409–22.
46
Evangelidis 1937, 341–51.
47
As is well known, Naxos was an important center
during the Byzantine period. It was the headquarters
of ecclesiastical and lay officials: Panayotidi 1986, 78–
79, 83–84, 99–100, n. 128; Panayotidi 1991, 281.
48
As for example in the churches in Al Oda and Davullu
near Yaprakhisar, in Hasan Dağ i; Thierry 1998, 665–
71. Hagios Vassilios at Sinassos, should perhaps be
dated to the second half of the ninth century;
Teteriatnikov 1992, 99–114; Jolivet- Lévy 2001, 37–39.
49
Drandakis 1964, 15.
50
Wharton-Epstein 1977, 103–111; Katsaros 1983,
109–66; Brubaker 2004, 573–90.
51
Panayotidi 1986, 77–78, fig. 3.
52
Recently, the aniconic decoration of Hagios Pavlos on
Ikaria Island has been dated to the 17th century,
following a careful examination of its inscriptions:
Aslanidis 2013, 27–28. Initially the decoration had
been considered as dated in the twelfth century,
Pallas, 1974, 271–314. Similar aniconic decorations
can also be found elsewhere.
53
Romanelli and Nordhagen 1964, 44–45, pls. 32–46.
Fig. 42 | Aniconic decoration from the sanctuary, Hagios Artemios, Sagkri, Naxos, 8th-9th century.
54
ODB I 1991, s.v. “Castelseprio”, 388 (D. Kinney);
Photo: Maria Panayotidi. Leveto 1990, 393 n. 1; de Spiribo 1998, 23, nn. 1–2 .
| 101 |
| 102 |
The Church as a Symbol of the Cosmos
in Byzantine Architecture and Art
´ URČIC´
SLOBODAN C
The origins of church architecture were seventh and eighth centuries. The most
T
he evolution of Byzantine
church architecture was a marked by intensive experimentation significant shifts that took place in church
aimed at defining Christianity’s public architecture of the sixth century were the
long, gradual process that identity, though initially general coherence general introduction of vaulting, the
essentially lasted five centuries and and typological conformity of architecture construction of domes with the resulting
and art could not be achieved. appearance of “domed basilicas,” and the
passed through roughly speaking
In the second phase imperial decrees emergence of a new understanding of
three distinct phases.1 The first of and legislation brought about the selective symbolism in church architecture.
these began with Christianity gaining destruction and conversion of pagan Although domes had played a role in
temples, accompanied by a major boom in earlier phases of ecclesiastical building—in
legal status following the Edict of
church building resulting in widespread structures such as mausoleums, martyria,
Milan issued by Constantine I in 313, manifestation of Christian preeminence, and above all baptisteries—their symbolic
and lasted roughly to the especially in major urban centers. and structural merger with basilicas
Concurrently, a new architectural language signaled a significant shift.2
tumultuous end of the fourth
also emerged on a universal scale. The The key building in this process,
century. The second phase may be columned basilica, a building type that had without a doubt, was the church of Hagia
associated with the fifth century, already made its experimental appearance Sophia, the cathedral of Constantinople,
in the fourth century, became universally rebuilt under the auspices of Justinian I.
which saw a gradual triumph of the
accepted and regionally standardized. following the fire during the Nika Revolt
Church, made manifest by the Characterized mainly by their timber-roof of 532.3 (fig. 43) Hagia Sophia, its huge
“standardization” of church construction, Christian basilicas retained interior space dominated by a dome circa
the formal characteristics and symbolic role 108 feet in diameter and rising to a height
architecture, notably in the of the “congregation hall” borrowed from of 177 feet, was an unprecedented
Christianized Eastern Roman Empire. pagan imperial models. Terminating in achievement and one never equaled in
The third phase witnessed a new large apses featuring synthronon subsequent Byzantine architecture. As a
arrangements for clergy seating, with the major imperial monument, the “Great
development in ecclesiastical central throne reserved for a bishop, such Church” as the “House of God” was
architecture, beginning circa 500 and churches symbolically echoed the celestial emulated in many new churches built
lasting until circa 800, generally domain comparable to that found in throughout the empire. Theologically
imperial halls accommodating the speaking, regardless of its dimensions but
referred to as “Early Byzantine.” enthroned emperor. The longitudinally thanks to certain of its formal features, any
axial arrangement of the basilica linked the church could be deemed a “House of
entrance door on its main façade with the God”4.
throne at the opposite end, providing the Contemporaneous theological debates
setting for solemn ceremonial processions regarding the meaning and the role of
of the clergy (fig. 39). images in Early Christian art were deeply
The third phase in the evolution of rooted in Neoplatonic philosophy and
church architecture —generally referred to sought to define ways to express the
as “Early Byzantine”— followed after “spiritual” by physical means (see P.
roughly 500, reaching its peak during the Athanassiadi above, 32—42). This
Fig. 43 | Interior, Hagia Sophia, Constantinople.
sixth century, but continuing with apparent paradox was resolved circa 500 in
Photo: ©Erich Lessing/Magnum Photos. decreased building momentum during the the theological writings of an unknown
| 103 |
Syriac hymn) written on the occasion of
the church’s dedication.9 The hymn offers
remarkable visual insights, while
underscoring the symbolic transcendence
of the building’s physical size, describing it
as having a “ceiling” reminiscent of the sky.
Without columns, the church had four
arches, decorated with golden mosaics and
studded with “shining stars,” on which
rested —symbolically— the four ends of
the world.10 These allusions reflect features
that had emerged in fifth-century
architecture, notably in the Mausoleum of
Galla Placidia in Ravenna, featuring a
pendentive dome covered with a mosaic
depicting a golden cross at its apex
surrounded by dark-blue star-studded sky
(fig. 44).11 Unmistakable symbolic
Fig. 44 | View into dome, allusions to the “dome of heaven” are
Mausoleum of Galla Placidia, further incorporated into the “Anastasia”
Ravenna, first half of 5th
century. Photo: ©2013. ciborium shrine, with its so-called “four-
A. Dagli Orti/Scala, Florence. point support” system, in the Treasury of
S. Marco in Venice (fig. 45).12
Sixth-century developments in the
author remembered only as Pseudo- great dome—bespeaks an architectural symbolic understanding of the universe
Dionysios the Areopagite. synthesis conveying the central notion of (cosmos) have also been preserved in the
Pseudo-Dionysios defined “symbol” (ÙÔ “sacred space.”8 work of Kosmas Indikopleustes, an
Û‡Ì‚ÔÏÔÓ) as the broadest philosophical- While Hagia Sophia was never outstanding exponent of Christian
religious category, an overarching concept specifically replicated, within a decade or so geography, who developed a cosmological
embracing the meanings of picture, sign, following its completion another Hagia
representation, and beauty. According to Sophia was erected in Edessa, and
him the preeminent value of any symbol is dedicated as a new cathedral in
its power to reveal and conceal circa 543–54. Though
simultaneously.5 Hagia Sophia can thus be destroyed in the eleventh
considered a supreme synthesis of century, the building’s
Byzantine theological, cosmological, and memory has been
architectural expression. Understood as the preserved in the
“House of God”—a concept familiar from celebrated sogitha (a
Near Eastern and Greek antiquity—Hagia
Sophia was the subject of literary
enterprises throughout Byzantine history
in widely varying contexts, such as
ekphraseis, hymns, histories, etc. Collectively,
these have left a remarkable, albeit often
frustrating record of the “Great Church.”6
Prokopios’ famous description of Hagia
Sophia provides a literary blend of its
physical and spiritual qualities.7
Throughout, it provides a palpable sense of
material triumph imbued with spiritual
glory. The ingenious superposition of the Fig. 45 | Ciborium of “Anastasia.”
6th century (?) Treasury of San
structure’s distinctive spatial volumes—the Marco, Venice, 9. Photo: ©Archivio fotografico
columned basilica juxtaposed with the della Procuratoria della Basilica di San Marco, Venezia.
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system reliant on Christology. Kosmas’ Simultaneously, the presence of the disk One of the best-known seventh-century
understanding of the universe utilized the alludes to the Incarnation and God’s texts defining the church in symbolic
idea of the tabernacle of Moses as a model “limited” visibility. “cosmic” terms is the so-called Historia
of the world. Through the theological The period between 726 and 843, mystagogica by Germanos I, Patriarch of
refinement of the concept of the church as generally referred to as the period of Constantinople (died ca. 733), which
the “House of God” the question of God’s Iconoclasm, is largely noted for strong significantly avoided discussion of pictorial
visibility versus invisibility was addressed imperial opposition to the cult of icons.15 images entirely.16
directly. Accordingly, the dogmas of the Though subjected to various forms of Byzantine architecture and art after the
Trinity and the Incarnation acquired their condemnation and physical destruction, end of Iconoclasm (Middle and Late
crucial place in that context, while the icon and even generating a form of civil war in Byzantine periods) are preserved in a very
became the vehicle of symbolic “coding” of certain areas of the empire, icons would large number of monuments of
the church interior. It is not never be fully eradicated from the considerable variety of architectural types,
inconsequential that one of the most Byzantine world. A decline in church and in their interior decorative programs.
effective representations of the cosmos is construction and in the production of Their differences notwithstanding, the
preserved in an early eleventh-century ecclesiastical art during the seventh and central, long-since articulated concept of
illuminated manuscript of Kosmas eighth centuries coincided with various the “church as Heaven on Earth”
Indikopleustes (fig. 46).13 The cosmos is external and internal crises that profoundly remained unchanged. New churches were
depicted in quasi-perspective as a three- affected life in the Byzantine Empire. greatly reduced in size, reflecting a
dimensional object. Created by “God the While theological disputes continued substantial increase in private patronage,
architect,” the cosmos is in the form of a unabated during the period, the few especially in the category of monastic
“vaulted house,” the flat, solid firmament churches that were built exhibit no churches. The emphasis on Christological
separating the semi-cylindrical “invisible substantive changes in their architectural themes in church decoration underscored
heaven” above from the cubical form of design or their symbolism. It was only the central role of the Incarnation, through
the “visible earth” below. A disk with the their interiors that were affected by which the dual nature of Christ was
image of Christ as Heavenly Ruler appears changes in attitudes toward icons as the eminently expressed and made accessible to
on the barrel-vaulted “heaven,” alluding to result of Iconoclast policies enforced until the faithful. The Incarnation, as a direct
God and His invisible Heavenly Host.14 843 (see M. Panayotidi above, 98—101). link between God and man, was most
immediately expressed through the Divine
Liturgy performed inside the church, as
had been the case without interruption
throughout the iconoclastic era. Its key
ability to link in spirit the physical,
contained earthly space along with its
congregation, no matter how small or
large, with the “uncontainable” divine
space of God the Father, became the
hallmark of Early Byzantine church
architecture, and remained unchanged ever
after.17
Byzantine monumental art after
Iconoclasm developed a new system of
interior decoration, one that relied on
monumental icons organized in
accordance with architectural principles
with which a mutually coherent
relationship addressed the higher symbolic
system of communication.18 Collectively
defined as the “classical system” of Middle
Byzantine church decoration, it made the
symbolic understanding of the church as
“Heaven on Earth” far more palpable
Fig. 46 | Representation of Kosmos, miniature from the manuscript of Kosmas Indikopleustes.
Holy Monastery of Saint Catherine, Sinai, Egypt, cod. Sinaiticus gr. 1183, fol 69r, early 11th century. visually and spiritually more accessible
Photo: Monastery of Saint Catherine, Sinai, archives. than had been the case before the
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Fig. 47 | View into dome, katholikon of the Daphni Monastery, Attica, end of 11th Fig. 48 | View of apse conch, katholikon, Hosios Loukas Monastery, Boeotia, first half
century. Photo: ©2013. Photo Spectrum/Heritage Images/Scala, Florence. of 11th century. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
iconoclastic controversy. Looking at the corners of the naos, below the dome base, conch against the vast gold background,
long development of Byzantine art contain scenes from the life of Christ, part echoing pre-iconoclastic illustrations of the
historically, it may be said that it was of the so-called dodekaorton or “festival subject alluding to Incarnation.
Iconoclasm, as the preeminent challenge to cycle.”22 The four scenes were judiciously Variations on these themes continue in
the role of icons in Byzantium that led to selected, with two on the east side (the the following centuries without
a more focused synthesis of the Byzantine Annunciation and the Nativity) alluding substantive changes. The tendency over
decorative program. Symbolically speaking, to the beginning of Christ’s life as man and the course of time to add narrative scenes,
the church itself ultimately became an two on west side (the Baptism and the at times even whole narrative cycles, did
icon, functioning as a direct vehicle of Transfiguration) alluding to His divine not change the central understanding of
spiritual communication between man nature, thus underscoring the dual nature the church as cosmos, or symbolic “House
and God.19 of Christ at the crucial junction between of God.” Otto Demus, in his magisterial
The eleventh century yielded some of the “earthly” (lower) and “heavenly” (upper) work examining the development of
the finest Middle Byzantine works of domains. Christ Pantokrator serves as the Byzantine monumental art after circa 1100,
architecture and interior mosaic programs.20 focal point of the church’s main vertical saw the subsequent process largely from a
The churches of this group are axis in the middle of its naos. formal point of view, as a gradual
characterized by proportionately large The image of the Mother of God “dissolution” of the short-lived “classical
domes whose brightly illuminated interiors (Theotokos) with the Christ child on her system” of Byzantine mosaic decoration.23
are crowned by the image of Christ lap, on the other hand, as in the conch of Within the half-century following the
Pantokrator, as in the church of the the sanctuary apse of the main church at appearance of Demus’s “classic,” the study
Daphni Monastery, dating from circa 1100 the Monastery of Hosios Loukas, dating of Byzantine art has undergone a period of
(fig. 47). Here Christ is depicted as the from circa 1011, establishes the focal point enormous growth, offering many new
Heavenly Ruler, visible, but beyond reach, of the horizontal axis, linking the church’s points of view without undermining the
and beyond full comprehension of the main entrance with its sanctuary (fig. 48). value of Demus’s main principles.24
faithful. Surrounded by an aura of “divine Thus the depiction of the dual nature of A small Byzantine church of St. George
light” in the form of a rainbow band, the Christ—as God–Heavenly Ruler and as at Kurbinovo, in Macedonia, essentially
image anchors the entire interior pictorial God-man—is schematically anchored in unknown at the time of the initial
program.21 Around the fringe of the dome the “classical system” employed in Middle publication of Demus’s book, illustrates
are representations of his Heavenly Host— Byzantine churches. The Mother of God further directions in the development of
figures of sixteen Old Testament prophets appears enthroned, frontally positioned and Byzantine monumental art. Built in 1191
standing between the sixteen windows of holding the Christ child—also seated and measuring a mere 22 by 49 feet, the
the drum. The squinches in the four frontally—on her lap within the apse building displays extreme simplicity of
| 106 |
architecture, yet considerable sophistication Bethlehem where Christ was born, as well The symbolic power of formal aspects
in its painting program (fig. 49). The view as the cave [in Jerusalem] where He was of church architecture, quite apart from
of the apse interior reveals a densely packed buried.”26 The entire program layout the absolute building scale, is also
group of images. The primary focus is on comprises a symbolic cross, made up of a demonstrated by a variety of small-scale
the enthroned Mother of God with the horizontal axis linking the two-part objects made for the fulfillment of sacred
Christ child on her lap in the conch, and Annunciation with the enthroned Mother functions associated in different ways with
the Ascension of Christ in the triangular of God in the apse conch and a vertical ecclesiastical symbolism. Two Middle
gable directly above the apse opening. The axis linking the “Holy Sepulchre” with the Byzantine metal objects serve as examples,
apse conch is flanked by a two-part risen Christ above. Since the building is underscoring the symbolic freedom in
Annunciation—the archangel Gabriel not vaulted, the mentioned scenes appear communicating the notion of “cosmos” in
appears on the left spandrel, the seated compressed, at a greatly reduced scale, and association with church architecture. The
Mother of God in front of her house on in an essentially two-dimensional setting. first is the tenth-century so-called
the right one. Directly below the Mother Notwithstanding the building’s diminutive Anastasios Reliquary in Aachen (fig. 50).28
of God are: a painted representation of the size, in length less than half the diameter of The silver-gilt object, measuring roughly
altar ciborium, doubling as the apse the dome of Hagia Sophia, the church at 7 ½ x 7 ⅞ x 15 ⅜ inches (19 x 20 x 39
window frame, and above it an early Kurbinovo demonstrates the power of cm), resembles a small cubical church with
representation of the Melismos.25 The apse “compressed” iconography to convey the a dome elevated on a drum, a protruding
in this case clearly refers to “the cave in notion of the “House of God,”27 apse with three windows, and double-
leaved doors on its other three façades.
Despite the lengthy inscriptions in Greek
on the cubical base, the original function
of the object is still debated.29 Whether the
building was initially made to contain the
cranium of Saint Anastasios the Persian, as
is currently the case, or was initially meant
to function as an artophorion holding the
consecrated “reserved Host” after the
Liturgy, the object was unquestionably
associated with holiness. Furthermore, its
physical form recalls that of the Cathedral
of Edessa as described in “Another
Sogitha.”30
Another striking example of a
miniaturized church as a symbol of the
cosmos is an eleventh-century gold ring
discovered in the Roman-Byzantine
fortress of Dinoget,ia and now in the
National Museum of Romanian History,
Bucharest (fig. 51).31 The ring was found
with a trove of other precious objects
identified as having belonged to a high-
ranking ecclesiastical figure. Measuring a
mere ¹⁵⁄₁₆ inch (2.32 cm) in outside
diameter, it is just under 2 inches (5 cm)
high, including the miniscule model of a
church. The church features a central-plan
design, consisting of a hexagonal lower
floor and a proportionately large dome
supported by a hexagonal drum pierced by
six windows.
In terms of scale, this tiny church
Fig. 49 | Interior view of east end, Saint George, Kurbinovo, 1191.
model is the absolute opposite of Hagia
Photo: Joséphine Powel, Courtesy of Special collections, Fine Arts Library, Harvard University. Sophia, yet both are “symbols,” and their
| 107 |
1
Krautheimer 1986.
2 ́ ̌ic ́ in press.
Curc
3
Mainstone 1988.
4
Michelis 1955, 31–103), especially 85–91.
5 ́ ̌ic ́ 2010b, 7–8.
Curc
6
Mango 1992, 41–56.
7
Saradi 2010, 99.
8
Ibid., 98–105.
9
McVey 1983, 91–121.
10
Ibid., 95:
4. For it truly is a wonder that its smallness is like the
wide world, not in size but in type; like the sea,
waters surround it.
5. Behold! Its ceiling is stretched out like the sky and
without columns arched and simple, and it is also
decorated with golden mosaic, as the firmament [is]
with shining stars.
6. And its lofty dome – behold, it resembles the
highest heaven, and like a helmet it is firmly placed
Fig. 51 | Ring, 11th century. National Museum
on its lower [part].
of Romanian History, Bucharest (11423).
7. The splendor of its broad arches – they portray the
Photo: after Thessaloniki 2009.
four ends of the earth.
11
Deichmann 1974, vol. 2, I, 61ff., vol. 3, I, pls. 1–31.
See also Kitzinger 1977, 53ff.
12
Princeton 2010, 246–47 (M. da Villa Urbani); on the
“four-point support“ system and the “pendentive
dome” geometry, see Curc ́ ̌ic ́ 1992, 26–31.
Fig. 50 | Reliquary of Saint Anastasios 13
Weitzmann and Galavaris 1990, 54, pl. LXII; also
the Persian, late 10th century, Saradi 2010, 88–91.
Domschatzkammer Aachen. 14
Saradi 2010, 89–91.
Photo: ©Domkapitel, Aachen/Ann Münchow. 15
Sathas 1986.
16
Germanos 1984, 57–63. The text deals with the
symbolism of different church parts, but also alludes
vastly different sizes play no role in their and apostles: “Take, eat, and drink of it: this is my body to the Incarnation and the sacred topography of the
and my blood.” . . . Holy Land as reflected in the symbolism of the Holy
meaning. The church as a symbol of the Liturgy. The text, however, offers no description of
5. The ciborium [ÎÈ‚ÒÚÈÔÓ] represents here the place
cosmos and the “House of God,” in where Christ was crucified; for the place where He was building parts in architectural terms (see Appendix).
17
Zias 2002, 51–56.
theological terms, is always “large enough” buried and was nearby and raised on a base. It is placed 18
Demus 1955. The general concept is summed up in
to accommodate God, whose appearance in the church in order to represent concisely the
chapter I (3–39), while the historical background is
crucifixion, burial, and resurrection of Christ. . . .
and physical dimensions remain eternally examined in chapter II (43–73). See also Kitzinger
6. The altar [ı˘ÛÈ·ÛÙ‹ÚÈÔÓ] corresponds to the holy tomb 1988, 51–71.
beyond human comprehension, except by of Christ. On it Christ brought Himself as a sacrifice to 19 ́ ̌ic ́ 2010, 3–37.
Curc
the agency of spirit. [His] God and Father through the offering of His body 20
Demus 1955, 52–61.
as a sacrificial lamb, and as highpriest and Son of Man, 21
Curć ̌ic ́ 2012, 313–14.
offering and being offered as a mystical bloodless sacrifice, 22
Demus 1955, 22–26.
and appointing for the faithful reasonable worship, 23
Ibid., 61–63, ascribing the changes to the loosening of
through which we have become sharers in eternal and professional standards, to the rise of fresco painting in
Appendix
contrast to mosaic art, and to “provincial”
1. The church [Â᾿ÎÎÏËÛ›·] is the temple of God, a holy immortal life. . . .
imperfections in the spread of Byzantine art after circa
place, a house of prayer, the assembly of people, the body 7. The bema [‚Ë῀Ì·; here, specifically, synthronon] is a
1100.
of Christ. . . . concave place, a throne on which Christ, the king of all, 24
Kitzinger 1988, Safran 1998, and Hadjitryphonos
The church is an earthly heaven in which the super- presides with His apostles, as He says to them: “You 2006, 237–59, are but a few examples, beyond the
celestial God dwells and walks about. It represents the shall sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel.” It secondary literature quoted in this essay, that reflect
crucifixion, burial, and resurrection of Christ. . . . It is points to the second coming, when He will come sitting the broadening perceptions related to Byzantine
prefigured in the patriarchs, foretold by the prophets, on the throne of glory to judge the world. . . . church architecture and monumental painting since
founded in the apostles, adorned by the hierarchs, and 8. The entablature [ÎÔÛÌ‹ÙË˜, also cornice] is the legal the appearance of Demus 1955.
fulfilled in the martyrs. and holy decoration, representing a depiction of the 25
Babic ́1968, 368–86, especially 82–86.
crucified Christ by means of a decorated cross. 26
Germanos 1984, 59.
2. . . . ́ ̌ic ́ 2010, 23–29.
9. The chancel barriers [Î¿ÁÎÂÏ·] indicate the place of
27
Curc
3. The apse [ÎfiÁ¯Ë] corresponds to the cave of 28
Saunders 1982, 211–19.
Bethlehem where Christ was born, as well as the cave in prayer: the outside is for the people, and the inside, the
29
Angar 2012, 92–117.
which he is buried. . . . Holy of the Holies, is accessible only to the priests. The 30
Saradi 2010, 98–105.
4. The holy table [·῾Á›· ÙÚ¿Â˙·] corresponds to the spot barriers, made of bronze, are like those around the Holy 31
Princeton 2010, 274–75 (L. Dumitriu).
in the tomb where Christ was placed. On it lies the true Sepulchre, so that no one might enter there by accident.
and heavenly bread, the mystical and unbloody sacrifice. 10. The ambo [·῎Ì‚ˆÓ] manifests the shape of the stone
Christ sacrifices His flesh and blood and offers it to the of the Holy Sepulchre [on which the angel sat after he
faithful as food for eternal life. rolled it away from the doors of the tomb,] proclaiming
The holy table is also the throne of God, on which, the resurrection of the Lord to the myrrhbearing
borne by the Cherubim, He rested in the body. At that women. . . .
table, at His mystical supper, Christ sat among His
disciples and, taking bread and wine, said to his disciples Excerpt from Germanos, on the Divine Liturgy 1984, 57–63.
| 108 |
Icons in the Devotional Practices
of Byzantium
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Close your eyes, change your point of view and awaken another
kind of sight which everyone has but few use
(Plotinus, Enneads I.6.8)
Moreover, it shows that name and image The close relationship between relics
π
n the late fourth century in
worked in tandem and complemented one and images is also brought out in the story
Antioch, after the death of the
another, though we do not know whether of the early acheiropoietoi icons, whose role
city’s bishop and later saint Meletios’s name was inscribed next to his and reputation grew in the sixth and
Meletios (died 381), local Christians portraits or simply giving them certain seventh centuries.6 These icons, as their
iconographic features was enough to name suggests, were not thought to be
gave their sons his name and put his
identify him.2 Above all, however, the made by human hands, but rather in a
picture up in their homes, in public passage from Chrysostom documents how miraculous way, and derived their sanctity
spaces, on rings, seals, and vessels, the concept that an image brings the from being themselves relics. In other
notional presence of the saint into a given words, they embodied the characteristics of
believing that the saint would
place, thus transferring his qualities by the two categories: they were at the same
comfort and protect his flock means of his depiction, was put into time the material remains of holiness in
through his image and his name.1 practice. While Chrysostom’s text conveys action and portraits that could be copied
the practices of the people of Antioch in a in perpetuity. The story of the Mandylion
This information, which comes from
lively way, the same ideas were already of Edessa, the subject of many studies in
a homily of Saint John Chrysostom, being expressed with even greater clarity recent years, is the most typical example
one of the greatest of the Church and subtle theological distinctions in (fig. 52).7 According to legend, the
theoretical treatises by the Church Fathers. Mandylion was the miraculous imprint of
Fathers, is of interest to us here for These ideas would crystallize into a Christ’s face on a cloth, a portrait that
many reasons: it confirms that icons complete theology of icons in the iconophile Christ himself made and sent to Abgar,
worked independently of the type of tracts of the period of Iconoclasm, in the king of Edessa (modern Urfa, Turkey), in
eighth and ninth centuries (see M. order to cure him of a serious illness. In
object or medium involved (e.g. Panayiotidi above, 98—101). 944 the Mandylion was brought from
whether a painted portrait, or an Despite the widespread presence of Edessa to Constantinople, where after a
image in ceramic, metal, or on a icons in a variety of contexts of everyday splendid procession it was deposited in the
life and religious practice in the Early Church of the Pharos in the Great Palace,
piece of jewelry), and that their Byzantine period, relics, i.e. the material the imperial repository for the most holy
presence could extend to every evidence of the physical presence of holy relics in Constantinople. This is not the
persons on earth, were the linchpin of place to discuss the successive
aspect of public and private life.
devotional practices.3 It was around relics, transformations of the narratives told
the principal vehicles of holiness, that about the Mandylion over the centuries. It
public devotional practices were woven, is sufficient to note that the Mandylion,
churches built, and shrines established.4 both an icon and a relic, the supreme
However, it was the icon, ubiquitous in testimony to Christ’s incarnation and the
Byzantine places of worship, that made it theological justification for sacred portraits,
possible, thanks to multiple copies, to was a worthy substitute for the presence of
strengthen and expand any cult.5 Christ himself, transferring intact his
| 109 |
are indissolubly linked in Byzantine
religious art, and an understanding of the
iconography depends on a discourse that
provides the interpretation, whether it
comes from the Old or New Testament
and the apocryphal gospels or the homilies
of the Church Fathers and the hymns
sung in the course of church services. It is
through this essential combination of word
and image8 that multiple levels of
interpretation are woven around the
images of holy persons, which allow a
Virgin of Tenderness (fig. 53), for example,
to represent at one and the same time a
mother’s tender, human embrace of her
playful child, a tragic prefiguration of his
impending death, and an announcement of
future salvation for all humanity (cat. no.
55). And then again it is the theological
and liturgical texts that explain and
interpret the back-to-back juxtaposition of
a Mother and Child and Man of Sorrows
on a two-sided icon from Kastoria. Serving
as a processional icon, with both faces
visible simultaneously, it depicted at once
the mystery of the Incarnation and the
salvation of mankind through Christ’s
Passion (cat. no. 52).
From another perspective, it was also
the umbilical cord of the image-text
relationship that impelled and allowed the
Byzantine icon, despite its apparent
perpetual attachment to repeating the same
Fig 52 | Icon with the Presentation of the Mandylion to King Abgar, 10th century. The Holy Monastery of Saint sacred models, to reinvent and update itself
Catherine, Sinai, Egypt. Photo: Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai.
using new approaches. Thus in the
splendid fourteenth-century icon of Christ
as Holy Wisdom from the church of
blessing (eulogia) and his miracle-working burning incense, crossing themselves, Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki (cat. no. 54)
activity to some far-off city, just as if he kissing the icons, and prostrating the Christ Pantokrator image that had
were there in person. themselves before them were all part of an been familiar from as early as the sixth
Iconoclasm, the profound conflict that acceptable ritual “performance,” whereby century acquired a new, up-to-date level of
split Byzantium, in the eighth and ninth the faithful venerated the holy person theological interpretation. Thanks to the
centuries, over whether or not it was through their icon. However, over and unusual choice of text inscribed on
acceptable for Christians to venerate icons, above the totality of the rites that bound Christ’s open Gospel and the idiosyncratic
drove iconophile theologians to come up the believer to the icon in what was both depiction of the halo, reminiscent of a
with a complete theory of such images. a public and a deeply personal relationship, moving sphere of light, the icon is in an
After Iconoclasm we find an enormous there were many ways in which Byzantine artistic dialogue with contemporary
corpus of theological texts in fully icons assumed the viewer’s involvement in theological texts that highlight the mystical
developed form, which not only provided a reading and interpreting them. Every detail participation of the believer in the divine
minutely documented theological basis for in the composition of an icon is fraught light through the Hesychast movement
the veneration of icons but even with symbolic content, referring its (see K. Chryssochoidis below, 116—17).
regularized the rites believers performed in existence back to the texts and theological Nowadays we are accustomed to using
their presence: lighting candles and lamps, writings that informed it. Text and image the term “icons” for the mainly painted,
| 110 |
portable panels which were, to a large
extent, a predominantly Byzantine creation
and tradition. Yet as we have already seen
from the fourth-century tale of Saint
Meletios, an icon could be made of any
material, because it fulfilled its purpose
independent of the medium. In other
words, by combining a portrait with a
name, an inviolable combination after
Iconoclasm, the icon identifies the holy
personage and guarantees his or her
presence in the place of worship, allowing
the icon to function as a means of
communication with the divine9 (see S.
C´ určic´ above, 105—8). Indeed, devotional
icons made of other materials are often
encountered, even in places and for uses
that would today be considered clearly
designed for portable works, such as the
templon screen or in the proskynetaria for
the cult icons of many Byzantine churches
(fig. 54).10 Nevertheless, if these static
devotional icons could respond to the
demands of the faithful and become the
recipients of devotion, it was truly the
portable icon, above all the painted
wooden panel—as we know from the
sources and extant examples—around
which the various devotional acts imposed
and permitted by the Byzantine theory of
icons would fully develop.
The portable icon could itself become
an “actor,” moving in space, visiting and
conversing with other icons. In public life Fig 53 | Icon with enthroned Virgin and Child surrounded by prophets and saints, mid–12th century.
The Holy Monastery of Saint Catherine, Sinai, Egypt. Photo: Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai.
these devotional icons were public figures.
The devotional practices organized around
them defined and were in turn defined by
the cycle of life, its expectations and all classes participated (fig. 55).11 Wonder- devotional icons in medieval Byzantium,
reverses, in tune with sowing and reaping, working icons, like famous relics—or the Virgin Hodegetria in Constantinople
flood and drought. The most illustrious sometimes in combination with them— (cat. nos. 52, 56). From the eleventh
examples among them were considered gradually became the main attractions in century on, until it reached a peak in the
protectors of cities and armies or acted as great pilgrimage churches12 or objects Palaiologan period, a glorious past and a
guarantors of law and order, validating disputed between competing patrons and corpus of miracle stories was gradually
imperial power. In the cities the presence cities.13 Christian confraternities undertook constructed around this famous icon,
of devotional icons defined the layout of to look after them and their processions, which became the palladion of the City,
the urban landscape, the organization of and took responsibility for transporting the imperial power, and of all Byzantium.15
space, movement within and accessibility them and managing their income.14 Ultimately the Hodegetria icon’s
of its districts. The processions of In many cases the story of the pre- refurbished pedigree appropriated and
important devotional icons were not just iconoclastic period was rewritten for condensed various traditions in response to
religious but also political and social certain icons, in order to give some historical necessity in the revival of
events, around which was entwined the historical background and greater prestige Byzantium after its reconquest from the
economic activity of the city, through fairs to their wonder-working activity. This was Latins by Michael VIII Palaiologos in
or feast days in which crowds of people of the case with the most famous of all 1261. Through this new relationship with
| 111 |
Fig 54 | Masonry templon screen with painted mural icons of Saint George and the Virgin Glykophiloussa, Staro Nagoricino, 1314.
Photo: Andrea Jemolo.
the icon of the Hodegetria, which was their namesake saints, and sometimes shall use an unknown example, an icon of
endowed with ancient roots referring back chose to have their own portrait placed the Virgin and Child from the Benaki
to its creation by the hand of the next to that of their protector, thus sealing Museum, whose small dimensions would
evangelist Luke,16 Byzantium was even more visibly their relationship with suggest it may have been intended for
renewing the contract for its protection their personal intercessor.17 In the lives of private devotion.20 (fig. 56) The icon,
with the Virgin herself. saints miracles are very often structured battered by age, depicts the Virgin fondly
If the history of celebrated devotional around the relationship between the kissing the hand of the infant Christ. This
icons points up their emblematic role in believer and the icon. In some cases indeed tender scene is a variant on a well-known
official and public devotional practices, the this relationship shows evidence of an Constantinopolitan type of the twelfth
mass of “anonymous” icons that poured exchange with the saint, often rather century (fig. 53), which came to be known
into the lives of the Byzantines reveals the forthright, which can take the form of a as the Kykkotissa after the miraculous
personalization of the individual quasi commercial transaction, thus icon of the same name from the Kykkos
relationship between the believer and the demonstrating better than any theological Monastery in Cyprus.21 The Benaki
icon. In the sphere of private piety the treatise just how direct the contact Museum icon must have been the object
icon functions as an amulet or shield between the Byzantines and their icons of considerable veneration, as it was
protecting people and places (such as the was. For example, in the ninth century the regilded and restored at least twice before
home or workplace), as well as acting as a monk Eustratios threatened an icon of being covered, at the behest of one
constant companion, a reminder and Saint Theodore that if the saint (or his Georgios Saravaris in the fourteenth
confirmation of the presence of the holy icon) did not reveal the name of a thief century, with a silver revetment. This
person beside the owner of the icon. the monks would stop lighting the lamp bears an epigram, which reads as follows:
People’s hopes and fears for their over the icon.18 +You know well the desire of my soul
prosperity, ability to have children, health, The Byzantines’ dialogue with their That I nourish for you all-chaste
and death were expressed through icons is most coherently expressed in Virgin;
commissions and individual dedications. epigrams, short verse texts dedicated to and But accept the gift to your image,
Christians often commissioned icons of inscribed on icons by their owners.19 I [presented] by [my] hand
| 112 |
That covers your reverend icon with frame, is displayed as a devotional icon, a the polysemous icon had conferred on its
gold-plated silver; relic of the defeated Byzantine Empire, and new owner all its victory-bringing power.
Thus whiten my life like silver now a symbol of the Serenissima itself. After the Fall of Constantinople to the
Covering it with the gold of virtues. Thus Venice legitimized its sway as heir Ottomans in 1453, the icons of Byzantium
These [are] from Georgios Saravaris. to the Byzantine Empire, once the symbol remained in the collective memory as the
of its rival had been transferred to it and supreme legacy of the Orthodox faith and
In an epigram showing little poetic
originality,22 but one that perfectly captures
the immediacy of speech and the strength
of the relationship, Saravaris presents the
icon of the Virgin with the silver-gilt
revetment, asking her to return the favour
in his earthly life.23 The Virgin and her
icon have become one, and Saravaris,
venerating the latter with material means,
looks forward to his reward, without
distinguishing between signifier and
signified, i.e. the venerated depiction and
the sacred prototype.
From another point of view Saravaris’s
icon, with all the care lavished on it over
the centuries by its owners, with
restorations, regilding, and revetments,24
calls to mind another level of veneration
shown to Byzantine icons: the conversion
of some of them into virtual relics, framed,
enshrined, and put on display in the same
way as relics. These icons are viewed by
the communities that venerate them not
just as vehicles of exceptional sanctity, but
as symbols that condense historical
memories and theological or political
references. Two typical examples come
from the Vlatadon Monastery in
Thessaloniki; earlier, smaller icons have
been enclosed in later frames, decorated
with an iconographic program that brings
out the significance of the revered objects
at the heart of the new panels.25 However,
the most celebrated and highly symbolic
example is found in the Byzantine icon of
the Virgin Nikopoia, now in St. Mark’s
in Venice. According to the legend
developed in Venice in the sixteenth
century, this work is to be identified with
the victory-bringing icon of the Virgin
that accompanied the Byzantine army on
campaign as a fellow warrior and
protector, and that fell into the hands of
the Crusaders in 1204, a trophy from a
defeated Byzantine general.26 This
Byzantine icon, placed in its own niche in Fig 55 | Procession of the Hodegetria icon, fresco, late 13th century. The Holy Monastery of Blacherna, Arta.
the church in a monumental and precious Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
| 113 |
Fig 56 | Virgin and Child with a silver revetment. Benaki Museum, Athens, 3764. Photo: ©2013 Benaki Museum/Velissarios Voutsas.
the most representative expression of its 4

Carr 2002, 75–92. 18
Oikonomides 1991, 35–44.
5
Brubaker 1995. A humble but particularly popular type 19
Talbot 1999, 47–59; Pentcheva 2007, 120–38.
art. The Cretan icon workshops of the of objects provides a shining example of the closely 20
The icon’s inventory number is 3764. The support is
fifteenth century, continuing the age-old intertwined functions of the icon and the material made up of a single plank of wood, measuring
remains: the pilgrim tokens, which combined an image 12 x 8 ⅞ x ⁷⁄₁₆ in. (30.5 x 22.5 x 1.8 cm). On the
tradition they had inherited, produced and on the outside with holy water or holy oil on the technical features and conservation of the panel, see
exported hundreds of icons from Venetian inside. See recently Sodini 2011 and Foskolou 2012, Milanou forthcoming.
Candia (modern Heraklion) to Italy and with earlier bibliography. 21
Athens 2000a, 314–16, no. 28 (T. Papamastorakis).
6
Brubaker 2012, 10–14. 22
The epigram uses words and stereotypical phrases
Flanders for their Western clientele (cat. 7
Cameron 1983, 80–94; Lidov 2005, 17–41; Genoa which appear in various versions in a host of Manuel
nos. 169—72).27 During the Renaissance 2004. Philes’ epigrams. Similar language is used in the
8
Mitchell 1996. epigram by Manuel Disypatos on the famous icon of
these icons were acceptable to Catholics as 9
Morgan 1998; Barber 2007. Specifically for the Late the Virgin from Freising (Rhoby 2010b, 64–68, with
recognized vehicles of sanctity and a Byzantine period, see Carr 2004. earlier bibliography).
guaranteed means of communication with 10
Kalopissi-Verti 2006, 107–34, and Gerstel 2006, 135– 23
Rhoby 2010a, 309–32. See also, Carr 2012a, 125–37.
62. 24
When the fourteenth-century silver-gilt revetment was
the divine. They were at the same time 11
Vryonis 1981. damaged, the lost pieces were replaced with pieces
relics of a lost Christian empire. 12
Carr 2002, 75–92. from nineteenth-century silver haloes, giving a
13
As in the case of the dispute around the icon terminus post quem for yet another restoration of this
belonging to the nun Euphrosyne in the Peloponnese small icon. On Byzantine practices for conserving
in the 14th century; Oikonomides 1991, 35–44. Ilias icons, see M. Chatzidakis 1986; Acheimastou-
Anagnostakis identifies this icon with that of the Potamianou 2002, 151–57.
1
John Chrysostom, “Homilia encomiastica in Panayia Spilaiotissa; Anagnostakis 2004, 147–98. 25
Tourta 2010, 219–30. For similar examples from
Meletium,” PG 50, 515–16. On Christian images and
14
Nesbitt and Wiita 1975, 360–84; N. Š ečenko 1995, Georgia, see Chichinadze 1996, 66–76.
their role in the domestic sphere in Late Antiquity, see 547–53. 26
H. Maguire 2010, 91–112.
Bowes 2011, 171–90, with earlier bibliography.
15
Babic´ 1994, 189–222; Angelidi and Papamastorakis 27
Drandaki 2009, with earlier bibliography.
2
H. Maguire 1996. 2000; Angelidi and Papamastorakis 2005; Pentcheva
3
The literature on the relationship between relics and icons 2006; Papamastorakis 2013.
is extensive. See above all: A. Grabar 1946; Kitzinger
16
On the attribution of icons to the evangelist Luke, see
1954; Kitzinger 1977, 105; Belting 1994, 26, 78, 297– Bacci 1998; Padua 2000.
310; Brubaker 1995, 1–24; Antonova 2010, especially
17
N. Š ečenko 1994, 255–85; Carr 2006, 189–98;
74–90; Innemée 1995; Pentcheva 2006, 52-56. Kalopissi-Verti 2012.
| 114 |
Mount Athos. The Monastic Commonwealth
of the Middle Ages
KRITON CHRYSSOCHOIDIS
On the Athos of small monasteries, by those of the Stoudios Monastery in
T
he installation of monks on
the uninhabited Mount Athos Saint Athanasios the Athonite, an educated Constantinople.5 Disputes between the
aristocrat with strong ties to the Emperor hermits and the first cenobites on the
may be traced back to the Nikephoros Phokas, would settle and build peninsula were resolved with the first
early ninth century, and is connected the first large cenobitic monastery in 963.4 typikon of Mount Athos, which was
From the beginning, this new institution compiled by the emperor John Tzimiskes
with the dwelling of Hosios Petros
was considered a major innovation for the in 972 (fig. 58). The typikon, known as the
the Athonite, who is considered its mountain. This was the first founding of a Tragos (goat), because the original was
first eponymous inhabiter.1 For about monastery with a centralized internal written on thick parchment, is also
system of operation, a strict typikon, and a characterized as Mount Athos’s first
a century and a half, hermits and
specific financing policy. The monastery’s “constitutional charter,” since it also
ascetics2 settled on Athos, gradually founder was essentially the emperor himself, regulated the operation of the monastic
founding small monasteries of a who made abundant funding available. community as a whole.6
With his support it would remain free, self- The founding of the Lavra, a role-model
marked anchoritic character.3
governing, and self-determined in monastery, and Athanasios’s multi-faceted
perpetuity. That is, it became an activity provided the impetus for the
independent private legal entity under creation of other cenobitic foundations by
imperial protection, while preserving intact renowned men directly or indirectly
the principles of monastic life as influenced connected with him. In 979/80 Iberian
(Georgian) nobles belonging to the grand
Tornikios family, furnished with royal
privileges and grants, built the Iviron
Monastery; shortly afterward, probably
wealthy magnates from Adrianople
belonging to provincial aristocratic land-
holding families founded the Monastery of
Vatopedi.
From the late tenth century the
founding of monasteries assumed a
remarkably rapid pace. Around the year
1000 more than forty-one monasteries are
attested on the peninsula of Mount Athos
(fig. 57). Ethnically diverse monks from
various parts of the empire flocked to the
now-famous mountain. In a time when
Saint Athanasios was still living the first
Italian monks from Amalfi settled there,
and shortly later founded the Amalfitan
Monastery.7 Around the same time there
are mentions of the monasteries of Sikelou
Fig 57 | General view of Mount Athos, gravure, 1767. Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki, BXEI 248, (Sicilian), Paphlagonos (Paphlagonian), and
donated by Nikolaos Garilidis. Chaldou (Chaldean). Their names surely
| 115 |
reflect their founders’ place of origin (Sicily, believers made them financially robust.10 monastery was rebuilt by intervention of
Paphlagonia, and Chaldia). Small At the same time their spiritual fame and the rulers of Wallachia for their
monasteries that would develop into the influence grew, not only among residents compatriot monks,17 and on the east coast
large ones still in operation today had their of the empire but among all peoples of the two Byzantine officials from eastern
beginnings in this same period. Zographou Orthodox East. Macedonia, the megas stratopedarches
was established prior to 980 by the Latin occupation of Mount Athos after Alexios and his brother, the megas
Byzantine icon-painter Georgios. The the Fourth Crusade in 1204 was brief and primikerios John, built the Pantokrator
founding of the monastery of Hagiou had no particularly unpleasant monastery. On the west coast the Serbian
Pavlou, also before 980, is owed to the consequences. However, it created a despot John Uglješ a became the new
activities of Hosios Pavlos of Xeropotamou. negative atmosphere against the Church of founder of the monastery of Simonopetra,
Xenophontos, Esphigmenou, and the first Rome and the Latins in general, which and Hosios Dionysios from Trebizond
complex of Hilandariou Monastery was exacerbated due to the pro-unionist built the monastery of that name. Farther
(Hilandar) all made their appearance before policy of Emperor Michael VIII south, shortly after 1380 and after centuries
the end of the tenth century.8 Palaiologos. It is known that the of desolation, two Serbian aristocrat
By the end of the twelfth century the Athonites opposed the decisions taken at monks, Gerasim Radonja and Anthony
pan-Orthodox character of Athonite the Council of Lyons (1274) and rejected Bagaš , restored the deserted monastery of
monasticism, which clearly reflected the the attempted Union of Churches.11 There Hagiou Pavlou. Finally, probably around
empire’s “open door” policy, had been firmly ensued persecutions and violence, recorded the beginning of the fifteenth century,
consolidated. Before 1142, a monastery with particular emphasis in the Dialogue Hosiou Gregoriou monastery made its
would be founded for Russian monks, written by monks Klimis and Nikephoros appearance, which from the time of its
while in 1198 the Monastery of Hilandar, in 127712 and in later texts such as the Life founding maintained close relations with
which then lay in ruins, was ceded to the of Patriarch Athanasios, written in the Serbia.18 During the same period the
Serbian monk-king Simeon Nemanija and fourteenth century by Joseph Kalothetos.13 monastery of Kastamonitou, which had
his son Saint Sava. Not long after, However, the entrenchment of the fallen into decay, was revived thanks to
Zographou would become established as a Athonites’ negative attitude toward Latin donations by the Serb grand č elnik Radič ,
foundation for Bulgarian monks. Catholics was owed more to the pillaging owner of silver mines at Novo Brdo.19
The swift and dramatic blossoming of of the monasteries by Catalan mercenaries Athos’s new period of prosperity in the
monasticism on Mount Athos was not during their transient stay in eastern fourteenth century, largely due to the
due solely to the conspicuous favor of Macedonia (1307–9).14 beneficent intervention of Balkan (chiefly
emperors between the tenth and twelfth The history of Athonite monasteries in Serb) as well as Byzantine regional rulers
century. The establishment of Mount the fourteenth century followed the fortunes (e.g. of Trebizond) and officials, was
Athos as an international monastic center of the empire only up to a point. Thus, the characterized by a particular inter-
was also linked to the empire’s policy of political and economic decline of the Orthodox monastic cosmopolitanism. All
central administration for the political and Byzantine state in the fourteenth century the new founder-patrons and benefactors
ecclesiastical organization of the Balkans, was not accompanied by a corresponding and the ethnic groups of monks they
and the expansion of Byzantine influence decline of the Athonite monasteries. In a represented, created through their
to neighboring peoples from the Caucasus period of civil wars (1341–47) resulting in acceptance of Byzantine central authority a
to Italy.9 The restoration of the atmosphere the partial depopulation of Macedonia and “spiritual” commonwealth which would
of security that prevailed in the Aegean Thrace, of upheavals in the Balkans best survive down to the present day.
region after the Arabs were driven from characterized by the brief period of Serbian A decisive role in the creation of this
Crete, the ability to effectively control the rule in Macedonia and on Athos (1345– commonwealth was also played by the
isolated Athos peninsula by land, and 71),15 of an increase in pirate raids from the appearance in the fourteenth century of
flourishing maritime communications were Turkish emirates of Asia Minor,16 and of Hesychasm, the most important spiritual
additional decisive factors in the founding the gradual Ottoman penetration into event not only for the history of Athos,
and development of its monasteries. Europe, new monasteries were founded or but for the development of theology in the
πmperial favor was also expressed by refounded, and those already in existence Orthodox East during the Late Byzantine
granting to nearly all monasteries at one enjoyed a period of prosperity that is period. As a method of ascesis, Hesychasm
point or another in their life span the difficult to interpret. sought union with God through internal
status of “royal” monastery. These were From the mid-fourteenth century until quietude and the uninterrupted “prayer of
royal institutions, protected from the the early fifteenth century, seven monastic the heart,” which presupposed bodily
intervention of political and church institutions would be founded or participation. Psycho-somatic prayer
officials. Privileges, tax exemptions, and refounded on Athos. In the center of the assisted the monk, as well as any believer,
bequests by kings, aristocrats, and common peninsula near Karyes, Koutloumousiou to share the Uncreated Light which the
| 116 |
recognition of their land ownership, and
the guarantee of most of their privileges,
thereby providing the monastic
commonwealth the possibility of survival.22
1
Lake 1909, 18–39; see the Life of St Peter the Athonite
1999 for a recent Italian translation with commentary
by Rigo. See also Papachryssanthou 1974, 19–61
(extensive commentary on the Life); Papachryssanthou
1970, 27–41 (edition and commentary on the old
Akolouthia of the saint).
2
For Athos before the founding of the large cenobitic
monasteries, see Papachryssanthou 1992, 82–172;
Morris 1996, 37–46.
3
On the first monasteries, some of which evolved into
major ones (Xeropotamou, Hagiou Pavlou, and
Klimentos-Iviron), see Papachryssanthou 1992, 173–
93. For the monasteries of Xeropotamou and Hagiou
Pavlou specifically, see Binon 1942.
4
On the founding of Lavra, see the extended discussion
in Actes de Lavra I 1970, 33–39. For Saint Athanasios
see also the Lives of St Athanasios of Athos 1982.
5
Oikonomides 1996b, 239–45; Ware 1996, 3–16.
6
Actes du Prôtaton 1975, doc. no. 7; Papachryssanthou
1992, 253–68. On the place of women on Athos, see
Talbot 1996, 67–79.
7
Pertusi 1963, 217–51; Lemerle 1953, 548–66.
8
For Athonite monasteries of the tenth century, see
Papachryssanthou 1992, 232–50.
9
Svoronos 1984, 29–33.
10
See, for instance, Smyrlis 2006.
11
See, for instance, the two letters of the Athonites to
Michael VIII and the Council of Constantinople:
Fig 58 | First typikon of Athos (Tragos) granted by Emperor John I Tzimiskes, 972. Protaton no. 7, Mount Athos. Laurent and Darrouzès 1976, 376–403, 404–23; see
Photo: ©The Holy Community of Mount Ahos/G. Poupis. also 52–59.
12
Laurent and Darrouzès 1976, 486–507; see also 82–88.
13
Kalothetos 1980, § 19 ll. 715–58. For evidence
concerning relations between Mount Athos and
Michael following the Council of Lyons, see Živojinovic΄
disciples of Christ saw on Mount Tabor. opposite to contemporary Western
1978, 141–54. According to the ¢È‹ÁËÛÈ˜ ÂÚÈ̀ Ùˆ ῀Ó
Hesychasm as a new mystical experience theological currents. ·᾿ Ó·ÈÚÂı¤ÓÙˆÓ ·῾ Á›ˆÓ ·Ù¤ÚˆÓ Ùˆ
῀ Ó Â᾿ Ó Ùˆ
῀ι ῾∞Á›ˆ ῎√ÚÂÈ ˘῾ Ồ
was introduced to Athos by Saint In the final decades of the fourteenth Ùˆ ῀ Ó Ï·ÙÈÓÔÊÚÔÓÔ‡ÓÙˆÓ (see Koder 1969, 79–88),
envoys of the emperor and Patriarch John Bekkos
Gregory of Sinai, reconnecting the ascetic century Athos became temporarily subject burned and looted monasteries and cells and murdered
ideal with the experiences of the desert to the Ottoman Empire. Turkish rule of monks. See also the commentary by Rigo (1988, 71–
fathers and ascetics during the first this first period coincided with the 106). It should be noted that the ¢È‹ÁËÛÈ˜ dates to long
after the events in question (it has come down to us in
centuries of Christianity, as well as with Turkish rule of a part of Macedonia and manuscripts dating to the 16th century and later),
those of later Byzantine ascetics. Thessaloniki from 1381 to 1402. However, contains many inaccuracies, and belongs to the cycle of
Hesychasm was adopted en masse and this period of subjugation was relatively patriographic narratives concerning Mount Athos that
appeared in the early 16th century. Modern
spread quickly to the Slavic peoples of the painless for the monks, and this must be researchers, e.g. Anastasiou (1963, 248–52) and P.
Balkans and far-off Russia, once again attributed to the Athonites’ foresight in Christou (1987, 134–38) attribute the monasteries’
destruction to the Catalans, who conducted raids on
establishing the Holy Mountain as a approaching the Ottoman sultan and
Mount Athos in the early 14th century.
center of spiritual influence and pole of securing the protection of the monasteries 14
Živojinovic΄ 1980, 251–73.
attraction for non-Greek-speaking monks. and their properties before his forces passed 15
Korac΄ 1992, 5–199.
16
Živojinovic΄ 1980, 501–16; Radic΄ 2003, 45–55.
The theoretical and theological into the European territories of 17
Nă sturel 1986, 39–52.
consolidation of the movement was the Byzantium.21 Thus, the consequences of 18
Oikonomides 1996a, 100–103; Zachariadou 1997,
work of an Athonite, Saint Gregory Athos’s final surrender to the Ottomans in 27–31.
19
Zachariadou 1994, 383–97.
Palamas, who later became archbishop of 1424 were not at first particularly dire. 20
Meyendorff 1988, 157–65; Rigo 2004, 1–177; see
Thessaloniki.20 Although it was The new political authority maintained a also Actes de Lavra IV 1982, 29–41.
occasionally supported by Byzantine tolerant, even favorable stance toward the Smyrlis 2008, 331–36.
21
22
For Mount Athos during the period of transition from
aristocratic circles, Hesychasm remained a monks’ demands regarding the Byzantine to Ottoman rule, see Zachariadou 2006,
purely theological movement that stood preservation of their autonomy, the 154–66; Smyrlis 2012, 33–57.
| 117 |
38. Silver Reliquary
Thessaloniki workshop, late 4th century

3 ¾ x 4 ¾ x 3 ¾ in. (9.5 x 12 x 9.5 cm)
Condition: fairly well preserved
Provenance: Nea Heraklia, Chalkidiki
Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture,
inv. no. μ∞ 71
he reliquary has the form of a

T rectangular box with a flat, hinged lid
made of a thin silver sheet. The four sides
are decorated in relief with scenes from the
Old and New Testaments. Stylistically, the
reliefs present several naturalistic elements,
and are influenced by Hellenistic models
characteristic of the art of the time of 38
Theodosios I (347–95).1
The front panel represents Christ
presenting the Law (Traditio Legis).2 A art, symbolizes the soul’s protection from placement of relics in the enkainia of
young, beardless Christ is pictured at the the forces of evil through divine churches.7
center of the composition presenting a intervention (Daniel 6:17, 6:24-5). Finally,
scroll to Peter, who stands to his left in an the opposite short side pictures Moses PANAGIOTIS KAMBANIS
attitude of reverence, holding a cross that receiving the Ten Commandments on
ends in a chrismon. Christ is turned Mount Sinai (Exodus 20:1–17).
Literature: Rallis and Potlis 1852–59; Michailidis 1969,
toward Paul on his right, who holds a A chrismon flanked by the apocalyptic
48–49; Panayotidi and Grabar 1975, 33–48; Brussels
closed scroll and acclaims Christ. The letters alpha and omega, symbolizing the 1982, 131, no. O.1 (L. Bouras); Theodoridis 1983, 27ff.;
scene, analogous to the presentation of the beginning and the end, God’s eternal Thessaloniki 1986, 42–43, no. ππ 29; Rasmussen 1999, 5–
37; Rome 2000b, 155, 219, no. 77; Spieser 2004.
Ten Commandments to Moses in the Old presence within his creation, decorates the
Testament, was developed in Rome and lid’s upper surface. Vine tendrils with 1
Panayotidi and Grabar 1975, 33–48.
was particularly popular at the end of the leaves and bunches of grapes run along the 2
Rasmussen 1999, 5–37; Spieser 2004.
3
Rasmussen 1999.
fourth century. It highlights the sides. 4
Thessaloniki 1986, 42–43; Spieser 2004.
importance of the two leading apostles and The reliquary’s well thought out 5
See Michailidis 1969, 48–49; Theodoridis 1983, 27ff.
carries an eschatological significance, since program encapsulates theological issues 6
According to the Revelation (6:9), “. . . when he broke
the fifth seal, I saw there, beneath the altar, the souls
the Lord presenting the Law is the Christ that were fundamental during the early of all who had been slain for love of God’s word and
of the Second Coming. formation of Christian doctrine and their of the truth they held. . . .”
7
Rallis and Potlis 1852–59.
The back panel depicts the Three pictorial representation.3 All the themes
Hebrew Children in the fiery furnace. represented here reflect a soteriological and
Hananiah, Azariah, and Mishael stand eschatological significance that fits perfectly
fearless in an attitude of prayer, praising with the reliquary’s function.
God’s glory, amid the flames that rise from This rare example of Early Christian
the furnace floor. The three youths’ silver is attributed to a Thessaloniki
miraculous deliverance, as described in the workshop.4 It was found inside the
Old Testament (Daniel 3:21), symbolizes enkainion of an Early Christian basilica at
God’s protection of the souls of the pious Nea Heraklia in Chalkidiki.5 The
from the fire of Hades, and their ultimate enkainion, a small cavity beneath the altar
salvation with the help of Christ. containing martyrs’ relics necessary for the
The figure of the prophet Daniel consecration of a church, was closely
between two lions, his arms raised in related to the worship of martyrs and their
prayer, decorates one of the short sides. relics.6 In 787 the Seventh Ecumenical
This scene, one of the earliest in Christian Council rendered mandatory the 38
| 118 |
and Christian Museum in Athens, which
features a relief cross on the lid.4
AIKATERINI DELLAPORTA
NIKI VASILIKOU
Literature: Unpublished
1
Barneas 1940, 67–72; Orlandos 1952, A’ 83–84,
Kourkoutidou-Nikolaïdou 1981, 78–81.
2
Tzitzibassi 2003, 32–33.
3
Buschhausen 1971, no. C1, pl. 1, no. C21, pl. 15, no.
C25, pl. 15, no. C32, pl. 17.
4
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, no. 108; New York 2011,
140, no. 103 (Y. Theocharis).
40. Sigma Tabletop with

39 Multiple Lobes
made of precious materials with the relics, Late 6th century

39. Reliquary in the Shape wrapped in fabric, tucked inside. White marble
of a Sarcophagus According to written sources from the 51 ⅛ x 53 ⅛ in. (1.30 x 1.35 m), Th. 1 ⅜ in.
fourth century onward, reliquaries were (3.5 cm)
6th century occasionally placed in recesses or niches inside Condition: complete; mended
Greyish-white marble the church’s sanctuary or side aisle to sanctify Provenance: Ancient Corinth, Kraneion
4 ⅜ (without cover) x 10 x 5 ⅞ in. the space.1 This practice was officially Basilica
(11 x 25.5 x 15 cm) established by the seventh rule of the Seventh Ancient Corinth Museum, inv. no. MF
Condition: very good Ecumenical Council of Nicaea in 787. 13304 (formerly S-1380)
Provenance: Angidia, Naxos, Hagios A similar fifth-century, sarcophagus-
Stephanos Basilica shaped marble reliquary from the enkainion
of a three-aisle church in Thessaloniki, his tabletop in the shape of a
Thorseshoe (sigma) has one straight side.
Byzantine Museum of Naxos (Glezos Tower),
inv. no. 39a now in the Museum of Byzantine
Culture, features holes at the top of the lid Thirteen recesses (lobes) bordered by a
and on the side. These suggest a different shallow groove are carved into the slightly
his marble reliquary in the form of a use, possibly related to the worship of
Tsmall sarcophagus was found in the
raised frame (eleven on the sides and two
relics and the preparation of myrrh for in the corners). On the straight side the
archaeological site of the Early Christian eulogies and phylakteria (amulets). shallow groove continues in a straight line,
basilica of Hagios Stephanos at Angidia, Typologically, the Thessaloniki reliquary is stopping near the middle to form a spout.
Naxos. Its pediment-shaped sliding lid associated with North Syrian workshops.2 The tabletop’s center is slightly concave.
features acroteria in the shape of stylized The Hagios Stephanos reliquary differs The underside is polished.
palmettes in the corners and at the ends of from the marble reliquary type with holes Marble tables of various shapes
the central ridge, which forms an elongated and is identical to an example now in the (rectangular, circular, etc.) are commonly
cavity at its center. Three horizontal bands National Museum at Varna in Bulgaria, found during excavations of Early
decorate the body. which was probably found under the altar Christian churches throughout the
Sarcophagus-shaped reliquaries were table inside an Early Christian basilica. Mediterranean, in various areas of the
used in Early Christian buildings for the Similar reliquaries imitating those with church and often in large numbers. As
safekeeping of holy relics or other sacred holes have been found in Bulgaria, at their shape—among other things—suggests,
objects. They were placed under the altar Durrës in Albania, and elsewhere, and date marble tables were associated with the
table inside a recess known as an enkainion, to the sixth century.3 Also similar is the ritual of the Eucharist (altar table) and
and sometimes contained a smaller box sixth-century reliquary in the Byzantine other forms of worship, such as the agapai
| 119 |
41. Two-Zone Capital with
Doves
First half of 6th century

White marble
H. 11 in. (28 cm); abacus: 15 ¾ x 15 ¾ in.
(40 x 40 cm)
Inscription: mason’s mark E engraved on
upper surface
Condition: complete
Provenance: collected from the site of
Sougia, Municipality of Kantanos-Selino
(West Crete)
Chania, Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
Collection of Chania, inv. no. μ™Ã 3
wide relief band divides the capital

A into two horizontal registers. Tall,
five-leafed palmettes decorate the lower
register. Perching doves occupy the corners
of the upper register, as if supporting the
four corners of the abacus on their heads.
40
Two doves alternate with two cornucopias
at the center of each of the upper register’s
four sides. Small, diagonal, finely indented
ritual and the presentation of offerings by tables survived into the Byzantine period, acanthus leaves cover the astragal.
the faithful before mass in memory of the as suggested by their use in monastery The Sougia capital belongs to the type
dead, or were part of a church’s furnishings refectories at Mount Athos (Vatopedi of two-zone capitals decorated with
on which objects of worship might be Monastery, Great Lavra Monastery), animals. Two-zone capitals form small
placed.1 where marble multilobed tabletops are series with a few examples each, produced
Because of their recesses, multilobed combined with masonry bases. from the mid-fifth to the mid-sixth
tables were formerly associated with This table was discovered in the area centuries.1 The lower register is often
martyr worship, since similar recesses are Kraneio of Ancient Corinth, next to a decorated with finely indented acanthus
characteristic of a group of rectangular or ruined Christian church of the sixth leaves or basket weave, or even elaborate
horseshoe-shaped plaques, mostly from century.6 deeply cut-back vegetal ornaments/foliage.
North Africa, inscribed mensa martyrum.2 The upper register features protomes of
Hence the identification of multilobed ELENI G. MANOLESSOU rams, bovines and lions, but also griffins,
tables as “martyr tables” or “agapai tables” peacocks, eagles and doves, in various
in earlier literature.3 Current research, combinations, often paired with
Literature: Scranton 1957, 139–40, pl. 36d; Pallas 1959,
however, considers that evidence is cornucopias, Christian symbols, such as
207; Nussbaum 1961, 43, no. 53; Roux 1973, 194, no.
insufficient for attributing multilobed 148; Bonfioli 1977–78, 120, fig. 5; Chalkia 1987–88, the cross or chrismon, and simple vegetal
tables to a funerary cult. Horseshoe- fig. 7; Chalkia 1991, 160–61, fig. 10; Sanders 2004, motifs at the corners or at the center of
175; Sanders 2005, 22, fig. 16.9.
shaped, multilobed tables found in each side. The varying combinations of
churches, like this one, probably had 1
Chalkia 1991, 111–31. animals, real or mythological, with
multiple, if still unspecified, uses.4 2
See G. Sotiriou 1932, 9–10; Chalkia 1987–88, 102–4. Christian symbols and vegetal motifs,
3
On earlier theories concerning martyr tables, see for
Multilobed tables have also been example Scranton 1957, 139–40, and Chalkia 1987–
some of which occur only once, illustrate
excavated inside secular buildings, and 88, with earlier bibliography; also Chalkia 1991, 9–17. the eclecticism that characterizes Byzantine
have been interpreted as dining tables.5 4
Chalkia 1991, 9–17. architectural sculpture, particularly in the
5
Chalkia 1987–88, 104–5.
The horseshoe shape suggests that the 6
See Athanasoulis 2013b.
first half of the sixth century.
diners sat along the curved sides and were Characteristic examples of this eclecticism
served from the straight side. Multilobed are two exquisite two-zone capitals now in
| 120 |
also demonstrates the wealth of this small,
coastal settlement in southern Crete, since
such costly Constantinopolitan sculptures
were probably intended for one of its
basilicas.
CHRISTINA TSIGONAKI
Literature: Tzedakis 1965, 570, pl. 721a; Panayotidi

1970–72, 119–20, no. 44; Pallas 1977, 245, fig. 171.
1
On this type, its variants, and its distribution in
different parts of the empire, see Kitzinger 1946;
Panayotidi 1970–72, 112–20; Sodini 1984, 234–43;
Barsanti 1989, 150–66.
2
FÈratlÈ 1990, 108, no. 194, pl. 62, and 114–15, no.
212, pl. 66.
3
Stikas 1979, 83, pl. 60a.
4
Ward-Perkins and Goodchild 2003, 242, fig. 181.
5
Kautzsch 1936, 160, no. 507.
6
Russo 1991, 81–83, nos. 46–47, figs. 66–68.
7
For marble analyses on architectural sculptures from
the basilicas at El Atrum, see Attanasio et al. 2008.
41
42. Capital with the Rivers
of Paradise
the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul: a demonstrates, their small size tends to [Los Angeles only]
capital decorated with Pegasus protomas associate them with liturgical furnishings.
and another featuring griffin busts, leafy The rather small Sougia capital was Possibly Thessalian workshop, first half of
6th century
masks, and gorgoneia.2 probably part of such a feature.
Despite its conventional decorative Although the capital’s marble has not Blue-gray marble, low relief with prismatic
carving
repertoire, the Sougia two-zone capital is been analyzed, it most probably originated
11 ⅜ in. x 33 ½ in. x 24 in. (29 x 85 x 61 cm)
an equally rare example of this type, for from the quarries of Prokonnesos. The
only a handful of published examples offer mason’s mark (epsilon) engraved on the Inscription: Δπ°ƒπC ºπCø¡ °∂ø¡
the same combination of motifs—that is, a upper surface reinforces this hypothesis. Condition: complete, some chips on the
row of standing palmettes below and The El Atrun capitals were probably also corners of the abacus and on the back
doves above: one example was excavated in imported from Constantinople; one of Provenance: Thaumakos (Phthiotis), Early
Christian basilica
the central-plan church at Amphipolis in them bears a mason’s mark, an epsilon or
East Macedonia,3 two in the East basilica omega, on the upper surface, though it is Byzantine Museum of Phthiotis, inv. no. º£
§ 19
(Basilica A) of Erythron (modern El painted, not engraved.7 Either way, the
Atrun) in Cyrenaica,4 whereas a fourth great similarity between the Sougia and El
example was reused in a mosque in Cairo.5 Atrun capitals indicates that all three were
his Ionic impost capital combines an
The two-zone capitals of the ciborium in
the Euphrasian Basilica at Poreč in
produced in the same workshop. One even
wonders whether they were not transported T Ionic capital with stylized cylindrical
Croatia, with a row of standing palmettes on the same ship, which, after dropping off cushions with a large integral impost in the
in the lower register and eagles above, offer some of its cargo at Sougia, continued shape of a truncated cone. The impost’s
close parallels.6 These are securely dated to south toward the coast of Cyrenaica. main side is decorated with a Latin cross
the mid-sixth century, and confirm the use The Sougia capital provides invaluable with flaring arms flanked by representations
of two-zone capitals in ciboria over the evidence of the commerce in marble and of four rivers and two aquatic birds. The
altar. Although their use in colonnades the wide distribution of Constantinopolitan rivers, which fill the spaces between the
cannot be excluded, as the example of sculptures in the Eastern Mediterranean arms of the cross, are depicted as semicircles
Saint Demetrios in Thessaloniki during the first half of the sixth century. It with bands of horizontal wavy lines,
| 121 |
42
denoting the water flowing out of them. apocalyptic vision (fig. 25);2 on the floor monumental painting, the motif is rare in
These are the four Rivers of Paradise, three mosaic of the Basilica of Thyrsos at Tegea, sculpture. Noteworthy examples are
of which are named in inscriptions also dated to the fifth century, they appear provided by the Ravenna sarcophagi.5 On
engraved on their symbolic sources (Tigris, as young bearded men holding symbols of the sarcophagi, however, the rivers are
Physon, Geon—only the Euphrates is abundance (cornucopias and vases with secondary motifs, whereas on the
omitted). Between the rivers, on either side wine pouring out of their mouths).3 Thaumakos capital they are almost as
of the cross, are two aquatic birds: the one As for the theme’s symbolic important as the cross. The presence of this
on the left touches the water with its beak, connotations, four main levels have been motif in the Thaumakos basilica6 might be
whereas the one on the right lifts its head identified.4 First of all, these representations associated with the church’s location on the
gracefully toward the sky in an attitude proclaim the new Christian reading of the main land route that connected
typical of birds when swallowing water. natural world, of which the geographical Thessaloniki to southern Greece,7 which
Unlike the stylized rivers, the birds are data of the sacred texts are a part. The four was also an avenue for the circulation of
fairly naturalistic, with fleshy bodies and rivers become the link between Paradise artistic ideas and iconographic themes.
detailed plumage. On the back, the capital and the earthly world. On the other hand,
features crosses of a simpler type on the their frequent presence in the decoration of GEORGIOS PALLIS
impost and echinus. baptisteries symbolizes the soteriological
Inspired by a passage from the Old character of baptism. Representations in
Testament (Gen. 2:10–14), depictions of floor mosaics in particular are regarded as Literature: New York 2011, 137, no. 98 (G. Kakavas).
the Rivers of Paradise, either as water guides for liturgical movements inside the 1
LCI, s.v.“Paradiesflüsse” (J. Poeschke); H. Maguire
features or as their personifications, were church. Finally, there is a more “material” 1987, 23–28, 45–48; S. Djuric ́ 1989, 22–24; ODB, s.v.
common on floor and wall mosaics perception of rivers, particularly the Nile, as “Paradise, Rivers of” (Weyl Carr); H. Maguire 1999b.
2
Xyngopoulos 1929b, 142–80; Snyder 1967, 143–52;
throughout the Eastern and Western symbols of wealth and abundance, which
Ghioles 2004–6, 205–26; Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou
empires in the Early Christian period.1 convey paradise on earth. The pagan origin and Tourta 1997, 92.
Both iconographic versions occur in of this concept is obvious in the 3
Orlandos 1973, 25–26, fig. 20, and 43–48, pls. 4–5.
4
H. Maguire 1987, 51–52; H. Maguire 1999b.
Greece: in the late fifth-century apse iconography of the rivers’ personifications. 5
Valentini-Zucchini and Bucci 1968, 34–35, no. 15, 42–
mosaic of the Latomou Monastery in The Thaumakos capital is a rare 43, no. 22, 46–47, nos. 30–32.
Thessaloniki the rivers are depicted as example of a representation of the Rivers of 6
Lazaridis 1973, 323–25, pl. 280c, drawing 1; Dina
1981, 269–70, drawing 1, pls. 159–62; Sythiakaki-
watercourses flowing from the rocky Paradise on Early Christian architectural Kritsimalli 2002, 60; Varalis 2006, 347, 360.
landscape below the Christ of the sculpture. Although common in 7
Avramea 1974, 111.
| 122 |
43. Engaged Pilaster Capital open in opposite directions filling the space Literature: Mentzos 1989, 365, no. XIII, pl. 55a;
Tzitzibassi 2012, 60–61.
below the abacus; they frame a peduncle,
with Acanthus Leaves which begins from the second register’s 1
Mentzos 1989, 120, 127.
2
Ibid., 120.
central acanthus leaf. The slightly concave
Macedonian workshop, early 4th century
3
Fragmentary engaged pilaster capital with inv. no. ∞¢
abacus is decorated with a kymation and a 252a+b. Mentzos (1989, 366, no. XIV, pl. 55b) consid-
White coarse-grained marble band. Instead of the fleuron typical of ers the pilaster capitals ∞° 863 and ∞¢ 252a+b to be
13 ⅜ x 16 ⅞ x 2–3 ⅜ in. (34 x 43 x 5–8,5 cm) Corinthian capitals, its center features a contemporary, products of the same workshop, dating
to the third century at the latest. On the church of
Condition: excellent vegetal motif with two opposed half-leaves. Saint Demetrios, which was built over a Roman bath
Provenance: Thessaloniki Drill channels denote the veins of the and features several building phases, the earliest dat-
ing to after 313, see Bakirtzis 2012, 131–41.
Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture, acanthus leaves, and the volute spirals are 4
Corinthian capitals with inv. nos. ∞° 16, ∞° 17 and ∞°
inv. no. ∞° 863 pierced. Since Corinthian pilaster capitals 19 from the sculpture collection of the Museum of
closely follow the stylistic development of Byzantine Culture, formerly stored in the Rotunda.
5
Mentzos 1989, 72–73, nos. 40–42, pl. 18a–c.
Corinthian column capitals, both were 6
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi and Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1979,
his decorative plaque crowned, like a probably produced in the same workshops
T
12, 25–26, nos. 2–4, pl. 1b, 2a, b.
7
Mentzos 1989, 129, 365, no. XIII, pl. 55a.
capital, a small pillar-shaped protrusion or by the same teams of sculptors.2
on a wall (engaged pilaster). Together with This engaged pilaster capital resembles
marble revetment, engaged pilaster capitals another in the sculpture collection of Saint
were a common type of wall decoration, Demetrios in Thessaloniki, dated to the
particularly in the Early Christian period mid-third century,3 and three Corinthian
and, later, in Neoclassical architecture. capitals from Thessaloniki,4 dated from the 44. Closure Slabs with Crosses,
Typologically, this engaged pilaster mid-third century5 to the first half of the Birds, Rosettes, and
capital belongs to Type B, which features fourth century.6 They all share the two Dedicatory Inscription
decoration typical of Corinthian capitals.1 wavy leaves below the abacus. The
It is divided into three registers. The lower naturalistic rendering of the leaves and Attica, 11th or 12th century
register consists of two standing leaves of volutes, which do not yet function as Pentelic marble; decoration in low relief;
“soft” acanthus with tips curving slightly bearing elements, indicate an early date.7 inscription engraved
outward. The second register consists of The capital’s small dimensions suggest that A: 30 ¾ x 32 ¼ x 3 ½ in. (78 x 82 x 9 cm)
one similar leaf and two half-leaves placed it crowned a relatively short engaged B: 29 ⅛ x 28 ⅜ x 3 ⅜ in. (74 x 72 x 8.5 cm)
between the leaves of the lower register. pilaster. Condition: good, lower part missing
The upper register features two leafy Provenance: Athens, from the demolished
calyces and corner volutes supporting the ANTIGONI TZITZIBASSI church of Hagios Ioannis Mangoutis (found
ends of the abacus. Two small, wavy leaves in the Dependency of the Holy Sepulchre)
inv. nos. μÃª 1049, μÃª 1050
hese closure slabs come from the

T Athenian church of Hagios Ioannis
Mangoutis, which was founded in 8711
and demolished in 1835.2 They were part
of the templon and stood side by side,
separated by a small pillar or colonnette, as
suggested by the engraved metrical
inscription in twenty-six verses preserved
on the right border of one slab (μÃª
1049) and the left border of the other
(μÃª 1050). The inscription is
fragmentary, as it continued on the
missing intermediary colonnette.3
The slabs feature high-quality
decoration, consisting of elaborate crosses,
rosettes, and birds (peacocks and eagles), and
43 the abbreviated inscription IC XC ¡π ∫∞
| 123 |
44
(Jesus Christ Victorious). They date to the In the thirteenth century, when Attica
45. Fragment of a Wall Mosaic
eleventh or twelfth century4 and therefore was under Latin occupation, the church
do not belong to the church’s original was extensively refurbished. The slabs were
Mid-5th century
templon. built into the church’s façade for
Gold, green, and blue glass tesserae
The metrical inscription on the slabs’ decoration or for the apotropaic properties
border is dated to the twelfth century on of their motives.9 Traces of this secondary 72 ⅞ x 24 ¾ in. (185 x 63 cm)
the basis of the letter types.5 Written in use are visible on the slabs’ backs. Condition: good
dodecasyllable verse (a form of iambic Provenance: Thessaloniki, Acheiropoietos
trimeter) and in a scholarly style,6 it is an TERPSICHORI-PATRICIA SKOTTI Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture,
invocation to the patron saint of the inv. no. μæ 40
church, John the Baptist, for the salvation
Literature: Xyngopoulos 1929a, 85–87, fig. 90;
of the donors, Germanos Sporgites and his Constantopoulos 1931; G. Sotiriou 1931, 49, figs. 21–
children (°[ÂÚÌ·]Ó òÓ ™ÔÚ | Á›ÙËÓ Î·[ È̀ he fragment of a wall mosaic pictures
Ù¤]ÎÓ·), mentioned in the fifteenth and
sixteenth verses. The family name
22; A. Grabar 1976, 107, no. 90a, pl. LXXXe;
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 128–30, nos. 175–76; Ch.
Bouras and L. Bouras 2002, 36–38, figs. 14–15; Ch.
T a fountain spilling water onto the
Bouras 2010, 191–93, figs. 165–67. ground and above it vegetal scrolls with
Sporgites (or Spourgites) is mentioned in a green and blue leaves and a bird on the
1
The dedicatory inscription is now in the Byzantine and
copy of the praktikon, a financial document right. The motifs are arranged against a
Christian Museum in Athens, inv. no. μÃª 1048
that lists the property and neighbors of an (Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 87). gold background.
Attic foundation, the original of which 2
Xyngopoulos 1929a, 85–87; Ch. Bouras and L. Bouras This panel was discovered in 1992 on
2002, 36–37.
was probably drafted in the twelfth the west pillar of the church’s south gallery
3
Constantopoulos 1931, 245.
century.7 This reference suggests that 4
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 129. Ch. Bouras and L. Bouras colonnade during restoration work.1
Germanos Sporgites was a member of an 2002, 37. Although its subject matter and style fit
5
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 128.
Attic family of landowners, who belonged 6
Constantopoulos 1931, 246.
with the church’s known decoration, its
to the local aristocracy.8 The donors’ 7
Granstrem et al. 1976, 31. discovery was important because it
wealth and education is reflected both in 8
Ch. Bouras 2010, 192. demonstrated that the walls of the central
9
See the drawings by A. Couchaud and P. Durand from
the form and language of the metrical the 1840s (Constantopoulos 1931, 244; nave, where such decoration did not
inscription and in the high quality of the Kalantzopoulou 2002, p. 76). survive, were also decorated in mosaic.2
slabs’ decoration. The Acheiporoietos mosaics feature rich
| 124 |
vegetal, animal, and geometric decoration:
vases with vegetal scrolls pouring out of
them, laden with flowers and fruit, and
forming wreaths that encircle doves,
partridges, and bowls of fruit or fish; vases
with vine scrolls and bunches of grapes
that birds pick at; floral compositions with
palmettes or ears of wheat and flowers;
geometric compositions framing birds and
fruits, scale patterns, and intertwined bands
framing birds and fruit. In most cases the
compositions have the cross, the
Christogram, or some cross-shaped
vegetable motif as the central axis. The use
of rich, bright colors, such as different
shades of green, blue, and red, against a
gold background enhances the impression
of a heavenly environment with symbolic
associations culminating in the presence of
the cross.3
The exquisite mosaics of the
Acheiropoietos, like those of the Rotunda,
Saint Demetrios, and the Latomou
Monastery, demonstrate the high level of
artistic creativity and the survival of the
Hellenistic tradition in Thessaloniki
during the Early Christian period. The
Acheiropoietos is the earliest extant church
in Thessaloniki. Built over the remains of
a Roman bath complex, probably in the
mid-fifth century, it is a typical example of
a timber-roofed basilica with three naves
and galleries. The church was dedicated to
the Virgin. After the conquest of
Thessaloniki by the Ottoman Turks in
1430 it was the first church to be
converted into a mosque. Following the
liberation of Thessaloniki in 1912, the
building again began to function as a
church in 1930.4
DIMITRIS NALPANTIS
Literature: Bonn 2010, 337–38, no. 450 (D. Nalpantis).
1
Asimi-Zombou 1992, 404.
2
Similar mosaics are preserved on the intrados of the
ground-floor colonnades, south gallery colonnade,
tribelon, transverse arches in the narthex, and trefoil
arched window in the narthex’s west wall.
3
Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou 2012, 199–237.
4
Ibid.
45
| 125 |
46. Fragment of a Mosaic
with the Virgin
Late 10th century

Glass paste, various marbles, and mortar,
modern support made of plaster on
aluminum frame
Dimensions with modern support:
21 ¹³⁄₁₆ x 15 ⁵⁄₁₆ in. (55.4 x 39 cm)
Dimensions of preserved mosaic:
13 ½ x 10 ⅜ in. (34.4 x 26.4 cm)
Provenance: Constantinople, Stoudios
Monastery
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 9074. Gift
of Stefanos and Penelope Delta
his female bust can be identified as the

T Virgin. The preserved outline of the
left shoulder indicates that her arms were
outstretched. The inclination of the
Virgin’s head, the position of her left
shoulder, and her demeanor suggest that 46
the figure was part of a Deesis
(Intercession) or a Hypapante that has undergone later interventions. 4
On the Stoudios Monastery, see Mathews 1976, 143–
58, with earlier bibliography; Patlagean 1988, 429–60;
(Presentation of Christ in the Temple). This head of the Virgin is the only Eleopoulos 1967; Delouis 2005. On Theodore of
The figure is characterized by solemnity, known fragment of the splendid wall Stoudios, ODB, s.v. “Theodore of Stoudios”(A.
Kazhdan), with earlier bibliography.
nobility, and restrained grief. The face is mosaics that once adorned the Stoudios 5
John Geometres, Carmina varia: PG 106, cols. 942–44;
rendered with small (max. 0.3 cm), densely Monastery.2 The famous Constantinopolitan Majeska 1984, 38–41, 283–88.
arranged tesserae. Rose-colored marble monastery was founded before 454 by a
tesserae alternating with white tesserae certain Stoudios,3 but gained importance and
indicate the flesh, with light green tesserae leadership in Byzantium’s religious and
added to produce the chiaroscuro effect. spiritual life during and after Iconoclasm,
Larger tesserae were used for the Virgin’s under the abbacies of great personalities such
garments (average 0.7 cm), many of which, as Theodore of Stoudios.4 The monastery’s 47. Fragment of a Wall Mosaic
although original, were added during a later scriptorium was especially famous for its
with The Apostle Andrew
intervention, probably in the early twentieth abundant production and distinctive style.
century. The figure’s green and gold halo is Its superb mosaics were praised in the
Late 11th–early 12th century
entirely modern. poems of John Geometres, a tenth-century
Mosaic
This mosaic was formerly dated to the soldier, monk, and poet, and admired by
ninth century, when the Stoudios visitors to Constantinople for many 69 ¼ x 39 ¾ in. (176 x 101 cm)
Monastery is known to have been centuries.5 Condition: good, local ware; the right foot
restored in plaster; the left leg partially
renovated and decorated with mosaics.
restored in recent years; in the background,
However, the delicate, rich modeling and ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
some gold tesserae replaced by black
the accentuated shadows on Virgin’s tesserae
cheeks recall the mosaic composition in the Provenance: Serres, metropolitan church of
Literature: Benaki Museum 1936, 28, no. 65; New York
drum above the south entrance of the 1997, no. 13 (A. Drandaki); Athens 2000a, 359, no. 40 Hagioi Theodoroi (burned in 1913)
exonarthex of Hagia Sophia in (A. Drandaki).
Archaeological Museum of Serres, inv. no. 15
Constantinople, which depicts the Virgin 1
Mango 1967, 58–59, fig. 91; N. Chatzidakis 1994, 58–
and Child with the emperors Constantine 59, 233, fig. 34.
and Justinian and dates to the late tenth his fragmentary mosaic depicts the
T
2
Eyice 1955, 94, no. 142.
3
Mango 1978, 115–122. Recent excavations have
century.1 In any case, it is difficult to demonstrated that construction began in 450;
full-length figure of Saint Andrew
precisely date such a small mosaic fragment Peschlow 1982, 429–33. moving toward the right against a gold
| 126 |
background, his arms extended and his
face turned slightly toward the viewer. It is
the only preserved fragment of the large
composition of the Communion of the
Apostles that once decorated the sanctuary
apse of the metropolitan church of the
Hagioi Theodoroi at Serres. This lost
composition is known from descriptions of
nineteenth and early twentieth-century
scholars and from old photographs.1
Originally approximately 33 feet long, the
mosaic was first damaged by fire in 1849.
The lost areas were reconstituted with wall
painting in 1891–1902. By 1902 only
roughly 24 feet of the composition were
preserved. After the church was set on fire
during the retreat of the Bulgarian army in
1913, only a few patches remained in situ
and were destroyed with time.2
The original composition pictured
Christ twice at the center, standing under
a ciborium that sheltered an altar,
distributing bread and wine to two groups
of apostles, who approached him
reverently. The inscription Ï¿‚ÂÙÂ Ê¿ÁÂÙÂ,
›ÂÙÂ ᾿Â Í ·˘᾿ÙÔ˘῀ ¿ÓÙÂ˜ (Take and eat, drink
from it, all of you) explained the panel,
which was a theological and pictorial
model of the Holy Communion ritual of
Orthodox Christians.3 The Apostle
Andrew was in the left-hand group of
apostles. The panel’s harmonious color 47
palette, the markedly naturalistic, dynamic
rendering of the figures, and high artistic
quality make this one of the masterpieces aisle basilica with protruding semicircular by the contemporary Byzantine author
of Byzantine art. The panel dates to the apse and narthex, was repeatedly repaired, Nikephoros Gregoras.10
late eleventh–early twelfth century.4 reconstructed, destroyed, and restored.8
The representation of the Communion An ancient city, documented since the STAVROULA DADAKI
of the Apostles first appeared in the sixth Classical period, Serres developed into an
century, but acquired a significant place in important military and economic center
the iconography of the church sanctuary in of the Byzantine Empire, situated between Literature: Athens 1964, 219, no. 141; Strati 1985–86,
the eleventh century (cat. no. 75).5 The Constantinople and Thessaloniki. A 88–103; New York 1997, 47-48, no.14 (Th. F.
Mathews).
choice of this novel liturgical theme for the bishopric of the metropolis of
decoration of the sanctuary in the Serres Thessaloniki in the Early Byzantine 1
Pedrizet and Chesnay 1903, 123–44; Lambakis 1905,
church agrees with the luxurious character period, Serres became an archbishopric in 44–47; New York 1997, 49, fig. 14.
2
Strati 1985–86, 88–89.
of the building’s mosaic decoration. The the ninth century, then a metropolitan 3
Excerpt from the liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom.
church of Hagioi Theodoroi was the seat. In the ninth century it was also a 4
Strati 1985–86, 102.
metropolitan church (cathedral) of Serres general’s base and the capital of the theme 5
Ibid., 91–94; Gerstel 1999, 48–67.
6
Orlandos 1939–40, 166.
until its destruction in 1913. The church’s of Strymon.9 After a period of decline in 7
Xyngopoulos 1919, 912–13; G. Sotiriou 1929–30,
first construction phase is dated by some to the thirteenth century, the city regained 568–76; Dadaki forthcoming.
the Early Byzantine period (6th century),6 its importance in the fourteenth century, 8
Orlandos 1939–40, 153–66. Now fully restored, the
church functions as a Serres pilgrimage center.
and by others to the Middle Byzantine and was referred to as a Ì¤Á· ÙÂ Î·È` 9
Stavridou-Zafraka 1995, 307–19.
period (10th–11th century).7 A large three- ı·˘Ì·ÛÙo` ·῎ÛÙ˘ (great and admirable city) 10
Gregoras 1829–55, 2:746.14.
| 127 |
48. Wall Painting with Saint
Catherine
1233/34
82 ½ x 37 ⅝ in. (209.5 x 95.5 cm)
Inscription: ∏ ∞°π∞ [∞π∫∞Δ]∂ƒπ¡∞ (Saint
Catherine)
Condition: fragmentary; painted surface
worn, plaster loss, cracked
Provenance: Attica, Penteli Cave, north
chapel
inv. no. μÃª 1068 (formerly μª 8051)
aint Catherine, a woman of aristocratic

S lineage, is pictured full length in an
attitude of prayer, originally turned toward
the church sanctuary. She wears a crown,
earrings, and opulent imperial garments,
including a gem-encrusted loros and a
thorakion blazoned with a cross, adorned
with pearls, and resembling a shield.1
This panel comes from the north chapel
of the Penteli Cave ecclesiastical complex, a
domed, contracted cross-in-square building
dedicated to Saint Nicholas; by contrast, the
small adjacent south chapel, the complex’s
main church, has an irregular plan.2
The style of Saint Catherine’s depiction
and her position on the church’s masonry
templon, to the right of the entrance to the
sanctuary, reflects the donor’s wish to
honor the saint and confirm the panel’s
votive character, which agrees with the
eschatological decoration of this funerary
chapel.3
The large eyes with their otherworldly
48
gaze emphasize the gravity of this subtly
melancholic figure, which conveys a sense of
calm and inward reflection. Line dominates the almost calligraphic rendering of the Komnenian tradition and belongs to a
the design as it renders the outlines, features, opulent garments. The disregard for any provincial artistic idiom, also attested in
details, and symmetrically arranged hair, the indication of draping and physical volume contemporary works by local workshops,
latter conventionally denoted by a uniform accentuates the flatness of the immaterial such as a group of wall paintings in the
reddish-brown surface enlivened by curved slender figure, which stands out like a two- church of Hagios Petros at Kalyvia
ocher brushstrokes. The face is tightly dimensional image against a uniform blue Kouvara.6 The Penteli Cave wall paintings
modeled with tonal variations of ocher for background. These features underline the are an important example of Attic painting
the flesh over a dark base layer.4 aristocratic figure’s transcendental character during the Frankish period, which is
Characteristic pinkish-red patches and give the impression of a portrait, represented by several monuments all of
highlight the cheeks and separate into fine recalling portable icons.5 them decorated by local workshops.7
brushstrokes to accentuate the bridge of The work of an able artist, this panel
the nose and the neck. represents a conservative style, which IRENE THEOCHAROPOULOU
The decorative approach is evident in reflects the aesthetic approach of the
| 128 |
Literature: Mouriki 1973–74, 79–119; Florence 1986, 50,
no. 12 (E. Kounoupiotou-Manolessou); Konstantios et
al. 2004, 111, no. 88; London 2008, 445, no. 255 (I.
Theocharopoulou); Bonn 2010, 353, no. 501 (I.
Theocharopoulou).
1
Mouriki 1973–74, 99.
2
Ibid., 79–81, 83, fig. 1, 84.
3
Ibid., 98–99, 110–11.
4
Ibid., 106, 111.
5
Ibid., 106–7.
6
Ibid., 111–13; Coumbaraki-Pansélinou 1976, 66;
Florence 1986, 50; N. Chatzidakis 2000, 268.
7
M. Chatzidakis 1959, 105–7; Mouriki 1973–74, 114–
15; N. Chatzidakis 2000, 267–68.
49. Fragment of a Wall

Painting with the
Washing of the Feet
Thessaloniki workshop, 1360–80

Fresco on plaster
36 ⅛ x 30 ¾ x 2 ⅜ in. (92 x 78 x 6 cm)
Condition: good
Provenance: From the Vlatadon Monastery
49
inv. no. μΔ36
his fragmentary wall painting comes

Tfrom the sanctuary (south part of the figures, and pale pink for the flesh with red
patches to accentuate the cheekbones,
a supporter of Palamas, served as archbishop
of Thessaloniki,8 a period of temporary calm
vault above the cornice) of the katholikon of elements typical of the art of the first and intellectual and economic growth
the Vlatadon Monastery, a famous quarter of the fourteenth century. The following the establishment of political and
Hesychast center. It was part of the group bright color palette is rich in harmonious ecclesiastical rule (victory of the
of wall paintings that still decorates most juxtapositions and alternations of blue, pink, Hesychasts).
of the naos, the ambulatory surrounding aubergine, and orange tones. However, the
the naos, and the south chapel.1 The proportions of the tall bodies with small AGATHONIKI TSILIPAKOU
fragment depicts seven apostles seated on a heads, the figures’ limited volume, their
semicircular bench with footrest, graceful movements and internal
conversing with each other against a dynamism, the stylized and rigid—despite Literature: Unpublished
neutral background. The untied sandal on the discreet suggestion of physical volume— 1
Stogioglou 1971; Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1995, 163–88.
the right foot of the fourth apostle from drapery, exhibit a classicistic, idealistic 2
Tsitouridou 1986, 110-12, table 33. In the Saint
the left (Andrew), along with the scene’s character.5 Similar trends can be seen in the Nicholas church the scene is placed in the same
iconography, which even in details wall paintings of the chapel of the position in the sanctuary.
3
Millet 1927, table 69.1.
(position of the foot, movement and Xenophontos Monastery on Mount Athos, 4
On the hitherto prevailing identification of the fragment
gestures of the apostles), is found in the which date to the fourteenth century.6 The as part of the scene of the Pentecost, formulated by Ch.
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi, who first published the
Washing of the Feet in Saint Nicholas katholikon of the Vlatadon Monastery was
monument, see Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1992, 664.
Orphanos in Thessaloniki2 and in probably decorated after 1368, when 5
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1985, 231–37; Mavropoulou-
Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos,3 Gregory Palamas, the Hesychast archbishop Tsioumi 1993, 161–67; Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 2002,
402–3.
suggests that this fragment belonged to a of Thessaloniki (1347–59), was proclaimed 6
Tsigaridas 1999, 87–89.
representation of the same scene.4 a saint (the haloed Palamas is depicted 7
On the west opening (southwest pillar) leading from the
The fragment displays a painterly style, twice in the katholikon’s wall paintings),7 narthex to the naos and in the south chapel (dome
pendentive) as a theologian. See Mavropoulou-Tsioumi
with limited use of line for rendering and possibly in 1371–79, when Dorotheos 1985, 233–37 and Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1995, 169–70.
features, an olive-green base layer for the Vlates, one of the monastery’s founders and 8
Tsigaridas 2000, 195.
| 129 |
50
50. Fragment of a Wall Painting full-length angels. The composition is The angel on the right, with his raised
attributed to two artists and belongs to the wings and graceful movement, is
with the Ascension earliest phase of the church’s decoration.3 attributed to a second artist.4 The uniform
The Christ figure features a short body modeling, with gradations of ocher
and elongated face, both austere and underlined with green, reveals a knowledge
35 ⅞ x 72 ⅜ in. (91 x 184 cm) expressive, asymmetrically framed by a of the chiaroscuro technique, reflecting a
Condition: fragmentary, painted surface nimbus cruciger. Dark brown hues dominate more painterly approach. White
damaged
the modeling of the face, which is lightened brushstrokes enliven the prominent facial
Provenance: Veroia, Church of Saint by a few fleeting white brushstrokes. Ocher features, which are rendered with patches
Photeine (Photida)
brushstrokes were applied to his compact of pink, and create bright highlights on the
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, dark brown hair in a rather mechanical wings, hair, and edges of the soft drapery,
inv. no. μÃª 1721
manner. Clusters of radial lines denote the which molds the body’s volume with
draping of the orange-red garments, with greater plasticity.
pale yellow brushstrokes creating highlights. These two able painters combined
his fragment comes from the The same artist probably also painted the different aesthetic approaches in a
T pediment-shaped apex of the east wall angel on the left with tricolor wings and
shoes adorned with pearls, using linear
composition that reflects the artistic tradition
of Veroia at the end of the fourteenth and
of the now demolished three-nave basilica
of Saint Photeine at Veroia.1 The modelling to denote the rather rough beginning of the fifteenth centuries. This
Ascension pictures Christ’s sudden, features of this slightly melancholy figure. tradition features different styles with
symbolic ascent within a cloud at the Olive-green was used for the base layer, different degrees of quality and technical
Mount of Olives, forty days after his topped by warm ocher with pink mastery, and is represented by a great
Resurrection, before the eyes of his brushstrokes and white lines lightening the number of works with obvious affinities
astonished disciples, whom angels have flesh here and there. The stylized hair is with monumental painting in the Balkans.5
reassured of his return, thus announcing rendered in a most decorative manner,
the Second Coming.2 divided into thick locks accentuated by IRENE THEOCHAROPOULOU
The ascending Christ is seated on a white brushstrokes. The stylized drapery
rainbow and raises his hands in blessing, underscores the withdrawn stance and stiff Literature: Konstantios et al. 2004, 118, no. 94;
Tsigaridas 1997, 85–86; Tsigaridas 1999, 155–73;
surrounded by a glory consisting of movement, but fails to accurately delineate Athens 2000c, 26–28 (A. Katselaki); New York 2004,
concentric circles and supported by two the body’s volume. 90, no. 47 (A. Katselaki).
| 130 |
i1
Makaronas 1940, 483–84; Tsigaridas 1999, 155–56. Andrew, who are talking in front of a figures occupy the space harmoniously.
2
Ghioles 1981, 19–33.
3
On the decoration of the church that is attributed to mountain on the panel’s left side. On the The icon’s monumental character and
different painters, see Tsigaridas 1999, 162–63, 167. right Lazarus appears at the tomb’s stylistic features indicate a twelfth-century
4
Ibid., 167; Athens 2000c, 27.
entrance, swathed in bandages, which a date.
5
Tsigaridas 1999, 165, 167; Papazotos 1994, 265, 268–
69, 271–72. young Jew is trying to unwrap. A group
of three onlookers is depicted behind him. KALLIOPI-PHAEDRA KALAFATI
Lazarus’s sisters, Martha and Maria, are
kneeling before Christ in supplication. The
Literature: Athens 1986, 72, no. 74 (ª. Chatzidakis);
unusual red background and minimal
Florence 1986, 63, no. 26 (M. Chatzidakis); London
landscape are particularly noteworthy. 1987, no. 7 (M. Chatzidakis); Vocotopoulos 1995, no.
Christ and Lazarus feature light blue halos. 30; New York 1997, 119–20, no. 67B (A. Weyl Carr);
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1998, no. 2; London 2008,
Celebrated on the Saturday preceding
51. Icon with the Raising of 434, no. 215 (∫.-P. Kalafati); Bonn 2010, 165–66, no.
Holy Week, the miracle of the Raising of
Lazarus Lazarus (John 11:1–45) carries the
47 (K.-P. Kalafati).
1
New York 1997, 120, no. 67A; London 2008, no. 216.
salvational message of resurrection. 2
12th century
Two icons, one depicting the 3
M. Chatzidakis 1964–65, 386, 398–99; New York
Egg tempera on wood Transfiguration, now in the State 1997, 119–20, no. 67 (A. Weyl Carr).
8 ½ x 9 ½ in. (21.5 x 24 cm) Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg,1

Condition: extensive damage on lower part and another depicting the Last Supper,
Provenance: Mount Athos now in the Vatopedi Monastery,2 display
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, similar stylistic features, dimensions, and
inv. no. μÃª 980 bright red backgrounds. Painted by the
same artist, all three icons come from
Mount Athos and were originally part of
52. Double-sided Icon with
he imposing figure of Christ a templon epistyle decorated with the the Virgin Hodegetria
Taddressing Lazarus with his extended dodekaorton, one of the earliest known.3 (front) and the Man of
Sorrows (back)
hand dominates the composition. He is The composition is limited to the
followed by two of his disciples, Peter and episode’s main characters. The serene
Kastoria, last quarter of 12th century
Egg tempera on wood
45 ¼ x 30 ½ x 1 ⅜ in. (115 x 77.5 x 3.5 cm)
Condition: good
Kastoria, Byzantine Museum, inv. no. 457
he square notches on the icon’s base

T suggest that this was a processional icon
with specific liturgical use, associated with
the reading of the Passion on Good Friday.
The obverse presents a frontal bust of
the Virgin and Child of the Hodegetria
type. The Virgin wears a dark red
maphorion (mantle) with dark folds of the
same color and a dark blue himation. Also
shown frontally, Christ wears an orange
chiton and grayish-brown himation; he
holds a closed scroll and blesses with his
right hand. Two diminutive angels in
white chitons and dark red himatia flank
the Virgin at the top. A red band frames
the pale yellow background.
The reverse holds a bust of Christ, dead
51 and naked, his arms crossed over his chest.
| 131 |
52
Behind him the cross features the the protagonists of the divine passion is 53. Icon with the Prophet Elijah
inscription √ μ∞Cπ§∂ÀC Δ∏C ¢√•∏C directly associated with the Passion of
(King of Glory). The blue background on Christ. Christ of the Man of Sorrows, a
Kastoria, 1180–1200
either side of the cross is inscribed theme inspired by the Old Testament
Tempera on wood
π(∏™√À)C X(ƒπCTO)C (Jesus Christ). This (Isaiah 53:8), can be associated with the
is the earliest known depiction of the Man development of offices relating to the 48 ⅞ x 24 ⅝ x 1 ¾ in. (124 x 62.5 x 4.5 cm)
of Sorrows, an iconographic theme Passion in Constantinopolitan monasteries Inscription: √ ¶ƒ√º∏Δ∏C ∏§π∞C (The Prophet
Elijah)
featured in portable icons, illuminated during the eleventh century.3 The liturgical
manuscripts, and wall paintings from the needs of the offices of the Passion led to Condition: the icon has been cut along the
right side, obviously for re-use, damaging
Middle Byzantine period onward. the development of a new iconographic
the wood and painted surface; recent
The Virgin’s physiognomy, with her motif combining the themes of the restorations to the background, right
frown, intense sideward gaze, and twitched Crucifixion, Lamentation, and shoulder, and upper arm; some repainting of
eyebrows, recalls late twelfth-century Entombment. the garment
painting, such as the icon of the Virgin Provenance: Kastoria, Church of the Panagia
from the Engleistra of Saint Neophytos in ANGELIKI STRATI Eleousa
Cyprus (circa 1183).1 On the other hand, Kastoria, Byzantine Museum, inv. no. 164.
the linear rendering of Christ’s hair and
beard in the Man of Sorrows is similar to Literature: London 1987b, 150, no. 8 (M. Chatzidakis);
that on other contemporary works, such as he Prophet Elijah is depicted frontally
T
Baltimore 1988, 174, no. 9 (M. Chatzidakis); New York
1997, 125–26, no. 72 (A. Weyl Carr); Melbourne 1999,
the Christ in the Lamentation wall 76–77, no. 9 (E. Tsigaridas); Athens 2000a, 484–85, no.
and in half length. He wears a light
painting in the church of Hagioi 83 (E. Tsigaridas); London 2008, 442, no. 246 (A. Strati). brown, long-sleeved, belted chiton and an
Anargyroi at Kastoria (circa 1180).2 aubergine sheepskin mantle, the so-called
1
Papageorgiou 1991, pl. 27.
The Kastoria icon’s iconography is 2
Pelekanidis and M. Chatzidakis 1985, 33, fig. 12.
melote, which is tied in a knot over his
particularly noteworthy as the depiction of 3
Pallas 1965, 197, 201, 280–82; Belting 1980–81, 5ff. chest. He raises his right hand below his
| 132 |
chest in a gesture of blessing and holds an
open scroll in his left. The scroll is
inscribed with a passage from the Old
Testament (1 Kings 17:8–9): † ∂°∂¡∂Δ√
ƒ∏/ ª∞ ∫À(ƒπ√À) ¶ƒ√C H§π/√À
§∂°ø¡· ∞¡∞™Δ∏£π/ ∫∞π ¶√ƒ∂À√À
∏C/∞ƒ∂º£∞ Δ∏C Cπ¢ø¡π/∞C· KAI
∫∞/£∏(C∏ ∂∫∂π) (Then the word of the
Lord came to him: Go at once to
Zarephath in the region of Sidon and stay
there).
Elijah’s shoulder-length hair, untamed
beard, and lean facial features reflect his
ascetic way of life. These features were
established in the Early Byzantine period.
His halo is pale yellow. He is identified in
an inscription on the repainted dark blue
background.
The prophet Elijah, one of the most
prominent figures of the Old Testament,
held a special place in Christian thought
and in Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
iconography.1 John Chrysostom contrasted
Elijah with Christ. He appears with
Moses in the Transfiguration (see cat. no
64).2
The back of the icon features a large,
brick-red, foliate Anastasis cross against an
off-white background. The design is fairly
coarse, with ramified branches growing
from the life-giving wood and interwoven
into symmetrical spirals. A cryptographic
inscription occupies the cross’s horizontal
arm: π(ËÛÔ‡˜) Ã(ÚÈÛÙfi˜) ¡(È) ∫(¿) º(ˆ˜) 53
Ã(ÚÈÛÙÔ‡) º(·›ÓÂÈ) ¶(¿ÛÈ) CΔ(·˘ÚfiÓ) CΔ[…]
¢[…] ¶[…] Ã(ÚÈÛÙfi˜) Ã(¿ÚÈÓ) Ã(·Ú›˙ÂÈ)
(Jesus Christ Victorious; Light of Christ
Shines Over All; Cross . . . Christ Gives and beard, the figure’s ethos and Literature: London 2008, 441, no. 242 (∂. N. Tsigaridas).
Grace). The initials º(ˆ˜) Ã(ÚÈÛÙÔ‡) expression, all recall works of the last 1
See LCI, I:607–14 (E. Luchesi Palli, L. Hoffscholte).
º(·›ÓÂÈ) ¶(¿ÛÈ) (Light of Christ Shines quarter of the twelfth century, such as the 2
PG 50: 450, PG 49: 46.
3
μabic’ 1979, 1–13, with relevant bibliography.
Over All) belong to a liturgical phrase wall paintings in the churches of Hagios 4
For related examples, see Papatheofanous-Tsouri 1987,
proffered by the priest during the Liturgy Stephanos at Kastoria5 and of the Virgin 70–76.
of the Presanctified Gifts.3 Crosses with tou Arakos in Cyprus,6 and in the 5
Siomkos 2005, fig. 70.
6
D. Winfield and J. Winfield 2003, fig. 15.
cryptograms were invested with apotropaic Latomou Monastery in Thessaloniki.7 7
properties. Although diachronic, their use This icon of the prophet Elijah from
prevailed in the Middle and, particularly, Kastoria is an important example of Late
Late Byzantine periods.4 The icon’s large Komnenian art, exquisite examples of
size and, more particularly, the cross on the which can be seen in the wall painting of
back, the cryptograms of which refer to the churches of Hagioi Anargyroi and
the Divine Liturgy, indicate that the icon Saint Nicholas Kasnitzes in the same city.
was originally placed on a templon.
The icon’s stylistic features, the ANGELIKI STRATI
modeling, the linear rendering of the hair
| 133 |
54. Icon with Christ Pantokrator,
the Wisdom of God
Thessaloniki workshop, late 14th century

Painting on wood
157 cm x 105 cm x 5 cm.
Inscription: π(∏C√À)C Ã(ƒπCΔ√)C | ∏ C√ºπ∞
Δ√À £(∂√)À (Jesus Christ, the Wisdom of
God); (on the open Gospel): EAN Aº∏TE
TOIC | ∞¡£ƒø¶(√πC) Δ∞ ¶∞ƒ∞ | ¶Δøª∞Δ∞
∞ÀΔø¡ | ∞º∏Cπ ∫(∞π) Àªπ¡ | √ ¶(∞Δ)∏ƒ
Àª(ø¡) √ √Àƒ∞ | ¡π√C Δ∞ ¶∞ƒ∞¶Δø | ª∞Δ∞
À[ªø¡] [∂π] | ¢∂ ª∏ ∞º[∏Δ∂] | ∞¡(£ƒø¶)√πC
Δ[∞¶∞ƒ∞¶Δø] | ª∞Δ∞ ∞ÀΔø¡ √À¢[∂ √ ¶∞Δ∏ƒ
Àªø¡ ∞º∏Cπ Δ∞ ¶∞ƒ∞¶Δøª∞Δ∞ Àªø¡]
(Your heavenly Father will forgive you your
transgressions, if you forgive your fellow
men theirs; if you do not forgive them, your
heavenly Father will not forgive your
transgressions either)
Condition: well preserved
Provenance: Thessaloniki, Hagia Sophia
(possibly from the templon)
inv. no. μ∂π 503
he icon’s main side depicts Christ in a

T variation of the Pantokrator type
known primarily from Palaiologan art, in
which the thumb and middle finger of the
blessing hand are joined and the Gospel is 54
open.1 The excerpt from the Gospel of

Matthew (6:14–15) stresses Christ’s
compassion and righteous judgment Palaiologan art, which appeared in the the use of opposed triangular areas of light
through the forgiveness of sins. This is the second half and especially toward the end and shade (white and reddish-brown
only instance of this particular excerpt on of the fourteenth century.3 This respectively). This interesting three-
an image of Christ Pantokrator. In remarkable work of art is distinguished by dimensional rendering imitates the relief
association with the agnomen of Christ as its exquisite execution, the masterful halos of thirteenth and fourteenth-century,
the enhypostatic and true Wisdom of God,2 modeling of the face with color gradients, primarily Macedonian icons,4 such as the
it gives the icon a distinct eschatological and the mesh of fine highlights that enliven icon of the Virgin Eleousa, now in the
soteriological meaning. Christ’s agnomen the figure, the finely drawn features, and Museum of Byzantine Culture (inv. no.
and the presence and size of the victorious the carefully rendered hair. μ∂π 780, dated to the 1320s). The Virgin
leaf-bearing cross on the reverse suggest that The overly accentuated facial features, Eleousa icon and the icon of the Wisdom
the icon originally decorated the templon of particularly the large expressive eyes, of God examined here present several
the church of Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki. underline pictorially Christ’s agnomen as technical similarities, which indicate that
The reverse would have been visible inside “Wisdom of God.” The dark colors and the two icons were produced in the same
the sanctuary. prismatic drapery, which is highlighted on workshop in Thessaloniki.5 However, the
Christ’s coarse facial features and the edges with brighter shades of the same painterly approach in the rendering of
pronounced cheekbones, his restless mood color, create a mysterious, transcendent volume and the third dimension in the
and frowning forehead, and the stylized atmosphere. The rendering of the halo Wisdom of God icon is inspired by a
rendering of the protruding parts of the with its peculiar two-colored shading is clearly painterly perception of the
face and neck associate this icon with the noteworthy, as are the arms of its cross, rendering of divine light, which might be
anticlassical, expressionistic style of which appear three-dimensional thanks to associated with the theological debates of
| 134 |
this period and the Hesychast movement.
A similar, albeit less masterful approach is
attested on four contemporary icons from
Veroia, all tentatively attributed to the
same artist, which are stylistically close to
the Thessaloniki icon, but more carelessly
executed.6 The iconic painting of the
Wisdom of God probably served as a
model for the painter of the Veroia icons
and for several other paintings produced in
Macedonian workshops.7
AGATHONIKI TSILIPAKOU
Literature: M. Chatzidakis 1969, 13, 59, fig. 22;

Baltimore 1988, 193, no. 30 (N. Chatzidakis); N.
Chatzidakis 1995, 498; Athens 2002a, 196–97, no. 55
(¡. Chatzidakis); Drandaki 2006, 85–86, fig. 13;
Bucarest 2008, 8–9, no. 4 (A. Petkos).
1
See an icon of the Chozoviotissa Monastery at
Amorgos, dating to the second half of the fourteenth
or early fifteenth century (Athens 2002a, 200–201, no.
57 [P. L. Vocotopoulos]). The open Gospel occurs on
an icon of the Byzantine Museum of Veroia (inv. no.
∂424) of the late fourteenth century (Bucarest 2008,
8–9, no. 4 [A. Petkos], and Drandaki 2006, 82–87,
figs. 8, 9).
2
Meyendorff 1959, 259; Pallas 1989–90, 119–44, and
more specifically, 126, 139.
3
See the icons in the Byzantine and Christian Museum 55
in Athens (inv. nos. Δ188 and Δ2626: Athens 2002a,
192–95, no. 54, 198–99, no. 56 [¡. Chatzidakis]), the
National Museum at Stockholm (Athens 1964, 254–
55, no. 202), the National Gallery of Skopje (icon of
Inscriptions: On the gold background in red the shoulder and a golden-brown
tesserae: ª(∏Δ)∏ƒ £(∂√)À ∏ ∂¶π | CKEæπC himation. Both figures have halos with a
Christ Zoodotes: ª. Chatzidakis and Babic ́ 1984, 141,
(Mother of God the Episkepsis); π(∏COY)C
192), and Patmos (ª. Chatzidakis 1985, 83–84). red outline. The deep notch at the center
4
Drandaki 2006, 85–86. X(PICTO)C (Jesus Christ)
5
N. Chatzidakis 1995, 498.
of the lower side may indicate the position
Condition: decoration of the frame missing;
6
Common features include the ocher background, the of a staff used for carrying the icon during
tesserae missing from the background and
abbreviations painted in cinnabar, the use of a black
figures, particularly at the joins of the
processions.1
line for the outlines and features, the use of pink on
the lower lip, the similar chromatic scale, the wooden planks This icon, an heirloom brought to
abundance of linear lighting, the limited number of
Provenance: Trigleia (Bithynia, Asia Minor)
Greece by refugees from Trigleia in
highlights on the drapery, the subject that “spreads”
Bithynia in 1922, probably belonged to the
beyond the limits of the hollowed out surface reserved Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum,
for the painting. See also Drandaki 2006, 77–91. inv. no. μÃª 990 town’s Palaiologan church of Panagia
7
See also Bucarest 2008, 8. Pantobasilissa.2 Mosaic icons were among
the most luxurious objects of Byzantine
he Virgin is depicted in three-quarter art. Their costly technique suggests that
T view in the iconographic type of the they were made in Constantinople. Very
few examples are preserved, most of them
Glykophilousa. She holds the young
Christ with her right arm and lifts her left small.3 This is one of the rare large mosaic
hand in prayer. The mother and child’s icons, which reflect the style of
55. Mosaic Icon with the cheeks touch gently, while the child rests contemporary wall mosaics.
Virgin Episkepsis his small hand on her neck, his naked legs Associated with various iconographic
tucked against his mother’s torso. The types of the Virgin, the agnomen The
Constantinople, late 13th century Virgin wears blue garments with gold Episkepsis is a reference to the Virgin’s
Glass paste, gold, and silver tesserae on highlights and red accents on the neckline miraculous assistance in any emergency.
wax gum and left sleeve. The Christ child wears a The icon’s iconographic and stylistic
42 ⅛ x 28 ¹⁵⁄₁₆ in. (107 x 73.5 cm) golden-green chiton with a red band on features indicate that it was manufactured
| 135 |
56
in a thirteenth-century Constantinopolitan Provenance: Thessaloniki, Church of Saint hovering above the horizontal beam of the
workshop with obvious influence from the Nicholas cross. The slender figure of the Virgin, full
classicizing art of the Middle Byzantine Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, of dignity, is particularly striking. Wrapped
period.4 inv. no. BXM 1354 in her blue maphorion, she stands straight
as a stele, shaken by silent grief, with only
KALLIOPI-PHAEDRA KALAFATI SIDE A her head bowed. The Virgin is represented
his side had been repainted with a in a similar attitude on a double-sided icon
Literature: Athens 1982, no. 1; Demus 1991, 15ff., no. 1

T later representation of the Virgin titled from Poganovo inscribed He Kataphyge
(The Refuge, 1370–93), probably from
He Portaitisa, which has been removed.
(with earlier bibliography), pl. π; Acheimastou-
Potamianou 1998, no. 7; Athens 2000a, 464–66, no. 74 The Virgin is shown in half length in a Thessaloniki and now in the National
(M. Acheimastou-Potamianou). variant of the Hodegetria type: she holds Archaeological Museum of Sofia.4 A row of
Christ in her left hand and gently touches houses with trees between them denotes the
1
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1998, 34.
2
Mango and I. Š evčenko 1973, 235ff.; √usterhout his right knee with the tips of her right walled city of Jerusalem at the bottom of
1991, 87. fingers. The diminutive archangels the composition. A similar landscape is
3
Vocotopoulos 1995, 20–21.
i4
Michael and Gabriel flank the main depicted on an early fourteenth-century
figures in the top corners. Constantinopolitan icon now in Ohrid,5
The Virgin’s gesture—touching the and on an icon from the second half of the
child’s knee—appears primarily in works fourteenth century in Saint Catherine’s
produced in Thessaloniki in the late monastery on Mount Sinai.6
56. Two-sided Icon with the thirteenth century and first decades of the The iconographic details, stylistic
Virgin and Child and fourteenth century, such as three icons in features, and high quality of the pigments
the Crucifixion the Vatopedi Monastery1 and the Virgin indicate a competent artist of a large
Eleousa icon, now in the Museum of workshop, one that probably belonged to
Probably Constantinople or Thessaloniki, Byzantine Culture.2 the capital’s imperial circle in the first half
first half of 14th century of the fourteenth century.
40 ½ x 33 ½ in. (103 cm x 85 cm) SIDE B This masterpiece of Palaiologan
he scene of the Crucifixion features the painting combines two dogmatic themes
Condition: Extensive damage on both faces,
loss of relief frame on lower side T three main characters3 and two angels of exceptional importance, the Incarnation
| 136 |
and the Passion. The association of the
two, which first occurred in Byzantine
hymnography and homiletic literature in
the fifth century and was subsequently
incorporated in liturgical books, greatly
influenced post-iconoclastic iconography.7
This dogmatic association is reflected in
several variants on important double-sided
icons for liturgical use since at least the
twelfth century,8 and especially in the
Palaiologan period.9 Interestingly, the
model for the iconographic type of the
Virgin Hodegetria, an important cult icon
for the Byzantines connected with the
Hodegon Monastery at Constantinople,10
may have depicted the Crucifixion on the
reverse, according to the traveler Pero
Tafur (1435–39).11
ANASTASIA LAZARIDOU
Literature: Weitzmann, et al. 1982, 78; Vocotopoulos

1995, no. 82; London 1998, 76–81, no 10;
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1998, 44–49, no. 10; New
57
York 2004, 182–83, no 103 (K.-Ph. Kalafati).
1
London 1998, 77; Tsigaridas and Loverdou-Tsigarida
2006, 87–91, 116–19, 174–78, 370.
cons depicting exclusively scenes from crowded compositions of Palaiologan
I
2
Athens 2000a, 478–79.
3
Weitzmann et al. 1982, 78.
4
This icon is now in the National Archaeological
the Passion of Christ are rare in painting, the achievements of which also
Museum of Sophia; see New York 2004, no. 117. Byzantium. They are mostly found in included a more realistic rendering of
5
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1998, 46. monasteries, such as Saint Catherine’s on landscape.2 Some scenes (Gesthemane, Road
6
New York 2004, 182–83; Vocotopoulos 1995, no. 83.
7
Athens 2000a, 453ff. Mount Sinai, where they were displayed to Calvary) show clear iconographic
8
Ibid., 484–85; Athens 2002a, 92–93. for worship during Holy Week.1 This icon archaisms, which recall eleventh-twelfth
9
Drandakis 1964, 420–25; Vocotopoulos 1995, nos.
from the Vlatadon Monastery depicts six century art in both icons3 and manuscripts.4
67–68; Athens 2002a, 342–345.
10
Athens 2000a, 373–87. scenes from the Passion cycle arranged in The scene of the Flagellation, with
11
Pallas 1965, 321. three superimposed bands, each 5 1/2 Christ tied to a column, is rarely pictured
inches (14 cm) high. They were painted on in Byzantine art, and was thus originally
a single convex piece of wood, which was considered an indication of the influence
carved all around to form a relief frame. of Western art, where it was popular.
Although the painter used fine, almost However, evidence from Russian medieval
indistinguishable lines to divide the pictorial texts mentioning the safekeeping and
57. Icon with Six Scenes from surface into six identical panels, the scenes adoration of the column and whip of the
the Passion appear to succeed one another freely in the Flagellation in the Church of the Holy
available space. The episodes presented are, Apostles in Constantinople has reversed
Thessaloniki, 1370s from top left, the Last Supper, the Washing this view.5 In fact, the Byzantine works
Egg tempera on wood of the Feet, the Prayer at Gethsemane, the depicting the Flagellation are all associated
20 ⅛ x 16 ⅛ in. (51 x 41 cm)
Betrayal, the Flagellation, and the Road to with Constantinople, where the
Calvary (Elkomenos). The compositions are iconographic pattern for this scene
Condition: good; paint chipped on some of
the faces, which have been subsequently distinguished by their austerity and probably originated.6
clumsily painted over; some damage to the restriction to only essential elements, both The icon’s elongated, elegant figures are
gold leaf and preparation on the frame in the number of participants and in the rendered with plasticity, without outlines,
Provenance: Thessaloniki, sacristy of the background’s architectural and natural with fluid folds and lively chiaroscuro in
Vlatadon Monastery features. This is a departure from the the modeling of the flesh. Cobalt blue and
| 137 |
cinnabar red dominate the color palette. his exquisite, unusually large icon depicts reference to Christ’s universal power, is the
The above features, as well as the restrained Tthe archangel Gabriel in full figure, brightest element in the image, and the
expression of emotion on the faces and the turned toward the viewer’s left. The icon was way the surrounding bright surfaces are
compositions’ transcendental atmosphere probably part of a Deesis composition with spread and organized suggests that the
recall paintings from the mid fourteenth the Christ, the Virgin, and the archangel orb’s light illuminates the elements of the
century onward. This icon can be dated to Michael, none of the rest of which is now physical world, here the garment. These
the 1370s owing to its close stylistic preserved among the icons in the Vatopedi features, as well as the plastic rendering of
affinities with securely dated works such as Monastery. The icon’s original size was the body volumes and garments and the
the icon with Incredulity of Thomas probably incompatible with its later use, lowered, leftward gaze suggest a competent
(1367–84) in the Monastery of the which is why large portions of the panel painter of the Palaiologan period (late
Transfiguration in the Meteora,7 the were cut off.1
Transfiguration miniature in the Par. gr. The winged archangel holds an
1242 manuscript (1370–75) with orb in his left hand and a staff in
theological works by John Kantakouzenos,8 his right. He wears a long chiton,
and the wall paintings in the katholikon of which covers the preserved part of
the Vlatadon Monastery (1360–80),9 his lower legs. The band with gold
where the icon is kept. The choice and highlights that decorates the
arrangement of scenes, the outdated neckline, hem, right shoulder, and
iconography, and the miniaturist execution right sleeve introduces an
suggest that the painter might have been intermediate colorful gradient
inspired by an earlier illuminated between the bright gold of the
manuscript. background, the dark himation,
and the even darker chiton.
ANASTASIA TOURTA The figure, with its accurate
proportions, sustained leftward
movement created by the straight
Literature: Tourta 1982, 154–79; Vocotopoulos 1995,
right leg and slightly bent left leg,
115, 213, no. 94; Athens 1986, 83, no. 85 (A. Tourta);
Florence 1986, 76–77, no. 38; London 1987b, 88, 160, and the gradual reduction of the
no. 22 (A. Tourta); Baltimore 1988, 103, 188–89, no. figure’s distance from the icon’s
25; New York 2004, 182, no 102 (A. Tourta).
left side all reveal the maturity of
1
G. Sotiriou and M. Sotiriou 1956–58, vol. 1, 66–67, the design and a profound
fig. 49, vol. 2, 66–68, 81–82. knowledge of the secrets of
2
Velmans, 1964, 183–216
3
See above n. 1.
painting. The sustained movement
4
Omont 1908, II, pl. 178. is also served by the garments’
5
De Khitrowo 1889, 101–2, 123, 136, 162, 203. folds, with the himation’s large
6
Grozdanov and Subotic´ 19891, 68ff.
7
New York 2004, 51, no. 241.
diagonal fold between the legs and
8
Drpic´ 2008, 228ff., fig. 3. gathering over the left shoulder.
9
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1992, 664–65.
The concentration of bright
surfaces on the left leg,
culminating in the luminous orb,
confirms the artist’s attempt to
convey the message of rich,
58. Icon with the Archangel enlightened, and dynamic inner
Gabriel life in a seemingly motionless
world with well-defined and
Early 14th century apparently constricting parameters.
Egg tempera on wood A contrary message of authority
44 ⅛ x 16 ½ in. (112 x 42 cm) and power is conveyed by the staff
Condition: good; large parts missing from all and orb: the strictly vertical red
four edges, the archangel’s wings and feet staff sets the limits for physical
missing as a result mobility, leaving no room for slips,
Mount Athos, Vatopedi Monastery deviations, and exceptions. The
[Loan still uncertain at press time] orb with the X (Christos), a
58
| 138 |
59
13th–early 14th century), who knew the he archangel’s half-length figure is

secrets of ancient Greek sculpture.2 The
59. Icon with the Archangel
Michael
T depicted frontally against a gold
classical composure of the face and the background. He holds a long scepter in his
slightly lowered head with its thick locks right hand and a cross-topped orb
that reach the edge of the himation and Constantinople, first half of the 14th inscribed with the letters X ¢ K (Christ
century
are held by a discreet ribbon over the [the] Just Judge) in his left. He wears a
forehead contribute to make this one of Egg tempera on wood brown chiton with fine gold highlights
the greatest creations of Greek art of the 43 ¼ x 31 ½ in. (110 x 80 cm) and a red band on the shoulder, and a
Byzantine period. Inscriptions: O APX(øN) MIXAH§ O ME°AC green himation. His large green wings
TA•IAPXHC (Master Michael the Great dominate the gold background.
Taxiarch); X(ÚÈÛÙfi˜) ¢(›Î·ÈÔ˜) K(ÚÈÙ‹˜) (Christ
IOANNIS TAVLAKIS The inscription “Christ [the] Just
[the] Just Judge)
Judge” is a reference to the Second
Condition: extensive damage at the bottom
Literature: Tsigaridas 1998, 380; Tsigaridas and
Coming, as is Michael’s epithet “Great
and on the right, red band missing from
Loverdou-Tsigarida 2006, 114; Paris 2009, 202 (E.
bottom
Taxiarch,” which reflects his quality as
Tsigaridas). psychopomp. The lion’s head at the foot of
1
Tsigaridas 1998, 380. inv. no. μÃª 1353 (gift of a Greek of
the cross atop the orb is particularly
2
Tsigaridas and Loverdou-Tsigarida 2006, 114. Istanbul, 1958) noteworthy. It may be related to the
eschatological associations of Christ as the
| 139 |
Just Judge and Michael as psychopomp,
and serve as an allegory recalling the
Biblical ‰Ô`˜ ÏfiÁÔÓ Â˘῎Ú˘ıÌÔÓ ÂÈ᾿˜ ÙÔ` ÛÙfiÌ·
ÌÔ˘ Â᾿ÓÒÈÔÓ ÙÔ˘῀ Ï¤ÔÓÙÔ˜ (Frame my
utterance, as I speak with this fierce lord of
mine [= lion]) (Esther 14:13).
This icon was probably part of a Great
Deesis composition.1 Its place was on the
templon, where Michael, together with the
Virgin, John the Baptist, and the apostles,
framed the image of Christ, to whom they
addressed their prayers for the salvation of
man. The figure of the archangel with its
robust body, strong arms, and elegant
fingers, is masterfully executed. Long, curly
brown hair accentuates the classicizing,
graceful face, the beauty and nobility of
which associate this icon with an excellent
workshop of Constantinople at a time when
Byzantium’s capital had turned to classical
antiquity as a result of the artistic and
intellectual renaissance brought on by the
Palaiologan dynasty. Michael’s monumental
figure, with its classical proportions, recalls
the representation of the archangel in the
parekklesion of the Chora Monastery, at the
center of the sanctuary arch between the
60
Anastasis and the Second Coming, where
he holds a transparent orb decorated with
the same rare initials as in this icon.2
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Cappadocia, hence his early appearance in
KALLIOPI-PHAEDRA KALAFATI inv. no. μÃª 1355 church decoration in this region.2
The facial features, gentle modeling,
ethos, and nobility indicate that the icon
he saint is pictured frontally in half
T
Literature: Vocotopoulos 1995, no. 95; Acheimastou-
Potamianou 1998, no. 8; London 1998 (Ch. Baltoyanni),
was produced in Constantinople and
length. He wears military dress: a long- associate it with the figure of Saint George
65–69, no. 7.
sleeved chiton, a breastplate with shoulder
in the wall paintings of the Chora
1
Vocotopoulos 1995, 213. flaps, and a red cloak. He holds a long spear
Monastery at Constantinople3 and the
2
Underwood 1966, vol. 3: 242ff., fig. 472–73; Der in his right hand and a circular shield in
¡ersessian 1975, 324ff.
his left in front of his chest. The pommel of icon of the archangel Michael now in the
a sword appears behind the shield. The Byzantine and Christian Museum in
shield is decorated with a cross, the lozenge- Athens (cat. no. 59). Stylistic features,
shaped center of which depicts a child, however, differentiate this icon from the
possibly Christ Emmanuel.1 Thick, curly masterful Archangel Michael and point to
60. Icon with Saint George brown hair and a large halo frame the a later date in the mid-fourteenth century.
saint’s youthful face, which is modeled with
Mid-14th century bright colors and red accents on the cheeks. KALLIOPI-PHAIDRA KALAFATI
Egg tempera on wood The worship of Saint George was
29 ½ x 19 ¹¹⁄₁₆ in. (75 x 50 cm) particularly widespread in the Byzantine
Literature: Athens 1982, no. 3; Acheimastou-
Condition: central part well preserved; and Post-Byzantine periods. He was often Potamianou 1998, no. 11; London 1998 (Ch.
extensive damage on the sides repaired with depicted on icons and in wall paintings and Baltoyanni), 70–72, no. 8
new wood and distinct painterly additions mosaics, usually as a soldier, either standing 1
reproducing the figure’s probable outline or on horseback in the act of slaying the 2
Restle 1967, vol. 3, 515–16.
Provenance: Tyana (Cappadocia) dragon. Saint George was a native of 3
Underwood 1966, vol. 3, 488–89.
| 140 |
61
61. Two-sided Icon with the The full-length figures of Saint Gregory, Constantinople. The icon was probably
Saint John Chrysostom, and Saint Basil painted in Thessaloniki, its place of
Virgin Hodegetria and are depicted frontally and wearing identical provenance, in the mid-fourteenth century.
the Three Hierarchs vestments, which include an epitrachelion Most two-sided icons were processional
and epigonation decorated with gold icons with a notch on the bottom for the
First half of 14th century embroidery, pearls, and precious stones, carrying staff.1 This was the case with this
Tempera on wood like the covers of the books held in their icon, as suggested by the rectangular notch
49 ⅝ x 35 ⅜ in. (126 x 90 cm) left hands. The crosses on their omophoria in the center of its lower edge. Many two-
Condition: extensive damage on the main end in gold letters: Δ(fiÔ˜) ∫(Ú·Ó›Ô˘) sided icons feature contemporary paintings
side (Side A); the representation of the ¶(·Ú¿‰ÂÈÛÔ˜) °(¤ÁÔÓÂÓ) (The Calvary has on their two sides. Some, however, had
Three Hierachs on the reverse (Side B) is become Paradise), π(ËÛÔ‡˜) Ã(ÚÈÛÙfi˜) one side painted later than the other.
better preserved, as it was covered by a
¡(È)Î(¿) (Jesus Christ Victorious), º(ˆ˜) Research on the two-sided icons of
second paint layer with the same subject
dating to the 18th century. The later layer
Ã(ÚÈÛÙÔ‡) º(·›ÓÂÈ) ¶(¿ÛÈÓ) (The Light of Thessaloniki showed that icons were
was removed and placed on a new support Christ shines over all), and ∂(Ï¤ÓË) ∂(˘ÚÂÓ) repainted not only in order to be restored
Provenance: Thessaloniki, Church of Saint
∂(Ï¤Ô˘˜) Œ(ÚÂÈÛÌ·) (Helen found the and conserved; the obsession with
Nicholas Instrument of Mercy). preserving old icons is an indication of
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, The representation of the Three their equation with holy relics and their
inv. no. μÃª 992 Hierarchs is rare in Byzantine art, even important role in the religious life of the
though their common feast was established local Christian community during
as early as the eleventh century. The three Ottoman rule.2
ide A pictures the Virgin Hodegetria. great Church Fathers and universal
SDespite extensive damage, the painting teachers lived in the fourth century, and
were advocates of the Trinitarian doctrine.
KALLIOPI-PHAEDRA KALAFATI
appears to be contemporary with the
original representation of the Three The high quality of the painting, the
Literature: Baltimore 1988, 181–82, no 17 (ª.
Hierarchs on Side B and was probably austere ethos of the figures, the noble style,
Acheimastou-Potamianou); Vocotopoulos 1995, 220;
executed by the same artist. and skilled writing associate this icon with Acheimastou-Potamianou 1998, no. 9; London 1998,
The Three Hierarchs (Side B) are monumental painting, such as the 83–85, no. 11 (Ch. Baltoyanni).
identified by inscriptions in red lettering decoration of Hagioi Apostoloi at 1

Vocotopoulos 1995, 19.
on a gold background above their halos. Thessaloniki and the Chora Monastery at 2
Tourta 2010, 230.
| 141 |
62. Icon with Saint Athanasios
Kastoria, late 14th–early 15th century

Tempera on wood
28 ⅜ x 18 ⅛ x 1 in. (72 x 46 x 2.5 cm)
Inscriptions: √ ∞°[π]√C ∞£∞¡∞CIOC O ME°[∞C]
O ∞§∂•∞¡¢ƒ∂π∞C (Saint Athanasios the Great
of Alexandria)
Condition: good
Provenance: Sacristy of the Cathedral at
Kastoria
Kastoria, Byzantine Museum, inv. no. 155
he half-length figure of Saint

T Athanasios is pictured frontally,
holding a closed Gospel in his left hand
while blessing with his right. He wears the
garments of a bishop: a light blue sticharion
(tunic), dark red phelonion (chasuble), and
a grayish-white omophorion (stole)
decorated with crosses. The saint’s halo is
visible against the background. A red band
frames the image, and a red inscription
identifies the figure.
The saint, with his lean proportions,
narrow shoulders, and small head, is
depicted according to his established
iconographic type as a bald, elderly man
with a broad forehead and voluminous
beard separated across the middle and 62
forming locks with spiraling tips.1 The face

is rendered in a painterly style, with
accentuated volumes both in the cheeks
and in the curving wrinkles. The still only a deacon. He was also a prolific Literature: Δsigaridas 1995, 348, fig. 3; Δsigaridas 2002,
35, fig. 15.
underpainting is olive-green, and the flesh writer, and is considered one of the great
pink with linear white highlights. The fathers of the Eastern Orthodox Church. 1
On his iconography, see Dionysios ek Fourna 1909,
154, 267, 291.
small expressive eyes emphasize the This important icon and several other 2
See particularly the figure of Saint Athanasios in
Church Father’s spirituality. The style’s icons in the Kastoria Byzantine Museum Pelekanidis 1953, pl. 145b.
intricate stylization and intensely are representative examples of the art of 3
Δsigaridas 1985–86, 384–85; Tsigaridas 1988, 56.
4
Δsigaridas 1985–86, 386–87; Sisiou 1995, fig. 101.
expressionistic character recall works of the local workshops based in Kastoria and 5
Tsigaridas 1995, 345–46.
last quarter of the fourteenth and first half active in Macedonia and northern Epiros
of the fifteenth centuries, such as the wall in the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries.
paintings of Hagios Athanasios of Together with the city’s many
Mouzakes (1384–85),2 of the Hagioi Treis contemporary decorated churches, they
(1401),3 and of Saint John the Baptist at illustrate the glory, wealth, and high
Kastoria (late 14th–15th centuries).4 cultural standards of Kastoria and its
A native of Alexandria, Saint region despite Turkish occupation.5
Athanasios was appointed bishop in 328,
after distinguishing himself in the struggle ANGELIKI STRATI
against the heretic Arian during the First
Ecumenical Council of Nicaea (325) while
| 142 |
63
63. Icon with the Hospitality and the monochrome mask on the left- enriched and crystallized during the
hand wall. The light which floods the Palaiologan period in the form displayed
of Abraham
central area enclosed by the angel figures is in this icon. This iconographic
in studied contrast to the two elderly, development, particularly noticeable after
Constantinople (?), late 14th century
black-clad figures behind them. The the mid-fourteenth century, has been
Egg tempera on wood, priming on textile
meticulous treatment of the table setting, associated with the doctrines of Hesychast
14 ³⁄₁₆ x 24 ½ x 1 in. (36 x 62.3 x 2.5 cm)
with the naturalistic fringed white theology, which influenced other
Inscription: H ºI§O•ENIA TOY ABPAAM (The tablecloth and cutlery, luxury artifacts iconographic themes as well.3 A similar
Hospitality of Abraham)
familiar to the Byzantine aristocracy of representation of the Hospitality can be
Condition: good, with sporadic traces of
that time, is particularly noteworthy.1 found above the double portrait of the pro-
oxidized varnish
The strikingly academic style, the Palamite emperor John VI Kantakouzenos
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 2973
somewhat loose composition, and several (8 Feb. 1347–3 Dec. 1354) in the well-
details in its execution suggest that this known manuscript containing his
icon was painted in a skilled workshop, theological works (Par. Gr. 1242).4
his symbolic depiction of the Holy probably in Constantinople, at the end of
T Trinity has a horizontal format, as the fourteenth century. The elegant
precision of the drawing, reminiscent of
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
representations of this Eucharistic subject
were often intended to be hung on the manuscript miniatures, links this panel
templon, above the offertory door. The with the icons commissioned by Maria Literature: Xyngopoulos 1936, 4–6, no. 2; M.
Chatzidakis 1958–59, 37, pl. 24; Skrobucha 1961, 73–
figures are set against a background of Palaiologina and Thomas Preljubovic΄
75, pl. 6; Mouriki 1962–63, pl. 36.2; Weitzmann et al.
shallow buildings, reminiscent of stage sets. (1367–84) and the late fourteenth-century 1965, XXXIV, 78–79, illus.; Weitzmann 1978, 131, pl.
The unelaborated symmetry of the Triumph of Orthodoxy now in the British 46; New York 2004, 187–188, no. 107 (A. Drandaki).
composition and the classical beauty of the Museum.2 1

Anagnostakis and Papamastorakis 2005; Parani 2010.
youthful, angelic faces combine with Inspired by the episode in Genesis 2
Xyngopoulos 1964–65, 53–67; Athens 2000a, 320–21,
iconographic details reflecting a revival of (18:1–16), the subject of the Hospitality of no. 30 (L. Deriziotis), 340–41, no. 32 (R. Cormack).
3
Mouriki 1962–63, 99; Meyendorff 1974a; Tachiaos
Greco-Roman motifs, such as the red Abraham was familiar from Early 1987; Papamastorakis 2001, 284–97; Drpic΄ 2008.
fabric hanging from the roof on the right Christian art, but its iconography was 4
Drpic΄ 2008, with earlier bibliography.
| 143 |
64. Icon with the
Transfiguration
Cretan workshop, second half of 15th

century
Egg tempera on wood, priming on textile
17 ¹¹⁄₁₆ x 14 ¼ in. (44.9 x 36.1 cm)
Condition: good. The forged signature of
Emmanuel Tzanfournaris (ca. 1570–1631)
on the panel’s lower left corner was added
over the icon’s original varnish in the early
20th century
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 21166.
Gift of Helen Stathatos
brilliant Christ in white garments

A inside a circular glory dominates the
composition, thus representing the
revelation of his divine nature as described
in Mark 9:2. His disciples watch in awe
the miraculous apparition from the foot of
the mountain, their reclining bodies
contorted in elaborate attitudes. Flanking
the Christ are the prophets Elijah (left)
and Moses holding the tablets with the
Ten Commandments (right), each
standing on a mountaintop. On either side
of the scene, a group of disciples represents
a distinct moment in the narrative, namely
64
their arrival at and departure from Mount
Tabor, enhancing the narrative character of
the scene.
The icon’s perfectly balanced composition
recalls Palaiologan representations, such The Benaki Transfiguration is one of a forged signatures were often added onto
as the Transfiguration in the wall group of icons of the same subject which icons in modern times in order to increase
paintings at Peribleptos Monastery in share close iconographic and stylistic their selling price, before systematic study
Mistra.1 Palaiologan models, such as the similarities, and are dated to the second and knowledge of the art of Greek icons.
Transfiguration in the manuscript with half of the fifteenth century.3 The basic
theological works of Emperor John VI iconographic types and technique followed ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Kantakouzenos (completed in February by subsequent generations of Cretan
1375), can also be identified in the animated painters are crystallized during this period
attitudes of the apostles.2 The noble figures in the best workshops of Candia (modern Literature: Xyngopoulos 1951, 10, no. 7; Xyngopoulos
1957, 172, fig. 47,1; N. Chatzidakis 1983, 36–37, no.
have delicate facial features, following the Heraklion) and other Cretan urban 25; Baltimore 1988, 215–16, no. 58 (¡. Chatzidakis);
classicist models so popular among Cretan centers. The famous painter Theophanes Athens 1994, no. 54 (A. Drandaki); Athens 2002a, 438–
hagiographers. The linear drapery follows the Cretan and his successors reproduced 39, no. 164 (A. Drandaki).
the figures’ limbs, highlighting their the Transfiguration as it appears on the 1

M. Chatzidakis 1981, fig. 51
physicality. This is further accentuated by Benaki icon with minor alterations a 2
Drpic´ 2008, 229, fig. 3.
the garments’ superbly worked mid-tones. century later.4 3
4
Thessaloniki 1997b, no. 2.62 (E. N. Tsigaridas).
The color combinations are distinguished The forged signature of the later and
by their harmony and the fine quality of lesser painter Emmanuel Tzanfournaris in
their pigments, which enhance the icon’s the lower left corner of the panel does not
brightness. meet the icon’s characteristics. Similar
| 144 |
65. Fol. 1r 65. Fol. 2v
65. Illuminated Manuscript in Patmos, was copied and decorated in another, etc. In some instances human
Reggio, Calabria, by the monk Nikolaos hands, heads, and bodies are contorted to
with the Homilies of
and his son Daniel in 941. This is the form the initials.
Gregory of Nazianzos monastery’s earliest securely dated The motifs in the headpieces recall the
manuscript and the earliest extant decoration of Italian floor mosaics, whereas
941
Byzantine manuscript from southern Italy. the particular emphasis on ornamentation,
Parchment It is interesting not only for its early date, discernible even in the text with its
17 ⅛ x 13 in. (43.5 x 33 cm); 191 folios but also for its decoration, which reflects elaborate initials, is reminiscent of earlier
Condition: generally poor, as the surface on the various influences present in southern Merovingian and Anglo-Saxon
most of the manuscript is fading; the Italy’s multicultural environment during manuscripts. On the other hand, the
miniatures are comparatively better
that period. naturalistic and stylized animals depicted
preserved
The four folios that precede the text against the lush vegetation are a common
Provenance: Reggio, Calabria (Italy)
and function as frontispieces feature a full- motif in contemporary Islamic art. The
Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the
page miniature on each page, for a total of variety of models in this Greek manuscript
Theologian, codex no. 33
eight miniatures. These consist of from Italy is not surprising, given that the
[Loan still uncertain at press time]
decorative frames—cruciform, circular, Arabs had conquered nearby Sicily
rectangular, and multilobed—containing approximately a century earlier and that
verses by Gregory or by other authors Reggio, still in the Byzantine province of
ccording to the bibliographic note in writing in honor of Gregory in uncial Calabria, had Arab populations.
Athe manuscript’s colophon, this codex script and red ink. The decoration of the
remaining folios is mostly limited to the VICKY FOSKOLOU
with the Homilies of Gregory of
Nazianzos, the great fourth-century headpieces and initials, which are animated
theologian, now in the library of the by various animals, fish, and birds in Literature: Kominis 1966, 22–34; Mouriki and N. ̌Sevčenko
Monastery of Saint John the Theologian different attitudes: nesting, chasing one 1988, 280–82.
| 145 |
66
66. Illuminated Lectionary and the days on which they were read are Menologion (September 1, fol. 256r).
marked in a mixed (uncial and minuscule) Band-shaped headpieces at the beginning
script. of each month in the Menologion and of
Neither the calligrapher’s name nor the various readings complete the manuscript’s
Ink and gold on parchment, paper
place and date of the manuscript’s decoration. The background in the
12 ¾ x 9 ⅞ in. (32.3 x 25.2 cm); 325 folios
production are mentioned. The lectionary headpieces and initials is gold, and the
Condition: good
belonged to the Post-Byzantine church of decoration comprises geometric and vegetal
Provenance: Thessaloniki, Hagios Athanasios Hagios Athanasios in Thessaloniki, and motifs.
Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture, according to a note on page iii it was The style and opulence of the
inv. no. μ¯Ê20
conserved and bound with funds provided miniatures and decorative illustrations
by three devout parishioners, Artemios place this manuscript within a group of
Ioannidis, Ioannis Gousidis, and Ioannis several from the same period, the most
his lectionary contains excerpts read at Papathomas, on July 26, 1886. The characteristic examples of which are the
Tchurch on Sunday, Saturday, and manuscript, probably written in Panteleimon Monastery 2 at Mount
weekdays. It consists of 325 parchment Constantinople, is densly decorated. Folios Athos,1 the Morgan Library 692, and the
folios and four paper folios, the latter added 40v, 83v, and 106v, of thicker parchment, Par. gr. 189.2
at the front during the latest binding. The feature full-page miniatures of three
manuscript is now truncated, as text is evangelists. The folio depicting John, NIKOS BONOVAS
missing from its end. The text is in two which usually appears at the beginning of
columns with ekphonetic notations, each this kind of manuscript, is missing.
Literature: Pallas 1955, 43–45; Galavaris 1995, 37–54.
column comprising 24 verses on most Matthew, Mark, and Luke are depicted as
pages, and is meticulously written in Christian philosopher-scribes, each seated 1
Kadas 2001.
upright, rounded minuscule as it appeared on a throne before a desk. Opposite each 2
Anderson 1992, 16, 94–97.
in the second half of the eleventh and early of these three miniatures is a rectangular
twelfth centuries. The ink is brown to headpiece that occupies two-thirds of the
light brown, except on the Gospel titles, page (fols. 1r, 41r, 84r, 107r). Two similar
which are written in gold and in headpieces introduce the readings of the
epigraphic script. The titles of the readings fasting period (fol. 192r) and the
| 146 |
67. Scroll with the Divine
Liturgy of Saint Basil
12th century
Parchment
208 ½ x 9 ¾ in. (529.5 x 24.7 cm)
Condition: excellent
Provenance: Theotokos Dobras Monastery,
Vermion
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod.
2759
his scroll, which consists of seven

T sheets, contains the Divine Liturgy of
Saint Basil. More particularly, it contains
the secret prayers read in a low voice by
the priest or bishop inside the sanctuary
during the Divine Liturgy of Saint Basil
and the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts.
The manuscript’s frontispiece is a
miniature depicting Saint Basil and Saint
John Chrysostom on either side of an altar
holding scrolls containing the holy liturgies
they composed, framed by four deacons,
two on either side, within an elaborately
decorated five-dome church. Above the two
saints, to the left and right, are rectangular
panels with the apostles Peter and Paul. At
the top center, an arched panel contains a
depiction of the Virgin. Eight birds, four on
either side, frame the church. A floral
composition adorns its base. The text is
contained between two vertical floral bands
interspersed with miniatures, mostly in
medallions or frames, depicting sacred
figures (Christ, the Virgin, the apostles,
Church Fathers) and narrative scenes
(Crucifixion, Anastasis, and
Transfiguration). These frames artfully form
the initial capital of each secret prayer. Each
miniature is accompanied by an inscription
naming the person or scene depicted.
The decoration shows the influence of
twelfth-century Constantinople. The
church pictured in the frontispiece does
not represent a specific structure, but is
rather a generic representation of an
Orthodox church emphasizing the place
and role of the text in the liturgical life of
the Church. From the Middle Byzantine
period to the present day the Greek 67
| 147 |
Orthodox Church uses the Liturgy of possibly reads ª∞ƒπ∞C (of Maria). The
68. Chalice and Paten
John Chrysostom rather than that of Saint elegant foliate knob and engraved (on the
Basil, which is only used on special lathe) lines on the foot are the object’s only
Eastern Mediterranean, 6th–early 7th
occasions during the ecclesiastical year. decoration. The forms of both vessels derive
century
The text is neatly written in a liturgical from Roman tableware.1 Their common
Silver sheet, hammered and lathe turned.
mixed minuscule script. The titles of technical features and identical monogram
Chalice: H. 5 ⅜ in. (13.8 cm),
prayers are written in uncial. The letters suggest that the two Benaki Museum
Diam. of rim 5 ³⁄₁₆ in. (13.1 cm),
hang from the parchment’s score lines. Diam. of base 3 ⅜ in. (8.5 cm)
vessels were commissioned as a set. The
Both sides of the scroll are inscribed. association of Maria’s personal monogram
Paten: H. 1 ⅛ in. (2.8 cm), Diam. of rim 7 ½
Although scrolls were largely replaced by in. (19 cm), Diam. of base 5 ⅝ in. (14.2 cm)
with a votive inscription referring to a host
codices as early as the fourth century, they of donors whose names are known only to
Inscription: (paten rim): À¶∂ƒ ∂ÀÃ∏C ON
continued to be used for church practice, OI¢∂¡ √ £(∂√)C TA ONOMATA + (Prayer for God implies that Maria paid more than
especially for copying the Divine Liturgy. those whose names God knows +) the other community members for this
An inscription on the scroll’s first sheet Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. nos. 31523, commission and probably reflects her more
states its provenance: “This divine and 31524 elevated social status.
sacred liturgy belongs to the holy monastery The objects bear no control stamps that
of the Virgin the so-called Dovra.” The would allow one to securely date the set.
he chalice and paten (diskopoterion in
dedicatory inscription at the end of the text
reads: “I was made by John of Antioch.” T Greek), the most important
State control stamps (usually five) were
applied on silver vessels beginning in the
ecclesiastical vessels, were used for the fourth-fifth centuries, and indicate place of
ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA Eucharist, the serving of consecrated wine origin, responsible officials, and the
and bread during the Divine Liturgy. reigning emperor (cat. nos. 99—101).2 This
This paten features a flat bottom, system of state control stamps remained in
Literature: Spatharakis 1981, vol. 1, 78. slightly flaring walls, and a wide, flat rim use during the reign of Empress Irene
engraved with the same monogram as on (797–802), as attested by a stamped silver
the chalice and a votive inscription. The plate recently excavated in Thebes.3 Such
chalice is made in two parts, the “hallmarked” silverwares provide a well-
hemispherical cup and flaring foot, which documented series of vessels that help us
are soldered together. The cup is plain with date unstamped contemporary objects like
a flat, slightly everted rim, below which is the Benaki chalice and paten.
engraved a cruciform monogram, which The lettering in the paten’s inscription
68
| 148 |
69
is characteristic of several silver objects of expect during this period when Byzantium
69. Chalice (The “Jasper”)
the sixth century.4 A paten identical to the was a fertile region for Italian commerce
one in the Benaki Museum is part of the and a consumer of Western, particularly
1349–80
sixth-century Gallunianu Treasure Venetian, products.
Commissioned by Despot Manuel
discovered in Italy, differing only in its The polygonal, knobbed Gothic stem,
Kantakouzenos Palaiologos
Latin inscription.5 The chalice’s form the octagonal foot, the hatched background
Jasper; gilt-silver sheet, chased and
recalls similar vessels of the Kaper Koraon in the inscription and knob are all Western
engraved, cast handles
Treasure from Syria, whereas the foot’s traits, but the most conspicuous feature is
∏. 7 ⅝ in. (19.5 cm), W. 12 ⅝ in. (32 cm),
foliate knob appears on three chalices from Venetian: the dragon-shaped handles are
Diam. of rim 8 ⅛ in (20.5 cm),
the late-sixth-century Beth Misona Diam. of base 6 ¾ in. (17 cm)
similar to the handles of a series of
Treasure, also Syrian.6 The same shape is Venetian works, another of which is also
Mount Athos, Vatopedi Monastery
repeated in contemporary glass chalices.7 preserved at Vatopedi.3 On the other hand,
[Loan uncertain at press time]
the foliate ornament and iconography of
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI the four hierarchs are Byzantine. Even so,
he chalice’s shallow bowl is made of the heads are rendered in higher relief than
Literature: Lisbon 2007, nos. 75–76 (A. Drandaki); New

Tjasper, probably from an Italian, the rest of the decoration, and the halos
possibly Venetian, hard stone–carving have a relief border, as in Venetian and
York 2011, 143, nos. 107–8 (A. Drandaki).
workshop.1 This luxurious Western Venetian-inspired works.4 The foliate
1
Mundell Mango 1986, 72; Mielsch and Niemeyer secular bowl is turned into a Byzantine ornament includes thick, finely hatched
2001, 30–31, figs. 29–30.
ecclesiastical vessel by the inscribed palmettes, whereas the medallions in the
2
Dodd 1961; ODB, s.v. “silver stamps” (M. Mundell
Mango). mounting: the rim is inscribed with a background feature geometric interlace
3
See Koilakou 2013. prayer from the liturgy of Saint Basil, and and imaginary animals. Imaginary animals
4
I. Š evčenko 1992.
5
Mundell Mango 1986, 253, no. 81.
on the octagonal foot the monogram of are particularly common in both the
6
Ibid., 74–77, no. 3, 141–46, nos. 29–30, 228–30, nos. Manuel Kantakouzenos Palaiologos, West and the East, they often decorate
57–59; Paderborn 2001, 140–41, no. I.43 (V. H. despot of Mistra (1349–80), is repeated the bottom of Gothic and Balkan bowls,5
Elbern).
7
Antonaras 2010, 391–92, fig. 12.
four times.2 The mounting has a mixed and there is a Byzantine-Venetian
Veneto-Byzantine style, as one would version on a Venetian candelabrum of
| 149 |
the early fourteenth century.6 community or neighborhood like the one in inscriptions, both Eucharistic and
Constantinpole; see Jacoby 2003, 103–7, 131–32.
The chalice’s Byzantine-Venetian 10
See also the essay by S. Kalopissi in Albani and Chalkia dedicatory, indicate the donor’s religious
style points to Venice or the Venetian 2013. denomination and origin.
11
Louvi-Kizis 2003, 102–3.
community in Constantinople, where The chalice’s shape is typically Italian,2
12
Nicosia 1995, 9; Paris 2012, 366–67, no. 175 (I.
specialized Greek, Latin, or naturalized Eliades). but there are several features specifically
Venetian makers of luxury objects were linked to Venetian metalwork: the setting
active.7 Emperor John Kantakouzenos of the gems on a projecting base, the foliate
himself, a monk at the time, might have ornament appearing in reserve on the
played an intermediary role when in 1361 enamel, the piercing of the pearls with a
he left Constantinople to visit his son pin, and their impressive use as a framing
Manuel at Mistra.8 On the other hand, 70. Chalice, Paten, and device. Pearls are used in a similar manner
Thessaloniki9 and Mistra were also centers around miniatures on luxurious Venetian
that might have provided work for
Asterisk rock-crystal works.3
craftsmen versed in both Western and The enameled medallions on the foot
1366/67–84
Byzantine styles. In Mistra Western summarize the liturgical themes decorating
influences are visible in the architectural Commissioned by the Ioannina Despot the sanctuary and its adjacent spaces:
Thomas Komnenos Preloumbos, or
decoration of the Peribleptos, and can be Christ as High Priest flanked by the co-
Preljubović
associated with Isabel de Lusignan, officiating hierarchs Saint John
Gilt silver sheet, cast details; semi-precious
daughter of Guy de Lusignan, first Cypriot Chrysostom and Saint Basil,4 and the
stones, enamel
king of Cilician Armenia, and wife of the Virgin with her hands raised in prayer
Chalice: ∏. 15 1/2 in. (39.5 cm),
despot Manuel Kantakouzenos Palaiologos flanked by Saint Cyril and Saint
Diam. of base 7 7/8 in. (19.9 cm),
(cat. no. 163).10 Peter π de Lusignan’s visit Diam. of rim 5 5/8 in. (14.2 cm) Athanasios. The six identical plaques
to the Peloponnese in 1368 and Isabel’s trip Paten: H. 1 3/8 in. (3.5 cm),
depicting angels with delicate Italian
to Cyprus in 1372–73 certainly brought Diam. 10 3/8 in. (26.5 cm) features, possibly stamped into a mold or
Isabel in contact with designs and Asterisk: H. 5 7/8 in. (15 cm)
cast, seem better suited as ornaments for a
craftsmen who could have manufactured processional cross.5 Enameled busts of the
Chalice inscriptions: on the hexagonal knob
the chalice donated by her husband.11 In of the stem +£øª∞C ¢∂C¶√Δ∏C ∫√ª¡∏¡√C
twelve apostles, a common ornament on
Cyprus, Venetian-style dragon-shaped ¶ƒ∂§√Àª¶√C (Thomas Komnenos Italian chalices, decorate the stem, whereas
handles remained popular for another Preloumbos Despot), and on the lip + ¶π∂Δ∂ the calyx features pairs of angels facing one
century and a half, as suggested by a 1506 ∂• ∞ÀΔ√À ¶∞¡Δ∂C Δ√ÀΔ√ ∂CΔ∏¡ Δ√ ∂ª∞ ª√À another, reminders of the Celestial Liturgy.
Cypriot chalice.12 Δ√ Δ∏™ ∫∞∂¡∏C ¢π∞£∏∫∏C Δ√ À¶∂ƒ πª√¡ ∫∂ The chalice’s remarkable lid features a
¶√§√¡ ∂∫Ãπ¡√ª∂¡√¡ ∏C ∞º∂Cπ¡
rim shaped like a bejeweled crown
∞ª∞ƒΔ∏√¡ (Drink ye all of it; for this is my
ANNA BALLIAN blood of the new testament, which is shed
decorated with fleur-de-lys,6 inscribed and
for many for the remission of sins; Matthew enameled angels, and a statuette of the
26:27–28) enthroned Christ. Inside the lid is an
Literature: Loverdou-Tsigarida 1998, 475–77;
Thessaloniki 1997b, 302–3, no. 9.14 (∫. Loverdou- Paten inscription: +¢√À§√C Ã(ƒπ™Δ)√À £øª∞C enameled square depicting the enthroned
Tsigarida); Ballian 2004, 118–19; Durand 2004, 338–39; ¢∂C¶√Δ∏C ∫√ª¡∏¡√C ¶ƒ∂§√Àª¶√C Virgin, and attached to the bottom as on
Paris 2009b, 156, no. 61 (D. Liakos).
(Servant of God Thomas Komnenos Western secular cups.7 The lid’s
1
∏ahnloser and Brugger-Koch 1985, 61–62; Durand Preloumbos Despot) iconography might reflect the decoration of
2004, 339. Vatopedi Monastery a church dome; the crown, however, adds
2
On the monograms of the despot of Mistra, see Millet
1899, 143, 146.
[Loan still uncertain at press time] a triumphal character, which probably
3
Ballian 1998, 500–501, fig. 442. refers to the donor.
4
Venice 1994, 137–39, nos. 40–41 (dated before 1325); With its double recessed eight-lobed
cf. the fourteenth-century Dalmatian works by
estern features dominate the center, the paten’s shape draws on
5
Dubrovnik goldsmiths in Lupis 2011.
Dated to the fourteenth or sixteenth century, the
Δemska Bowl is a typical example; see Han 1964 and
W luxurious, jeweled donations of the eleventh-century Byzantine models and
their Romanesque counterparts.8 At the
despot of Ioannina: the statuette of the
London 1981, 38–39, no. 60. Whatever the bowl’s
date, the enameled print (separately made bottom) enthroned Christ resembles the cover of a bottom, the enameled representation of the
with the imaginary animal is of Gothic derivation. monstrance reliquary,1 whereas the Lamentation uses the characteristic purple
6
Hahnloser 1971, 149–51, nos. 149–50, pls. CXXXII–
technique of translucent basse-taille enamel color introduced in Venice by Sienese
CXXXVI; cf. L. Bouras 1989–90, 19–26, figs. 8–20.
7
Matschke 2002, 475, 486, 490–91, 492; Jacoby 1981, is a late thirteenth-century Sienese craftsmen shortly before 1325.9 The
217–35. innovation. This technique, however, was Lamentation on the Vatopedi paten
8
Nicol 1968, 92–93, 122–128, also on the
Kantakouzenos family’s association with Vatopedi.
used to render Byzantine iconographic displays all the characteristics of the
9
Thessaloniki did not have an important Venetian themes, which, in association with Greek Byzantine Lamentation, including the
| 150 |
70
stone, even though its inscription identifies monastery in 1375, probably for protection The latter feature befits the image of the
it as the Descent from the Cross.10 There against upcoming raids and the Ottoman authoritarian, omnipotent ruler described
is a smaller paten of similar shape, now in advance.11 Although the Lavra paten in the Chronicle of Ioannina and justified at
the Great Lavra Monastery, that probably features a different scene (Man of the time by the absence of strong central
belonged among the liturgical vessels of the Sorrows) at the bottom and a limited use authority, whether Serbian or Byzantine.
church of the Virgin Gavaliotissa at of enamel, the similarities between the two The place of manufacture remains
Vodena (Edessa). That church was built patens and the chalice, particularly in the hypothetical. Their Italian style suggests
while Thomas Komnenos Preloumbos engraved foliate and bejeweled ornaments, Venice or, possibly, a regional center under
and his wife Maria Angelina Doukaina suggest a common manufacture. The three Venetian tutelage such as Ragusa
Palaiologina, daughter of Simeon Uroš objects probably date before 1375 and after (Dubrovnik) or Zadar, with which the
Palaiologos, despot of Thessaly (1359–70), 1366/7, when Thomas’s advancement as Serb rulers maintained close economic and
were governors of Vodena (1360–66/67). despot of Ioannina would justify the cultural relations. Artisans of different
The church was donated to the Athonite crowned chalice’s triumphal character. artistic backgrounds working in the
| 151 |
mainstream of Venetian art lived in these conforms to the practice of this period’s πø∞¡(¡)√À ¶ƒ∂™μÀΔ∂ƒ√À ∞ª(∏¡) (For the
Dalmatian towns.12 However, the rulers to endow monasteries where they remission of the sins of the servant of God
Sisinnios and John, presbyter, Amen);
possibility of a Venice-trained itinerant intended to retire. A sixteenth-century
(inscriptions identifying the figures): π(∏™√À)™
craftsman, possibly even one of Greek document confirms that the sacred vessels
Ã(ƒπ™Δ√)™ (Jesus Christ), ª∏(Δ∏)ƒ £(∂√)À
origin like the Cretan goldsmiths trading given by Maria Angelina to her brother (Mother of God), ª∏Ã∞(∏§) (Michael),
at Ragusa in the 1360s, cannot be were among those offered by Preloumbos °(∞)μ(ƒπ∏§) (Gabriel), πø∞¡¡(∏™) √
excluded.13 Current evidence does not to the Ioannina monastery.17 ÃƒÀ™ø(™Δ√ª√™) (John Chrysostom),
support local manufacture. Thessaloniki, μ∞™∏§∏√™ (Basil), ¡π∫√§∞√™ (Nicholas),
the large artistic center nearest to Ioannina, ANNA BALLIAN (¢∞ªπ∞)¡√™ (Damian), ∫(√™)ª∞™ (Cosmas),
did not have an important Venetian ™π™∏(¡¡π√™) (Sisinnios), ¶ƒ√∫(√¶π√™)
(Prokopios), πø∞¡(¡)∏™ √ μ∞¶Δπ™Δ(∏™) (John
community during this period, and was a
Literature: Loverdou-Tsigarida 1998, 477–81; Ballian the Baptist), ∏ ∞°π∞ ∂§∂¡∏ (Saint Helena), √
stronghold of Byzantine art rather than a ∞(°π√™) ∫√™Δ¡∞(¡)Δπ¡√™ (Saint Constantine),
2004, 119–21; Durand 2004, 339–341; Paris 2009b,
channel of Venetian influences.14 166, nos. 72–73 (St. Chondrogiannis). °∂√ƒ°∏√™ (George), £∂√¢√ƒ√™ (Theodore)
Associated with the Preloumbos paten, Condition: Some of the gilding and niello
1
Hahnloser 1971, pls. CL left, CLI upper middle and
even though its feet rest on the fragile right; Hahnloser and Brugger-Koch 1985, pl. 188. lost; lateral disks on obverse partly
enameled panels, is an inscribed asterisk 2
Collareta 1983; Collareta and Capitanio 1990, 62–65, damaged; traces of restoration (probably
with a dove figurine at the top, also in the no. 17, 94–99, no. 25. from the eighteenth century) in the central
3
New York 1984, 53, 55, 57, 59; Gauthier 1972, 218,
Vatopedi Monastery. The asterisk is 231, figs. 173, 186; Neff 1993; Venice 1994, 198–
roundel and two upper arm disks on the
placed over a paten containing pieces of 202, nos. 81–85.
obverse
consecrated bread so that the protecting 4
Walter 1982, 214–21; Papamastorakis 1993–94, 67–69. Provenance: This cross was part of the
5
Taburet-Delahaye 1989, 199, nos. 79–80. ecclesiastical treasure of the Greek
veil covering it does not touch them 6
Hahnloser 1971, pl. CXXXI (diadems in Warsaw and
community of Adrianople (Edirne), Turkey,
during its ritual transfer from the prothesis Krakfiw); Venice 1994, 256, no. 125.
7
Lightbown 1978, pls. LXI, LXVII. brought to Greece following the Lausanne
to the altar. It was named after the Star of Convention (1923) and the ensuing
8
New York 1997, 68–69, nos. 29–30; Skubiszewski
Bethlehem, which stood over the Nativity; 1982, 198–267. exchange of Greek and Turkish populations
the Bible verses relating to it (Matthew 9
Gauthier 1972, 206–26; Mariani Canova 1984. In
1326, just a year after its introduction in Venice, a
2:9–10) are inscribed on the asterisk’s feet.
similar basse-taille enamel was used to decorate the
Contemporary sources mention no reliquary of Saint Chrysogonos at ∑adar; see Petricioli
donations or any kind of relationship he cross is made of thin silver sheets
T
1988, pl. 68.
10
Spatharakis 1995. For the Italian variants of the scene,
between Preloumbos and the Vatopedi see Derbes 1984 and Neff 1999, 81–82.
affixed to an iron core. It has flared
Monastery. However Maria Angelina’s 11
Actes de Lavra III 1979, 100–107; Subotic ́ 1992; arms with small flat disks at each tip. A
brother, John Uroš Doukas Palaiologos, Loverdou-Tsigarida 1997. For other offerings of Maria tang extends from its base. The nielloed
Angelina Palaiologina, see New York 2004, 51–53,
then a monk under the name Joasaph, nos. 24A–C, and MartÈ’nez Sa΄ez 2004.
decoration front and back, enhanced with
second founder of the Great Meteoron 12
V. Djuric΄ 1974, 154–68. gilding, features an arrangement of five
13
Krekic΄ 1961, 128, 205, no. 256, 207, no. 266.
Monastery, did maintain relations with medallions in a cruciform layout. An
14
Matschke 2002, 477–78; Jacoby 2003, 103–11.
Vatopedi. In 1394 Joasaph left Thessaly 15
Veis 1909, 271–73; Veis 1911–12, 22. elegant cross extends outward from the
and the Meteora, by then under Ottoman 16
Ballian 1998, 501–3. central medallion, ending with a fleur-de-
17
Heuzey and Daumet 1876, vol. 1, 444; Xyngopoulos
rule, and sought refuge at Vatopedi until lys pattern on the front and elaborate
1964–65, 60–61.
1401. There he bought brotherhoods in palmettes on the back. A delicate cabled
exchange for cash and a gold cross. Already pattern delineates the cross.
in 1386 Joasaph became the owner of On the front a bust of Christ
certain ecclesiastical vessels that Maria Pantokrator adorns the top medallion. Two
Angelina had entrusted to him after archangels occupy the lateral medallions,
Preloumbos’s murder in 1384. These 71. Processional Cross and the Virgin orans, with two hands raised
included a cross, a vessel called a kratetera, in front of her chest, appears in the bottom
and two patens.15 The term kratetera is one, forming a Deesis without the figure of
Asia Minor, late 10th–early 11th century
used in a 1728 pilgrim’s guidebook John the Baptist, who is depicted on the
Silver sheet, iron core, engraving, partial
(proskynetarion) to designate the Venetian gilding, and niello
back of the cross. The central medallion
chalice-reliquary with dragon-shaped with an Anastasis (or Resurrection) of a
20 1/8 x 11 7.8 in. (51 x 30 cm)
handles in the Vatopedi Monastery.16 The post-Byzantine type now covers the tiny
Inscription: (front of handle) ∫(Àƒπ)∂ μ√∏£π
hypothesis that Joasaph might have cavity that once probably encased a relic of
Δ√¡ ¢√(À)§√¡ ™√À ™π™π¡(¡)π√¡ ∞ª∏¡ (Lord
donated the Venetian chalice-reliquary help thy servant Sisinnios, Amen); (reverse, the True Cross or a precious stone. The
and, possibly, Preloumbos’s vessels to the lower arm) À¶ƒ∂ ∞º∂™∂√™ ∞ª(∞)ƒΔπ√¡ Δ√À small peripheral disks hold busts of the
Vatopedi Monastery is appealing, and ¢√À§√À Δ√À £(∂√)À ™π™π¡(¡)π√À ∫∂ bishop saints John Chrysostom, Basil, and
| 152 |
Nicholas (Saint Gregory Thaumaturgos,
usually the fourth figure in this group, was
probably represented in the original layout,
but was later replaced by a rosette); the
physician saints Cosmas and Damian
holding their medical instruments; and two
military saints, Sisinnios and Prokopios.
Saint John the Baptist appears holding a
long-staffed cross in the central medallion
on the back. Also on the back are
Constantine and Helena in their imperial
regalia, paired on the vertical axis, and the
saints George and Theodore, shown as
martyrs holding the cross like the two
other military saints above, on either end of
the transverse arm. The small peripheral
disks bear eight-petal rosettes.
The cross’s iconographic and stylistic
features, the double-stroke lettering of the
inscriptions, the taste for polychromy, and
the large zones filled with niello point to
the late tenth or early eleventh century, a
period characterized by an intensification of
the cult of relics of the True Cross. A large
processional cross was one of the essential
articles used in the Divine Liturgy. Carried
to the sanctuary during the First Entrance,
it was then placed in a socket in the center
of the altar during the service. A
processional cross was also the focus of
ceremonies on the Feast of the Exaltation
of the Cross (September 14), and monastic
ritual required the use of processional
crosses on a number of occasions. Large
crosses were also carried during processions
intended to invoke divine aid in urban,
village, and military settings. 71
The large tenth-century cross at the
Great Lavra on Mount Athos has five
repoussé medallions front and back and which is dated to the tenth or early Literature: L. Bouras 1979; Athens 1994, 264, no. 87 (A.
Drandaki); Washington D. C. 1994, 52–53; Sandin
may be cited as a prototype for the eleventh century.4 Besides the donors’ 1995; New York 1997, 59–60, no. 23; (D. Katsarelias)
Adrianople cross.1 In a closely related group namesake saints, Sisinnios and John, the London 2008, 428, no. 192 (A. Drandaki).
of eleventh-century processional crosses the decoration includes a cluster of powerful 1
A. Grabar 1969; Washington D. C. 1994, 12–14.
arrangement of five repoussé medallions intercessors, including Constantine and 2
See Washington D. C. 1994, 12ff., 34–36, 50–51, 68–
forming a Deesis on the obverse is paired Helena and physician saints, that recur on 83; New York 1997, nos. 24, 26–27.
3
Ross 1965, no. 97.
with nielloed scenes and full or half-length tenth-century luxury objects of private 4
Athens 2000a, no. 41; London 2008, no. 189.
figures on the reverse.2 The Adrianople devotion, including ivory panels.5 Through 5
For example, the ivory triptych in the Cabinet des
cross’s decoration also connects it to such the gift of this cross, the donors hoped to Médailles, Paris (Paris 1992, no. 150; Teteriatnikov
1995, particularly 185–86).
smaller crosses as the tenth-century silver attract God’s benevolence and ensure a
and niello example in Dumbarton Oaks, healthy life and forgiveness of their sins.
which bears the names of the emperors
Romanos and Basil,3 and the bronze cross BRIGITTE PITARAKIS
of Leo Boreas in the Benaki Museum,
| 153 |
almost pure copper occurred in the
Limoges workshops and was described by
Theophilos as necessary for embossing and
gilding copper.5 The Limoges works are
similarly made from a gilt copper sheet in
which shallow areas are dug out and filled
with enamel.6 Stylistically reminiscent of
Limoges medallions from after the 1220s,
the enamel on the Benaki censer displays
similar simple foliage, including a
suggestion of ground for the figures to
stand on.7
The champlévé enamel technique is not
unknown in the Byzantine world. It was
used in Middle Byzantine enameled
inscriptions, but was more widely
practiced from the thirteenth century
onward on silver icon revetments and
gospel covers,8 as well as on copper alloy
objects, such as a pair of candlesticks in the
Abegg Stiftung, a candlestick in the
Meteora, and the icon of Saint Theodore
of Bathysryax in the Hermitage.9 It is
probably no coincidence that Byzantine
enameled copper artifacts begin to appear
72 in the thirteenth century at the same time
as Limoges enamels spread to the Crusader
East: several examples are kept in
monasteries at Sinai and Mount Athos
tube was once attached at the back and and also at Novgorod and Prizren.10
72. Standing Censer with
the end of the handle, acting as an
Military Saints extension to it.2 The large medallion on ANNA BALLIAN
the handle is surrounded by a raised rope
Second half of 13th century
pattern and pictures the military saints
Sheet copper with traces of zinc and Theodore and Demetrios against the Literature: L Bouras 1981, 67–68; Delivorrias and
silver,1 originally gilt; repoussé, incised, Fotopoulos 1997, pls. 426, 428; New York 2004, 128–
enameled background. The details of the
and enameled decoration 29, no. 65 (A. Ballian).
saints’ figures and dress are incised, and the
H. 2 in. (5 cm), L. 12 ⅝ in. (32 cm)
iconography follows the conventions of 1
Zinc (1.0%), silver (0.36%). See Iatridis 1981.
Inscription: A(°π√™) £∂√¢øƒ√™, A(°π√™) 2
On the use of katzia, see cat. no. 73.
Middle Byzantine art, which continue into 3
New York 1997, no. 111; Ikonomaki-Papadopoulos et
¢∏ª∏Δƒπ√™ (Saint Theodore, Saint
the Late Byzantine period.3 Three other al. 2001, nos. 32, 36, 37 (B. Pitarakis), 38 (K.
Demetrios)
similarly shaped katzia are known, one in Loverdou-Tsigarida); Parani 2003.
Condition: the lid and hollow tube are lost; i4
Balabanov 1995, 186, no. 8, pl. 45; Otavsky 1994, vol.
the green and blue opaque enamel was
the Museum of Skopje, the other two now 1, 239–40, vol. II, pls. 128/10–129/11. See also
randomly applied and is now damaged in lost, which suggests that censers of this Zalesskaya 1995, 672–73, figs. 8–9.
type were a specific form of luxury church Forbes 1971, 272–73; Theophilos 1963, 144–46.
5
spots 6
Paris and New York 1995, 49–50.
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 11469 vessel.4 7
Ibid., 38, nos. 89, 116, 124, 125.
The Benaki Museum katzion has many 8
Paris 1999, 76–79, nos. 26–27; New York 1984, 176–
78, no. 20; Loverdou-Tsigarida 1998, fig. 433; New
technical features in common with
York 1997, no. 40; New York 2004, no. 129.
his standing censer or katzion has a Limoges champlévé enamel works.
T Buckton 1994, vol. 1, 47–49, vol. 2, pls. V, 20–21;
9
broad leaf-shaped handle and a low Although the copper alloy of the Benaki Otavsky 1994, vol. 1, 239–40, vol. 2, pls. 125–30.
10
Paris and New York, 1995, 45–47; Thessaloniki 1997a,
bowl with enameled almonds on the rim censer has been described as brass, this no. 9.32 (A. Ballian); Radojkovic´ 1966, fig. 6.
and a short conical base. Thirteen rounded appears to be incorrect, as the zinc content
pins held together the two sheets of copper is small and accidental, arising from the
out of which the handle is made; a hollow content of the copper ore. A similar use of
| 154 |
church that housed it, the location of
which remains to be established.
According to the Russian pilgrim Stephen
of Novgorod (1348/49), there was indeed
a church of the Virgin Therapiotissa,
presumably a pilgrimage shrine, near the
church of Hagia Irene and the Hodegon
Monastery in Constantinople’s first regio,
where a large number of small churches
and monasteries are recorded from 1261
onward.6 The Virgin’s epithet suggests
that the eponymous icon was believed to
have healing powers, which would justify
the church’s inclusion in the itinerary of
pilgrims.
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Literature: Veglery 1909–10, 327–36; L. Bouras 1981, 68–

73 69; Brussels 1982, no. Br. 29 (L. Bouras); Athens 1994,
no. 89 (A. Drandaki); Delivorrias and Fotopoulos 1997,
fig. 427; Athens 2000a, 362–63, no. 42 (A. Drandaki);
New York 2004, 128, no. 64 (A. Drandaki).
1
Gautier 1981, 91, col. 1222.
katzion), standing censers are mentioned in
73. Handle of a Standing 2
Xyngopoulos 1930, 129–130; Drandakis 1952, 504,
monastic typika from as early as the fig. 10.
Censer eleventh century (cat. no. 72).1 They are 3
N. Š evčenko 1995, fig. 6.
4
Konstantios et al. 2004, 318, no. 307.
often depicted in representations of the 5
Miklosich and Müller 1890, 203; Oikonomides 1991,
Constantinople, early 14th century
Dormition of the Virgin or the deaths of 39.
Bronze, cast and engraved saints, and for this reason they have been 6
Majeska 1981, 359–65; Majeska 2002, 104.
11 ¼ x 8 ¼ in. (28.6 x 21 cm) associated with funeral rites—an openwork

Inscription: M(HT)HP £EOY H £EPA¶IøTHCA katzion was indeed found in a tomb at
(Mother of God the Therapiotissa [Healer]) Mistra.2 However, standing censers also
and I(HCOY)C X(PICTO)C (Jesus Christ)
appear in processional scenes involving
Condition: very good. icons, which may imply a broader ritual
Conservation: M. Lykiardopoulou 1981
use.3 Similarly shaped incense burners 74. Epitaphios
Provenance: Constantinople, reportedly from with purely secular decoration suggest that
the Therapeia district
this type of object was also used in Thessaloniki workshop, circa 1300
domestic contexts.4 Silk on linen substrate; embroidery in
Until the late Post-Byzantine era, the green, blue, red, brown, beige, and purple
handles of ecclesiastical katzia usually silk thread and gold and silver wire.
his ogival bronze handle, which depicted the patron saint of the church to 27 ½ x 78 ¾ in. (70 x 200 cm)
T originally belonged to a standing which the vessel belonged. The inscription
naming the Virgin on this censer suggests
Inscriptions: ¶π∂Δ∂ ∂• ∞ÀΔ√À ¶∞¡Δ∂™ Δ√ÀΔ√
∂™Δ[π] / Δ√ ∂ª∞ ª√À Δ√ Δ∏™ ∫∂/¡π™ ¢π∞£∏∫∏™
censer without hanging chains, depicts the
Virgin Hodegetria holding Christ with that it belonged to a church dedicated to (Drink ye all of it; this is / my blood of the
new testament); §∞μ∂Δ∂ º∞°∂Δ∂ Δ√ÀΔø /
her left arm. Both figures are identified by the Virgin Therapiotissa (the Healer). A
∂™Δ∏¡ Δ√ ™ø/ª∞ ª√À (Take, eat, this / is my
inscriptions. Incised foliate scrolls ending text of 1394 in the Acta Patriarcharum body); πø[∞¡¡∏™], ª∞ƒ∫√™, ª∞Δ£∂√™,
in three- and five-lobed palmettes and mentions the theft of silver—presumably §√À∫∞™ (John, Mark, Mathew, Luke);
semi-palmettes decorate the background. the revetment—from the venerable icon of ∞°°∂§√™ ∫(Àƒπ√)À (Angel of the Lord); ∞°π√™ /
The representation has affinities with late the Virgin Therapiotissa.5 This confirms ∞°π√™/ ∞°π√™ (Hagios, Hagios, Hagios).
thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century the existence of a homonymous devotional Condition: complete
metalwork and sculpture. icon, the image of which is probably Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture,
Also known as katzia or katsia (sing. reproduced on the katzion, and possibly a inv. no. μ˘Ê 57
| 155 |
74
he epitaphios is framed by a wide band depicted only the Lamentation and was during the Good Friday service.4 The
T featuring a row of tangent smaller and used exclusively during Holy Week.3 earliest known epitaphios dates to the late
larger medallions containing zigzags and Both side panels show Christ at the thirteenth century.5 Epitaphioi were
Greek crosses respectively.1 The center is center, framed by angels acting as deacons precious objects made of costly materials
divided into three panels of different sizes. and holding fans, presenting his body and over long hours of painstaking work.
The larger central panel depicts Christ the blood to a group of six apostles. The Because of their high cost and use in the
Amnos lying on a shroud decorated with background features various buildings, Great Entrance, they often bear dedicatory
zigzags, surrounded by angelic beings of including one with a pediment draped inscriptions with the names of their
the various orders: below, two Wheels, with textiles, which frames the Christ and donors, date of the offering, and
one six-winged Seraph, and one of the thus stresses his central role in the image. invocations for the protection of the
Cherubim bearing a lance, accompanied Inscriptions referring to the Communion donors and their families.6
by inscriptions with the trisagion hymn of the Apostles and the Transmission are Discovered in 1900 in a small church
(Hagios, Hagios, Hagios); above, four angels, arranged in three lines above the apostles. in Thessaloniki,7 the epitaphios of the
two serving as deacons and holding fans As a liturgical textile, the epitaphios Museum of Byzantine Culture is the most
(the circular fan depicting a six-winged developed from the Early Christian aer, or important extant example of Palaiologan
Seraph, the four-lobed fan inscribed with katapetasma (veil), and is attested since the embroidery, dated to approximately 1300.
the trisagion: Hagios, Hagios, Hagios) and end of the twelfth century. Originally it Its design is the work of a great artist of
two lamenting, identified by the was used to cover the chalice and paten the “voluminous style” that dominated
inscription ∞°°∂§√™ ∫(Àƒπ√)À (Angel during the preparation of the holy gifts, contemporary monumental painting and
of the Lord) above and below their halos. symbolizing the Entombment. is close stylistically to pictorial ensembles
In the corners, the symbols of the Subsequently, the iconography of the great at Mount Athos and Ohrid.8
evangelists (lion, ox, angel, and eagle) are aer, or epitaphios, was enriched so as to Distinguished by their high ethos and
also identified by inscriptions. illustrate more fully the symbolic content emotional expressiveness, the figures recall
The side panels depict the Holy of the liturgy. The representation of the the best examples of Palaiologan wall
Communion divided into two scenes, deceased Christ underlines the painting and mosaics. The design’s
which usually decorate smaller chalice soteriological character of the epitaphios and exemplary execution and exquisite
veils, or aeres (cat. no. 75).2 This the Lord’s offering of himself to man craftsmanship suggest that this epitaphios
iconographic particularity places the through his Passion and Resurrection, was produced in a workshop of a major
Thessaloniki epitaphios at a transitional which is reenacted in the liturgy. The Byzantine city, probably Thessaloniki. At
stage between the earlier aer, which was angels standing around the Christ’s offered least two phases of restoration are visible
used during the Great Entrance and the body participate in this liturgy as deacons. on its surface.
preparation of the gifts for the Eucharist, In the fourteenth century there is
and the post-Byzantine epitaphios, which evidence of the epitaphios being used ANASTASIOS ANTONARAS
| 156 |
75
Literature: Le Tourneau and Millet 1905, 259–68; Athens evolved into the epitaphios. The
1964, 474–75; L. Bouras 1987, 211–31; Muthesius 75. Chalice Veil (aer) embroidered images on these veils are
2004, 175–206; New York 2004, 312–13, nÔ 187A (A.
Antonaras); Venice 2010, 173–74, no 56 (A. Antonaras). usually associated with the symbolism of
the liturgy. The Benaki veil depicts the
1
An identical design decorates a podea in the Hilandar Bluish mauve silk, silver and gilt-silver
Monastery, which is attributed to the same workshop part of the Communion of the Apostles
embroidery thread, silk couching threads1
as this epitaphios; Bogdanovic´ et al.1978, 124. that represents the partaking of wine, or
2
Johnstone 1967, 117ff. 20 ½ x 25 ⅝ in. (52 x 65 cm)
3
See Sotiriou 1931, 110, 112–15; Threskeutike kai Ethike
metalepsis. Jesus stands behind an altar
Inscriptions: ¶π∂Δ∂ ∂• ∞ÀΔ√À ¶∞¡Δ∂™ Δ√ÀΔ√ holding a jeweled chalice and flanked by
Enkyklopaideia, s.v. “epitaphios,” vol. 5, cols. 792–94
∂™Δπ Δ√ ∞πª∞ ª√À Δ√ Δ∏™ ∫∂¡∏™ ¢π∞£∏∫∏™
(D. N. Moraitis).
Δ√ À¶∂ƒ ∏ªø¡ ∫[∞π] ¶√§§(ø¡)
two seraphim instead of the usual angels.
4
Threskeutike kai Ethike Enkyklopaideia, vol. 5, cols. 792–
94; Woodfin 2004, 295–98. ∂∫ÃÀ¡øª∂¡√¡ ∂π™ ∞º∂™π¡ ∞ª∞ƒΔπø¡ (Drink The altar is covered by a cloth decorated
5
L. Bouras 1987, p. 211. ye all of it; For this is my blood of the new with cross-shaped gammatia (corner
6
Woodfin 2004, 295–98, with detailed bibliography.
testament, which shall be shed for many for pieces). It is sheltered by an impressive
7
Kondakov 1902, 266.
8
L. Bouras 1987, 214.
the remission of sins; Matt. 26:27–28) baldachin resting on slender double
Condition: unlike the silk of the base textile, columns, its arches bordered by red
the embroidery is in very good condition.2 molding. The earliest known veils in
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 9320 Halberstadt and at Castell’Arquato come
in pairs with complementary
representations.3 Accordingly, a veil with
he most important liturgical textiles the part of the Communion of the
T are those that come into close contact Apostles that represents the distribution of
with the consecrated wine and bread held bread or metadosis must originally have
respectively in the chalice and paten. They accompanied the Benaki veil.
are called collectively little aeres and they in The representation of Christ on the
turn are covered by the great aer, which Benaki veil is extraordinarily plain but
| 157 |
powerful. He is depicted frontally, as in 5
Cf. the crosses on the chalice veil of Ohrid: Sofia 2001,
212–13, no 78.
the apse of Saint Sophia in Ohrid and on 6
Demus 1975, 145–48; Gouma-Peterson 1991, 115–21.
the chalice veil at Hilandar Monastery.4 7
Teteriatnikov 1999, 103, fig. 2.
8
Hunger 1977, 195–205; Buchtal and Belting 1978, 91;
On the altar cloth are two crosses instead
Nelson 1991, I:70.
of the usual communion vessels, and the 9
Weitzmann and Galavaris 1990, pl. LXXVII, no 184;
apostles are not pictured.5 Stylistically, the Paris 1992, 306, fig. 1, 333–34, no 248; cf. the
differing direction of the inscriptions on later veils such
compact, almost square figure of Christ as the epitaphioi of Eudaimonoyannis, New York 2004,
recalls the “cubist” style of painting 316–17, no. 190, as well as the chalice veil at
emanating from Constantinople and Meteora; Theochari 1986, fig. 25.
10
Papamastorakis 2007, 33–65.
Thessaloniki between 1290 and 1310.6
Christ’s pale color and calm features recall
the Pantokrator in the Protaton, depicted
on the marble proskynetarion, which, like
the baldachin on the veil, is supported on
double columns with relief ornamentation
painted red.7
76. Wing of a Triptych
The inscription bordering the veil is with the Archangel
non-accented, and written in a type of Gabriel and Bust
script developed in the Middle Byzantine of St. Paul
era, the so-called “distinctive, epigraphic
majuscule”; in the late-thirteenth-century Constantinople, 10th century
this script underwent a remarkable revival Ivory, carved
as seen in the Palaiologina and Theodore 7 ¼ x 2 ⅛ in. (18.5 x 5.3 cm)
Hagiopetrites groups of manuscripts.8 Also Condition: there is damage and loss
typical of tenth- to twelfth-century along the curved side, where the
manuscripts and metalwork is the wing was originally hinged to a lost
placement of the inscription, which starts central panel
at the top of the frame, continues on the Provenance: donated to the museum
right side and then on the left, and by Stephanos and Penelope Delta in
terminates at the bottom.9 The same 1939; reportedly it was acquired from
someone with the name Tozakoglu
arrangement has been observed in the
Athens, Benaki Museum, Inv. no 10399
sequence of episodes from the lives of
saints in thirteenth- and fourteenth-
century vita icons.10
he dimensions and shape of the plaque
ANNA BALLIAN T indicate that it once formed the right
wing of a triptych, a three-part ivory icon
used for private devotion. Depicted is the
Literature: G. Sotiriou 1949, fig. 14; Vei-Chatzidaki archangel Gabriel, dressed in imperial garb
1953, 3–4, pls. A–B; Athens 1964, 435–36, no 584; with the loros—a long scarf embellished
Delivorrias and Fotopoulos 1997, figs. 434–36; New
York 2004, 310–11, no. 186 (A. Ballian). with precious stones and pearls wrapped
around his body— and carrying in the left
1
Both metal threads are couched and worked
hand a stylized, rosette-shaped globe, while
throughout in pairs in a simple basket pattern, except
in the halo, which has a chevron pattern, and in the displaying in the other hand a trisagion
chalice, where the metal threads are couched in three standard. The quadrant above the
rows of twining formation.
2
The cotton support textile and the blue silk base textile
archangel holds a bust of the apostle Paul
were stitched together before the application of the holding his Gospel. Both figures are turned
embroidery with red thread, which is visible around toward their right, thus oriented in
the inscriptions and in the center. Textile analysis by S.
Tsourinaki.
devotion to the lost panels and especially
3
Johnstone 1967, 114–15, illus. 85–88; Millet 1947, the central representation. Inscriptions
72–73, pls. CLIV–CLV, and for later pieces 75–76, 82– incised into the frame and background,
84, pls. CLVIIIb, CLXV–CLXVII, CLXIX, CLXXV.
4
Gerstel 1999, fig. 5, and on the Holy Communion respectively, help to identify the figures. A
generally, 48–67; Bogdanovic’, et al. 1978, fig. 101. tall cross, balanced atop acanthus leaves,
76. Front
| 158 |
with rosettes and disks embellishing the
arms, occupies the field on the back.
Whereas it is likely to reconstruct the
lost counterpart wing with a
representation of the archangel Michael
accompanied by the bust of another
apostle—probably Peter—it can only be
assumed that the central plaque showed
Christ enthroned.
The carving has been convincingly
ascribed to the period of the middle to
second half of the tenth century based
on both technical-stylistic as well as
iconographic criteria.1 The wing and
original triptych belong to a group of
ivory icons that have been associated
with a famous panel depicting Christ 77
crowning Emperor Romanos II and
Empress Eudokia, now in the Cabinet
77. Miniature Icon with the
des Médailles, Paris, carved between
945 and 949. The icons of this group
Archangel Michael
reflect the outstanding craftsmanship
13th century
in the Middle Byzantine period and
are products of the flourishing ivory Steatite carving
workshops in the capital city of 2 ½ x 2 x ¼ in. (6.5 cm x 5 cm x 0.7 cm)
Constantinople. Inscription: (left and right of halo)
Although the overall design as well ∞ƒÃ(∞°°∂§√™) ª(π)Ã(∞∏§) (Archangel Michael)
as the technique of the wing conform Condition: very good.
to the norms of ivory carving at that Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 13507
time, the combination of a full-figure
archangel with the bust of an apostle is
his small icon depicts the archangel
unique. Further details, for example that
the archangel is equipped with a T Michael beneath an arch supported by
trisagion, differ from set conventions. two columns decorated with engraved
Thus the wing is proof of both a spirals. The archangel is represented in
standardized icon production during the three-quarter length, almost frontally,
richest period of Middle Byzantine ivory turned slightly to the right. He holds a
carving, and a certain artistic freedom sword in his raised right hand and the
that allowed for variation and scabbard in his left. He wears a military
innovation to satisfy the individual garment, a fish-scale breastplate, and a
patron’s demands. cloak fastened at his chest.
The iconographic type adopted here—a
GUDRUN BUEHL soldier, either in full figure or as a bust,
brandishing an unsheathed sword in one
hand and holding the scabbard in the
Literature: Brussels 1982, 112, no. Iv. 20, with earlier
other—was particularly popular in miniature
bibliography (L. Bouras).
sculptural representations of both archangels
1
Cutler 1994, 73–74, as opposed to Laskarina Bouras and military saints during the Middle and
in Brussels 1982, who assigned the fragment to the
Late Byzantine periods.1 These objects were
11th century.
intended primarily for private devotion,
whether small icons, like this steatite
example, or pendants and cameos that might
be worn,2 probably by Byzantine soldiers.
76. Back
| 159 |
A similar steatite icon, now in a private
collection in Munich, presents the same
subject in the same material and almost
identical dimensions.3 It also shares this
icon’s interest in representing depth by
introducing different levels of relief—the
wings are in low relief, the head in slightly
higher relief, the sword in high relief—and
the setting, with an architectural frame
surrounding the figure. These similarities
suggest that the two icons were produced
in the same workshop, probably in the
thirteenth century.
VICKY FOSKOLOU
Literature: Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 1985a, no. 105, pl. 53;

78
Athens 1986, 208–9, no. 234 (L. Bouras); Thessaloniki
2002, 510–11, no. 700 (I. Varalis); Sydney 2005, 136, no.
94 (A. Drandaki); Lisbon 2007, 190, no. 98 (A. Drandaki).
1
Thessaloniki 2002, 511.
2
See examples in Ikonomaki-Papadopoulos et al. 2001, and triangular ciborium above, occupies brown. The same coloration technique was
nos. 12, 40; Thessaloniki 2002, 511.
3
Munich 2004, 172, no. 209.
the central axis of the composition. The applied on other carved icons, such as the
protagonists are placed symmetrically on Archangel Michael in the Benaki
either side. On the left are Joseph, holding Museum (cat. no. 77) and an icon of the
two doves, his offering to the temple, and Virgin and Child in the Vatopedi
the Virgin holding the Christ Child, who Monastery on Mount Athos.2 A
raises his arms toward Symeon. On the characteristic of the carved icons of the
right are Symeon and behind him the Palaiologan period, the particularly high
78. Miniature Icon with the prophetess Anna, who, according to Luke, relief displayed by this masterpiece points
Presentation of Christ foretold the Child’s divinity (2:36–38). to a fourteenth-century date.
in the Temple Here she turns her gaze and raises her Steatite, the amiantos lithos (spotless
right hand upward, a pose that illustrates stone) of the Byzantine sources, is a
her prophetic words, while in her now particularly soft stone, easy to carve but
14th century
damaged left hand she might have equally fragile. It was widely used in the
Steatite carving
originally held an open scroll, a common Middle and Late Byzantine periods for the
4 ⅛ x 3 ⅛ in. (10.6 x 8.7 cm)
iconographic detail from the twelfth manufacture of small icons and other
Inscription: +À∏/¶∞¶∞¡Δ∏ (The Hypapante)
century onward.1 The engraved inscription objects of private devotion, such as
Condition: good. on either side of the ciborium’s roof pendants, crosses, etc.3
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 13502 identifies the scene.
The geometric harmony of the VICKY FOSKOLOU
composistion, the masterful carving of the
his almost intact icon of the
T
ciborium and figures, their rendering in
Presentation in the Temple impresses high relief which distinguishes them from Literature: Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 1985a, 221–22, no.
154; Athens 2002a, 162–63, no. 39 (V. Foskolou).
the viewer at first glance with its highly the background, and the material’s shiny
naturalistic style despite its small dark brown color all contribute to the 1
Mouriki 1985, p. 133.
2
Ikonomaki-Papadopoulos et al. 2001, 112–15, n. 38.
dimensions. It represents the presentation impression that the figures move naturally 3
Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 1985a, 17–19.
of the newborn Christ to the Temple of in a transcendental space. The icon’s dark
Solomon and his encounter with the priest color and highly polished surface are due
Symeon, according to the narrative of the to a later intervention, probably some kind
Gospel of Luke (2:22–38). of processing with oil, which changed the
The altar, with its closed sacred book steatite’s original light green to dark
| 160 |
79
X(PICTO)C (Jesus Christ), H ¶∂¡Δ∏∫√CΔ∏ (The down the cross onto the ground and into
79. Mosaic Icon with the Pentecost), ∏ ∫∏ª∏CHC THC £(∂√Δ√)∫√À the cave where Adam’s skull lies. The
Crucifixion (The Dormition of the Virgin).
Virgin stands with her head upright, her
Condition: tesserae missing hands and gaze raised towards Christ.
14th century
Mount Athos, Vatopedi Monastery John’s head and left arm are lowered in
Wood, wax mastic, glass paste and silver
tesserae; gilt silver frame
[Loan still uncertain at press time] mourning. The two hovering angels,
placed on the axes defined by the blood
13 x 11 ¾ in. (33 x 30 cm)
flowing from Christ’s palms and the
Inscriptions: ª(∏Δ∏)ƒ £(∂√)À (Mother of
his icon is distinguished by its rare figures of the Virgin and John, turn their
God), √ ∞°π√C Iø(∞¡¡∏C) O £∂√§√°√C
(Saint John the Theologian); (On the frame, T iconography and fine craftsmanship. heads and gaze toward the crucified Christ,
from left to right) √ ∞ƒÃ(ø¡) °∞/μƒ/∏§ (Lord The technique of miniature mosaic is but move in opposite directions, toward
Gabriel), ª(∏Δ∏)ƒ £(∂√)À (Mother of God), ∏ combined with a richness of themes and the icon’s border, with animated gestures.1
Δ√À Ã(ƒπCΔ√)À °∂¡∏CHC (The Nativity of colors that is rarely encountered in a The icon is highly decorative, as not a
Christ), H Y¶∞¶∞¡Δ∏ (the Presentation in the Crucifixion scene, particularly on such a single element is left unadorned by the
Temple), ∏ μ∞¶/Δ∏/C/HC (the Baptism), H limited surface. All the icon’s features recall artist: white and dark-colored flowers
METAMOƒºˆ/CH/C (the Transfiguration), H
manuscript miniature painting rather than adorn the green background, more flowers
BAHOº√ƒ√/C (the Entry into Jerusalem), O
EYA.∫∂/§∏C/M/OC (the Annunciation), H
icon painting. decorate the horizontal bands on the walls
ANACTACHC TOY X(PICTO)Y (The Anastasis), O Christ is depicted on the cross wearing of Jerusalem, silver tesserae highlight the
A°π√C TAº√C I(HCO)Y X(PICTO)Y (the Holy only a perizonium (loincloth). Blood pours folds of Christ’s perizonium. A ¶-shaped
Tomb of Jesus Christ), H A/NA§/À/æ∏C TOY out of the wounds in his palms, his side, decorative band consisting of two parallel
X(PICTO)Y (the Ascension of Christ), I(HCOY)C and his feet—from the latter running white lines and contiguous lozenges and
| 161 |
triangles filled with vegetal motifs frames Anthony and Sabas, the right one Saint
80. Triptych with Enthroned
the scene’s upper part. This band and the John the Theologian between Saints Peter
walls of Jerusalem below form a
Virgin and Child and and Paul. On the back of the left wing are
rectangular frame around the heads of the Saints the warrior saints George, Demetrios, and
scene’s five figures, a feature distinctive of Theodore. The back of the right wing—
this Crucifixion. Andreas or Nikolaos Ritzos (?) which remains visible when the triptych is
The icon’s gilt silver frame is equally Candia (mod. Herakleion), last quarter of closed—pictures a cross resting on a
precious and luxurious. It features twelve the 15th century stepped base.
symmetrically positioned panels depicting Egg tempera on wood This work closely resembles, both
scenes from the Dodekaorton, the twelve 8 ⅛ x 16 ¹³⁄₁₆ x 1 ¹⁄₁₆ in. (20.7 x 42.7 x 2.7 cm) iconographically and stylistically, two other
most important feasts relating to the life of Inscription: between the arms of the cross triptychs, one in a private collection in
Christ, as reported in the Gospels, and the that decorates the back of the right wing: London3 and a second in the State
Dormition of the Virgin. These scenes π(∏C√À)C Ã(ƒπCΔ√)C ¡(π)∫(∞), Δ(√¶√C) Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg.4
∫(ƒ∞¡π√À) ¶(∞ƒ∞¢∂πC√C) °(∂°√¡∂¡) (Jesus
formed the core of post-Iconoclast church Both have been attributed to Cretan
Christ Conquers, the Place of the Skull is
iconography and were often depicted on Paradise Now)
painters of the fifteenth century, namely to
artifacts (cat. no. 167). Here the Andreas Ritzos (circa 1421–1492) and his
Crucifixion is omitted, since it is depicted son Nikolaos (documented between 1482
on the icon’s main surface. Inscriptions in and 1503),5 as well as to Nikolaos
uncial script name the scenes. The Tzafouris (documented between 1487 and
evangelical narrative begins in the upper 1501)6 and dated to the second half of the
riptychs were objects for private
left corner with the Annunciation and
continues clockwise with the Nativity, the T devotion, and this is clearly reflected in
fifteenth century or more precisely its last
quarter. The Benaki triptych is so close to
Presentation in the Temple, the Baptism, their shape and subject matter. They could these two works that they may well be
the Transfiguration, the Entry into play the role of a domestic iconostasis products of the same workshop.
Jerusalem, the Annunciation (again inside the home, but could also be easily The iconography of the Benaki
instead of the Crucifixion), the Anastasis, transported to accompany and protect the triptych relies heavily on representations of
the Marys at the Tomb, the Ascension, owner on his travels. Already in use in the Virgin and Child and single saints
Pentecost, and the Dormition of the Middle Byzantium, as shown by the found in works from the first half of the
Virgin. Wide bands with densely arranged existence of exquisite tenth-century ivory fifteenth century. For example, the
decorative motifs separate the scenes. triptychs1 (cat. no. 76) indicating such enthroned Virgin on the central panel,
The scene of the Annunciation in the wealthy patrons as the emperor himself, who does not hold Christ directly in front
upper left corner differs stylistically from triptychs became very popular in Crete of her body but shifted to her left, follows
the others, and was probably produced from the fifteenth century onward. Cretan a variation already used for the central
separately.2 Its inscription not only triptychs were exclusively made of wood2 panel of a Cretan polyptych dating from
identifies the event, but also records and their low-cost production made it the first decades of the fifteenth century
Gabriel’s salutation to the Virgin: “Hail, possible that more and more individuals that originally stood on the high altar in
thou who art full of grace, the Lord” could afford to commission them. the church of San Stefano in Monopoli,
(between the two figures) “is with thee” Monasteries also became serious patrons of Apulia.7 The throne on which the Virgin
(behind Gabriel’s legs). triptychs. This is well documented both by is seated is of a Late Gothic type made of
surviving private contracts in the Archives green and pink marble, and reproduces a
IOANNIS TAVLAKIS of Venetian Crete and by the extant type already used by the Cretan painter
Cretan triptychs dispersed in monasteries, Angelos (active circa 1425–50)8 for his
museums, galleries, and private collections icon of Christ Pantokrator enthroned in
Literature: Thessaloniki 1997b, 70–72, no. 2.12 (E.
Tsigaridas); Tsigaridas 1998, 369–72; Tsigaridas and in Greece and elsewhere. the Icon Museum of the island of
Loverdou-Tsigarida 2006, 37–38, 327–37; Paris 2009b, On its central panel the Benaki Zakynthos.9 The iconography and style
156, no. 63 (K. Loverdou-Tsigarida).
Museum triptych pictures the Virgin adopted for the depiction of Saint
1
For a detailed presentation of the icon, see Tsigaridas enthroned and holding the Christ child Nicholas on the triptych’s left wing follow
and Loverdou-Tsigarida 2006, 37–38 (mosaic icon) and beneath an arch whose spandrels are closely the icon of Saint Nicholas from a
327–37 (gilt silver frame).
2
In Tsigaridas and Loverdou-Tsigarida 2006 the
decorated with medallion busts of the private collection in Corfu, signed by
photograph of the Annunciation in the upper left archangels Michael and Gabriel. On each Angelos.10 None of this is meant to
corner was omitted by mistake, whereas the of the two wings is a grouping of three suggest that the Benaki triptych can be
Annunciation of the lower right corner is reproduced
twice (figs. 265 and 276).
full-length standing saints. The left wing dated to the first half of the fifteenth
pictures Saint Nicholas between Saints century, but rather that it was painted by
| 162 |
80
artists, such as Andreas Ritzos or Nikolaos 1

Goldschmidt and Weitzmann 1934, pls. X–XIII, XV–XVI;
Tzafouris, who possibly learned their craft Cutler 1994, passim; Cutler 2008, figs. 20–21; London
in the Angelos workshop in Candia 2008, nos. 72–78.
2
This does not mean that we have no Middle or Late
(modern Heraklion).
Byzantine triptychs in wood. See, for example, the
There is no concrete evidence to eleventh-century wings of a triptych at Sinai.
suggest who might have commissioned the Weitzmann 1964–65.
3
New York 2004, 172–73, no. 94 (M. Georgopoulou).
Benaki triptych. The selection of saints on 4
St. Petersburg and London 2000, 178, no. B154.
the triptych’s wings, in which two 5
M. Chatzidakis 1974, 175–83.
monastic saints (Saints Anthony and 6
Ibid., 183–88.
7
Constantoudaki-Kitromilides 1993–94, passim, figs. 1,
Sabas) appear with one (Saint John the 4.
Theologian) associated with the 8
M. Vassilaki 2009a, passim.
eponymous monastery on the island of 9
Athens 2010, 196–97, no. 47 (M. Acheimastou-
Potamianou).
Patmos could indicate that the patron was 10
Ibid., 198–99, no. 48 (P. L. Vocotopoulos).
associated with a monastery, presumably 11
M. Vassilaki 1994; Kakavas 2003; Vassilaki 2009b.
the monastery of St John the Theologian

on Patmos.11 The only supporting evidence
for such a hypothesis is provided by
documents in the Venetian archives that
show the monastery to have commissioned
Cretan icons and triptychs during the
second half of the fifteenth century.
MARIA VASSILAKI
Literature: Sotheby’s 1987, 64–65, lot no. 294; L. Bouras

1992; Athens 1994, 235, no. 56 (M. Vassilaki); Sydney
2005, 160, no. 105 (A. Drandaki); Lisbon 2007, 214–15,
no. 109 (A. Drandaki).
| 163 |
Intellectual Life
BYZANTIUM AND THE ART OF ANTIQUITY
ANTHONY CUTLER
S
ometime in the early 1070s the emperor Michael VII Doukas asked
Michael Psellos to explicate a relief, which the philosopher and
historian interpreted as an image of Odysseus, brandishing a sword
and the magic herb moly that he had received from Hermes, challenging the
enchantress Circe seated on a throne.1 Looking at the fragmentary
inscription preserved on its border and depending on his knowledge of
classical texts, Psellos understood the scene to represent the episode
described in the Odyssey in which the hero undoes the spell she has cast
over his companions before going to bed with her. It is far from certain that
the philosopher’s reading was correct (no other image of Circe enthroned is
Fig 59 | Marriage at Cana. Ivory plaque, 7th–8th century.

Victoria and Albert Museum, London, A. I–1921.
Photo: ©Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
Fig 60 | Detail of fig. 59, oblique view. Photo: ©Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
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known, and the relic had defied at least one previous presuppositions and attitudes of those who possessed
interpreter), but the significant aspect of the report is such awareness? What alterations in meaning obtained
Psellos’s approach. Working much like a traditional over time? To what extent did these responses change in
modern scholar, he sought to combine his epigraphic the millennium and more that elapsed between the
skills with his awareness of literature. The very fact that founding of Constantinople in 324 and its loss to the
this relief posed a problem affirms the distance between Ottoman Turks in 1453? My objective in this essay is not
eleventh-century Byzantium and the ancient world. More so much to detect classical visual sources that furnished
broadly, it suggests the larger questions that haunt this models for medieval Greek artists—a long-established
essay: what were the nature and extent of Byzantine concern for Byzantinists—as to point out some of the
knowledge of Greco-Roman art? What were the reasons why and how these were exploited as they were.
| 167 |
sellos, though clearly not unique in his interest in ancient art, in the Hippodrome, a text that blends his own responses with
P was rare in the amount of detail he supplied in his description what he saw as popular superstitions about them.8 Even then he
of the sculpture. He seems to have had his own collection of such confused Lysippos, the late fourth-century B.C. creator of the
material, and certainly urged at least one of his overseas bronze Herakles in the Hippodrome, with the slightly later
correspondents to send to Constantinople works of ancient Lysimachos. Like Psellos’s record of the “Odyssean” relief,
statuary.2 At the same time it is clear that the philosopher’s Choniates treated them allegorically, turning their destruction by
familiarity with antique literature was far more extensive than his the city’s Latin conquerors into object lessons in ethical relativity.9
direct knowledge of antique art. Indeed, the surviving body of All these passages stem from a late period in Byzantium and are
evidence points to this discrepancy as enduring across the whole obviously the work of intellectuals. For the reactions of less
of Byzantine history, an observation that allows us to question, on sophisticated individuals we are for the most part in the dark, as
the one hand, the often asserted continuity between the ancient we are with respect to those of most people before the seventeenth
world and Byzantium, and, on the other, between Byzantium and century. One may observe a commonality between the attitudes of
Greece after it achieved independence from the Ottoman Empire the medieval Greek authors mentioned and those of many modern
in 1832—a leitmotif of much nineteenth- and early twentieth- art historians: both look at images not only as totalities but also as
century Greek scholarship. Nor were these arguments for
uninteruptedness distinct: shortly after Independence Constantine
Paparrigopoulos, a professor of history at the newly founded
University of Athens, presented a schema in which ancient,
medieval, and modern Greece formed a continuum.3 In 1845,
when Theodore Manoussis announced the Greek edition of the
Bonn corpus of Byzantine historians, despite the evident
admixture of Turkish and Slavic elements in the ethnic and lexical
makeup of modern Greece, he insisted on its genetic, linguistic,
religious, and legal roots in Byzantium.4
If this invented tradition embraced the entire span of Greek
cultural history, in the domain of art and archaeology it was the
ancient world that dominated academic discourse. For example,
debates over the necessity (and cost) of restoring the monastery of
Daphni, ravaged by successive earthquakes in the 1880s, routinely
adduced the name of Pheidias and the glories of ancient Greek
art.5 In this strategy modern authors sought support in Byzantine
literature, a hard-won set of dutiful references. Theodore I Laskaris
of Nicaea, in praising the monuments of ancient Pergamon,
fleetingly evoked Pheidias and compared the city’s walls to those
of “Zeus’ bronze palace in heaven,”6 the type of de rigueur
reference that passed for the highest commendation. Writing to
John VIII Palaiologos from Rome in 1411, Manuel Chrysoloras
recalled among other monuments in Constantinople the statue of
Justinian in the Augustaion and those of Theodosios I and, he
supposed, of that emperor’s grandson of the same name—in fact
one of Arkadios—as well as the Labors of Herakles and other
marble reliefs at the Golden Gate.7 But all these references are
made in passing and devoid of the sort of detail that suggests
Fig. 61 | Odysseus brings wine to the Cyclops. Sarcophagus fragment, 3rd century.
ongoing and empathetic engagement with the monuments. For Museo Nazionale, Naples. Photo: Su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
this we have to turn to Niketas Choniates’s lament for the statues Culturali-Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli e Pompei.
| 168 |
things to be perceived en face, as if they had no existence when seen,
for example, in three-quarter view. In reality, at most times most
objects—and this is especially true of public sculpture—are
encountered in this indirect way, on the street or in an exhibition.
On such occasions it is not the entity as a whole that is first
observed but that part of it which projects or otherwise stands out.
This can be demonstrated by means of a photograph of an ivory
plaque which, despite its Christian subject matter, is redolent with
formal qualities that are undeniably classicizing (fig. 59). The
depiction of the moment during the Marriage at Cana when
Christ turns water into wine is always reproduced head-on. Yet
viewed obliquely, what initially commands attention are the
volumes of the servants’ limbs, the water-skin being emptied by the
figure at left, and above all the vessels that will prove to be filled
with the miraculous liquid (fig. 60). By literally realizing these, by
making the vessels rise above the remnants of the frame, the artist
conveys the substantiality of the Lord’s authority and demonstrates
in this world the power vested in him in heaven. It is surely at the
missing Christ that the central figure is gazing: God does not need
to be present in order to suggest his ubiquitous potency. Even
without this theological dimension, in its detailed definition of the
figures’ muscles and attention to the complexity of garments shaped
by the motion of the bodies that underlie them, the ivory rehearses
these qualities as they appear, for example, on a fragment of a third-
century Roman sarcophagus now in Naples (fig. 61).10
Sadly, the plaque in London is itself a fragment. But scarcely
less sad is the diminishment that results when the ivory is
photographed in the “normal” manner. Lost in this translation is
not only the consummate ability of a great sculptor but the Fig. 62 | Coronation of David, Psalter, 10th century. Bibliothèque nationale de France,
Paris, Cod. gr. 139, fol. 6v. Photo: ©BNF.
evidence that well into the seventh century there survived the
skills of ancient Greek and Roman artists at their best. There
could scarcely be a better example of the fact that the effective end This much said, there are several aspects of the Psalter that
of paganism in the sixth century did not undo the heritage of the command attention in an essay devoted to the waxing and waning
previous millennium. That such talents are ever less in evidence in of antique art in Byzantium. It is often remarked how in other
succeeding periods is no doubt due to a loss of demand for them. images the evangelists and other saints, like the prophets in the
Stimulus and response work hand in glove. Yet even in the tenth manuscript under discussion, are clad in the dress of Greco-Roman
century, when some magnificent classicizing ivories and book philosophers. No less telling about the uses of the past are other
illustrations were still issued, we find works produced for the furnishings that conjure up Late Antiquity, an era already remote
highest—and in this case probably imperial—levels of Byzantine and hence a seemingly golden age. Beside the figure of Hezekiah
society that, by comparison with the London plaque, are models on his death bed (fig. 63) a cherniboxeston, a wash basin and figured
of incompetence. The miniature in the famous Paris Psalter in ewer, recall the utensils represented in finds of Late Roman and
which David is made king by followers who tread on each others’ Early Byzantine domestic silver (cat. no. 99)11 and attested in the
feet, whose heads bob unattached to bodies, and among whom at Book of Ceremonies as still employed in the Great Palace at the time
least three (!) legs dangle beneath the shield with no bodies the Psalter was prepared. The treasured artifacts serve, like Proust’s
corresponding to them, speaks for itself (fig. 62). madeleine, to recover the past. Societies, it has been said, run on
| 169 |
their memories, and as the crowning of David shows, Byzantium discrete forms that it presents to the modern eye may well have
was no exception. The act of king-making is depicted in the way it cohered for the Byzantines by virtue of an exoticism conceived in
was done by armies in the field in the fourth and fifth centuries terms of distance in time and space.
but outmoded in Byzantium.12 Compared with the shield-raising, At first sight a greater degree of iconographic harmony may
the actual crowning by an unidentified female personification seem to characterize the Veroli Casket, the best known of Middle
seems an all but gratuitous gesture. Byzantine boxes clad with figured plaques carved in ivory and
Before leaving the Paris Psalter it is worth noting one last ornament in less precious bone (fig. 65). All of these depict myths
detail. The footstool beside Hezekiah’s bed is elaborated with a that are clearly classical in their origin, although the visual sources
gorgoneion, presumably used as an apotropaic device which, while drawn on by the designer are more likely to have been late
in this instance it did not to avert the king’s death, was a motif antique rather than ancient Greek.19 Even so, the partial repetition
described by Homer on Agamemnon’s shield (Odyssey 11.35ff) and on the rear of the box of a scene on the lid (itself supplemented
frequently applied to Late Roman household plate, as on a silver with figures that have no bearing on its main narrative of the
ewer found in a royal tomb at Kerch in the Crimea and now in Rape of Europa), and the similar juxtapositions on the long sides
the State Hermitage Museum.13 If protection from harm was the of persons and events that do not pertain to the principal theme,
function of such Medusa heads, it is not easy to discern the role of not to speak of plaques on the ends of the box that do not relate
this motif on a late ninth- or early tenth-century gilded silver to it, for a century and a half have defied attempts not only to
inkwell in Padua that belonged, as its inscription declares, to detect a unifying program but also to identify many of the figures
“Leon, the delightful marvel among the calligraphers” (fig. 71).14 in question. Modern scholars have hurled themselves at these
Less baffling is the imagery—a river god and an armed Ares—on problems without arriving at a consensus, a lack of resolution that
the body of this vessel, likely figures from the sort of mythological gives rise to the question whether a comprehensive significance
texts that scribes were accustomed to copying and thus was ever part of the original makers’ intentions with respect to
perpetuating. The creatures depicted on the well flank a column this object and a handful of others, surviving in whole or in part,
composed of three intertwined serpents, a monument in the that resemble it.
Hippodrome of Constantinople brought by Constantine the This problem is part of a larger one in what could be called
Great from Delphi which stood undamaged until at least 1700 historical epistemology, too large to be discussed here fully but
and still largely survives, even though it has lost its heads.15 The necessarily entered into briefly in any consideration of the uses of
number of heads on the inkwell would appear to demand ancient art. If because of the specificity of its elements (Zeus in the
association with the column in the Hippodrome, even though this
monument is not mentioned by Niketas Choniates. Nonetheless,
the snake-entwined column or obelisk is a commonplace of late
antique glyptic, not least its prominent appearance on the fifth-
century Parabiago Plate in Milan (fig. 9), where it occurs, albeit
with a single head, amid a jumble of iconographical elements to
which it has no obvious relation.16
The absence of any obvious syntactical bond between the
various parts of the decoration on the Padua inkwell should urge
caution in the search for “programs” on other works, particularly
those in which motifs were drawn directly or indirectly from
Greco-Roman models. This is especially advised in the case of a
well-known but still little understood gilded and painted glass
bowl in the treasury of S. Marco in Venice (fig. 64). To see it as
an aggregate of uniformly ancient Greek “mythological” images is
to misread its diverse subject matter and to impose on it a
purposeful unity beyond the fact that its elements cohere at the
level of decoration. Both its date and raison d’être are uncertain.17
What is clear is that its images include figures borrowed from
Roman as well as Greek art. The helmeted, standing figure
bearing a staff with a star and crescent motif in his left hand may
be Mars Gradivus, while a medallion partly concealed by one of
the bowl’s handles has long been recognized as a Roman augur or
haruspex.18 This eclecticism is enhanced by the use of smaller
roundels bearing heads in profile, as on early Byzantine coins and Fig. 63 | Death of Hezekiah, Psalter, 10th century. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, Cod.
medallions, and pseudo-Kufic inscriptions. Overall, the jumble of gr. 139, fol. 446v. Photo: ©BNF.
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Fig. 64 | Painted glass bowl, 10th century.
Treasury of San Marco, Venice.
Photo: ©Archivio fotografico della Procuratoria
della Basilica di San Marco, Venezia.
form of a bull, the abducted woman followed by her appalled This way of looking at an image is made explicit in Psellos’s
attendants), the identity of the Rape scene, even though it is reflections on the “Odysseus” relief considered above: “I observed
unlabeled, is unmistakable, it does not follow that our inability to on the stone many other and deeper meanings than these, some
ascertain that of other scenes— on both this box and the bowl in S. more divine, some more pagan.”22 While it is noteworthy that the
Marco—is our problem rather than a feature of Byzantine thinking. philosopher was ready to find both non-Christian and Christian
To neglect this is to assume that each sign had a single meaning, a meaning in this instance, it is the latter domain that had for a
unique value in the eyes of its makers and those who beheld it. long time determined exegetical procedures in Byzantine culture.
From this error arises, first, the notion of artists’ “mistakes” and In the text known as the Historia Mystagogica, sometimes
“misunderstandings” of their antique models.20 Second, it ignores the attributed to the early eighth-century patriarch Germanos, one
fact that Byzantine imagery could work in terms of equivalences part of a church could be interpreted as possessing multiple
that would be apparent to any learned observer. This is evident, for significance. The apse could represent both the cave of Christ’s
example, in a fourteenth-century miniature inserted into the Nativity and the grotto in which he was entombed; the ciborium
homilies of John Chrysostom in Milan,21 in which the stream at could symbolize both the place of his Crucifixion and the Ark of
which clerics drink emerges from the scroll on which John the the Covenant (see S. C ´ určic´ above, 108).23
Baptist, inspired by Saint Paul, is writing. This would have It is no surprise, then, that pictures could be seen to have a
presented an obvious analogy to those scenes in Early Christian and variety of meanings, an inherent ambiguity that would apply a
Byzantine art in which water gushing from the rock struck by fortiori when an ancient exemplar was involved. The anonymity
Moses offers sustenance to the thirsting Israelites. Lastly, and most and imprecision of their Byzantine versions deny presence to
importantly, to suppose that modern ignorance rather than a pagan images and may well have provided a defense against
Byzantine habit of mind is at the root of our inability to identify a idolatry.24
scene is to overlook the polysemic signification characteristic of
much Byzantine thinking.
Fig. 65 | The Veroli Casket, second half of

10th century. Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
Photo: ©Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
| 171 |
The rate of development of such maneuvers is obscured by the threatening, why then should they have been selected? The option
problems that attach to their chronology. A silk roundel in the to reuse them in Athens and at Skripou, where in 873–74 they
Musée de Cluny in Paris showing hunting Amazons has been were richly disposed around the walls of a large church of the
attributed to Egypt or Syria in the seventh to ninth centuries, Virgin built on the site of ancient Orchomenos,28 presupposes
while the same range of dates and provenance has been assigned to their accessibility, although easy availability and the manifest
a similar textile in the Metropolitan Museum in which the pagan economy allowed by already cut ashlar slabs, even if preferable to a
roundel is encompassed by a border bearing a cross.25 If this monocausal explanation, offers insufficient explanation for the
represents an attempt to “Christianize” and thus defuse a pagan decision. Not to be ignored is their positive value as kosmesis
motif, it should be noted that the same aim could be achieved by (ornament),29 a perennial notion in Greek thought that stretches
evading the subject matter of an object even while imposing on it from Aristotle (Economics 1344a19) to its modern sense of facial
a later inscription and cruciform monograms on its chest. A embellishment. And no less important is their role as acts of
bronze statuette of Dionysos of the second–third century A.D. commemoration understood at once as of the past, immured for
found by the river Don, bears around its hips a quotation from the Byzantine beholder in his or her present, and for future
Psalm 28 (29): “The voice of the Lord is upon the waters” (fig. contemplation of the achievements of the builder—an otherwise
66).26 If the inscription, datable on epigraphic grounds to the unknown Leo the protospatharios—which were celebrated
eighth or ninth century, implies that the hollow-cast figure was epigraphically together with prayers surely intended to be
used half a millennium after its creation to contain holy water, pronounced in the hope of assuring his salvation. Evocation of the
then we have an example in which an objectionable figure was not founder, or more often in the medieval world the restorer or
so much mitigated as disregarded when it was “second founder,” was an important cult element in Byzantium,
converted to Christian use. and at Skripou—a carefully arranged lieu de mémoire—given pride
More frequent are instances in which of place in its setting at the eastern end of the sanctuary.
Byzantine observers turned the traces of Nonetheless, past and present were not verbally distinguished.
antiquity to their own ends. Once In one inscription on the west façade Leo is described as
again, it is telling that this “command[er] of the area of the legendary Orchomenos,” and the
evidence is preserved much Virgin Mother to whom he dedicated his church is saluted as
more often in the realm of Iphianassa, the Homeric Iphigeneia.30 Rather, it is the physical
literature than on actual segregation of text and image at Skripou and other medieval
artifacts. Nonetheless, on those monuments that needs to be taken into account, particularly in
occasions when we have the light of the difference in this respect between Byzantium on the
things themselves rather than one hand, and on the other the classical world and that of Late
simply medieval comments on them, Antiquity. Among the great series of fifth-century floor mosaics at
it is clear that these vestiges evoked Nea Paphos devoted to Dionysos,31 the panel showing him as an
complex and shifting responses. infant in the lap of Hermes labels every one of its ten figures, not
Among these, an interpretation widely only the protagonists but also embodiments of Theogonia
favored among modern scholars for the representing the birth of the gods, the nurse who nurtured him,
Christian choice of objects and Mount Nysa where he was raised, and Nektar representing the
interventions made in them—often in food of the gods (fig. 68). Such named personifications are limited
the form of crosses added to the spoils of in the Paris Psalter (figs. 62, 63) and other classicizing images of
antiquity—is that these served to assuage the tenth century to essential players, and disappear entirely as we
the menace posed by pagan stones when have seen on the Veroli Casket and other works (figs. 64, 65).
re-employed as, for example, on the church The difference in this respect between pagan pictures and
known as the “Little Metropolis” in “secular” images made by and for Christians in the Middle
Athens (fig. 67).27 However, prophylactic Byzantine period has been understood as due to the desire to sever
arguments, couched in terms of such the latter from their non-Christian textual roots.32 But for several
anxiety while not inherently implausible, reasons the contrast may have been overdrawn. First, even if we
provoke an obvious counter-question: if confine out purview to Dionysian scenes, there are scores that lack
ancient reliefs of this sort were seen as inscriptions altogether,33 including at least one that shows the
nursing of the god, “the precise relevance [of which] is obscure to
us.”34 Secondly, the distinction ignores the audience to which these
Fig. 66 | Bronze Dionysos statuette, images were addressed. Those who contemplated the bowl now in
2nd–3rd century, State Hermitage Museum, Venice or the ivory and bone box in London may have cared
St. Petersburg. Photo: ©The State Hermitage
Museum/photo by Vladimir Terebenin,
little about the precise significance of their imagery or the sources
Leonard Kheifets, Yuri Molodkovets. on which they drew. But the notion of a supposed suppression of
| 172 |
Fig. 67 | Northwest view of Panagia Gorgoepikoos (“Little Metropolis”), Athens, end of 12th century. Photo: Periklis Papachatzidakis, the church of Hagios Eleutherios,
Athens 1912–1950, Benaki Museum, Athens. Photo: ©Photographic Archive, Benaki Museum.
identifying labels falls foul of works made for cultivated against erudite readers who knew from their books the particulars
individuals concerned with ancient literature and its of classical mythology (not to mention the natural sciences), artists
representation in their own time. One example of the latter is an and those who employed them could neglect the minutiae of
early fourteenth-century book in Florence in which are collated scenes that they created with the general purpose of illustrating
texts by Pindar, Theokritos and, most important for our present idolatry rather than the specific pagan figures against whom the
purposes, Simmias of Rhodes, the Hellenistic poet from whose late antique authors in the texts they were illustrating had
work on Wings (Pteryges) the extract is derived, and various thundered and which lay adjacent to the images they invented.
Byzantine authors. Far from being nameless, the work by For every miniature unmistakably depicting, say, the birth of
Simmias is illustrated with an image identifiable as Eros the Athena from the head of Zeus,37 a dozen others failed to
archer not only by his attributes (a bow, a quiver, and headgear distinguish between the objects of their contempt: Aphrodite and
with claw-like antennae much like that worn by Hermes on the Artemis can stand on all but identical columns between groups of
Paphos mosaic), but also by the text inscribed over his wings in their devotees and are clad alike, both bearing branches and
which he twice names himself, once simply and once as the son of differentiated only by the names that flank them (fig. 70).38
Chaos, not of Aphrodite and Ares as is related in the most For a yet larger reason, these labels are important if, first, we
familiar version of the myth (fig. 69).35 are to understand the concerns of Byzantine artists when they
This is not to argue that the Christian heirs of ancient objects made use of ancient themes to illustrate the polemical homilies
did not sometimes misidentify the imagery involved or even on against paganism of the fourth-century Church Father Gregory of
occasion willfully impose their own interpretations. This is clearly Nazianzos; and, second, to assess the notion recently put forward
the case when a late antique cameo like the chalcedony with that these concerns, profoundly grounded in ideological difference,
portraits of Honorius and Maria in the Rothschild Collection in shaped divergent approaches toward the representation of
Paris was, some five or six hundred years after its carving, Christian and classical subject matter. Specifically, it has been
inscribed with the names Saints Sergios and Bakchos.36 Yet, as proposed that artists avoided lending substance to myths by
| 173 |
avoiding identifying legends on pagan figures or scenes in book century and later41—were more diverting than threatening.
illustration and ivory carvings and that “one very effective way of The elision in many cases of iconographic differentiation
preventing the viewer of a mythological image from engaging between the gods, the apparent lack of interest in having them
with the portrayed god, goddess, or cult, either inadvertently or by cohere in a single, meaningful program, and above all their
design, was to remove the name or the pagan quotation that exploitation as elements of amusement suggest the transformations
identified the image.”39 While such absences are clearly evident on undergone by classical art as it was transmitted via late antique
objects like the Veroli Casket and the glass bowl in Venice, tested intermediaries to the Byzantines. The strength of individual myths
empirically this generalization is undermined by the Aphrodite faded over time and as a function of cultural distance; as has been
and Artemis miniatures in question, not to speak of other observed of this inheritance generally, one story blurred into
mythological figures (Orpheus, Bellerophon, Atalanta, Herakles, et another until they collectively became the representation of
al.) tagged by name in a variety of the manuscripts.40 No doubt antiquity itself.42 The way things are perceived, the degree of
the Byzantines—ordinary people as well as scholars—clearly attention they receive, and the nuances of meaning attached to
distinguished between historia sacra and historia profana, but this them in all societies change inexorably. When Proust’s Duchess of
polarity did not find expression in the labeling, or otherwise, of Guermantes looked at Manet’s Olympia in the Louvre she
images. No overarching theory accounts for the supposed thought it looked just like one of Ingres’s nudes.43
difference between Christian and non-Christian presentation and
the notion of a guiding policy in this respect is not supported by
the evidence of illustrated manuscripts. Rather, once again the
distinction is more probably due to the interests of their respective 1
Psellos, Oratoria Minora 1985, no. 32, 126–27. I am grateful to D. Kritsotakis and A.
clients: books were written and illustrated for highly cultivated Kaldellis for letting me see their as yet unpublished translation of this text. For
individuals, whereas objects like the Padua inkwell, the glass bowl another version and interpretation of the text, see Angelidi 2005, 229–38.
in Venice, and the Veroli Casket were addressed to a broader class
2
Papamastorakis 2004, 119.
3
Clogg 1992.
of patrons for whom classical themes—as in the mosaic decoration 4
Argyropoulos 2001, 22. The book as a whole is a very useful survey of modern Greek
of the palace of Digenes Akritas and literary novels of the twelfth attitudes toward the nation’s past. On Paparrigopoulos, see also Kitromilides 1998.
Fig. 68 | Hermes holding the infant Dionysos, floor mosaic, Nea Paphos, 5th century. Photo: ©Nathan Benn/Ottochrome/Corbis/SmartMagna.
| 174 |
29
Saradi-Mendelovici 1990, 52–53.
30
Papalexandrou 2003, 67.
31
Daszewski 1985.
32
H. Maguire 2011a.
33
See, e.g., Dunbabin 1978, 173–87, pls. 173–83.
34
Ibid., 178 and pl. 178.
35
BernabỒ and Magnelli 2011, especially 204–6 (text and Italian translation) and fig. 1.
36
Mango and Mundell Mango 1993, 62 and figs. 4a, 4b.
37
Weitzmann 1951, 50 and fig. 59.
38
Ibid., fig. 66; Cutler 2001c, 666 and fig. 25. The same type is used for Rhea in the
same manuscript (Weitzmann 1951, fig. 45).
39
H. Maguire 2011a, especially 280.
40
Weitzmann 1951, figs. 22, 83, 96, 138, and passim.
41
Digenes Akritas 1998; E. Jeffreys 2012.
42
Settis 1986, 409–10.
43
Proust 1961, vol. 2, 522.
Fig. 69 | Eros, from Ms Plut. 32.52, fol. 119v, Florence, The Biblioteca Medicea
Laurenziana. Photo: On concession of the Ministry for Goods and Cultural
Activities.
For the interpenetration of “Hellenic” nationalism and academic folklore studies, see
Herzfeld 1982.
5
Cutler forthcoming. That such evocations were not exclusively Greek practice is
indicated by the terms in which Conrad Celtis, a contemporary German humanist for
whom Dürer made woodcuts, hailed the artist as “a second Phidias and a second
Apelles,” without any direct knowledge of the work of these classical paragons. See
W. Sauerländer, “Dürer and Renoir,” New York Review of Books 16, August 2012, 53.
6
Theodore Laskaris 1898, Ep. 32, 107; translated in Wilson 1983, 220.
7
Ep. 1 in PG 156, cols. 45–46; translated in Mango 1972, 250–52.
8
Choniates 1975, 647–55; translated in Magoulias 1984, 357–62.
9
Chatterjee 2011.
10
E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007, 25.
11
London 2006, nos. 27, 36, 88, 105.
12
Walter 1975. Nonetheless, according to Psellos, Chronography. 6.104, Leo Tornikios
was exalted in this fashion by his supporters when he rebelled against his uncle,
Constantine IX, in 1049.
13
London 2006, no. 26.
14
New York 1997, 190 (H. Maguire).
15
Bardill 2010, 164–67.
16
New York 1979, no. 164 (K. J. Shelton). For an excellent image in color of this detail,
see Rome 2000a, 119, fig. 7.
17
Although normally assigned to the 10th or 11th century, A. Walker 2008 has seen it
as a 12th-century creation that “facilitated lecanomantic hydromantic practices,”
ritual acts of divination especially cultivated in Komnenian Byzantium.
18
Cutler 1974, fig. 14. This identification was first proposed in Pasini 1886, 100–101. If
the image represents an augur and was understood as such, it would lend some
weight to Walker’s reading of the bowl as an instrument for divination.
19
New York 1997, no. 21 (A. Cutler).
20
This methodological procedure is pervasive in Weitzmann 1951, Weitzmann 1960,
and endorsed by Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 1985b.
21
Krause 2004, pl. 222.
22
See note 1, above.
23
Brightman 1908, 257–58; trans. by Meyendorff: Germanos 1984, 58–59.
24
25
New York 2012, nos. 103D, 103E.
26
London 2006, 50 and 171, no. 139 (V. Zalesskaya). Fig. 70 | Aphrodite and Artemis as idols from the Homilies of Gregory of
27
H. Maguire 1994; for the wider context, see Cutler 2001c, 663–64; Flood 2006. Nazianzos, Cod. 6, fol. 164r, Monastery of St. Panteleimon, Mount Athos,
28
Papalexandrou 2003, especially 63–67. 12th century. Photo: after Pelekanidis et al. 1975 (printed by permission).
| 175 |
Education and Social Identity
CHRISTINE ANGELIDI
B
yzantine education followed the late antique system, slightly
adapting its content to Christian culture. The Psalter was
employed as a textbook in reading and writing,1 and homilies
and other texts of the Church Fathers were studied along with
works of ancient Greek authors within the literary cycle—grammar,
logic, and rhetoric—of the “secondary” level of education, which
also included mathematics. The issue of higher education remains
unclear, although the sources record several imperial attempts to
organize it.2 Even in the Late Byzantine period advanced schooling
was offered by private professors, who taught literature and
mathematics.3
Fig. 71 | Silver-gilt inkwell of the calligrapher Leo,

late 9th–early 10th century. Cathedral Treasury, Padua.
Photo: ©2013 Photo Scala, Florence.
Basic ability in writing, calculating, and compiled by Theodore the Stoudite notably the Life of Anthony the Great,
reading was of a rather elevated level around 843, prescribes three hours of hagiography regularly describes the
through the centuries; the decree on fiscal reading per day, while a number of monks education future saints received in the
matters issued in the late 860s by Basil I “are still learning the Psalter,” probably villages and small provincial towns they
confirms this. In it the emperor stipulated alluding to those who were not yet able to came from; only rarely is it recorded that
that numbers and fractions should be properly read (and write).6 More than a they had advanced beyond an elementary
written in capital letters so that they could century later, the foundation document of level by the time they retired to a
be easily read and understood by low- the Great Lavra on Mount Athos, monastery.10 It is difficult to assess the
income taxpayers, specifically designated as modeled after that of the Stoudios accuracy of the hagiographic evidence,
“rustics” and “the poor.”4 Yet marginal brotherhood, fails to mention the reading which follows an established narrative
literacy or even complete illiteracy obligation. The omission would suggest pattern; still, whether merely applying a
remained extensive, as can be deduced that the tenth-century Athonite monks topos or describing actualities, the relevant
from archival documents on which the were scarcely literate,7 and helps to explain passages indicate the high value accorded
signatory of the transaction simply traced a the faulty orthography of eleventh-century to learning.
cross, and the signature was subsequently Athonites.8 The monks’ illiteracy is further While there was access to elementary
completed by the person in charge of implied in the story relating that the learning in villages, more advanced, or
establishing the document’s legal former monk and then patriarch Tryphon secondary, education was available only in
formulation.5 Illiteracy was also widespread (928–31), when accused of being important towns like Trebizond,
among monks. analphabetic, put his signature on a blank Thessaloniki, and primarily
For example, the monastic rule of the sheet.9 Constantinople. Like Athanasios, the
Stoudios Monastery in Constantinople, Apart from a few exceptions, most founder of the Great Lavra on Mount
| 176 |
Athos in the tenth century, and Symeon E. Tachiaos below, 289–91), and assessed in the Bibliotheca. Yet the
the New Theologian in the eleventh, endeavored to put an end to the popes’ epigrams of Leo the Mathematician
young provincials were first taught in involvement in Byzantine ecclesiastical referring to his books and the surviving
their hometowns, then moved to and political issues. Moreover, they were manuscripts commissioned by Arethas of
educational centers in order to pursue both intellectuals whose scholarly works Caesarea show that scholars active within
their studies.11 There they lodged with display an originality indicative of the a century (circa 830–930) acquired
relatives; they had also to pay fees for cultural attainment of the empire. personal libraries containing works of
schooling, since education was imparted In his treatises on the cult of the icons, ancient literature, mathematics, and
by private teachers, even though it was Nikephoros relied, as had his predecessors, science. Leo is also credited with the
intermittently controlled by the state and on the Aristotelian categories, which he collection of Platonic dialogues that
the Church. Education was therefore combined with his aesthetic theories. 12 Arethas annotated on his personal copies.15
regarded as an investment, one that Photios, a scholar from the next It is unclear how long the Magnaura
opened up professional opportunities in generation, was the central figure in the imperial school, in which Leo was one of
the Church and state bureaucracies, both renewal of interest in the classical heritage, the leading professors, was in operation.
of which dealt with quantities of written and his œuvre is made up of literary However, the number and quality of
documents. Higher learning and family criticism, political theory, and theological scholars active in the tenth century
and personal connections heightened one’s writings.13 suggest considerable educational activity,
chances for recognition and securing a Given the elevated cost of books (see promoted by the learned emperors Leo VI
good career at court or higher rank within A. Weyl Carr, below, 181),14 it is doubtful and, especially, Constantine VII
the Church. The boundaries between the whether Photios possessed more than a Porphyrogennetos. A network of erudite
two callings remained fluid, depending on limited number of the codices read and men,16 most of them state or Church
political and ecclesiastical circumstances.
Several high-ranking court dignitaries
became patriarchs of Constantinople by
imperial command, but only a few of
them displayed equivalent administrative,
political, and scholarly qualities.
Nikephoros (806–15) and Photios
(858–67 and 877–86) shared similar
family backgrounds. They were both born
into families of court dignitaries and had
successful secular careers before being
elevated to the patriarchal throne in
recognition of their exceptional merits.
Nikephoros had to handle the difficult
relations between the Church and the
monastic movement, led by the Stoudites;
Photios supported Byzantine dominion
over the Slavs through conversion (see A.-
Fig. 72 | Entry into school, from the life of Saint Nicholas.

Eastern wall of narthex, Saint Nicholas Orphanos,
Thessaloniki, 1310–20. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
| 177 |
Fig. 73 | Pupils and their professors, from the Madrid Chronicle of John Skylitzes, fol. 134r, 1150–75. National Library of Spain, Madrid.
Photo: ©Biblioteca Nacional de España.
dignitaries of undistinguished family Twelfth-century scholars were highly 1

Cavallo 2006a, 27–28. See Theodore the Stoudite,
Funeral Oration to his Mother, PG 99, 885, on the illiterate
background, moved close to the imperial learned and skilled in courtly poetry and Theodota who taught herself to read in the Psalter.
court, often thanks to senior, high-ranking rhetoric, but without the necessary 2
Discussion in Lemerle 1971, 63–64, 159–60, and Speck
1974.
connections. The correspondence addressed connections and the patronage of an 3
Constantinides 1982.
to the empress by the otherwise unknown influential dignitary or even the imperial 4
Vita Basilii 2011, 31, 42–54. See Oikonomides 1995,
“anonymous professor” reveals that a family even the most erudite were 37, and Cavallo 2006a, 28.
5
Discussion in Oikonomides 1993.
teacher, who also worked as scribe,17 was condemned to obscurity. Theodore 6
English translation in T. Miller 2000, 108 and 113.
given opportunities for recognition and Prodromos had a brilliant career as the 7
Oikonomides 1995, 38.
social advancement. official poet of John II and Manuel I 8
9
Skylitzes1973, 226–27; for English translation see
Such was the case of Michael Psellos, Komnenoi; nevertheless, he expressed the Wortley 2010; abridged version in Theophanes
who started his career as a clerk for a bitterness his colleagues felt about Continuatus 1838, 603–760.
provincial judge, then pursued his studies prosperous merchants and artisans who 10
11
Lemerle 1971, 97–102; Caseau 2009 154–56.
Lives of Saint Athanasios of Athos 1982, A:7–8, B:130–
in Constantinople, where he met could afford to buy books they were 31; Stethatos 1994, 48–49.
Constantine Leichoudes, a high-ranking unable to read.19 12
Mondzain-Baudinet 1989; see also Dagron 1993, 149,
and Searby 1998.
dignitary at court, by whom he was The perennial insecurity and desire for 13
Kazhdan 2006, 7–41, with bibliography.
probably introduced to Emperor recognition on the part of scholars is 14
Kravari 1991, 381–82.
Constantine IX. An autodidact vividly described in the third 15
On Leo, see Lemerle 1971, 167, 169–72; Ronconi
2012, 148–52. On Arethas, see Lemerle 1971, 217–
philosopher, as he claims in his largely “Ptochoprodromos” poem. A father points 33.
autobiographical Chronography, and out to his son a successful scholar riding by 16
See, e.g., Markopoulos 1994, and the addressees in
polymath, Psellos became an advisor to on horseback and dressed in elegant clothes. Anonymous professor 2000.
17
Anonymous professor 2000, letters 96, 97, and 52.
emperors and the tutor of others, and was Hoping to secure such a future, the See also Markopoulos 1986.
granted the title “Consul of the younger man struggles for many years to 18
Psellos, Chronography 1967, 2:35; see also 1:118.
Philosophers.” Living in a time of changes acquire vast knowledge. Yet his intellectual 19
20
Magdalino 1993, 340–41.
Ptochoprodromos 1991, poem 3, 117–32, the
marked by the social ascent of merchants qualifications go unrecognized, no brilliant pseudo-autobiographical complaint lines 56–216. On
and newly wealthy, he believed that noble career opens up to him, and instead of the the “begging poetry” of Ptochoprodromos, see M.
Alexiou 1986.
descent failed to guarantee honorable expected prosperity he continues to be
conduct, but he also despised those who extremely impoverished, whereas his
had substantial incomes and honorary neighbors, artisans and shopkeepers alike,
titles but lacked manners and a good enjoy all the comforts of life.20
education.18
| 178 |
Reading, Writing, and Books in Byzantium
ANNEMARIE WEYL CARR
Eighty-nine percent of the surviving
R
espect for the written word authors, like Saint Nicholas, were
was ingrained in Byzantine shown bearing books, too, for books Byzantine books are religious in content:
Scripture, liturgy, theology, ascetic texts,
culture.1 Both the Church stood less for authorship as such hagiography.2
with its revealed and ritual texts and than for the power to speak with The long shift from scroll to codex—the
book with pages—was largely over when
the state with its extensive authority. Women, barred from the
Byzantium emerged. Scrolls did not
bureaucracy vested writing with authority of public office and sacred vanish: decrees with the emperor’s golden
power. In each liturgy people saw ministry, were very rarely shown with seal, called chrysobulls, retained the scroll
form,3 and scrolls were used by clergy in
the Gospel held aloft as the material books. The image of the Virgin Mary
the liturgy.4 A fine example is in the
presence of God’s Word in the world; holding a book in figure 76 is exhibition (cat. no. 67), and murals in
in law courts they confronted the exceptional, feasible because it Byzantine churches show hierarchs
carrying such liturgical scrolls (fig. 74).
volumes of imperial law. In icons accompanies her Magnificat, which
But the usual Byzantine book is a
august holy figures stood bearing was Scripture. Books stood for parchment codex, generically called a
books. Many such figures were authority, especially sacred authority. manuscript—a hand-written book.
Antique scrolls had been handwritten, too,
authors, but saints who were not
but we rarely call them manuscripts
because their quasi-commercial modes of
production did not make their handcrafted
character so visible. Byzantine books are
visibly individual products, made on a
bespoke basis for a specific patron, by one
or perhaps two scribes, who might arrange
with further specialists for enhancements
like musical notation or painted
decoration. Until the thirteenth century a
majority of scribes who signed their work
were monks,5 but monasteries did not
dominate book production as they did in
Western Europe. Monastic scribes, like lay
ones, seem to have taken paid
commissions, and monasteries participated
in the market.
The codex was still very new when
Byzantium emerged, and the ensuing
centuries saw many modifications. In
purple Gospels the very material was
modified to set Scripture apart from all
other books. Purple parchment was rare
after the sixth century, but the need to
make Scripture visibly distinct remained,
Fig. 74 | Saint Hypatios, north bay, north wall, sanctuary. Church of the Panagia tou Arakos, Lagoudera,
as seen in manuscripts copied entirely in
Cyprus, 1192. Photo: ©2013. A. Dagli Orti/Scala, Florence. gold.6 The format also shifted. Most books
| 179 |
Fig. 75 | Canon tables in the Gospel codex of 1133, by the scribe Theoktistos. J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. Ludwig II. 4, fols. 2v, 3r. Photo: ©J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu.
had one or two text columns per page, but organizing commentaries in small script enamel and gold, they were so adorned
a book’s sacredness could be visualized by on two or even three sides of the main that their very pages proclaimed their
special formats, like the cruciform text of text like modern footnotes. Scholarly gemlike splendor. Many books also bore
Gregory of Nazianzos’ Homilies in the editions laden with metatext in this way figural imagery. In rare instances this took
exhibition (cat. no. 65).7 Script, too, was are fascinating indicators of how reading the form of narrative illustrations.12 More
modified, most significantly through the was done: it was intensive, with attention often, it was limited to framed frontispieces
development of minuscule, script with to each word, but also discursive, as the with a single figure or scene, for the
lower- as well as uppercase letters. Smaller associative content of each phrase was Gospels especially were read not as a
and more swiftly written than uncial, still explored and savored before moving on. It storybook, but to give immediacy and
seen in the cruciform Gregory, minuscule contrasts fundamentally with the modern presence to great events or people. The
was more economical. Like the transition method of speeding through the pages to most frequent form of figural illumination,
from roll to codex, the ninth-century grasp key points. and the most revealing of attitudes to the
transition from uncial to minuscule Painted ornament, more feasible on the book, was the author portrait. The
constituted a critical funnel through which flat leaves of a codex than in a scroll, was portraits of the evangelists in Gospel
texts had to pass to survive.8 Reading aids richly elaborated, and it, too, offers insights codices drew upon a millennium-long
evolved like the canon tables in Gospels, into the way books were used. Where legacy of portraits of great writers reaching
tables of concordance which showed where early book ornament recalls textile, the deep into classical antiquity. It survived
an event in one Gospel was narrated in ornament of Middle and Late Byzantium predominantly in statuary, sculptures
the others.9 The grid-like tables invited evokes enamel and precious metal. This is clearly known to Byzantine viewers, for
embellishment, and in time became especially visible in the great lectionaries, evangelist portraits often adopt their
showcases of ornament (fig. 75).10 An the Gospel books arranged for reading in imposing postures. The magnificent St.
especially significant reader’s aid was the the liturgy that were held up before the Matthew from Athens EBE 56 in the
marginal commentary, explaining or congregation as the embodiment of God’s exhibition (cat. no. 83 and frontispiece) is
elaborating upon specific words or phrases Word (cat. no. 66).11 Handled like an example. In its classical gravity, the
in the text. Scribes developed ways of precious objects, often bound in covers of figure confers upon the Christian author
| 180 |
the intellectual distinction of his antique kept books in their cells; and the late the populace.22 Overwhelmingly male,23
model. But in contrast to the classical twelfth-century list of books loaned by the they were trained not on Byzantine but
author, who voices his thoughts in Monastery of Saint John on Patmos on classical Greek literature, in an
dictation to a stenographer, the evangelists includes lay borrowers of both sexes.18 A intensive curriculum of eight to ten years’
are actually writing. They are doing the profile of reading material is emerging.19 duration that had as its aim the fluent
work not of the intellect, but of the menial Embracing Scripture, patristics, theology, mastery of Attic Greek as a living
scribe. Their text was not their own but ascetic texts, and hagiography, it also language across the spectrum of literary
the word of God; their contribution was includes histories, chronicles, manuals, and philosophical learning. Where most
its faithful transcription. As such, they dream books, and stories. A particular people learned their letters from the
exemplify the Byzantine view of the book favorite was John Klimax’s Heavenly Psalms, these men learned them from the
(see P. Athanassiadi above, 33–36).13 Its Ladder, which survives in illuminated Iliad. From Homer they went on to the
author was a conduit for the authority his editions (fig. 77).20 Byzantium is emerging great dramas of Aeschylus, Sophocles,
book represents. Equally interesting is the from this research with an exceptionally Euripides, and Aristophanes, and thence to
Psalter, Byzantium’s cardinal prayer book.14 high rate of literacy for a pre-modern Demosthenes, Thucydides, Aristotle, and
It contained the Psalms and the Canticles, society, well above that postulated for Porphyry.24 Such an education was
great prayers from Scripture including Roman antiquity.21 available only in Byzantium’s biggest cities,
Mary’s Magnificat (fig. 76).15 Its images Yet there remains a hard core of truth but it attracted talent from throughout the
showed David before the Psalms and an in the old picture of very limited literacy. empire, provided an avenue of social
author portrait before each prayer. These The upper hierarchy of both Church and mobility,25 and forged a fiercely
figures were depicted voicing rather than state operated at a level of literacy that competitive professional intelligentsia and
writing their words, and so aligned the separated them sharply from all the rest of higher aristocracy which, though never
author with the reader. Most reading in
Byzantium was done aloud. To read was
to give voice to the text, making it speak.
To read the Psalter was to speak holy
prayers. In her author portrait
accompanying the Magnificat, Mary
voices her prayer by offering her word to
be voiced.
Even the simplest book in Byzantium
was expensive. A 300-page book required
the skins of some forty animals and four
months of scribal effort, at an overall cost
in the tenth century of some 20
nomismata, a substantial sum when a
soldier’s annual salary was 12 nomismata
and stipends at court ranged upward from
72.16 Such statistics raise serious questions
about the availability of books and literacy
in Byzantium. Traditional estimates
postulating extremely limited literacy have
been fundamentally revised in recent
decades as the vast diffusion of lead seals
has alerted scholars to the pervasiveness of
letter writing, as inventories of private and
monastic libraries have been examined,
saints’ lives perused for evidence of
schooling, the number of provincial gentry
who commissioned books compiled, and
notices of borrowed books assessed.17 Most
saints seem to have learned their letters;
basic education was available in most Fig. 76 | The Annunciation and Virgin Mary holding a book, Ms. 3, folio 80v, ca. 1084, Dumbarton
towns and some villages; many monks Oaks, Byzantine Collection. Photo: ©Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection, Washington, D.C.
| 181 |
large, was fundamental to the functioning 1
On books and reading in Byzantium, see Cavallo 17
See M. Jeffreys 2008; Holmes and Waring 2002, 17–
2006a; Mondrain 2006b; Holmes and Waring 2002, all 22 and passim; Cavallo 1981, 412–13 and passim;
of both Church and state.26 This learned with earlier bibliography, especially I. Š evčenko and Oikonomides 1993; Browning 1978 and 1993.
aristocracy set Byzantium apart from the Mango 1975 and Browning 1978. 18
Waring 2002, 169–75.
2 19
Cavallo 2006a, 3. See Cavallo 2006, especially 142–43; Roueché 2002,
medieval West, and was surely critical to 3
Irigoin 1953. 114–36 on Kekaumenos’ sources.
the diffusion of literacy seen in mid-level 4
Gerstel 1994. 20
See Martin 1954; on Garrett Ms. 16, see Kotzabassi
Byzantine society. 5
Cutler 1981, 331 and passim. and N. Š evčenko 2010, 112–25.
6 21
For a fine study of such a book, see Father Justin 2006. Contrast the range of 23 percent to 63 percent
These people were responsible for the 7
On cruciform text, see Anderson 1992. literacy estimated for 13th-century Asia Minor in
achievements that have most distinguished 8
Lemerle 1971, 119–26 and passim. Oikonomides 1993 with that of not above 10 percent
Byzantine culture in European eyes. They 9
Nordenfalk 1938. for Christians in any specific place during the Roman
10
On this manuscript, see Nelson 1987. Empire by Gamble (1995, 5).
assembled what could be found of classical 11
On the history and illumination of the lectionary, see 22
See especially Lemerle 1971; Wilson 1983.
learning after the seventh- and eighth- Lowden 2009. 23
For notable exceptions, see Gouma-Peterson 2000 on
century crises and shepherded it through 12
On narrative Gospel cycles, see Carr 2012b, 235–46; Anna Komnene (1083–1153) and Constantinides
Yota 2008. On Old Testament narrative cycles, see 1982, 219 (s.v. “Raoulaina”) on Theodora Raoulaina
the transition from uncial to minuscule. Lowden 1992a. (died 1300).
Their manuscripts preserve the earliest 13
Krueger 2004, 6–8, 61 and passim. 24
A succinct overview is given in Markopoulos 2006.
14 25
On the so-called aristocratic or devotional Psalters of See Kazhdan and Franklin 1984, 23–86, on
surviving copies of a number of classical
Byzantium, see Lowden 1988; Cutler 1984. Constantine/Michael Psellos (1018–after 1078) and
texts.27 Once again after the catastrophic 15
On Dumbarton Oaks 3, see Der Nersessian 1965. Michael Attaleiates (ca. 1020/30–after 1079)
Latin occupation of 1204–61, learned 16
On estimates of the cost of books, see Cavallo 2006a, 26
On the class of professional intellectuals, see Kazhdan
139; Mango 1975, 44; Wilson 1975, 2–4. and Wharton-Epstein 1985, 133.
minds combed the libraries of Greece and Oikonomides (2000, 13) estimates that the 20 27
See Wilson 1983, 121–37.
Asia Minor, collecting what they could find nomismata would have risen to 26 by the twelfth 28
Constantinides 1982.
of learned texts.28 In prodigious feats of century. 29
Wilson 1992.
scholarship they assembled, edited, and

secured the reproduction of a vast body of
humane and scientific literature. From their
hands, finally, this legacy passed to the
emerging community of Italian Renaissance
scholars.29 The classical texts exhibited here
acknowledge their achievement.
Fig. 77 | The Heavenly Ladder and Saint John Klimax

addressing his monks, by the scribe Joseph, 1081,
Garrett Ms. 16, folio 4r, Manuscripts Division, Department
of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton
University Library. Photo: ©Princeton University Library.
| 182 |
81. Leaves from a Purple Petersburg, where most of its folios are because of the association of purple dye
kept—the remaining leaves are now in with the imperial court.4
Vellum Gospel Thessaloniki, Athens, the Vatican, London, The practice of dying parchment is
Vienna, New York, and a private Italian mentioned in written sources since
Probably Syria or Constantinople, 6th
collection. The date of and reasons for the antiquity. In the West it persisted until
century
manuscript’s dismantling remain uncertain. the fourth century and was revived under
Parchment dyed purple, silver and gold
The codex belongs to a group of five Early the Carolingians. 5 An early codex of the
12 ⅝ x 10 ⅞ in. (32 x 27.5 cm); 33 folios
Byzantine manuscripts, the so-called “purple Qur’an, dyed with cobalt blue and written
Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the codices” (codices purpurei), the parchment of in gold, known as the Blue Qur’an belongs
Theologian, Codex no. 67
which was dyed purple and the text written to the same tradition of lavishly decorated,
with gold or silver paint. These luxury luxurious manuscripts.6
codices were probably intended for the
imperial court, since purple was a color VICKY FOSKOLOU
he 33 folios from a purple codex, now associated with the emperor and his
T in the library of the Monastery of Saint entourage. The extant purple codices
contain excerpts from the Holy Bible; three
Literature: Kominis 1988a, vol. 1, 73–74.
John the Theologian at Patmos, feature
excerpts from the gospel of Mark, arranged (the Vienna Genesis, the Rossano Gospel, 1
On the Purpureus Petropolitanus, see recently New
in two columns and written in biblical and the Sinope Gospel) are illustrated.3 York 2012, 41, no. 21A (H. C. Evans), with earlier
bibliography. See also Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou 1997.
uncial script with silver and gold (for the Because of their early date and rich 2
Cronin 1899, XXVII.
nomina sacra) letters. They belong to one of decoration, the latter are considered to be 3
On the Sinope Gospel (Par. supp. grec. 1286), see New
York 2012, 41, no. 21B (H. C. Evans) with earlier
the earliest Gospel manuscripts, known as among the most important Byzantine
bibliography. On the Vienna Genesis, see Zimmermann
the Purpureus Petropolitanus,1 which illustrated manuscripts. All three are dated 2003.
probably originally numbered 446 pages to the sixth century and attributed to 4
New York 2012, 41, no 21B.
5
Mioni 1977, 8.
(cat. no. 82).2 This codex was named after Antiochian scriptoria, although some 6
New York 2012, 275-276, no. 192A, B (L. Komaroff).
the Russian National Library in St. scholars favor a Constantinopolitan origin
82. Leaf from a Purple Vellum

Gospel
Probably Syria or Constantinople, 6th

century
Purple parchment, gold, silver
12 ¼ x 10 ⅝ in. (31 x 27 cm)
Condition: good
Provenance: Sarimsakli, Asia Minor (near
Kayseri, Turkey), church of Saint Nicholas
inv. no. μ¯Ê1
his folio features a passage from the

TGospel of John (6:31–39) written in
uncial script and in two columns of 16
lines, each line comprising 10–12 letters.
The letters are silver except for those in the
nomina sacra π(∏COY)C, £(EO)Y,
∫(Àƒπ√)C, ¶(AT)Hƒ, ¶(∞T)ƒ(√)C, which
81 are gold. Spirits and accents were
| 183 |
82
occasionally marked with red ink. The town of Sarimsakli in the Diocese of above examples, the folio in the Museum
chapters are noted in the margins. The Caesarea in Asia Minor. It was identified of Byzantine Culture dates to the sixth
page numbers 280 and 281 were added at by Russian archaeologist Jacob Ivanovich century.
the top of the folio’s recto and verso. Smirnov in 1895, and was purchased for
The Tetraevangelion Codex Purpureus 1,000 Ottoman gold pounds donated by NIKOLAOS BONOVAS
Petropolitanus N was probably copied in Tsar Nicholas II. A single folio, which
Constantinople.1 One hundred eighty-two remained at Sarimsakli as a keepsake, was
folios are now in the Saltykov Shchedrin brought to Greece by refugees during the Literature: Cronin 1899; Bernard 1900, 78–79; Veglery
1912, 6–11, 16–18, 20–22, 29; Politis 1966a, 451–52;
State Library in St. Petersburg; thirty-three population exchange and was purchased Politis 1966b, 9; Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou 1997, 46–49.
of the remaining folios are in the library of by the Greek Archaeological Service in
1
Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou 1997, 47.
the Monastery of Saint John the 1966. It is now in the Museum of 2
Kominis 1988a, 329, 347, fig. 1.
Theologian in Patmos (cat. no. 81),2 six in Byzantine Culture. 3
von Tischendorf 1846b, 15–24; Kourkoutidou-
the Vatican Library, four in the British Purple codices (codices purpurei) were Nikolaidou 1997, 47.
4
G. Sotiriou 1931, 126; Pallas 1955, 97–98; Athens
Museum, two in the National Library in luxurious and, therefore, expensive 1982, 40; Konstantios et al. 2004, 370.
Vienna,3 and one each in the Byzantine manuscripts. They are written either in 5
Washington D.C. 2006, 229, 302–3, no. 65 (W. M.
and Christian Museum in Athens,4 the Greek, like the Sinope Codex, now in the 6
Völke).
Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou 1997, 47.
Pierpont Morgan Library in New York,5 National Library in Paris,7 the Rossano 7
Washington D.C. 2006, 228, 302, no. 64 (H. L. Kesler).
and a private library in Italy.6 Codex in the Museo Diocesano di Arte 8
Galavaris 1995, 17, 40, 214–15.
The Petropolitanus was found in Sacra in Rossano, Calabria,8 and the codex
9
Sofia 2011, 29–31, 49–52, nos. 1–2.
10
Washington D.C. 2006, 238–39, 306, no. 70 (H. L.
1773/5 in the Byzantine Monastery of the in the State Archive in Tirana,9 or in Kesler).
Dormition of the Virgin in the village of Latin, like the codices in the Biblioteca 11
Washington D.C. 2006, 236–37, 282–83, no. 44 (M.
P. Brown).
Kerkeme (Gergeme), and was transferred Queriniana in Brescia, Italy,10 and the
to the church of Saint Nicholas in the Royal Library in Stockholm.11 Like the
| 184 |
83. Folios 217v–218r
83. Tetraevangelion earliest examples of the famous minuscule wooden planks covered with dark red
pearl script (Perlschrift), which was leather decorated with impressed two-
(the Four Gospels)
perfected in the late tenth century and headed eagles and lozenges filled with
flourished in the eleventh century. The palmettes. Both covers feature several holes
Mid-10th century
text is written in light brown ink, the titles for metal rivets along the perimeter. This
Parchment
and initial capitals in cinnabar. The text type of binding was common in the
13 ⅜ x 9 ⅞ in. (34 cm x 25 cm); 285 folios features 11 to 42 lines per page. A fifteenth century.1
Condition: excellent decorative headpiece adorns the center of Miniatures of the four evangelists
Provenance: from the Dousikou Monastery the first page of each Gospel, which begins against a gold background framed by a gold
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod. 56 with an ornate initial capital in the same meander precede their respective gospels:
style as the headpiece. Matthew on folio 4v (see frontispiece),
A slightly later note on folio 1r informs Mark on folio 95v, Luke on folio 154v,
odex 56 of the National Library of
C
us that the monk and synkellos John, who and John on folio 217v. Each miniature
Greece contains the Four Gospels. also held the titles of protospatharios and measures 8 ¼ x 6 ¾ in. (21 cm x 17 cm).
The first folios, which were inscribed with protonotarios of the drome, dedicated this They are distinguished by their classical
the first half of a letter to Karpianos from manuscript to the Monastery of the style, accurate drawing, and beautiful
Eusebios of Caesarea (Eusebios Pamphili), Theotokos at Scutari. John might be physical proportions. The evangelists appear
the so-called “father” of ecclesiastical history identified as the protonotarios of the like ancient Greek statues, still and
(late 3rd–early 4th century), are missing. drome of Basil II (976–1025), who ruled otherworldly. The four miniatures were not
Folio 2r preserves the end of the letter in place of the emperor during the latter’s painted by the same artist. They are
within an ornate frame. Folios 2v–4r last regnal years. After his failed conspiracy characteristic of the Macedonian
preserve the first of the ten canon tables against Romanos III (1028–34), John was Renaissance, a period that saw a shift of
compiled by Eusebios. The folios confined to a monastery at Scutari arts and letters toward the models of
containing the remaining tables are also (Chrysopolis, modern Üsküdar, a harbor classical antiquity. This manuscript is
missing. Comments written in smaller on the eastern shore of the Bosporus). It attributed to the scriptorium of the monk
characters than the main text occupy the was probably during his confinement that Ephraim, where several books by classical
left, right, and lower margins. The he dedicated this manuscript to the authors were copied in the tenth century.2
calligraphy and absence of errors reflect the Monastery of the Theotokos.
scribe’s competence. This is one of the The Byzantine-type binding consists of ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA
| 185 |
84. Folio 10r
| 186 |
Literature: Athens 1964, 313, no. 306; Marava- frames. The first frame consists of a band John. Below the headpieces are elaborate
Chatzinicolaou and Toufexi-Paschou 1978, 17–26;
Spatharakis 1981, vol. 1, 73. decorated with lozenges against a gold capital initials with floral ornaments. Small
background, the second of a band of four- capital letters in gold also appear
1
Bindings of this type come from fifteenth-century
and three-petal rosettes, the third of a band throughout the text.
monasteries in Thessaly, see Marava-Chatzinicolaou
and Toufexi-Paschou 1978, 17 n. 2. of triangles containing vegetal motifs, and Full-page miniatures of the four
2
Mioni 1977, 138; Irigoin 1959, 177–93; Irigoin 1975, 23. the fourth of a band of small floral evangelists against a gold background
ornaments. The letter is written in gold. precede their respective gospels: Matthew
Folios 9–11v preserve six of the ten canon on folio 15v, Mark on folio 107v, Luke on
tables (nos. I and VI–X) compiled by folio 167v, and John on folio 265v. Each
Eusebios. The canon tables also feature miniature features an inscription in capitals
84. Tetraevangelion elaborate frames consisting of columns and naming the evangelist. The miniatures are
their capitals, vegetal motifs, a fountain, distinguished by the classicizing style of the
(the Four Gospels)
and a pair of birds, all rendered in a Macedonian dynasty, which continues into
naturalistic manner. The folios containing the eleventh century, and by an attempt at
Late 11th century
the remaining canon tables are missing. rendering the figures’ spirituality. The
Parchment
The calligraphic writing and absence of evangelists are distinguished by the severity
10 x 7 ⅝ in. (25.5 x 19.5 cm); 370 folios errors reflect the scribe’s competence. This and solemnity of their expression, without
Condition: excellent; modern binding in manuscript is an example of the famous the sophisticated elegance that dominated
brown leather
minuscule pearl script (Perlschrift), which the late eleventh century.
Provenance: from the Monastery of flourished in the eleventh century. The A letter by Georgios Antoniou
Prodromos Petras in Constantinople
text is written in light brown ink; the Gerontas inserted at folio 6r reports that
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod. 57 titles, initial capitals, and numbers in gold. he donated the manuscript to the
Each page contains 20 lines of text. A University of Athens in 1873. An
decorative headpiece adorns the center of annotation on folio 6v mentions that
he National Library of Greece Codex the first page of each Gospel. Each Kyros, a monk living at the Monastery of
T 57, contains the Four Gospels. Folios headpiece contains a medallion with a
symbol of one of the evangelists: an angel
Nossiai (ton Nossion), purchased the
manuscript and donated it to the
7–8v feature the letter addressed by
Eusebios of Caesarea (Eusebios Pamphili) holding a book for Matthew, an ox for Prodromos Petras Monastery in
to Karpianos within elaborate full-page Luke, a lion for Mark, and an eagle for Constantinople. Another annotation on
| 187 |
folio 367 confirms this: “This book ach of the four gospels in this Mark on folio 98v. A similar building is
[belongs to] the Monastery of Prodromos E Tetraevangelion of the library of the seen in the evangelists’ portraits in
[John the Baptist] located near Aetios. Monastery of Saint John the Theologian Manuscript A46 of the Great Lavra
The monastery was formerly named in Patmos begins with a full-page Monastery on Mount Athos, which dates
Petra.” The Monastery of Nossiai was miniature of the evangelist and an to 1333, and in the katholikon of the
founded by Leo VI (886–912), probably elaborately decorated headpiece on the Chora Monastery, a leading monument in
in the region of Chalcedon. opposite page. Each portrait is framed by Late Byzantine Constantinople, refurbished
an epigram—a poem honoring the and decorated with mosaics and wall
ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA evangelist—written, like the first page paintings in 1316–21 with funds provided
opposite, in gold letters. Thus text and by megas logothetes Theodore Metochites.
image form a visual unit with an intense The similarity with the Chora Monastery
Literature: Athens 1964, 313–14, no. 307; Marava-
and rich decorative effect. suggests that the Patmos manuscript was
Chatzinicolaou and Toufexi-Paschou 1978, 109–19.
The evangelist John is depicted on folio produced in Constantinople.2 Because of
238v standing in a rocky landscape this, and also because it is accurately dated,
receiving inspiration from the hand of the Patmos manuscript, like the Lavra
God and dictating to his scribe Prochoros, manuscript, is particularly important for
who sits in front of a cave. Inspired by the study of fourteenth-century Byzantine
apocryphal texts, this image is particularly painting.
interesting as it relates to the tradition
85. Tetraevangelion according to which John wrote the VICKY FOSKOLOU
(the Four Gospels) Apocalypse inside a cave on Patmos. This
became the typical representation for John
1334/5 from the fourteenth century onward, Literature: Mouriki and N. Š evčenko 1988, 294-296.
Parchment probably because the Eastern Orthodox 1
Mouriki and N. Š evčenko 1988, 296.
8 ⅝ x 6 ⅜ in. (22 x 16.3 cm); 302 folios Church included the Apocalypse in the 2
Belting 1970. On the Lavra manuscript, see Spatharakis
Condition: very good canonical books of the Scriptures at this 1981, no. 243, fig. 438. On the Chora Monastery in
general, see Ousterhout 2002.
Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the period.1
Theologian, Codex 81 Also of particular interest is the unique
[Loan still uncertain at press time] architectural background in the portrait of
| 188 |
86. New Testament written in gold, and the capital initials at ῞·ÁÈÔ˜ ᾿πÔ‡‰·˜ (Saint Judas), in the lower
the beginning of each gospel in blue-grey right margin of folio 287, on which the
Mid-14th century
ink. Several gold, slightly decorated capitals Epistle of Judas begins; and one of the
appear sporadically. The headpieces are apostle Paul (1 x 1 11/16 in. [4.3 x 3.5 cm])
Paper
band-shaped and rectangular. The single- inside a red frame, inscribed ῾O ῞·ÁÈÔ˜
11 x 7 ⅞ in. (28 cm x 20 cm); 414 folios
column text features 24 lines, and the ¶·˘῀ÏÔ˜ (Saint Paul), in the lower left
Condition: modern binding
two-column text 30 lines. Folios 52–58 margin of folio 289v, on which the Epistle
Provenance: from the Monastery of Saint have been torn out. to the Romans begins. These were
George at Malesina (Phthiotis Prefecture)
Full-page miniatures of the evangelists probably added at a later date.
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod. 150
Mark (fol. 73v), Luke (fol. 108v), and The manuscript’s miniatures are closely
John (fol. 166v) precede their respective related to similar images of fourteenth-
gospels. The image of Mark is highly century Byzantine painting in other
he National Library of Greece Codex
T 150 contains the New Testament.
fugitive, particularly at the center. The
background in all three is a pale yellow.
mediums, which feature the characteristics
of mature Palaiologan art.
Folios 1–20 feature tables and canons Mark’s image is inscribed ῾O ῞·ÁÈÔ˜ ª¿ÚÎÔ˜ A later annotation on folio 23 reports
indicating the reading order of the (Saint Mark). John is depicted dictating that “This Tetraevangelion and Acts of the
evangelical and apostolic passages the gospel to Prochoros. Apostles was donated by Master
throughout the year. Folios 21, 73v, 107v, The manuscript also contains the Dionysios the Metropolitan to the
and 165v contain epigrams addressed to following miniatures: one of the apostle monastery of our holy Saint Nicholas in
the evangelists. The text is written in a James (2 x 1 ⅜ in. [5 x 3.5 cm]), Galatia.”
single column except on folios 1–22 and inscribed ῾O ῞·ÁÈÔ˜ ᾿π¿Îˆ‚Ô˜ (Saint James), The manuscript was donated to the
413–14, where it is arranged into two in the lower right margin of folio 264, on National Library of Greece by the
columns. From folio 395—the beginning which the Epistle of James begins; one of preacher Kallinikos Kastorchis in 1843.
of Revelation—onward, interpretative the apostle Peter (1 11/16 x 1 ⅜ in. [4.3 x
comments have been added in the margins 3.5 cm]), inscribed ῾O ῞·ÁÈÔ˜ ¶¤ÙÚÔ˜ (Saint ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA
in a dull cinnabar. The text is written Peter), in the lower left margin of folio
carefully in light brown ink, except on 270v, on which Peter’s First Epistle
folios 1–22, where the writing is more begins; one of the apostle Judas as hierarch Literature: Marava-Chatzinicolaou and Toufexi-Paschou
1985, 172–79.
recent and uses black ink. Inscriptions are (1 ⅝ x 1 ⅛ in. [4 x 3 cm]), inscribed ῾O
| 189 |
87. Tetraevangelion palmettes, and elaborate initial capitals with common characteristics. The scenery
featuring knots and vegetal motifs below consists of two tall buildings decorated
(the Four Gospels)
each headpiece. The binding is old and in with Hellenistic motifs: nude figures,
poor condition. It consists of wooden cymatia, a lion’s head, acanthus leaves, and
1418
planks covered with a yellow textile, with a textile draped over buildings. Mark sits
Parchment
thick upper and lower headbands. on a low stool with a red cushion. He
8 ⅝ x 6 ¼ in. (22 x 16 cm); 344 + VI folios A note on folio 344v reports that the holds a small knife in his right hand, with
Condition: good manuscript was completed by the monk which he is sharpening the stylus in his
Provenance: Prodromos Monastery, Serres Matthew on 8 August 6926 (1418). The left. John’s iconographical type, showing
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod. same monk copied the codex Parisinus Gr. him dictating the gospel to Prochoros, was
2603 12 in 1419. According to the Parisian also popular in the fourteenth century.
manuscript’s colophon, Matthew was a The figures of the two evangelists with
student of the patriarch Joseph. their small facial features and gentle, serene,
odex 2603 of the National Library of The manuscript preserves two full-page human expressions recall Palaiologan
C Greece contains the Four Gospels. miniatures. The miniature on folio 100v
(6 ¾ x 5 ⅛ in. [17 x 13 cm]) depicts the
models. The painter probably belonged to
the scriptorium of the Hodegon
The calligraphy and absence of errors
reflect the scribe’s competence. This is an evangelist Mark with a gold halo against a Monastery in Constantinople.
example of the so-called “Hodegon gold background, inscribed “Saint Mark.”
minuscule script,” named after the The miniature on folio 269v (6 ¼ x 4 ⅞ ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA
Hodegon Monastery in Constantinople, in.[16 x 12.5 cm]) pictures the evangelist
an important center of manuscript John dictating the gospel to his disciple
production.1 The text is written in brown Prochoros against a gold background; the Literature: Athens 1964, 326, no. 330; Spatharakis
1981, 68–69; Marava-Chatzinicolaou and Toufexi-
ink; the titles, initial capitals, and scholia in two figures feature gold halos and are Paschou 1985, vol. II, 236–41.
cinnabar. The manuscript features 17 lines named by inscriptions “Saint John the
1
Politis 1958, 17–36 and 261–87.
of text per page. It also features three Theologian” and “Saint Prochoros.”
headpieces, the first two rectangular, the Mark’s portrait belongs to a large
third elongated, decorated with crosses and group of fourteenth-century miniatures
| 190 |
88. Ptolemy’s Geography in its maps—the only preserved collection probably copied a prototype of great
of maps of this period in Greece3—but also scientific and artistic quality.
in the text and comments, the latter added The cartographer was obviously well
1291 or 1306
by the scribe and at later dates. The acquainted with the geography of Europe,
Parchment
original manuscript included several Asia, and Africa, and transmits this
13 ⅛–14 ⅛ x 9 ⅞–10 ½ in. (33.3–36 x 25– treatises in the following order: Ptolemy’s knowledge to the reader in great detail. For
26.7 cm); 296 folios
Geography, a Chrestomathia (or epitome) of example, the three continents are clearly
Condition: good
Strabo’s Geography, and Strabo’s Geography. distinguished from one another on the map
Mont Athos, Vatopedi Monastery, Cod. Claudius Ptolemy (A.D. 90–165) was the on folios 44v–45r. Because most of this
655.
first to draft a truly scientific geographic map’s surface is occupied by Africa, from its
map.4 Mediterranean coast down to the equator
The manuscript’s colored maps— and Ethiopia, the cartographer not only
impressive even by modern standards—are indicates Africa’s different regions (Egypt,
his large manuscript is one of the most
T important manuscripts in the
the result of fine craftsmanship, but also of a
profound scientific knowledge of the natural
Libya, Cyrenaica, Mauritania, etc.), he also
makes certain that Crete, the Peloponnese,
Vatopedi Monastery and at Mount Athos environment of the known world and of Sicily, etc. are marked as belonging to
in general.1 Apart from the text, it also the principles of cartography. All the maps Europe. Each parallel is marked with great
features full-page miniatures with maps of have the parallels and meridians numbered, care and with the necessary information: for
the world as it was known to the indicate coastlines, and show each region’s example, “the tenth parallel of Rhodes,
Byzantines. It now contains only 296 of important and characteristic natural features where the longest day lasts fourteen hours”
its original folios, as many have been (large rivers, lakes, mountain ranges, and or “the equator where the longest day is
detached and are now kept in several cities). The creation of the codex can be always twelve hours long.”
foreign libraries (London, Paris, etc.). associated with the great demand for The Vatopedi Monastery manuscript
According to a recent conservation study,2 geographical manuscripts that arose in the is an important example of scientific work
the codex was created in either 1291 or late thirteenth century, probably under the and of man’s approach to the earth, the
1306 (fourth indiction). influence of the Byzantine scholar Maximos world, people, nature, and life through
The manuscript’s interest lies not only Planoudes.5 The creator of this manuscript science rather than through theological
| 191 |
theories and prejudices. Its significance
goes beyond its importance and value as
an heirloom of an Athonite monastery; it
lies primarily in its being strong proof of
profound scholarship in a world and at a
time (13th-century Byzantium) considered
even today as “medieval,” removed from
scientific thinking and the quest to
understand nature.
IOANNIS TAVLAKIS
Literature: Eustratiades and Arcadios 1924, 131;

Thessaloniki 1997b, 217 (Chr. Mavropoulou-Tsioumi);
Ptolemy 1999; Athens 2002b, 41, no. 2/1 (I. Tavlakis);
Livieratos 2007, 134; Paris 2009b, 258 (I. Tavlakis).
1
As Eustratiades and Arcadios (1924, 131) note: “one
of the rarest and most precious.”
2
Conservation study drafted by the Archaeological
Service (10th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities) in 89. Folios 290v–291r
2010 in view of the codex’s conservation in 2011.
3
Livieratos 2007, 134.
4
Ibid., 67.
5
Athens 2002b, 41, no. 2/1 (I. Tavlakis); Tsiotras 2006, 59.
68 on folio 1r–v. Each folio features 20 historical text by Anna Komnene. The
lines of the original text and 20 lines of Byzantines’ identification with the Greek
interlinear interpretation, the former past acquired solid foundations during this
written in dark brown ink, the latter in period.2 In the twelfth century, besides
89. Homer’s Iliad with light brown ink. Each book begins with a religious education, secular education based
Interlinear Paraphrase large, ornate initial capital. A late fifteenth- on the classical authors, particularly
century watercolor of an anchor completes Homer, was also provided. Homer was
Late 15th century the decoration.1 taught through paraphrase, summary,
Paper This manuscript was a textbook, one of commentary, and psychagogia, or
11 ⅜ x 8 ¼ in. (29 x 21 cm); VII + 403 + VI several used in teaching during the explanation through synonyms. The Iliad
folios Byzantine period. Homer was one of was clearly preferred over the Odyssey for
Dedicatory inscription: ῎∞ÓıÈÌÔ˜ Ô῾ ™·ÏÒÓˆÓ Byzantium’s main school authors. During teaching purposes: approximately 100
‰È‰¿ÛÎ·ÏÔ˜ ·„‰΄ ÎÙ‹ÙˆÚ (Owned by the Macedonian Renaissance (9th–10th textbooks of the former survive, but only
Anthimos the teacher of Salona, 1748) centuries), a time of great intellectual 15 of the latter.
Condition: good flowering, scholars focused on ancient This manuscript differs from the
Provenance: purchased by Decree 1997 on authors, and the Homeric poems became a smaller, easy-to-use textbooks because of its
16 October 1840 favorite subject for teaching and large size and elaborate decoration. It was
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod. commentary. The earliest complete copy of probably intended for use by a scholar.
1055 the Iliad dates to the early tenth century,
and contains a commentary of the ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA
Hellenistic period. The first Byzantine
he National Library of Greece Codex interpretation of Homer appeared in the
T1055 contains the 24 books of eleventh century. John Tzetzes and the
ecclesiastical leader Eustathios of
Literature: I. Sakkelion and A. Sakkelion 1892, 188;
Briquet 1923, vol. 1, 470, 478; Skarveli-Nikolopoulou
Homer’s Iliad with an interlinear 1994, 145–46, 382; Kazhdan and Wharton-Epstein
interpretation/paraphrase. The text begins Thessaloniki provided substantial 1985, 133–38.
with line 69 of Book A, which indicates interpretative approaches to the Homeric 1

Briquet 1923, vol. 1, 470, 478.
that the beginning of the manuscript is poems in the twelfth century. The 2
Kazhdan and Wharton-Epstein 1985, 133–38.
missing. A later scribe added the text and influence of the Iliad is also apparent in
interlinear interpretation of Book A: 44– the title and contents of the Alexiad, a
| 192 |
The interlinear interpretation and scholia 1056 is the so-called “single-word” method,
90. Plays by Sophocles and
are written in red. Each play begins with a according to which the student copied the
Aeschylus large red initial capital. A watercolor of a text leaving wide spaces between the lines
weighing scale dating to the last quarter of for noting down more common or more
(a) folios 1–50v: Sophocles, Ajax the fifteenth century completes the scholarly equivalents for the words in the
(b) folios 50v–101v: Sophocles, Electra decoration.1 The binding consists of original text.
(c) folios 103–141v: Aeschylus, Prometheus wooden panels covered with black leather
(d) folios 141v–174: Aeschylus, Seven Against and decorated with a central ornament. ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA
Thebes This is one of several manuscripts
Late 15th–early 16th century containing these two plays by Sophocles, Literature: I. Sakkelion and A. Sakkelion 1892, 188;
Paper but one of the few examples that also Briquet 1923, vol. 1, col. 2570; Turyn 1970, 92; Skarveli-
Nikolopoulou 1994, 158–60, 304, 382–83.
8 ⅜ x 6 ¼ in. (21.3 x 16 cm); 174 folios include two of Aeschylus’ plays. The study
Condition: good of ancient Greek tragedians was revived 1
Briquet 1923, vol. 1, col. 2570.
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod. during the intellectual renaissance of the
1056 eleventh and twelfth centuries. John
Tzetzes and Eustathios of Thessaloniki
studied and commented on their works.
odex 1056 in the National Library of Later, dramatic poetry was included in
C Greece contains the texts of four plays school curricula. The philologists of that
period published, commented on, and 91. Treatises on Music Theory
by Sophocles and Aeschylus with
occasional interlinear interpretation and taught mostly Aeschylus’ Prometheus and
marginal scholia, including the story of Seven Against Thebes, and Sophocles’ Ajax (a) folios 1–12v: Euclid, Introduction to
Ajax on folios 1v–2v, the story of Electra Flagellifer and Electra. Harmony
on folio 51r, the life of Aeschylus on folios This manuscript was a school textbook (b) folios 13–19v: Euclid, On the Division of
103r–104r, the story of Prometheus on folio with comments and explanations by the Scale
104r, and a treatise titled ¶ÂÚ`È Ù῀Ë˜ ÙÔ῀˘ Manuel Moschopoulos, a late thirteenth- (c) folios 20–65v: Aristoxenus, Elements of
‰Ú¿Ì·ÙÔ˜ ÛÎËÓ῀Ë˜ (On the Scene of the Drama) century grammarian, following a tradition Harmony (Books I, II, III)
on folios 104r–v. Each folio features 14 established in the thirteenth century. The (d) folios 66–93v: Alypius, Introduction to
lines of text neatly written in black ink. teaching method adopted in NLG cod. Music
| 193 |
91
(e) folios 94-111: Gaudentius Philospher, ancient Greek music. The production of relations but evaluated by ear. Euclid’s and
Introduction to Harmony manuscripts of this genre increased Aristoxenus’s texts are considered the basis
(e) folios 112-136: Nicomachus of Gerasa the dramatically in the fifteenth and sixteenth for all other preserved treatises, since these
Pythagorean, Manual of Harmonics Books I centuries, indicating the interest in ancient two works represent two opposed, yet
(112–128) and II (129–136)
Greek music that followed the Palaiologan complementary ways of conceiving music.
Late 15th–early 16th century Renaissance. In this manuscript tradition Next come the works of Alypius and
Paper specific treatises were grouped together. Gaudentius, music theoreticians of the
9 x 6 ¼ in. (23 x 16 cm); 136 folios This particular manuscript belongs to a third-fourth centuries A.D., which
Condition: excellent; later binding group featuring treatises by Cleonides, reproduce more thoroughly the two basic
Provenance: ¶·Ó·ÁÈÒÙË˜ ῾ÈÂÚÂ˘˜
` ª·Ù¿ÎË˜, Euclid, Aristoxenus, and Alypius. It differs, theories by Pythagoras and Aristoxenus.
∫ÂÊ·ÏÏË̀Ó (Panagiotis Matakis, priest, from however, from the group’s other Finally, the codex ends with a treatise by
Cephalonia) manuscripts in that it also includes works Nicomachus of Gerasa, a Pythagorean
Athens, National Library of Greece, cod. by the Pythagorean philosophers philosopher and music theoretician of the
1198 Gaudentius and Nicomachus of Gerasa. It second century A.D., which exposes and
also belongs to a sub-group of manuscripts elucidates the Pythagorean music
that erroneously attributes Cleonides’ principles.
he National Library’s Codex 1198 Introduction to Harmony to Euclid, the A note on folio 1 reports that the
T features the erudite Constantinopolitan great ancient mathematician. Inspired by manuscript was donated to the National
script developed in the fourteenth and the Pythagorean theory, the second treatise Library of Greece by the priest Panagiotis
fifteenth centuries. Each page contains 19 included in the codex is Euclid’s On the Matakis from Cephalonia at an unknown
lines of text written in black ink. The text Division of the Scale, which studies the date.
is accompanied by contemporary marginal numerical ratios of the notes of the
comments. Further comments in the form musical scale on the canon (monocord). ANTONIA N. ARAHOVA
of tables were added later where necessary. This is followed by a treatise by
This codex belongs to the manuscript Aristoxenus, a pupil of Aristotle’s and one
tradition of ancient Greek treatises on of the great figures in the theory of ancient Literature: I. Sakkelion and A. Sakkelion 1892, 218;
Mathiesen 1999, 294–353, 366–411, 498–508, 593–607,
music theory. Ancient Greek and Greek music. Aristoxenus formulated a 609–68; Terzis 2010, 617–27.
Hellenistic music theories deeply concept for the calculation of intervals that
1
Briquet 1923, vol. 1, col. 2570.
influenced later musical culture both in was different from that of Pythagoras. He
the West and the East. Byzantine musical believed that intervals should not be
tradition followed closely the principles of calculated on the basis of mathematical
| 194 |
92. Diodorus Siculus, Ancient along with fragments of others preserved earlier by scribes to copy excerpts from
either in the works of Byzantine authors or Diodorus for the emperor’s anthology.2
History (Historical Library) published in 1603 by the Bavarian David On November 8, 1466, the codex was
Hoeschel from a now lost manuscript. in Naxos, where according to a note on
Probably Constantinople, late 10th–early
Based on several earlier historical texts and folio 310r the monk Gregorios, son of
11th century
covering a vast time period from the Andrew, from the island of Chios, read it.3
Parchment
mythical era before the Trojan War to the It was already at Patmos in the sixteenth
10 ¼ x 7 ¾ in. (26 x 19.6 cm); 312 folios establishment of Roman colony at century, as indicated by a list of the
Condition: excellent Taormina, Sicily, in approximately 36 B.C., monastery’s library holdings of that period.4
Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the Diodorus’s work was intended as a
Theologian, Cod. 50 universal history of antiquity. ZISIS MELISSAKIS
[Loan still uncertain at press time] In the Byzantine period excerpts from
Diodorus’s work were included in the
extensive anthology (Excerpta) of historical Literature: Diodorus Siculus 1867; I. Sakkelion 1890, 39–
his excellently preserved volume is one

T
40, pl. 4’; Diodorus Siculus 1890, vol. 2, XIff.; Kominis
texts initiated by Emperor Constantine VII
1968, 25, pl. 43; Kominis 1988a, 126–27.
of two extant Byzantine codices Porphyrogennetos (first half of 10th
containing Books 11–15 of Diodorus century), a typical manifestation of the 1
Irigoin 1977, 242.
2
Ibid., 237–45.
Siculus’s Historical Library and the only encyclopedism of that time. In fact, 3
Kominis 1968, 25, pl. 43; Kominis 1988a, 126.
one containing Book 16.1 codicological and philological features 4
Mercati 1935, 131 n. 48.
The first-century B.C. Greek historian’s suggest that the Patmos codex might be a
work consisted of forty books, of which copy of the volume, possibly from the
only Books 1–5 and 11–20 are known, imperial library itself, used some decades
93. Life of Aristotle and

Selected Works
(Categories, On
Interpretation, Topics)
with Latin Translations
Southern Italy or Venetian Crete, 2nd to

4th decade of the 14th century
Paper
8 ¾ x 6 ⅛ in. (22.3 x 15.5 cm); 116 folios
Condition: poor (extensive insect damage)
Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the
Theologian, Cod. 413
he works of ancient Greek

T philosophers were an important part
of Byzantine education. Aristotle’s treatises
in particular, although even then only
partially preserved, are known from a great
number of manuscripts, probably more
than for any other ancient author. These
and the equally numerous manuscripts
containing commentaries on Aristotle’s
works document the Byzantines’
92 continued interest in this author. Indeed,
in the ninth century and again later, from
| 195 |
93
the thirteenth century onward, this interest Byzantine influence that played an Literature: von Tischendorf 1845, 17ff.; von Tischendorf
1846b, 261; I. Sakkelion 1890, 184; Wartelle 1963, 123;
grew, and was subsequently transmitted to important role in preserving Aristotle’s De Gregorio 1993, 167–76, 195–97, pl. 28.
the West through translations of works and the commentaries on them.3
1
Wartelle 1963, XIII; Lemerle 1971, 210–20.
Aristotle’s works.1 However, recent codicological and 2
Wartelle 1963, XIV–XVI.
Of them the Organon—a compilation of paleographic research, the similarity of the 3
See Harlfinger 1971, 60 n. 1, and 146–52 (partial
his books Categories, On Interpretation, Prior volume’s texts with texts in codices more reprint: Harlfinger 1980, 478–79 n. 58); Cavallo 1980,
230, 232, 233; Cavallo 1982, 588, 589. On the
Analytics, Posterior Analytics, Topics, and On or less securely attributed to Cretan scribes, distribution of Aristotelian codices in the eastern and
Sophistical Refutations, with an introduction and a note referring to Crete’s history on western regions of Byzantium, see De Gregorio 1991,
by the Neoplatonic philosopher folio 115v, all suggest that the codex might 475–98, pl. 1-20.
4
De Gregorio 1993, 167–76, 195–97. The note, which
Porphyry—seems to have been the most have been produced in Venetian Crete, or is almost contemporary with the codex, was added by
popular, as the many preserved at least been there.4 an unknown reader or the volume’s owner at Candia
manuscripts suggest.2 The Patmos codex, The numerous Greek and Latin (modern Heraklion) in Crete. The note reports that the
island was conquered by the Venetians in 1207,
which lacks the two Analytics and On marginal scholia added some decades after information derived from an archival codex of Candia’s
Sophistical Refutations, but features a Life of the creation of the codex indicate that its Venetian administration. Although this date does not
seem entirely accurate, it probably corresponds to the
Aristotle by Hesychios at the beginning, text, both Greek and Latin, continued to
consolidation of Venetian rule on Crete after the
belongs to this tradition. In fact, the be read systematically until approximately defeat of Enrico Pescatore, Count of Malta, and the
Patmos codex is considered a direct copy the fifteenth century. The codex reached Genoese, who had conquered the island some years
earlier; see De Gregorio 1993, 168–70; Evangelatou-
of Cod. Ambr. L 63 sup. in Milan, one of Patmos at an unknown date, possibly Notara 1984, 12.
the most important Aristotelian through the Patmian monastery’s
manuscripts. In the Patmos volume the dependency at Stylos in western Crete.
Greek text occupies each folio’s left-hand The manuscript was discovered in the
column, while the right-hand column, Patmian library by the famous biblical
added at about the same time, presents a scholar Constantin von Tischendorf in
Latin translation by Boethius (except for 1844, and has since been studied by many
the Life of Aristotle, which is not translated). Aristotle specialists.
The Patmos codex was originally
attributed on paleographic ground to ZISIS MELISSAKIS
southern Italy, a region with a strong
| 196 |
copy was completed on September 17, 1421.3
The manuscript was probably copied in
Constantinople, since the stamped
decoration on its leather binding is identical
to that of codices copied (and evidently
bound) in the well-known Prodromos
Petra Monastery of Constantinople (cat. no.
84).4 Doukas’s note is only partially
preserved, since the folio is damaged at
that spot—part of it is missing, including
the last letters of his name and possibly
further information on the scribe and
where the manuscript was copied.
ZISIS MELISSAKIS
Literature: I. Sakkelion 1890, 196; Kominis 1968, 21, pl. 34.
1
Reynolds and Wilson 1989, 71.
2
Turyn 1957, 150.
3
Kominis 1968, 21.
4
Cataldi Palau 2008, 254–55, 259; Houlis 1995, 405.
94
95. Romance of Alexander

the Great
Orestes, and The Phoenician Women) were
94. Euripides’ Hecuba and used for educational purposes (although 14th century
Orestes more were preserved), and in the fifteenth Trebizond (?)
century only the first two, which are Ink on cotton-fiber paper, text in Greek,
Constantinople, copied by Georgios Doukas included in the Patmos codex.1 250 mostly full-page miniatures
1421 Because of the educational importance 12 ⅝ x 9 ½ in. (32 cm x 24 cm); 193 folios
Paper of these tragedies, thirteenth and fourteenth- Condition: excellent
8 ½ x 5 ½ in. (21.5 x 14 cm); 101 folios century Byzantine scholars such as Venice, Manuscript Collection of the
Condition: good Maximos Planoudes, Manuel Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-
Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the Moschopoulos, Thomas Magistros, and Byzantine Studies in Venice, Cod. no. 5
Theologian, Cod. 433 Demetrios Triklinios, worked laboriously
[Loan still uncertain at press time] on these tragedies by writing scholia and
other accompanying texts (summaries of the mong the cultural assets donated in
he plays of the three great ancient

plays, lives of the author) and by attempting A 1953 by the Greek Community of
T tragic poets, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and

to correct the text itself and thus producing
different variations. The Patmos codex
Venice to the Hellenic Institute of
Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Studies
Euripides, were copied throughout the contains one of these variations, the most then being set up was a luxurious
Byzantine period particularly for use as popular, by Manuel Moschopoulos, as well illuminated manuscript of the Romance of
textbooks. However, the number of extant as interlinear scholia and summaries of the Alexander the Great. Neither the
copies diminished significantly, possibly plays by earlier scholars.2 manuscript’s owner nor when it was given
after the thirteenth century, due to a reform A note at the end of the text (fol. 98r) to the Greek Community are known. It
in educational teaching materials. Of the by the scribe Georgios Doukas, who is was probably a gift by some wealthy
plays of Euripides, only three (Hecuba, otherwise unknown, informs us that the refugee who fled to the Serenissima
| 197 |
Republic of Venice after the establishment excellent and indeed admirable narrative of fourteenth century on the basis of
of Turkish rule in Greek territory. It is King Alexander the Great, ruler of the paleographic evidence, which, however,
also possible that the community bought it world). Each of the exquisite miniatures is may not be adequate. According to
or acquired it through one of the bequests accompanied by an inscription in red ink Andreas Xyngopoulos, who systematically
left to the church of Saint George of the identifying its subject. Among the episodes studied the manuscript in 1966, the
Greeks by wealthy Venetian Greeks, such illustrated are Alexander taming painter worked in an area that had been
as members of the Maroutsi family who Bucephalus, Philip’s burial, Alexander’s separated from Byzantine territory,
traded and had other relations with Russia. accession to the throne at the age of 18, possibly Venetian-occupied Crete. Recent
Either way, the manuscript is mentioned Alexander arriving at the Granicus River scholarship, however, considers that the
in the 1879 inventory of the community’s and defeating Darius’s satraps, Alexander manuscript originated in Trebizond. Folio
moveable assets. conquering Egypt and building a large city 1r depicts a standing Byzantine emperor
The romance, a fictional narrative of the there, Alexander conquering Babylon, wearing imperial garments and a crown
life and adventures of the Macedonian Alexander drinking the poisoned wine, the and holding a globe. He can be identified
king, was once wrongly attributed to the Macedonians mourning their deceased as Emperor Alexios III Komnenos of
historian Kallisthenes of Olynthos, who king, Olympias receiving Alexander’s letters Trebizond (1349–90), who is referred to
accompanied Alexander on his campaigns. and weeping bitterly over his death, etc. in an enkomion as “ÌÈÌËÙ`Ë˜ ÙÔ῀˘ ª·ÎÂ‰fiÓÔ˜
The work ascribed to the Pseudo- They combine both Western and Eastern ᾿∞ÏÂÍ¿Ó‰ÚÔ˘” (imitator of the Macedonian
Kallisthenes was particularly popular in the elements, and are considered the work of Alexander).
Middle Ages and translated into a number three, possibly Georgian, artists. Alexander
of different languages (Latin, Syriac, Serbian, is pictured as a Byzantine king acting in a CHRYSSA MALTEZOU
Ethiopian, Coptic, Armenian, etc.). Byzantine environment. Turkish
The present codex is written in Greek, translations of the explanatory inscriptions
and on folio 2r, below the damaged have been added in the margins, suggesting Literature: Xyngopoulos 1966; Kakoulidi 1971, 252, no.
5; Gallagher 1979, 170–205; Venice, Hellenic Institute
headpiece, which features branches and that after the Ottoman conquest the Codex gr. 5 1997; Bellingeri 1998, 21–44; Bellingeri 1999,
leaves, an inscription in red ink reads: + manuscript came into the hands of a Turk, 315–40; Athens 2002b, 48–51, no 8 (Ch. Maltezou);
Trahoulia 2010, 145–65; Schallaburg 2012, 294–95, no.
‰È‹ÁËÛÈ˜ ᾿ÂÍ·›ÚÂÙÔ˜ Î·`È ῎ÔÓÙˆ˜ ı·˘Ì·Û›· ÙÔ῀˘ who had the inscriptions translated.
Ã.5 (C. Cupane- Kislinger)
ÎÔÛÌÔÎÚ¿ÙÔÚÔ˜ ᾿∞ÏÂÍ¿Ó‰ÚÔ˘ ÙÔ῀˘ ‚·ÛÈÏ¤ˆ˜ (An The manuscript is dated to the
| 198 |
tenth-century Byzantium and throughout to the first half of the thirteenth century
96. Marble Plaque with the
most of the East and West (cat. no. 95). (cat. no. 156). Similar representations
Ascension of Alexander The representation can be compared appear on a relief built into the north
the Great with similar scenes on a Middle Byzantine façade of Saint Mark’s in Venice, on a lead
relief in the Thebes Museum, a relief in seal in the State Hermitage Museum in
12th century the Docheiariou Monastery on Mount St. Petersburg, on Byzantine enamels (such
Off-white marble Athos, and a relief in the Archaeological as the Artuqid Plate in the Tiroler
36 ⅜ x 46 ½ x 4 ⅜ in. (92, 5 x 118 x 11 cm) Museum of Istanbul.1 The frontal Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum,
Condition: good, restored from two representation of the Ascension draws Innsbruck, a medallion of the Pala D’Oro
fragments, lower left corner missing from ancient iconography, where it was in Venice, and the central section of the
Provenance: Chalkis, Frizi Street used to suggest the apotheosis of important diadems from the Preslav Treasure in
Chalkis, Karababa Fortress Sculpture Display persons, mythological heroes, or the ascent Bulgaria and from Sakhnowka in the
(23rd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities), of the souls of notable people into heaven. Ukraine), and on an ivory plaque from a
inv. no. 433 From the time of the Macedonian casket now at Darmstadt. These examples
emperors (867–1057) the figure of demonstrate the popularity and wide
Alexander was associated with imperial distribution of the theme in the Byzantine
his marble plaque was found during ideology, since Alexander was considered a Empire and beyond.2
Tconstruction work on Frizi Street, model of the ideal ruler. This concept was
within the Byzantine and medieval particularly fostered under the Komnenoi. PENNY GANI
fortifications of Chalkis. Its original use is The Ascension of Alexander clearly
uncertain for lack of archaeological context. symbolizes triumph, supporting the idea of
The frontal figure of Alexander the the divine origin of imperial rule. Literature: Unpublished.
Great standing inside a basket occupies the The representation was especially 1
Orlandos 1954–55.
central vertical axis. The basket hangs by a popular in the Middle Byzantine period, 2
Athens 2002b, 262–68, no.141; London 2006, 169,
no. 133; New York 1997, no. 267 (B. Marshak), no.
taut chain from the necks of two griffins in monumental art and in the minor arts,
281 (P. Soucek), no. 151 (M. Georgopoulou);
flanking the main figure. The king wears a as on a gold ring now in the National Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 53–54, figs 7, 8, 9, 10.
hemispherical crown with triple crest and Archaeological Museum in Athens, dated
military costume. He holds a
lance in each hand, on which he
has speared bait for the griffins,
causing them to fly up into
the sky, dragging the basket
behind them. The griffins
face away from the figure
in opposite directions, but
turn their heads back
toward him. The
symmetrical composition
displays a certain
plasticity, whereas the
background is left
undecorated.
Griffins, imaginary
creatures popular in the
ancient world, were particularly
common in Byzantine art. From the tenth
century onward they were associated with
Byzantine imperial ideology and the
symbolic elevation of emperors. The
iconographic theme of the Ascension of
Alexander is based on the Romance of
Alexander the Great by Pseudo-Kallisthenes
96
(3rd century), a popular account read in
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| 200 |
The Pleasures
of Life
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THE PLEASURES OF LIFE
EUNICE DAUTERMAN MAGUIRE AND HENRY MAGUIRE
A
nyone entering a particular bath building complex near the city of
Antioch at the end of the fourth century A.D. would be greeted by a
propitious figure portrayed in the central hall (fig 78).1 She was
depicted in mosaic on the floor: the bust of young woman, her head covered
and her right hand holding up a rose under the identifying label Apolausis
(Enjoyment). She has a demure and serious mien, as if enjoyment is not a
matter to be taken lightly. Her flower might have many associations for the
bather. Summing up the visitor’s passage through the complex, it could refer
to the traditional reception of honored guests by scattering roses under their
feet; it could evoke the freshness, like springtime, of the streams of water in
Fig. 78 | Floor mosaic with personification of Apolausis
(Pleasure) from Antioch, end of 4th century. the baths; and it could anticipate the fragrance of the perfumes used on the
Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection.
Photo: ©Dumbarton Oaks, Byzantine Collection,
body after cleansing. This open celebration of the bath’s delights represents
Washington, D.C.
an important aspect of the art of the Early Byzantine period. From the fourth
to the seventh centuries we have many portrayals of the varied pleasures of
life, such as bathing, hunting and the enjoyment of nature, eating and
drinking, dancing, self-adornment, love, and laughter. These same pleasures
continue to be evoked in the art of the medieval period of Byzantium, from
the eighth to the fifteenth century, but often in a less unreserved and at the
same time less respectful way. From the fourth century onward the moralists
of the Church had been insistent in their condemnation of excessive luxury
and fleshly indulgence. By the Middle Ages they had largely succeeded in
driving the depiction of pleasure into the margins of Byzantine art, where it
continued to flourish nevertheless, but with more mockery and humor than in
the past, as if to mask a sense of guilt.
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NATURE sewn onto the sleeves of expensive tunics, which repeat the image
of a noble hunter mounted on horseback (fig. 79).3 He has
The Byzantines, who even from their walled cities enjoyed released a falcon to descend on a crane that a hooded beater, on
large imperial parks or gardens and a greener surrounding the ground, has just flushed out of the tall vegetation with a long
landscape, lived closer to nature than we do today, and they stick. The falconer carries a lure in his right hand, with which to
derived pleasure from it in both its more violent and gentler summon the falcon back to its perch on his left arm. As Frederick
aspects.2 In the early as well as in the later Byzantine periods, II Hohenstaufen explains, writing in southern Italy before the
hunting was a constant pleasure, equally, for the elites of middle of the thirteenth century after having an Arab source
Byzantium and for the less powerful. In the early centuries they translated for him, when hunting a crane the falconer can only use
celebrated the sport by wearing, if they were wealthy, images of a gyrfalcon, a rare and very heavy bird; and he must be able to
hunting woven in high-status silk, or at a lower social level, in control his horse without using his hands.4 This hunt was
humbler garments of linen and wool; in the medieval period therefore a supreme test of skill, and an aristocratic sport practiced
animals from the hunt enliven tableware made of clay. We can even by emperors. As early as the sixth century, in a floor mosaic
find the sport portrayed on a group of silk bands, woven in Egypt at Madaba in Jordan, Hippolytus, a king’s son, was shown
or Syria between the seventh and the ninth centuries and once preparing to mount his horse for falconry.5 The twelfth-century
writer Constantine Manasses has left us a detailed description of a
crane hunt conducted by the emperor Manuel I Komnenos, using
a valuable falcon from Georgia, which the emperor himself was
said to have trained.6 The common people, also, could enjoy
watching hunts with raptors, as a performance sport in the
Hippodrome, the great arena in the center of Constantinople. At
the same time that Constantine Manasses was writing about
Manuel’s crane hunt, a foreign traveler named Benjamin of
Tudela gave an account of the entertainments in the
Hippodrome:
Close to the walls of the palace is also a place of amusement
belonging to the king, which is called the Hippodrome, and
every year on the anniversary of the birth of Jesus the king
(Manuel I) gives a great entertainment there. And in that
place men from all the races of the world come before the king
and queen with jugglery and without jugglery, and they
introduce lions, leopards, bears and wild asses, and they engage
them in combat with one another; and the same thing is done
with birds.7
Here Benjamin of Tudela refers not only to displays of hunting
with falcons, but also with trained cheetahs, which, like the
Byzantines, he calls leopards, or pards. A pair of paintings on
facing pages in an eleventh-century Byzantine Gospel codex in the
Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (MS gr. 64, folios 5v. and 6r.)
portrays the pursuit of wild animals with falcons and cheetahs (fig.
80).8 On the left-hand page a hare is the quarry of a falconer and
his enormous bird. On the right, releasing a red-collared cheetah
from its leash, a man wearing a blue pointed cap sets the trained
Fig. 79 | Equestrian (falconer, hunting a crane) and soldier (serving as beater),
fragment of a silk band, 7th-9th century. London, The British Museum
cat after a couple of racing stags. The hat, not a hood like that
Photo: ©The Trustees of the British Museum. worn by the beater in the silks, is a close-fitting cap with a long
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Fig. 80 | Hunting with a falcon and with a cheetah, canon table pages from a Gospel book, 11th century.
Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms gr. 64, fols. 5v, 6r. Photo: ©BNF.
point, a type of headgear worn by mimes and other performers in hunting cheetahs could belong only to emperors or persons in high
Byzantium, such as those Benjamin of Tudela saw displaying imperial favour, such images, like coded zoomorphic satire in a
“jugglery” and other entertainments.9 In the Gospel manuscript, political cartoon today, could reflect the powerlessness of the
these scenes of secular life appear as marginal ornaments outside victims of an imperial pounce.
architecturally framed canon tables that correlate passages in the The more peaceful side of nature appealed to Byzantines from
text of the Gospels, as if to enliven the task of the reader hunting the beginning. A famous homily by the fourth-century Church
down correspondences between New Testament narratives with Father Gregory of Nazianzos, preserved because it continued to be
portrayals of more earthly activities. In the same way, the birds and read as the New Sunday Sermon, provided the Byzantines with a
fountains and plants more usually painted above canon tables precedent and an excuse for surrender to the delights of the
evoked paradise in terms of the pleasures of earthly gardens. In a terrestrial world. The sermon, composed for the first Sunday after
less sacred context, we can find illustrations of cheetahs with their Easter, honors the theme of rebirth through Christ with a formal
prey on glazed ceramics manufactured in the twelfth century. A description, or ekphrasis, of the season of spring. The text however,
plate discovered in a Byzantine shipwreck near Alonissos shows also shows the ambivalence that the Church felt about the
the event of the kill, with the cat upon its hapless victim, a fallen, enjoyment of nature. For Gregory, before he begins his celebration
spindly-legged doe (cat. no. 106). The cat is clearly a cheetah, of the spring, condemns pleasures that come through the senses,
recognizable by its proportions and by the ruff of fur along the including the visual allure of colourful fruits, the delights of taste,
back of its neck and the tuft at the end of its tail. Because trained the smell of sweet fragrances, the touch of what is soft and smooth,
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gentler aspects occur also in pottery, where songbirds, flowers,
vines, and trees are frequently portrayed, especially in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (cat. no. 111).
FOOD AND DRINK
In the decoration of both houses and churches during the

Early Byzantine period there were often evocations of food,
whether in the form of fruits and vegetables or of edible birds,
beasts, and fishes. In the floor mosaic of a late fifth- or early sixth-
century church at Tegea in Arkadia, for example, personifications
of the twelve months hold their produce or related attributes. July
holds a sickle and a sheaf of wheat, August a melon and an
eggplant, September a tray of fruit, and October a bottle from
which he pours wine.12 Artists typically portrayed the season of
autumn as a woman holding in front of her a garment heaped up
with fruits of all kinds (cat. no. 97). The earth, also, was
personified in this way as a woman holding a crescent-shaped
cloth brimming with her bounty, as can be seen in the sixth-
century mosaic pavement of the Church of the Priest John at
Khirbet el-Mukhayyat in Jordan, and also in a contemporary floor
mosaic from a house in Antioch.13 We frequently find portrayals
of individual fruits and vegetables, such as apples, pears,
pomegranates, grapes, citrons, quinces, and melons, which decorate
the mosaics of pavements and vaults; sometimes these fruit appear
gathered into baskets, sometimes they are shown on their own.
Striking examples of such celebrations of produce occur in houses
and villas, as well as in churches.14
In the medieval period, by contrast, the depiction of food items
virtually disappeared from the decoration of churches, except in
scenes, such as the Last Supper, that required the illustration of a
meal. But even in depictions of the Last Supper the table tends to
sparsely set.15 In medieval Byzantine churches there is no
celebration of the food in and of itself, as there had been in the
Fig. 81 | Two men enjoying springtime from the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos, early period. The reason for this change must be sought in the
second half of 11th century. Jerusalem, Greek Patriarchal Library, Ms Taphou 14, fol. attitudes of the Church, and especially its condemnation of the sin
34r. Photo: after Vocotopoulos 2002.
of gluttony. It was a gluttonous desire for the fruit of paradise that
had led to the original sin of Adam and Eve. The seventh-century
and the seduction in hearing elaborate and deceptive rhetoric. But treatise on the monastic life known as the Heavenly Ladder,
then he treats us to his own rhetoric, praising “every delightful written by John Klimax, described gluttony as the chief of all the
gift” of the “queen of seasons” in all its variety, including the vices, the gateway of the passions, and the cause of Adam’s fall.16
fragrance of the meadows, the mowing of the grass, the lambs In the Middle Ages, therefore, the celebration of food and
skipping in the fields, the bees taking their treasures from the eating became the preserve of art outside the church. It appears on
flowers, and the birds building their nests, filling the groves with ceramic plates and bowls, where we find portrayals of deer, hares,
song and charming their human hearers.10 In spite of the Church rabbits, and fishes that were destined for the table. On higher-
Father’s contradictory attitude toward sensory pleasures, it was his status tableware, fashioned in silver, we discover a more
celebration of the delights of nature that the Byzantines treasured. sophisticated series of motifs that describe the whole sequence of a
In medieval manuscripts of his sermons Gregory’s description of lordly feast, beginning with the hunting of game to provide the
spring is accompanied by colourful paintings in which we see food, progressing to the eating and drinking at table, and finally
grass being cut, flocks of sheep, and people reclining in green concluding with the entertainment after the meal. An engraved
meadows while the birds above them sit in their nests and delight Byzantine silver bowl found near Beryozovo in Russia illustrates
their hearers with song (fig. 81).11 Such evocations of nature’s all of these phases.17 First, there is the hunting of hares and deer
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by dogs and cheetahs on the rim. Then, on the body of the vessel, panel from a tunic of the fifth or sixth century depicts the god
we find a crowned woman seated at a table set with food and a crowned with city walls riding in triumph in his chariot drawn by
goblet; she is accompanied by a servant pouring drink from a two leopards, while around him among the vines a retinue dances:
long-necked pitcher. Finally, we see a variety of entertainers, Pan, a maenad with a wine cup, another with a knife, and a bound
including musicians playing pipes and stringed instruments, Persian threatened by that knife, reflecting the performance of an
dancers with long floppy sleeves, and acrobats performing imperial adventus procession (fig. 82).
handstands and somersaults. Byzantine potters also depicted such Representations of dancing continued to be popular in
amusements in emulation of the silver vessels employed by the Byzantine art during the medieval period, both in official and in
elite. A ceramic bowl found on the island of Rhodes portrays a private contexts. A spectacular enameled diadem made for
harpist wearing the long pointed cap associated with mimes and presentation by Emperor Constantine IX to a foreign ruler in the
resting his instrument on a stand, while a male figure with long mid eleventh century displays portraits of the emperor, his wife,
dangling sleeves dances in front of him (cat. no. 108). and her sister, together with two dancers kicking up their heels
and waving long billowing scarves. The dancers may be identified
as personified graces or virtues, performing to celebrate the
DANCE qualities of the emperor himself.20 From a less elevated and more
domestic context, a woman with her skirt and sleeves swirling to
Performing and watching dances, like eating too much, was the accompaniment of her castanets fills a ceramic bowl, evoking
vehemently criticized by Early Christian writers, although some of the dance that follows the feast (cat. no. 112).
them, such as John Chrysostom, betrayed in their descriptions the In the domestic arts of the Middle Ages the mythological
attractiveness of what they condemned.18 In spite of the Church, dance of Dionysus, not forgotten, is performed by the fleshy
dance formed an important part of life in Byzantium, even at maenads cavorting on carved ivory and bone panels affixed to the
official events, such as the chariot races in the Hippodrome presided small boxes in which wealthy Byzantines locked their precious
over by the emperor. The stone base of the obelisk set up in the objects.21 More ribald in character is the dance on a ceramic bowl
Hippodrome in Constantinople by the Theodosios I at the end of from Rhodes (cat. no. 108), as here the posturing performer wears,
the fourth century shows a chorus line of women dancing to the in addition to his long dangling sleeves, a flapping artificial phallus,
accompaniment of music, while in the imperial box above them the a costume survival from ancient comedy and farce. Such bawdy
emperor solemnly presents the wreath of victory.19 Frequently, the dances are recorded in Byzantine texts, although it is extremely
Byzantine love of the dance appears in mythological representations, rare to find them illustrated.22
such as portrayals of the retinue of Dionysos. A tapestry-woven
Fig. 82 | The Triumph of Dionysos, tapestry-woven panel from a tunic, 5th-6th century. The Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Photo: ©2013 The Metropolitan Museum of Art/Art Resource/Scala, Florence.
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GLAMOR criticized the wives of the rich, who were weighed down with
jewelry and decorated like their mules and their horses with
In the early Byzantine period, as before in the ancient world, gold.26 In spite of such strictures from churchmen, the making of
there was a vogue for images illustrating the practice of female perfumes and the wearing of jewelry certainly continued among
self-adornment. On floor mosaics from villas in North Africa, for Byzantines during the Middle Ages; it was only the advertising of
example, we find portraits of the lady of the house selecting her such practices through images of beautification that was
jewelry from chests brought by servants. In a mosaic of the late discontinued. A number of glass perfume flasks in this exhibition,
fourth or early fifth century discovered in the baths of a large villa dating to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, illustrate the
at Sidi Ghrib in Tunisia a maid is shown proffering a silver tray continuing popularity of fragrances (cat. nos. 119–21). In the
covered with jewelry to her mistress. The woman tries on an eleventh century even an empress could interest herself in the
earring, and checks its effect in a round mirror held up for her by manufacture of perfumes, as we know from a well-known passage
another maid.23 A square of tapestry weave now in the Benaki in the Chronographia by Michael Psellos, which describes how the
Museum of Athens shows a richly adorned woman with well- eleventh-century empress Zoe, together with her sister Theodora,
rouged cheeks wearing a necklace, heavy earrings, and a converted their quarters in the palace into a workshop stocked
pearl-studded diadem (fig. 83).24 With one hand she adjusts her with braziers where they boiled up herbs to make perfumes.27 The
headdress, and with the other she holds her mirror to catch the objects in this exhibition also attest to the popularity of jewelry
reflection of her beauty. To achieve and to admire such glamorous among Byzantines of the Middle Ages (cat. nos. 138–56). Often
effects good lighting was required. A fifth- or sixth-century bronze these pieces repeat designs that had graced jewelry of the early
lampstand from Egypt, now in Kansas City, must have been period. Many of the medieval earrings, for example, have the shape
designed to light a lady’s boudoir. Its shaft is fashioned in the form of a crescent (cat. nos. 139–43 and 146). A similar form can be
of small statuette of Aphrodite, who is shown naked from the found commonly in earrings of the early period, such as a pair
waist up. With a long stick held in her right hand she applies dating to the sixth or seventh century and now in the collection
makeup to her face, while in her left she holds a small round at Dumbarton Oaks28 or a comparable one at the Benaki
mirror in which she can observe the results of her artistry.25 Museum (fig. 84).29 The crescent had long been a shape with
In the Middle Ages such images celebrating the very process special associations of prosperity and well-being. Worn as a
of glamorization no longer appear. Probably they disappeared, pendant, hanging downward and often with a projection from the
eventually, from works of art because of the Church’s long- center of its arc (cat. no. 136), it is a Roman form of amulet worn
standing opposition to excessive indulgence in makeup and to protect humans as well as horses. Upturned, it could be shaped
jewelry. In his commentary on Saint Paul’s Epistle to the to match the scarf full of produce carried by seasons and other
Corinthians, the fourth-century church father John Chrysostom personifications such as Earth (cat. no. 97). In the earrings, the
rounded forms of pearls and jewels evoked the fruits brimming
from the scarf. During the early Byzantine period traders and
merchants in the marketplaces marked their containers with
bronze stamps in the form of upturned crescents. Such stamps
framed propitious inscriptions, such as À°π∞, or “health” (fig. 85),
or else the word ∫∞ƒ¶√π, or “fruits.”29 In the case of the earrings
in Dumbarton Oaks and the Benaki Museum, the crescents
enclose pairs of peacocks, which had multiple associations of
beauty and immortality.30 In a fragment of mosaic floor from a
bath building (cat. no. 98) a pair of peacocks flanking a vase
allude to the beauty and well-being associated with the use of the
facility.
LOVE AND LAUGHTER
As in antiquity, the Byzantines liked to evoke the pleasures of

love through the portrayal of characters from mythology. Thus, on
a fifth or sixth-century panel of tapestry weave now in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York we find a grouping
of the gods that includes, at the lower left corner, Aphrodite
Fig. 83 | A woman admiring herself in a mirror. Tapestry-woven panel probably
from a tunic, 5th-6th century, Athens Benaki Museum, 7111.
standing beside her paramour, the hunter Adonis (fig. 86). The
Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum, Athens. goddess is naked except for a cloak draped over her shoulders and
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Fig. 84 | Crescent-shape earrings, 6th-7th century. Benaki Museum, Athens, 1810. Fig. 85 | Bronze stamp in a crescent shape, with inscription À ° π ∞ (health), 5th
Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum, Athens. century, M82.421 Malcove Collection, University of Toronto Art Centre, Gift of Dr. Lillian
Malcove, 1982/Toni Hafkenscheid.
a chain around her neck from which hangs a circular pendant. perform a parody of the myth of the rape of Europa, with one of
Her handsome lover leans casually on his hunter’s spear, while them taking Europa’s place on the back of the bull and rudely
Aphrodite holds up two strands of her hair, no longer drying presenting his buttocks to the viewer.33
them as at her birth, but in a coquettish gesture, as if to show In general there appears to be a greater interest in satire and
off her charms to him. Similar portrayals of Aphrodite with her parody in medieval Byzantine art than in the earlier period.
paramours appear on the ivory and bone carvings of medieval Perhaps this was because the multicultural environment of Late
caskets; for example, on the tenth-century Veroli Casket in the Antiquity was less conducive to this type of humor than the more
Victoria and Albert Museum in London we find Aphrodite monocultural society of the Middle Ages, when Christianity held
standing beside another of her lovers, the war god Ares (fig. 65).31 undisputed sway. In the Early Byzantine period the pagan and
In later Byzantine art the cast of mythological lovers is joined
by characters from medieval songs and epics, such as the hero
Digenis Akritas and his illicit lover, the Amazon queen Maximo.
A twelfth-century ceramic bowl that was found at Corinth
probably shows the hero with his conquest sitting on his lap (cat.
no. 110). The impetuous nature of their encounter is signaled by
the rabbit or hare rushing by; in the Byzantine books of dream
interpretation hares were associated with sexual love.32 As if lifted
by the wind of desire, their loose sleeves rise like wings. The ivy
under the couple’s seat, and the pruned tree beside them place
their meeting in an outdoor setting. The ivy leaves, a Dionysian
motif, also hint at wine and carousing. In this vignette we can see
the humor of the Byzantine potter at play. Incongruously for such
a tryst, Maximo still wears her crown. The lovers’ outsized feet,
spilling beyond the frame of the scene, suggest the disorder of their
illicit affair. This portrayal incorporates an element of mockery,
more characteristic of medieval Byzantine art than of that of the
earlier period. A number of the mythological scenes on ivory and
bone caskets, likewise, can be seen as parodies of the ancient myths
that they portrayed. On the Veroli Casket, for example, we find at
one end a carving of a naked boy disporting himself on the back
of a hippocampus, or sea horse (fig. 87). This is a medieval version
of a common motif in ancient and early Byzantine art, that of an
eros riding on a sea monster, which was portrayed in several
Fig. 86 | Venus and Adonis, detail from a tapestry-woven panel, 5th-6th century.
media, including floor mosaics and silver plates (cat. no. 103). But The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Photo: ©2013 The Metropolitan Museum
on another panel of the same casket a group of naked boys of Art/Art Resource/Scala, Florence.
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Fig. 87 | Boy riding a sea horse on
the end panel of the Veroli Casket,
second half of 10th century. London,
The Victoria and Albert Museum.
Photo: ©Victoria and Albert Museum,
London.
Christian cultures were still competing. At this time the stakes in 1

Levi 1947, 304–6.
2
Littlewood et. al. 2002; H. Maguire 2012.
rival cultures were too serious to allow joking and satire. But in 3
New York 2012, 154–57, nos. 103A–C.
the more unified Christian world of medieval Byzantium there 4
Frederick II Hohenstaufen 1943.
5
Dunbabin 1999, 199.
could be more license to joke; neither the characters from pagan 6
Kurtz 1905, 69–98, especially 81–82.
mythology nor the heroes of Byzantine epic escaped mockery. 7
Benjamin of Tudela 1907, 21.
This renaissance of humor in medieval Byzantine art shows 8
Paris 1992, 356–57, no. 268.
9
E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007, 109-13.
that the power of the Church to limit pleasure was limited. A 10
PG 36, cols. 614–20.
twelfth-century Byzantine churchman named Theodore 11
Galavaris 1969, 151, 156–57, figs. 103, 108
Balsamon, commenting on canon law, wrote as follows: “Since 12
H. Maguire 1987, 24–28.
13
Piccirillo 1993, 174–75, figs. 225–33; Levi 1947, 365, pl. 90c–d.
certain erotomaniacs depicted in paintings, on walls, or elsewhere, 14
H. Maguire 2005, 133–35, figs. 1–5.
erotes or other kinds of abominations, in order to sate their carnal 15
H. Maguire 2005, 140, fig. 12.
desires by looking at them, the holy fathers laid down that such 16
PG 88, col. 869.
17
E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007, 46–49, figs. 34–42.
things should cease completely, because they bewitch and deceive 18
Webb 2008.
the sight and cause every kind of evil to enter and invade the 19
Kitzinger 1977, 32–33, fig. 61.
20
New York 1997, 210–12, no. 145.
soul.”34 Yet as the Veroli Casket and other works demonstrate (fig. 21
E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007, 149, fig. 139.
87), the depiction of erotes and naked boys in Byzantine art did 22
not cease, any more than did the enjoyment of nature, of food and 23
H. Maguire 1999a, 241, fig. 17.
24
Thessaloniki 2002, 461, no. 629.
drink, of the dance, of jewelry and perfumes, or of anything else 25
Urbana 1989, 182, fig. 45.
that delighted the senses. These pleasures continued into the 26
PG 62, cols. 259–64.
Middle Ages, even if their evocation in art became at times more 27
Psellos, Chronography 1967, book 6, chapter 64.
28
New York 2012, 191, no. 131B.
marginal and more tinged with mocking laughter. 29
London 2008, 418, no. 157.
30
Urbana 1989, 13–14, 104, no. 40.
31
H. Maguire 1987, 39–40.
32
New York 1997, 230–31, no. 153.
33
34
New York 1997, 230–31, no. 153.
54
PG 137, col. 861.
| 210 |
Houses, Markets, and Baths:
Secular Architecture in Byzantium
ROBERT OUSTERHOUT
It’s almost impossible to imagine
F
or the sixth-century flâneur, a back to Trojan War. At the Milion—
stroll down the Mese, the the marker from which all distances today.2 While Hagia Sophia still stands,
the rest exists only in evocative texts and
main avenue of were measured, the Mese opened crumbling archaeological remains. But
Constantinople, would have been into the Augusteion square. At the Constantinople at its height must have
been similarly difficult for the Byzantines
filled with visual splendors, evidence very heart of the empire, the
of later centuries to imagine. Until the
of the pleasures of life in a panorama encompassed the law seventh century, Byzantium was an urban
prosperous empire. Lined with courts at the Basilica, the equestrian empire, following its Roman predecessor,
characterized by a vibrant public life in its
colonnades and shops, the street led statue of Justinian, his Great Church
civic spaces. After a difficult period of
past the ostentatious mansions of of Hagia Sophia, and the transition, by the late ninth century most
the wealthy; the Hippodrome with its monumental entrance to the palace cities were reduced to towns or villages; life
became more private, with the home as
chariot races and entertainments; of the Byzantine emperors (fig. 88).1
the dominant focus. Even in the capital,
and the Baths of Zeuxippos, its grand public spaces were abandoned, and
marble statues portraying the
Fig. 88 | Reconstructed aerial view of the Mese
legendary history of the city going and Augustaion square, Constantinople.
Photo: Courtesy of A. Tayfun Öner.
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Fig. 89 | House A on the Areopagus, Athens, restored plan Fig. 90 | Geraki, view of the Late Byzantine neighborhood. Photo: Robert Ousterhout.
by J. Travlos. Photo: after Frantz, 1988.
the well-built monuments of the later 35 meters, was entered from the South found at Geraki, and similar forms were
centuries are limited to churches and Road of the Agora (fig. 89). An apsidal developed at Mistra (fig. 90).8 In two-story
fortifications. Houses were usually poorly hall dominated the design, set opposite the houses, the lower level served as stables
built and known only from archaeology. entry. A common feature in the grand and storage, with the upper level usually a
That is, in a world filled with the artifices houses of Late Antiquity, the hall could single room for all family activities. Those
of eternity (i.e., the churches), the settings have been used for both entertainments on the slope at Mistra have terraces or
of daily life were ephemeral. and daily business. Similar spaces are balconies facing the plain.
Other Byzantine cities had monuments known from the excavations of the Great An essential feature of Roman urban
and histories similar to those of Palace in Constantinople.4 At the fifth- life, public baths were still functioning in
Constantinople, from which we can glean century Palace of Antiochos by the Late Antiquity, and new ones were
a picture of daily life. Late antique Hippodrome in Constantinople, the hall constructed as spaces for hygiene, sports,
Thessaloniki, Corinth, or Athens, for took on an elegant hexagonal form, and cultural entertainment. Christians
example, must have resembled preceded by a C-shaped portico.5 often were uneasy with public bathing,
Constantinople on a somewhat smaller Similar domestic organizations endured however, because of associations with
scale, with colonnaded streets, palaces, and into the Middle Byzantine centuries, paganism, vice, and superstition. This
grand public spaces in the early centuries, although on more modest scales. Good brought about a change in bathing and
followed by a reduction in scale. We may examples are found at Corinth. Two bath construction. In fact, already in
glean some understanding of the character neighboring houses of the tenth to twelfth Roman times small neighborhood baths or
and transformation of daily life with a centuries near the South Stoa center on private baths were far more common than
more detailed look at three different kinds courtyards with wells and ovens, the grand imperial foundations.9 In
of secular architecture: houses, baths, and surrounded by rooms and storerooms, Constantinople, for example, the Notitia
markets. which communicated with the courtyard Urbis Constantinopolitanae of 425 lists only
Houses of Late Antiquity reveal little but rarely directly with each other.6 Often eight large, public baths but 153 private
difference from their classical predecessors. in houses of the period one room is larger baths.10 Issues of privacy led to the demise
The simplest arrangement had rooms than the others for the main daily of the common bathing pool, which was
arrayed around a courtyard or peristyle, activities. Similar house forms have been replaced by individual tubs. Moreover,
with rooms facing inward, away from the excavated in Thebes, Athens, and with changes in the economy, it grew
street. Several houses on the slopes of the Pergamon.7 Not all houses were equipped increasingly difficult for great baths to be
Areopagus in Athens, built during the with courtyards, however, and others were maintained. Most new constructions were
second half of the fourth century and isolated blocks or had their rooms on a small scale.
occupied into the sixth, were grand in organized in a linear fashion. The sixth-century bath building
scale, but followed this organization.3 By the fourteenth century detached excavated in the Panayia Field at Corinth
House A, which measured roughly 27 by one- and two-story houses are common, as is a good example (fig. 91).11 Measuring less
| 212 |
shops at Corinth, Athens, Pergamon, and
elsewhere, but none is well preserved. The
best example may be at Preslav, where a
commercial square and eighteen modular
shops were excavated in the southwest part
of the city.18 Temporary markets could
have been organized in any open space,
often outside the walls, as at Mistra or
Rhodes. Trade fairs could be coordinated
with the feast days of saints, as occurred
with the paregyris of Saint John at Ephesus
or of Staint Eugenios at Trebizond.19 In
these festive settings the Byzantine flâneur
would find much to see, as Timarion did at
the feast of Saint Demetrios in Thessaloniki,
but, alas, not the archaeologist.20
Fig. 91 | Bath in the Panayia Field, Corinth, restored plan, after Sanders1999.
1
See Müller-Wiener 1977, with extensive bibliography; also
Naumann 1965, 145–46; Naumann and Belting 1966;
Bardill 1997, 67–95; Istanbul 2010a; Bassett 2004.
than 8 by 18 meters overall, the apodyterium Greek and Roman cities, many continuing 2
For an attempt, see Öner and Kostenec 2007.
3
Frantz 1988, 34–48.
or dressing room was entered from the to be used into Late Antiquity. Tabernae 4
Bardill 1999, 216–30, with older bibliography.
north and fills half the area. The frigidarium, appeared along the Mese of Constantinople 5
Naumann and Belting 1966.
6
Scranton 1957.
or cold room, is long and thin, with (fig. 88); new macella appeared there as 7
Ch. Bouras 1982–83, 1–26; see also Rheidt 1990, 195–204.
bathing tubs in its apsidal ends. The heated well.14 In many locations market buildings 8
For Geraki, see Simatou and Christodoulopoulou
rooms are considerably smaller, sitting fell out of use: in Philippi, for example, the 1989–90, 67–88; for Mistra, see Orlandos 1937, 3–
144; also Ch. Bouras 1982–83, 1–26, especially 16–20;
above hypocausts along the side southern macellum was demolished and replaced by a Sigalos 2003, 195–221.
side. The tepidarium is a simple rectangle, church, Basilica B.15 New shops also appear 9
See the discussion in Saradi 2006, 325–43; Yegül
and the caldarium is less than 2.5 meters on the streets of Athens and Sardis in Late 2010, 181–98; Berger 1982.
10
Notitia Dignitatum 1876, 227–43.
square, with rectangular niches containing Antiquity, while older shops were repaired 11
Sanders 1999, 441–80.
bathing tubs. It is hard to imagine the in Thessaloniki, Thasos, and elsewhere.16 12
Ch. Bouras 1982, 99–112.
facilities used by more than three or four For later centuries, the physical settings 13
Xyngopoulos 1940, 83–97; Tripsiani-Omirou 1997,
314–17.
people at once. Similar small baths have become more difficult to reconstruct. The 14
Mundell Mango 2000, 189–207.
been excavated at Athens, Philippi, commercial area continued to be called the 15
Koukouli-Chrysanthaki and Bakirtzis 1997, 43.
16
For an overview, see Lavan 2012, 333–77.
Messenia, Thessaloniki, and elsewhere. agora, and was often situated along the 17
For an overview, see Ch. Bouras 2002, 497–328,
This type of small bath continued to be main thoroughfare. In Thessaloniki it lay especially 512–15.
built and used throughout the Byzantine near the Kassandreotike Gate; in Rhodes, 18
Jordanov 2002, 667–71, especially 668 and fig. 2; also
Changova 1957, 233–90.
centuries. A small bath excavated at Sparta, near the intersection of the old cardo and 19
Vryonis 1981, 196–227; Laiou 1990, 53–70.
dated to the twelfth or thirteenth century, decumanus.17 Archaeologists have identified 20
Timarion 1984.
measures 5.8 by 10.5 meters overall, resting
above hypocausts, its central room perhaps
domed, expanded by recesses containing
tubs.12 A larger example of a neighborhood
bath of similar date survives in
Thessaloniki, where it was in use until
1940 (fig. 92).13 With a ground plan
measuring 12.5 by 17.5 meters, it has an
apodyterium, tepidarium, and caldarium of
two bays each, as well as a water storage
tank. Interiors are barrel vaulted, with the
exception of the caldarium, which is
Fig. 92 | Byzantine bath,
covered by a dome and a groin vault.
Thessaloniki, 12th-13th century.
Market buildings were common in Photo: Robert Ousterhout.
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Natural Environment and Climate,
Diet, Food, and Drink
JOHANNES KODER
A Byzantine land taxation treatise with hot, dry summers and mild, wet
L
andscape and climatic
conditions are decisive for distinguishes three categories of soil: that of winters. The interiors of Asia Minor and
highest quality in western Asia Minor the Balkans have a continental climate
human existence in all places (provinces of Thrakesion and presenting extreme seasonal contrasts, with
and at all times. The landscapes of Kibyrrhaioton), that of still high quality in often arid, hot summers and cold, wet
the European portions of the empire winters (especially in the mountains) and
the Byzantine cultural oikoumene may
(Dysis, the “West”), and that of inferior frequent snowfall. The coastal areas
be described as the coastlands and quality in the central and eastern parts of bordering the Black Sea in Asia Minor
hinterlands of the eastern Asia Minor (Anatole, the “East”).1 and southeastern Europe and the Bosporos
The western parts of Asia Minor (including Constantinople), however, have
Mediterranean, though
encompass fertile plains and rolling a temperate but wet climate with warm
geographically, especially from the country, watered by many rivers; its summers and cold winters. During the
seventh century onward, its core central parts consist of a high plateau with 1,100 years of Byzantine history, three
narrow coastal plains extending between major and lasting changes in climate may
areas were mainly the continental the Pontic mountain ranges to the north be observed: the first between the fifth and
ones of Asia Minor and the Balkans and the Taurus and Antitaurus ranges to late sixth centuries, with a general trend
(including mainland Greece), with the the south, while its eastern landscape is toward lower temperatures and higher
mountainous, reaching 15,000 feet (5,100 humidity, the second between the late
Aegean Sea serving to link them. At m) at Mount Ararat.2 In the European ninth and late tenth centuries, which
times, such as at the end of the reign parts of the Byzantine empire, the brought the “Medieval Climate
hinterland of Constantinople, the high Optimum,” and the third in the fourteenth
of the emperor Basil II (976–1025),
plateau of Thrace links the Hellespont, the century, presaging the “Little Ice Age.”3
Byzantium extended over a surface Sea of Marmara, and the Bosporos with These natural preconditions (climate
area of some 502,000 square miles the central Balkan peninsula, stretching fluctuations and changes in landscape), the
from the Adriatic and Ionian seas in the material evidence of human land use
(1.3 million sq. km), with a population
west to the Black Sea in the east, with the (archaeological remains and monuments,
of between 12 and 18 million. Within Sava and Danube rivers as northern terraces, and deforestations), and the
these vast territories, land quality and boundaries. This peninsula is dominated written sources (in Greek as well as Latin,
by mountain ranges: in the west from the Arabic, and early Ottoman)4 provide us
agricultural productivity displayed Dinaric Alps in the north to the Pindos with information about the historical
great variations. and the mountains of the Peloponnese and landscape and climate and offer a reliable
Cape Malea and the Mani peninsula in basis for at least a partial reconstruction of
the south, and the Balkan range and the Byzantine diet.
Rhodopi mountains in the east. Various- The Byzantines normally ate twice a
sized plains offering cultivable land lie day, the first meal (ariston or geuma)
within these mountain terrains. between sunrise and “the sixth hour”
Generally speaking, the principal (midday). For monks and nuns (who
segments of medieval Byzantium were could sometimes amount to 10–15 percent
subject to three types of climate. The of the total population) this was sometimes
coastal areas of the Aegean Sea, the Sea of the only meal of the day, especially on
Marmara, and the Ionian Sea have a Wednesdays and Fridays and fast days
Mediterranean climate (“olive climate”) generally. Dinner (deipnon), often the largest
| 214 |
daily diet. It is indicative that the social
critic and poet Ptochoprodromos (“Poor
Forerunner”) asked the emperor to supply
him and his family (numbering 13
persons, including children) with
additional wheat, because a donation of 12
medimnoi (ca. 360 lb/165 kg) was not
enough for one month. Obviously an
adult consumed more than roughly 1.1
lb/0.5 kg a day (or ca. 420 lb/190 kg a
year); this figure corresponds to modern
calculations, which have deduced that the
annual consumption of wheat per adult
ranged between 450 lb/204 kg and 634
lb/288 kg).8
Many meals, especially those consumed
by the poor, consisted only of bread and
soup, in its simplest form containing
water, onions, and a little oil, seasoned
with salt and marjoram. This soup was
sarcastically called hagiozoumin, “holy broth”
(the “horrible, disgusting soup for saints”9),
because only saints would be satisfied with
such a dish. A rich version of a soup meal
was the monokythron (“casserole hot-pot”), a
sort of stew consisting of oil, wine, onions,
eggs, various cheeses, vegetables, and spices
in addition to different types of meat or
(in monasteries and generally during Lent)
fish,10 probably of varying quality.
Fig. 93 | The Last Supper, wall painting from Vatopedi Monastery, 1312. Common dairy products included
Photo: after Tsigaridas 1998 (printed by permission).
yogurt or buttermilk, curd cheese, and
sheep and goat cheeses (the cheap Cretan
and most expensive meal of the day, was The Byzantines maintained a and the expensive Vlach cheese). Fresh
eaten in the evening, usually before sunset, somewhat rigid attitude toward fast days. milk was destined only for infants. One
though it was sometimes served earlier in The rules set forth by the Church popular dish was trachanas, a hard cheese
late afternoon, whence the name provided for at least 170 fast days per made from sheep’s milk or yogurt, onions,
aristodeipnon (“breakfast-dinner”). On the annum. Apart from Wednesdays and and spices, which was dried and ground. It
other hand, some people ate late; a Fridays, which were observed as fast days served as the basis for soups and various
sumptuous evening banquet (polyteles almost year-round, there were four gruels, and was a staple among nomads
trapeza) was celebrated in suitably important periods of fasting: Christmas and shepherds because it could be kept for
magnificent style, and Eustathios of (40 days), Lent (40 days), the Holy many months. Another milk-based meal
Thessaloniki mentions a midnight wedding Apostles (5–25 days), and the Dormition was athera, a gruel made from sheep’s milk,
banquet during Lent, which was arranged of the Virgin (14 days). These regulations bulgur wheat, and a little oil.
by the emperor Manuel I Komnenos. A had a considerable effect on dietary habits Meat did not form part of the everyday
medical handbook suggests “one third for and market demand. diet; it was not only forbidden during fasts,
lunch and two thirds for dinner,”5 whereas As in other spheres of life, the but also expensive. The Byzantines liked
Michael Psellos generally pleads for simple differences between the social classes with lamb, goat, and pork as well as hare, rabbit,
meals: “Eat the breakfast without filling / respect to food were significant.7 The diet various kinds of poultry, and game, but
and the dinner restricted to non-dining! / of many of the inhabitants of the they rarely ate beef or meat from other
Take only little from all vegetables and Byzantine Empire was based mostly on beasts of burden. The (expensive) fatted
pulses, / avoid any excess in fruits, / cereals. Bread (not the barley cake maza of lamb (on the market from Easter to
cabbage and short rations is the order!”6 the ancient Romans) was the staple of the Whitsun),11 roasted on a grill over
| 215 |
charcoal, was seen as a particular delicacy.
What was not consumed immediately
was salted down; the sources refer more
often to salt-cured food (pasto) and dishes
made with salt meat or fish (pastomageiria)
than to fresh meat. Cured meat and fish as
well as smoked sausage were sold by the
grocer (the saldamarios), not the butcher.12
For the reasons noted above, animal
fats were used less frequently than
vegetable fats, which included mostly
olives and (costly) olive oil; sesame-seed oil
was the alternative used in the Middle
East. Furthermore, various types of nuts
containing fat (walnuts, pine nuts,
almonds, hazelnuts) were used in all sorts
of dishes, not just in desserts.
Fresh fish was expensive, and prices
fluctuated daily depending on the catch. In
Constantinople the price for first-class fish,
the “white fish,” was fixed each morning
by the market inspector; the prices of
other fish depended on the daily rate for
white fish.13 Both the demand for fish and
its price rose during fast periods. Salt fish
and caviar were cheaper than fresh fish.
Together with bread and soup,
vegetables were the most characteristic
feature of Byzantine cuisine.14 The
Byzantines preferred fresh vegetables,
especially the shoots of different plants,
collectively called asparagos. As many
vegetables were available fresh only during
certain weeks of the year, they were
preserved. Some, like cabbage, were stored
in cool, dark basements; others were
pickled in salt and vinegar (halmaia or
toursi in Greek, the second word of Arabic
origin), while others, primarily pulses such
as broad beans, lentils, haricot beans,
lupins, and white and black chickpeas,
were dried.
The commonest seasonings15 were salt,
garlic, cumin, cinnamon, lavender, and
pepper (which was expensive). For liquid
seasoning various vinegars were used, in
addition to verjuice (Greek omphakion,
Latin defrutum), a juice made from unripe
grapes which was also popular in early
Ottoman cooking (üzüm korouğu).
Another liquid condiment was the famous
Fig. 94 | Paysan and maritime scenes from the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos, end of 12th century, Monastery
garum (Greek garos), the widely used fish
of Panteleimon, Mount Athos, Cod. 6, fol. 37v. Photo:after Pelekanidis et al. 1975 (printed by permission). sauce. This was often mixed with wine
| 216 |
(oinogaron) or vinegar (oxygaron). Sweet
seasonings included honey and honey-
wine (oinomeli) as well as raisins and other
dried fruits with a high sugar content such
as dried figs, dates, and carobs (the
Byzantine keration, also charoupi, from
Arabic harū b). Sugarcane (zacharokalamos)
was known but it was used for medicinal
purposes, in contrast to its use in Arabic
cuisine.
Common desserts included all kinds of
fresh and dried fruits16 as well as sweets
made from a base of almonds, walnuts, and
honey. Kollyba, a special meal “for
commemoration of the dead, consisting of
almonds, pomegranates, walnuts, and pine
kernels, hemp seeds, lentils, chickpeas, and
raisins,”17 was well known and remains so
today. Other sweet dishes were a rice Fig. 95 | The Wedding at Cana from the Four Gospels, 14th century, Monastery of Great Lavra, Mount Athos, Cod.
A76, fol. 70r. Photo: after Pelekanidis et al. 1979 (printed by permission).
pudding with honey and kolluria or
lalangia (pancakes topped with honey).18
The commonest drink19 was water,
which was often boiled for hygienic 1
Lefort et al. 1991, 62–63.
2
TIB 1–12; Talbert 2000; Koder 2001, 13–39; Decker
reasons. Next to water, wine (preferably
2008; Whittow 2008.
from Chios, Samos, Crete, or Ganos) was 3
Koder 2001, 40–44; Stathakopoulos 2003; Telelis
consumed. The Byzantines avoided 2008.
4
Dalby 2011; Anthimos 1996; Zaouali 2009; Yerasimos
akratoposia (“unmixed drinking”), preferring 2005.
the “mixture of wine and hot water.”20 5
Zervos 1911, 9.27f.
This practice is reflected in the Modern 6
Psellos, Poemata 1992, no. 15.
7
Brubaker and Linardou 2007; Bourbou 2011; Bourbou
Greek word for wine, krasi (“mixture”). et al. 2011; Koder 2013.
Sometimes wine was sweetened with 8
Ptochoprodromos 1991, ππ:24–27; Koder 1993, 100–
honey or dates. Generally, a great variety of 103.
9
Ptochoprodromos 1991, IV:245.
herbal teas and eukrata (“well-mixed 10
Ibid., πππ:185–94, IV:204–15
drinks”) were common; eukrata were 11
Book of the Eparch 1991, 15.5.
12
Ibid., 13.1.
mixed from boiled water combined with 13
Ibid., 17.4.
vinegar, honeyed vinegar (oxyglyky) or 14
Koder 1995.
verjuice, as well as with fruit syrups. The 15
Dalby 2003.
16
Ptochoprodromos 1991, ππ:65 1–4.
most common eukraton was kyminothermin, 17
Ibid., II:43–45.
hot water spiced with fennel or aniseed. 18
Ibid., IV:324 and 402.
In summary, under regular climatic and 19
On drinks, see Kislinger 2007.
20
E. Miller 1875, v. 581; Souda 1928–38, II, kappa 2329.
normal political conditions provisioning in 21
Koder 2013.
Byzantium worked well, even in the capital
of Constantinople.21 The Byzantine diet
was based on bread and meals made with
wheat. Fresh and preserved vegetables and
fruits as well as dairy products were
available in sufficient quantities for the
greater part of the population, whereas
cured meat, fish, and other preserved
seafood were more expensive and in shorter
supply. Fresh fish and every type of meat
were considered luxury foods to be
consumed mainly on feast days.
| 217 |
Household Furnishings
(toicharmario).5
T
he furnishings of the Furniture
Byzantine home throughout Over time the spacious rooms of Early
It goes without saying that changes to Byzantine houses shrank, the bulk and
the empire’s millennium-long the structure, arrangement, and size of shape of furniture changed, and fabrics
life and across its entire geographic houses from the Early to the Late proved to be a decisive factor. “Soft” fabric
Byzantine periods influenced the design of furnishings became popular, and took on a
expanse as varied over time is both
furniture. With respect to their bulk, size, prominent role.6
impossible and impractical to deal and form, furniture types were determined Even in the Early Byzantine period the
with adequately in a short by the size of the rooms in which they symposium beds had been replaced by the
were placed. stibadion, a construction with pillows that
introductory text. Treating the
In the large rooms of wealthy Early was semicircular in form. A round or
subject over such a long time and Byzantine houses, one can imagine sigmoid table was set in the semicircular
such a vast area is not the only furniture of marble, parts of which are space created by the stibadion. Tabletops
discovered in excavations. Such pieces frequently appear to have been of marble.
difficulty, for there are also problems
included couches as well as tables, It has even been suggested that large silver
involved in addressing and normally with three legs, though plates, platters, etc. served as tabletops.
comparing the urban with the rural sometimes with only one if one side was Both marble slabs as well as silver platters
supported against a wall.1 There must also often carried elaborate decoration.7
house, the wealthy household with
have been pieces of furniture with a Depictions of reclining figures in scenes
the poor one. Finally, to these must wooden core covered with metal, including such as the Birth of the Virgin (fig. 97)
be added the fact that there has silver, as well as solid silver pieces.2 The
veneer over the wooden core could also be
been insufficient research on many
ivory, as on the well-known cathedra of the
topics concerning the furnishings of archbishop Maximian in Ravenna.3
the Byzantine house and that there Similar thrones (ıÚfiÓÔÈ) or thronia must
not have been destined solely for religious
are consequent gaps in the literature. institutions and venues. A depiction of a
Given these imperfect conditions, throne on a sarcophagus even attests to the
this introduction endeavors simply to existence of furniture made from woven
natural fibers (fig. 96).
touch upon a few aspects relating to Apart from a very few instances, the
the furnishings of the Byzantine simple wooden furniture that formed the
house, especially topics connected furnishings of poor households has not
been preserved. Fire and the relative ease
with objects presented in this with which wood decomposes have not
exhibition. allowed such pieces to survive. One
example of simple wooden furniture is the
tripod table dated to the first–fifth
centuries found in Karanis, Egypt.4 The
small wooden door in the Benaki
Fig. 96 | Armchair. Drawing by Th. Zontanos after a
Museum is part of a cupboard (ermaria), photo, (after Urbana 1989), of a relief from a tomb in
actually a built-in wall cupboard Landesmuseum Trier.
| 218 |
and the Birth of John the Baptist clearly
indicate the prevalence of fabric in
covering what were obviously wooden
constructions such as beds. From the
Middle Byzantine period onward, these
same representations also provide
depictions of smaller pieces of wooden
furniture, including children’s beds, where
the visible wooden parts appear to have
been carved. Thrones and thronia must also
have been of carved wood, often decorated
with inlaid decoration in wood of a
different color or mother-of-pearl,
techniques which have survived down to
our own day in Middle Eastern countries.
Simple wooden stools would have been
common furniture in less prosperous
households. Among other uses, they served
as seats around the table, since dining in a
reclining position had long since been
abandoned. Fig. 97 | Illustration of the birth of John the Baptist, Gospel book of John II and Alexios Komnenos, ca. 1128,
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ms Urb. gr. 2, fol 167v. Photo: ©2013 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
From Early Byzantine houses to those
of the Middle and Late Byzantine periods
draperies and curtains continued to play
an important role, acting as dividers and Tableware9 like oinochoai (with or without spout) were
screening interior doorways. Wall During the Early Byzantine period used for serving wine.
hangings (epitoichia parapetasmata) must tableware, continuing the Roman All the above were of metal, pottery, or
have continued to cover walls, serving as tradition, tended to be large. Serving vessels glass. During the Early Byzantine period
both insulation and decoration. Many of were of a size and shape intended for especially, small drinking vessels such as
the fabrics found reused as shrouds must shared rather than individual use, and beakers were predominantly of glass.10
have initially been “soft” home were normally shallow plates of Written sources as well as hoarded
furnishings—bed coverings, draperies, and considerable diameter. This is consistent household utensils like the Krategos-
wall hangings.8 with the style of dining in a reclining Mytilene Treasure (cat. nos. 99—107)11
position and the placement of dishes on provide information about costly wares
side tables in front of reclining diners. used by the Early Byzantine ruling class.12
Housewares Drinks were served in small bowls, Above and beyond their shape and
(cups), and vessels in the shape of a kylix, size—elements that are relevant to and
The overwhelming majority of skyphos, or beaker. The preparation and characterize the use of these wares—it is
household utensils were connected with mixing of wine with water shown in their decoration that allows us to make
food, more specifically with its storage, depictions of symposia in miniatures and assumptions about their owners’ aesthetic
preparation, and serving. mosaics was done in vases in the form of preferences and religious beliefs. Among
amphorae or small pithoi (jars); jugs shaped Early Byzantine wares, which exhibit a
| 219 |
scratchings on the layer of slip covering the
clay body of the vessel.
In Byzantine ceramics the sgraffito
technique was applied to a white coating
on vessels made of red clay. This exposed
the clay surface, causing the engraved lines
to emerge as red against the white or
whitish layer, and thus articulate the
decorative design. The sgraffito technique
permitted the development of various
ornamental approaches featuring human
figures, animals, plants, and geometric
motifs in countless combinations and
variations.16
The sgraffito technique appeared in
Byzantine ceramics in the eleventh
century. It became fully established in the
twelfth, and the width of the inscribed line
produced numerous variations: fine sgraffito
(cat. no. 106), incised-sgraffito (cat. no. 107),
Fig. 98 | Plate from the Izgirli and champlevé (cat. nos. 108—10), the latter
Treasure with fantastic animals, 12th
century. Cabinet des Médailles, Bibliothèque
involving the removal of the background
nationale de France, Paris. Photo: ©BNF. layer. The various techniques are helpful in
our dating and attribution to different
workshops.
continuity in shapes and sizes, a change the written sources and archaeological This “upgrading” of clay vessels came to
can be seen in the decorative repertoire, finds provide little information as serve the needs of a market created, as
with the adoption of Christian subjects, compared to that available for the Early scholars of economic history have
motifs, and symbols like the cross on plate Byzantine period. This limited information observed,17 by increasing wealth and a
cat. no. 100 from the Krategos-Mytilene has been decisively enriched by the recent growing urban population. Their buyers,
Treasure, as well as subject matter drawn emergence of a collection of plates dated to who belonged to a rising social class,
from the Old and New Testaments. the twelfth century.14 Study of this developed sophisticated tastes, learned to
Vessels adorned with Christian images collection as well as that of ceramic appreciate quality, and were demanding. In
should not be considered as having been tableware suggests that during the Middle glazed wares they sought the aesthetic
exclusively destined for ecclesiastical use. Byzantine period there was no essential values of vessels in precious metals, which
Such wares must also have formed part of change in the size and shape of tableware. they admired but could not afford.18
domestic equipment, and Christian But with the practice of glazing ceramic During the Late Byzantine period
decorative themes will have reflected the vessels the changes could be characterized glazed wares were common even in less
need of the Early Byzantine faithful for the as revolutionary. Glazing had the primary affluent households (fig. 99). They
presence of the divine and blessing in their objective of waterproofing the vessel’s decreased in size in comparison to Middle
private domain. porous ceramic body. Byzantine vessels, and assumed the shape
However, it should be pointed out that The practice of covering the clay vessel of a deep bowl (cat. nos. 111—12). Such
the practice of adorning housewares with with a layer of white slip appeared in the changes have been attributed to changes in
mythological and other pagan themes like early eleventh century, and the glaze on top the Byzantine diet, with the increasing
those on the Benaki Museum plates (nos. of this layer proved decisive in bringing out consumption of watery foods such as
102—103) did not die out during this era. the decoration, and causing ceramic vessels soups and broths.
These vessels and their decoration must to evolve into semi-precious if not precious For washing one’s hands before and
have been aimed at an educated and objects. Incision into the coating layer of after meals a special vessel was used, the
sophisticated consuming public who slip became the predominant decorative hernivoxeston, consisting of a basin and a
admired the ancient world—an ever- technique for ceramics in the Byzantine type of lagynos (pitcher) (cat. no. 118).19
present attitude in Byzantium.13 world.15 This type of decoration, as its name These normally featured representations of
For Middle Byzantine metal wares (fig. declares (“sgraffito” from the Italian verb water-related divinities and decorative
98), particularly those in precious metals, sgraffiare, meaning “incise”), featured themes associated with water. Accordingly,
| 220 |
they have also been associated with
bathing. The metal bucket (Greek kados,
Latin situla) cat. no. 117, must have been
used to carry water for washing and
bathing (cat. nos. 99 and 117).
Glass unguentaria (cat. nos. 119—22)
must also have been intended for
household use. Such glass vessels are still
used for scenting the hands in Cyprus and
the Middle East.
Excavation finds and wall paintings
suggest that the tableware of the Byzantine
household also included spoon, knives, and
forks (cat. nos. 104—5).20
Storage Vessels21
In pantries, found as a rule in the
ground floors and cellars of houses, sizable
jars (pithoi) were kept for storing large Fig. 99 | Wall painting from the Church of Timios Stavros (Holy Cross), Pelendri, Cyprus, 14th century.
Photo: Department of Antiquites, Cyprus/Georgios Philotheou.
quantities of wine or oil. It would appear
that quantities of solid foodstuffs like
cereals were also stored in jars in cool
places underground. Smaller quantities of included clay or metal frying pans (tēgania) pagan repertoire and infused with
such staples as wine and oil were stored in with a shallow body and one or two Christian symbolism, e.g. the peacock.
amphorae or similarly shaped vessels, as handles. A related cooking vessel was the Excavation evidence indicates that
shown in the wall painting of a tomb in sphoungatēron,24 in which the famous beginning in the sixth century the closed
Thessaloniki.22 sphoungata (a type of omelet consisting clay lamp was gradually abandoned;
Wooden vessels that have not been primarily of onions and/or other specialized clay-lamp workshops also
preserved must also have been used at the vegetables) was prepared.25 appear to have ceased their activity.
table and for storage. These would have Wheel-made lamps, which appear to have
served primarily pastoral populations. continued in at least limited production,
Wooden utensils were durable and Lighiting Devices26 made a comeback as lighting devices,
lightweight, and thus convenient for travel, The need to extend the day’s usable becoming widespread during the Middle
and for this reason continued to be used time made lighting devices necessary and and Late Byzantine periods.
by transient populations until the recent important in every house throughout the During the same period when mold-
past. Byzantine period. In Early Byzantine made pottery lamps were accessible and
houses the preeminent lighting device, as serving the needs of poor households,
in the Roman period, continued to be the impressive metal lamps made from copper
Cooking Wares23 closed clay lamp made in two parts from alloys or even silver must have been
Throughout the Byzantine era the two separate molds. The flammable targeted at those of greater means.27 Such
predominant cooking utensil was the clay material—normally olive oil—was put in lamps had a closed body and ornate
cooking pot that went by the name chytra its hollow body, and the wick in an handles like the elegant spirals on nos. 113
or tsoukka. It featured a globular body, wide opening at one end. In addition to one or and 114. Metal lamps were frequently
neck and mouth, and one, two, or even no more small openings for ventilation and supported by lamp stands of varying
handles. Differences in shape were dictated filling, pottery lamps were abundantly height which normally took the form of a
by use. For example, a convex resting decorated (fig. 100). stem atop three legs (cat. nos 101, 113—14)
surface aided cooking over a hearth, and Such lamps displayed geometric and the latter often assuming the shape of
was associated with organized kitchens in vegetal motifs in infinite combinations, as animal or bird’s legs.
urban homes, whereas tsoukalia with flat well as Christian symbols like crosses, Glass lighting devices were also used in
bases served for cooking directly over a Christograms, and figures of saints or even Byzantine houses, though excavation
fire, mostly in rural households. of Christ as a divine presence. However, evidence suggests that they were commoner
Other vessels for food preparation there were also motifs borrowed from the during the Early Byzantine period.28 Glass
| 221 |
Fig. 100 | Clay oil lamps, 4th-5th century. Benaki Museum, Athens 11841, 11843, 11844
Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum Athens/Manolis Mathios.
lighting devices were often shaped like a well as lighting devices under the latter 20
Parani 2010, 139–64.
21
Bakirtzis 1989; Giannopoulou 2010.
glass beaker (candela), and could be used category. 22
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2010; Marki 2006.
either alone or supported in a metal holder, An observation of their course and 23
Bakirtzis 1989; Bakirtzis 2005, 111–16.
24
Koukoules 1948–1957, vol 2, 101 and vol. 5, 68.
which as a rule had suspension chains (cat. development over time as well as 25
Koder 2005b, 17–30.
no. 115). Glass candelae could also be self- differences vis-à-vis their owners’ and 26
L. Bouras and Parani 2008. Lighting devices formed
mounted (cat. no. 123). Small handles users’ social and financial status, while the subject of a recent dissertation, see Motsianos
2011a. They were also examined in a thematic
around the body’s perimeter allowed their perhaps not allowing a full outline of exhibition accompanied by a catalogue of the same
suspension from a chain or rope. Byzantine society, has at least permitted us name, see Motsianos 2011b, 90–125.
Ornate metal constructions (cat. no. to touch upon a number of aspects of the 27
Xanthopoulou 2010, 28–39.
28
Antonaras 2009.
116) with holders for glass candela and Byzantines’ everyday private life.
suspension chains, known as polycandela,
made additional lighting possible, especially
in wealthy homes. Polycandela were
1
Thessaloniki 2002, no. 295.
normally made of copper alloys and 2
Koukoules 1948–57, vol. 5, 142.
precious metals such as silver. 3
Bovini 1990; ODB 2, s.v. “Maximian” (A. Cutler)
Generally speaking, the transparency of 4
Urbana 1989, 114–15
5
Koukoules 1948–57, vol. 4, 295; Thessaloniki 2002,
glass lighting fixtures afforded the no. 268.
possibility of transmitting diffuse light 6
For an overview of the furnishings in Early Byzantine
from above, and thus they soon became houses, see Urbana 1989, 45-55.
7
For an overview of the arrangement of stibadia and
established for lighting large spaces. their accompanying tables, see Mundell Mango 2007,
In poor households it would appear 147, fig. 14.6: c, d.
that in some cases, particularly during the 8
Thessaloniki 2002, nos. 291, 292; Urbana 1989, 48–
49, 51, cat. nos. 1, 2.
winter months, light from the hearth or 9
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2005b.
from a torch set in a special stand (the 10
Antonaras 2009.
11
Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008.
dadostates) was sufficient to dispel the 12
Mundell Mango 2007; Mundell Mango 2009.
darkness, permitting limited nighttime 13
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2005b, 117–32.
movement and activity. 14
Ballian and Drandaki 2003, 47–80.
15
For an overview of the sgraffito technique in the
Fully cognizant of the difficulties and
Byzantine world, see Thessaloniki 1999.
limitations noted at the outset, this brief 16
For the interpretation of the symbolism of decorative
essay has touched on two important themes, see E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007.
17
Laiou 2002b; Laiou and Morisson 2007.
aspects of the subject “household 18
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2012, 193–216.
furnishing,” furniture and housewares, as 19
Koukoules 1948–57, vol. 5, 184–86.
| 222 |
Clothing and Personal Adornment:
The Semantics of Attire
PARI KALAMARA
existence of purely feminine clothes and
E
ach object a world unto itself! Men, Women, Eunuchs
This is how an archaeologist accessories as well as others appropriate for
The attitude of Byzantine society men.5 John Chrysostom speaks of
views things. Thus I, too, toward clothing distinctions between the “women’s shoes,”6 Agathias of “feminine
began to “unravel” the history of sexes is clearly reflected in contemporary embellishment” when referring to the
texts. First, during the first centuries of jewelry of Persian soldiers,7 and the
Byzantine dress, to uncover
Christianity the relation between the anonymous author of the Life of Saint
Byzantium through its costumes. adjective “female”4 and a number of Mary the Younger says that the saint’s
Clothing, a material element that is elements of dress demonstrates both the husband turned his chiton into a female
part of the external image in the
appearance of every human society,
has the power to reveal facets of its
character and organization. Sartorial
practices and preferences are in each
case determined by many factors,
sometimes connected with the social
environment in which they flourish,
and sometimes with the individual
who adopts them.1 They normally go
beyond the practical need for
protection.2 For the society that
creates it, clothing, as a non-verbal
code that relies on images, forms a
dynamic means of transmitting
messages, a communication system,
and beyond this, a means for society
itself to organize its experiences.3 For
Byzantium, scholars have at their
disposal images, texts, and objects to
assist them in the decoding process.
Fig. 101 | Emperor Nikephoros III Botaneiates with

Saint John Chrysostom and Archangel Michael.
Homilies of John Chrysostom, 1071–81, Bibliothèque
nationale de France, Paris, Coislin 79 fol. 2v. Photo: ©BNF.
| 223 |
·᾿Ó‰ÚỒ˜,11 and “cloak” (‚ÈÚÚ È̀Ó).12 In De
ceremoniis aulae Byzantinae (¶ÂÚ`È µ·ÛÈÏÂ›Ô˘
Δ¿ÍÂˆ˜, 10th century),13 in the ceremony of
investing a cubicularius and cubicularia
(ÎÔ˘‚ÈÎÔ˘Ï¿ÚÈÔ–ÎÔ˘‚ÈÎÔ˘Ï·Ú›·)
respectively, there is reference to the
clothes they wore: a gold himation like a
paragauda, propoloma (ÚÔfiÏˆÌ·), white
maphorion (Ì·ÊÒÚÈÔÓ), and white
harzanion (¯·Ú˙¿ÓÈÔÓ) for women, and a
gold paragauda (·Ú·Á·‡‰ÈÔÓ) for men.
The ritual was the same, but the attire was
different. The iconography confirms the
testimony of the texts.14
As regards the stable features of female
dress,15 these appear to have been primarily
concerned with safeguarding and
enhancing a woman’s good character. As
Christianity commanded, the elements of
the female wardrobe that ensured coverage
of the body were connected with a
woman’s ethos: primarily, the length of
chitons that covered the shoes—in contrast
to those of males, which reached only to
the ankles—the preference for long sleeves,
and a variety of headdresses.
At the same time, women’s clothing
actively contributed to emphasizing the
parts of the female body connected with
the special role of the female sex: the
position of the belt, sometimes below the
Fig. 102 | Christ before Pilate, from the Four Gospels, Rossano Codex, fol. 8v, 6th century. breasts (in the early period) and sometimes
Museo Diocesano di Arte Sacra, Rossano. Photo: ©2013. Photo Scala. Florence. at the hips (during the Late Byzantine
period), or fitted garments.
In addition, a smaller number of basic
one to be worn by his dead wife.8 continually,” while men “are forbidden to sartorial items is attested for the female
In other cases, the correlation between cover their head during prayer. . . . As an wardrobe than for that of males, which
sartorial elements or customs with one of official does not dare to present himself may be associated with the dearth of social
the two sexes is documented through without a belt and cloak before the roles for women and the homogeneity of
longer narratives. Chrysostom, for example, emperor, so you must not pray to God their activities. An exception to this is
provides a detailed presentation of the without the symbols of your authority, an observed in the case of jewelry, probably
habits of a man with feminine traits: example of which is not covering your because according to the Byzantines,
“When I see a man dressed in gold, in head, so as not to offend either yourself or luxury and elegance suited women.
make-up and with his hair done, wearing him who has honored you . . . , while for Radical developments in the female
perfumes and soft fabrics . . . and taking an her, it is hubris not to wear the symbols of wardrobe coincided with comparable ones
interest in luxury, how could I call her submission.”10 in that of males. Important changes in the
someone, who has betrayed the nobility of The situation did not change during elements of female attire and/or in
his nature and mutated into a woman, a the following centuries, as shown by the relations between male and female attire
man?”9 Elsewhere, he conveys the expressions “masculine fashion” (᾿·Ó‰ÚÈÎ Ồ occurred in the seventh/eighth century, in
ecclesiastical command concerning the Û¯῀ËÌ·), “male costume” (ÛÙÔÏË̀Ó ·᾿Ó‰ÚÈÎ Ë̀Ó), the eleventh—an age in which male and
covering of the head by men and women, “woman’s costume” (Ù Ë̀Ó Ù῀Ë˜ Á˘Ó·ÈÎỒ˜ female upper-class wardrobes drew closer—
which also differentiates between the two ÛÙÔÏË̀Ó), “male fashion” (᾿·Ó‰ÚÂ῀ÈÔÓ Û¯῀ËÌ·), and after the Latins were installed in the
sexes: women “. . . must be covered . . . but “in the fashion of a male” (᾿ÂÓ Û¯‹Ì·ÙÈ empire’s territories (13th century), when
| 224 |
female attire was markedly influenced by
Western clothing styles.16
On the basis of the limited
iconographic examples at our disposal,
sartorial differentiation is also documented
for eunuchs, who made up a powerful
presence in Byzantine society. Their outfits
combined characteristics of the male
(chiton length, hat types) and female
(earrings) wardrobes, while also featuring
unique articles of dress such as the fitted
jacket that appeared in the eleventh
century.17
Divergant Social Roles
The most important aspect of

Byzantine society illustrated by clothing
was social stratification. Basil the Great
acknowledged the semiotic power of
clothing, noting that “the style of dress is
useful, as it proclaims who each person is,
and invokes beforehand the promise of a
life according to God.”18
Historically, two large social groups
may be distinguished, the powerful
(‰˘Ó·ÙÔÈ̀) and the weak (᾿·‰‡Ó·ÙÔÈ) of the
written sources: those who wielded Fig. 103 | David composing the Psalms. Psalter, 10th century. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, Cod.
power—the emperor, officials, large gr. 139 fol. 1v. Photo: ©BNF
landowners, some of the clergy—and those

who were governed—farmers, soldiers,
craftsmen, merchants, etc. The existence of by rulers—the wealth of inaccessible to the middle and lower social
a middle class is not reflected in dress. jewelry/accessories,20 the variety and classes. Such fabrics were accordingly used
Furthermore, the intensity of the difficulty of the technology in the primarily by the imperial court and senior
distinction between social classes changed decoration of fabrics, and costly raw officials.23
over time. Until the seventh century materials such as precious stones, gold New trends also were seen earliest in
materials, colors, manufacturing techniques, thread, and royal purple. As regards raw the wardrobes of the powerful. During the
and therefore the final appearance of materials, we have a great deal of eleventh century an interest in detail and
clothing present the image of a rather information.21 Indicatively, we may note a more frequent appearance of new elements,
cohesive society. From the ninth century statute of 424 that recognizes the right to i.e. the concept of fashion, made its first
its image appears as strongly divided, and wear silk chitons and cloaks dyed (royal) timid entrance on the scene.24 This
the gap between the powerful and other purple only for the emperor and his tendency was reinforced during the Late
subjects widened. family.22 As concerns textile technology, Byzantine period under the influence of
Study of the iconography as well as the this became an important factor in Western sartorial practices introduced to
texts shows the basic characteristics of the distinguishing social strata after the ninth the eastern Mediterranean following the
clothing of the powerful to have been the century, when the draw loom came to Crusades.
layering of many items of clothing,19 their prevail in the decoration of fabrics. This The higher social class also used
greater length—long garments were type of loom, which produces fabrics with clothing, especially ceremonial court attire,
exclusively for the upper social class, while abundant decorative motifs, the basic unit allaxima (᾿·ÏÏ¿ÍÈÌ·),25 for ideological
differences in length are distinguished of which is automatically repeated along propaganda, to project the image of an
among short garments as well during the length and width of the fabric, ecumenical and powerful empire, where
periods when these were also being worn required infrastructure and expertise order (Ù¿ÍÈ˜) prevailed (as in the universe)
| 225 |
uniform” (᾿Â·Ú¯ÈÎË̀ ÛÙÔÏË̀).27 Clerical
vestments, particularly the distinguishing
elements of each rank (omophorion,
epitrachelion, orarion, and others) should
probably be connected with the allaxima of
the imperial court, since they were to be
worn only at certain moments in the
course of rituals.28 The characterization of
physicians’ and prostitutes’ clothing as a
“stole” raises questions.29 On the basis of
iconography, drivers were also
distinguished by a particular uniform.30
There were very few sartorial elements
strictly connected with a particular social
position, like the loros (Ï῀ˆÚÔ˜) and the
royal purple buskins (campagi) of the
emperor, or the clasp (porpe) worn on the
chlamys of officials during the Early
Byzantine period.
The Political Dimension of

Attire
Throughout the vast empire, in art its
subjects appear to adopt for centuries (at
least until the twelvth century) common
styles of dress that project the unity of the
state and the homogenous identity of its
subjects.31 The wide tunica (a sewn-up
chiton), for example, woven on the loom,
normally white, and decorated at specific
points with clavi, orbiculi, and segmenta, was
the most widely worn garment until the
seventh century. Naturally, the absence of
a geographic differentiation into regions
with different climates and heterogeneous
populations raises questions about whether
art depicts reality or simply the ruling
Fig. 104 | Funerary portrait of a couple of dignitaries, second half of 14th century. ideology. However, the fact that the unity
Church of Panagia Hodegetria (Aphendiko), Monastery of Brontocheion, Mistra. of the state during the corresponding
Photo: ©Archive of 5th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities/photo Giannis Patrikianos.
periods is also supported by other evidence
would suggest that this dominant culture
and everyone had his place under the soldiers, the clergy, and monks were probably enjoyed wide acceptance.
Byzantine monarch. Allaxima, the official uniforms; their attire is often rendered by Moreover, the written sources offer no
garments of the imperial court, comprised the terms “schema” (Û¯῀ËÌ·)26 and “stole” information that would invalidate this
a sort of atypical costume, which was (ÛÙÔÏË̀), and the latter term is also finding. Although the texts allude to
connected with a specific office at only a connected with some offices: “consular foreigners, they never recognize someone
specific time and place, and worn in the uniform” (ÛÙÔÏË̀Ó ÙÂ ῾˘·ÙÈÎË̀Ó), “the on the basis of his attire as coming from a
course of specific ritual events. uniform of the quaestor” (ÙË̀Ó ÛÙÔÏË̀Ó ÙÔ῀˘ specific part of the empire.32 Adjectives
Otherwise the Byzantines employed ÎÔÈ·›ÛÙˆÚÔ˜), “archieratical uniform” indicating place that accompany some
uniforms sparingly. The clothes worn by (᾿·Ú¯ÈÂÚ·ÙÈÎË̀Ó ÛÙÔÏË̀Ó), and “eparchial sartorial items such as “Phoenician shoes,”
| 226 |
“Laodicean fiblatorium,” “Argive cloak,” and and thus no firm conclusions can be drawn for this
period. Preserved archaeological fabrics—from Hagios
so on33 probably refer to the place of Achilleios Prespon (see Moutsopoulos 1967, 59–69)
manufacture or to these items’ technical and Mistra (see Kalamara 2000, 105–12)—can be
connected securely in only a very few cases with one
features.
sex or the other, and can only contribute in an
From the thirteenth century onward, ancillary fashion to the study of this issue.
Byzantium appears to have participated in 15
Kalamara 1997, 26–69, 195–219.
16
Kalamara 2001, 143-157.
the new European reality of independent 17
Kalamara 2004b, 280–85.
kingdoms as it took shape in the wake of 18
PG 31: 977, 980.
the Crusades and the founding of Latin 19
There is a characteristic passage in John Chrysostom,
who considered this practice to be an indication of
states in the East. This was the age when one’s wealth; PG 62: 259, 260.
sartorial elements found in the courts of 20
Kalamara 1997, 168–73.
21
Ibid., 151–66.
the West and the Latin East were 22
Cod. Theod. 1954, 10.21.3.
introduced to the empire’s territories,34 23
Kalamara 1997, 139–51. For the technology of
primarily into the upper-class female figured cloths (tissu façonné) and the draw loom
(métier à la tire), see the CIETA Vocabulary 1997.
wardrobe. These included garments fitted 24
Kalamara 2004b, 270–86; Kalamara 1997, 203–6.
at the bust, dresses with deep décolleté, 25
De cer. 1829–30, 641; De cer. 1967, vol. II, 541, 542,
garments with austere, pronounced 566, 575, 577, 584, 587, 591, 593, 594, 620, 641.
For the concept and how these official court clothes
drapery folds, and others. Here of course it were used, see Kalamara 1997, 94–110.
should be noted that the “Western 26
P. Stras. 1971–89, 560, 3; P. Cair. Masp. 1911–16, 298,
fashion” of the age, which was produced in 3, 299, 50; P. Lond. 1917, 1729, 25; P. Flor. 1915. 287.
1, 288, 9; PG 87.3, 2856, 48, 1035; Koukoules 1948–
many different cultural centers, e.g. the 57, vol. 2.2, 13; Novellae 1959, 13, praef. 667; Actes
various courts of Western Europe and du Protatôn 1975, 7; Synaxarium CP 1902, 62, 88, 97,
99, 173, 174, 311, 420, 423, 483, 507, 712, 803.
Italian cities, cannot be understood as a 27
De cer. 1829–39, 639; De cer. 1967, vol. π, 173, vol. II,
unitary style of expression, though it had a 74, 86, 105; Synaxarium CP 1902, 280, 455;
number of uniform systemic features. Christopher of Mytilene 1903, 17, 18, no. 30.
28
Kalamara 1997, 83, 84.
Within the framework of this group of 29
Life of St. Peter of Atroa 1956, 143; Synaxarium CP
centers for the production of “fashion,” the 1902, 461; Koukoules 1948–57, vol. 2.2, 13, 14:
Byzantine imperial court held a dynamic Kalamara 1997, 75, 76.
30
Kalamara 1997, 121–24.
and equal place.35 It preserved elements 31
Ibid., 184–94.
from its sartorial tradition and created new 32
A student of Egyptian papyri (see Wipszycka 1965,
107) has observed that despite the great variety of
ones, ultimately preserving its distinctive
clothing mentioned in the papyri, no distinctions
identity in the new political environment. between Egyptian and Greek clothing types emerge.
The coexistence of these diverse sartorial 33
Edictum Diocletiani 1971, 9.17–18.23, 19.25, 27, 52,
53.
elements in the Byzantines’ wardrobe was 34
Kalamara 2004a, 118–21.
experienced as a form of “multilingualism” 35
Ibid., 120, 121.
and potential loss of their collective 36
Kiousopoulou 2004, 194–96.
identity, and probably as a source of

concern among the Byzantines of the era.36
1
Barthes 1957; Barthes 1967; Perrot 1981.
2
Stoetzel 1963; Deslandres 1976; Cordwell and
Schwartz 1979; Roche 1989.
3
Floch 1985.
4
P. Cair. Masp. 1911–16, 6 II, 80, and 340v, 32.
5
Mansi 1960–1, vol. 2, 1101.
6
PG 57: 502
7
Agathias 1967, 121.
8
∞∞SS. Nov. 4, 697.
9
PG 63: 487.
10
PG 61: 217, 218.
11
Synaxarium CP 1902, 77.22, 105.7–9, 127.13–14,
205.7–8, 341.10, 358.30, 460.22–23, 777.7–8.
12
Mih̆aescu 1981, 425–27.
13
De cer. 1829–30, 622–27.
14
The available iconographic evidence for the seventh,
eighth, and ninth centuries is exceptionally sparse,
| 227 |
97. Floor Mosaic with
Personification of
Autumn (?)
4th century
Marble, limestone, and glass tesserae
94 ¾ x 51 1/8 x 1 1/8 in. (240 x 130 x 3 cm)
Condition: extensive damage on right of
panel, minor damage elsewhere
Provenance: Argos, Theatrou Street,
Syreggella-Antonopoulou plot
Argos, Archaeological Museum
his panel represents a standing female

T figure with a long garment swirling
softly as she turns. She wears a wreath on
her head, and in her right hand holds a
bunch of grapes and the fold of her
himation laden with fruits—among others
grapes, three figs, a pomegranate, and a
pear. The placement of the background
tesserae creates the impression that the
figure is standing inside a niche. A wave
pattern frames the composition.
The figure’s dancing pose and the fruit
she carries are usually considered attributes
of the personification of Autumn.1
Established in the mid-second century
A.D., representations of the seasons
remained popular in the Early Christian
period. Numerous representations, mostly
in mosaic, have survived throughout the
97
Eastern Roman Empire and North Africa,
where each season is identified not only by
inscription but also by characteristic
attributes, fruit in the wreaths on the head is not known whether the other seasons Argos suggest a fourth-century date.6
or in his/her hands. Occasionally the might have been represented in the same
seasons are winged, their age and sex space. The decorative bands along the NIKOLAOS D. SIOMKOS
varied. A similar representation of a bottom edge suggest that the mosaic
winged Autumn carrying fruit in her continued. However, since Autumn is
Literature: Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1987, 54, no. 9; New
himation’s fold appears in a fourth-century depicted in full figure in a separate arched
York 2011, 74, no. 1 (A. Panagiotopoulou).
floor mosaic from Antioch, now in the panel, it probably formed the floor’s central
Louvre.2 In the Early Christian period motif rather than part of a composition 1
On the iconography of the Seasons and Autumn in
particular, see especially Hanfmann 1951, nos. 115–30;
busts of seasons become increasingly with three other similar panels. Besides,
Parrish 1984, 38–40; Abad Casal 1990; Kiilerich 1998.
common.3 the representation of Autumn, like the 2
Abad Casal 1990, 522, no. 100.
As symbols of nature’s regeneration, the personification of Earth, illustrates on its 3
See, for example, another floor mosaic from the region
of Argos (Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1987, 56–58, no. 8,
seasons were often depicted in floor own nature’s generosity, as offered by God pls. 38–46).
mosaics, as they were thought to bring and protected by the emperor.5 The lack of 4
According to information provided in Banaka-Dimaki et
prosperity and good fortune. This mosaic archaeological evidence makes it difficult to al. 1998, 331 n. 44.
5
Kiilerich 1998, 25–31; H. Maguire 2005, 133–38.
comes from a private building4 but as the date the mosaic with precision, although 6
For the mosaic floor from Bonori’s plot. see Kritzas
excavation report is as yet unpublished, it comparisons with other examples from 1973–74, pls. 160–61.
| 228 |
98
98. Central Panel of a Floor and tails perfectly adapted to the panel’s During the early centuries of
circular shape. A braid motif frames the Byzantium (4th—7th centuries), public
Mosaic entire composition. The kantharos is baths were as popular as in the Roman
depicted in a fairly stylized manner, as a period. City dwellers went there to wash,
Attributed to the “Klausi and Loutra
series of geometric shapes with black but also to relax and socialize. Dozens of
Ypatis Workshop”, late 5th–early 6th
century
contours. The vine scroll is also rather Early Christian baths, often with luxurious
schematic and awkward. By contrast, the marble revetments and mosaic decoration,
White, black, red, orange, yellow, green,
and blue stone and glass tesserae
two heraldic peacocks with their slender have been excavated in Greece. This
necks, robust bodies, and impressive, tradition continued, though on a smaller
Diam. 63 ¾ in. (165 cm)
ornate tails are more naturalistic and add scale, into medieval Byzantium. Even
Provenance: Loutra Ypatis, Phthiotis
unity to the composition through their monasteries had baths, where the monks
Condition: tesserae missing locally
successful adaptation to the circular panel. washed according to each monastery’s
Byzantine Museum of Phthiotis, inv. no. º£
The motif of the kantharos and vine regulations (typikon).
æ3
scroll with peacocks is common on the
mosaic floors of Early Christian basilicas GEORGIOS PALLIS
in Greece.2 Its multiple symbolism draws
his circular panel decorated the center
T
on different theological sources.3 The
of the mosaic floor of a large room identification of the vine with Christ and Literature: Lazaridis 1972, 390, pl. 327a; Sodini 1978,
557, fig. 1; Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1987, 179, figs.
inside a secular building near Loutra the Church is of primary importance; the 307–308a.
Ypatis.1 Although not fully excavated, the peacocks function as symbols of paradise
1
Lazaridis 1972, 390, pls. 326–27; Lazaridis 1973, 321,
room was interpreted as a bath, since it and eternal life. This motif also occurs in
pl. 275a; Sodini 1978, 557–59, 561, figs. 1–3;
also contained a marble bathtub. secular buildings, such as the baths at Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1987, 178–80, no. 114, pls.
A kantharos occupies the composition’s Kallion in Phokis4 and Cos,5 possibly as an 302–309a; Sythiakaki-Kritsimalli 2002, 58.
2
Pelekanidis 1988, 23–24, 131, no. 120, pl. 111a, 134,
central vertical axis. Vine scrolls sprout ancient symbol of abundance and blissful no. 123, pl. 114.
from its interior and follow its contour existence without Christian connotations. 3
H. Maguire 1987, 9–10.
until below its base, where they end in This mosaic panel is attributed to the 4
Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1987, 201, fig. 360 (without
vine scroll).
two bunches of grapes. Two peacocks local workshop, which also created the 5
Pelekanidis 1988, 77–78, no. 42, pl. 47a–b. ·
stand on either side of the kantharos, mosaic floor in the basilica of the martyr 6
Sodini 1978.
pecking at the scrolls, their rounded bodies Leonides at Klausi in Evrytania.6
| 229 |
The Krategos-Mytilene Treasure
L
ike most hoards, the Krategos-Mytilene Treasure was found
accidentally, during the construction of the Lesvos airport at Krategos,
8 km south of the town of Mytilene, in 1951. The Archaeological
Service’s immediate intervention prevented the hoard’s theft, but it is
unknown whether these objects comprise the entire hoard. This invaluable
find comprises 32 gold coins—all minted in Constantinople, four in 607–9,
during the reign of Emperor Phokas (602–10), and 28 in 613–25, under
Emperor Herakleios (610–41)—and three bronze coins, two of Phokas and one
of Justin II (565–78). The hoard also included 22 pieces of gold jewelry, 17
silver vessels, eight of which feature control stamps, a bronze seal, and a
bronze signet ring. Apart from two of the bronze coins, the bronze signet
ring, and a silver jug, currently in the Mytilene Archaeological Museum, the
hoard is on display in the Byzantine and Christian Museum in Athens.
The Krategos-Mytilene Treasure is a rare example of a seventh-century
hoard of coins and precious objects with a known find spot and secure dating
evidence, the latter provided both by the coins and by the control stamps on
the silverware. The dates of the latest issue (616–25) and latest stamp
(629/630) provide a secure terminus post quem for the hoard’s concealment:
the end of the third decade of the seventh century, which coincides with a
period of turmoil for the empire brought on by the Persian and the Avaro-Slav
99
invasions.
As a precisely dated, closed deposit, the precious vessels and jewelry from
Krategos, which were obviously hoarded by a family of high officials, are
significant for the study of sixth—seventh-century gold and silverwork. Of
equal importance, however, is their contribution to our understanding of the
customs and beliefs prevalent among the Christianized aristocracy of the
seventh century. The coexistence of vessels and jewelry decorated with
crosses (cat. nos. 100, 134) and a silver trulla (cat. no. 99) featuring clearly
mythological motifs, as well as the presence of several apotropaic amulets
(cat. no. 135), are indicative of the aristocracy’s aesthetic preferences and of
the continuity and survival of pagan beliefs, foreign to the teachings of the
100
new religion.
EUGENIA CHALKIA
| 230 |
99. Trulla
7th century
Silver, partially gilt
H. 2 ⅞ in. (7.3 cm), Diam. 6 ½ in. (16.5 cm),
L. (with handle) 12 ⅜ in. (31.3 cm);
Weight 693 gr
Condition: fair, body probably damaged by
mechanical digger
Provenance: from the Krategos-Mytilene
Treasure
inv. no. μÃª 899
99
his hammered silver vessel features a

T deep hemispherical body, low ring
foot, and flat handle. Five seals dating to
Literature: Athens 1964, 428, no. 506; Thessaloniki central boss, which features a nielloed
the reign of Emperor Herakleios (610–41) 2002, 221–20, no. 256 (E. Meramveliotaki);
Latin cross with two circular finials on
are arranged on the base.1 Two groups of Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 68–69, with earlier
each arm. The production of this type of
concentric incisions define a gilt medallion bibliography; London 2008, 406, no. 104; New York
2011, 104–5, no. 51j (E. Chalkia). shallow plate with a cross or cruciform
on the body’s floor. An incised Vitruvian
monogram at the center became
scroll decorates the horizontal rim. 1
On the practice of sealing precious vases, see cat. no.
100. widespread during the reign of Emperor
Approximately half of the rim forms a six- 2
Aphrodite is also depicted inside the bowl of a precious Herakleios (610–41).2 The plate could
lobed extension, at the center of which the fourth-century trulla from Rome; see Kent and Painter
have been used in either a secular or
trapezoidal handle begins. The latter is 1977, no. 94.
3
On Oceanus and marine iconographic motifs, see ecclesiastical context.
decorated with a depiction of a standing, Brandenburg 1983, 249–56; H. Maguire 1987. On the reverse of the plate, inside the
half-naked Aphrodite holding a flower and 4
For examples, see Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 45.
central medallion, are five stamps dating to
the tip of her hair ribbon in her raised 5
On the decoration of domestic vases with pagan
motifs, see Mundell Mango 1994b, 128–31. Herakleios’ reign. The practice of sealing
hands.2 Below the goddess’s pedestal is a
silver vases and utensils with five distinct
stylized head of Oceanus, flanked by four
stamps was established under Emperor
medallions with busts of youths, two on
Anastasios I (491–518), and continued
either side, gently turning towards the
until the early 660s, as confirmed by
center.3 Various decorative motifs fill the
spaces in between: a band of triangles,
100. Plate archaeological evidence.3 Stamping was
garlands, rosettes, and chevrons.
7th century
Although vessels shaped like trullae
Hammered silver with gilding, niello
(deep bowls with a horizontal handle)
have been found in both private houses Diam. 6 ¹⁄₁₆ in. (15.4 cm); weight 402 gr.
and places of worship,4 the decoration on Condition: good
this example, with Aphrodite and Provenance: from the Krategos-Mytilene
Oceanus, suggests domestic use,5 probably Treasure
in the bath. The choice of such decoration Athens, Byzantine and Christian
indicates that the owners of the Krategos- Museum, inv. no. μÃª 894
Mytilene Treasure, although Christians, as
suggested by the crosses decorating some
of the hoard’s objects (cat. nos. 100, 134), his small, shallow plate (Gr:
did not reject mythological and pagan
subject matter.
T pinakion, Lat: gabata)1 of hammered
silver has a low ring foot. The interior is
decorated with two groups of incised
ANTONIS TSAKALOS concentric circles, one near the rim, the
other forming a gilt band around the 100
| 231 |
applied on objects manufactured under the
102. Silver Plate with
authority of the central administration and
intended primarily as imperial gifts. Its
Mythological Scene
purpose was to guarantee the quality of
Egypt, 6th–7th century
manufacture and purity of the metal. The
objects were stamped during the Silver gilt, hammered and lathe turned,
with soldered foot ring, repoussé and
manufacturing process, certainly before
chased decoration
their final tooling and decoration by
Diam. 10 in. (25.4 cm)
silversmiths.4 The five stamps always
Condition: mediocre; the plate has been
repeated the same specific shapes, and
broken and restored
contained a frontal bust of the emperor,
Provenance: Bubastis, Egypt
monograms of dignitaries, and names of
officials responsible for controlling the Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 11446
metal’s quality and weight.5
ANTONIS TSAKALOS he round plate has a short ring foot.

T The central medallion depicts Ino
nursing her son Melikertes atop a sea-
Literature: Athens 1964, 426, no. 501; Touratsoglou and
Chalkia 2008, 62–63, with earlier bibliography. entaur. Below the main figures, fish, a
squid, and seashells suggest the seascape
1
Adhémar 1934, 49.
setting. A degenerate bead-and-reel motif
2
Leader-Newby 2004, 177. For plates with similar
decoration, see London 2008, 94, nos. 42–44. and a Lesbian kymation, both inspired by
3
Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 50–51. ancient Greek architecture, surround the
4
Delmaire 1988, 117–18.
5
Dodd 1961, 5–18, 23–31.
medallion. The wide surface between the
medallion and the rim is decorated with
101 radiating stylized acanthus leaves.
This plate from Bubastis, Egypt,
belongs to a set that includes five similar
stamps dating to the reign of Emperor but smaller plates (cat. no. 103). As with
Herakleios (cat. nos. 99, 100). Comparable other sets from this period, the plates do
pieces are known from hoards discovered not reproduce the same subject, but depict
101. Lampstand
in Lampsakos (Cyprus)1 and in the House instead iconographic variants of the same
of Antioch (Syria),2 and copper alloy thematic cycle, which here includes
7th century
lampstands or candelabra of the same ancient sea deities.1
Silver
period are quite similar.3 It is impossible to According to the ancient Greek myth
H. 8 ⅝ in. (21.9 cm); weight 418 gr. conclude whether this lampstand had a that inspired the iconography of the set’s
Condition: very good secular or ecclesiastical use, since such largest plate, Ino, the nurse of the god
Provenance: from the Krategos-Mytilene objects without specific decoration could Dionysos, fruit of one of Zeus’ illicit
Treasure just as well have lighted a private house or romances, became the object of Hera’s
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, a church during mass.4 wrath. In order to escape the goddess’s
inv. no. μÃª 900 revenge, Ino fell into the sea with her son
ANTONIS TSAKALOS Melikertes; they were both transformed
into sea creatures. Variations of this
his object was used as a lampstand or
T
popular myth inspired tragedies, now lost,
Literature: Athens 1964, 384, no. 507; Thessaloniki
candelabrum, as the pricket at the top by the three great Greek poets Aeschylus,
2002, 292–93, no. 309 (E. Meramveliotaki);
for a lamp socket or candle suggests. Below Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 78–79, with earlier Sophocles, and Euripides.2 Both Pausanias
the pricket, which is shaped like a tiny bibliography; Schallaburg 2012, no. V.28 (A. Tsakalos). in his Description of Greece (2nd century)
obelisk, is a tray for collecting dripping 1
London 1994a, no. 76.
and Callistratus in his Descriptions (3rd–
wax or oil. The lampstand’s three-sided 2
Ross 1952, 30. 4th centuries) mention works of art
conical base rests on lion paws, and is 3
See the Pupput Hoard; Jacquest and Baratte 2005. depicting Ino and Melikertes.3
4
For specific examples, see Touratsoglou and Chalkia
decorated with an incised palmette and 2008, 45.
Although lacking control stamps, which
fleur-de-lys on each side. The interior would allow a precise dating (cat. nos. 99–
surface of the base features a group of five 100), this plate can be associated with other
| 232 |
103. Silver Plate with
Mythological Scene
Egypt, 6th–7th century

Silver gilt, hammered and lathe turned,
with soldered foot ring, repoussé and
chased decoration
Diam. 5 ⅛ in. (13 cm)
Condition: good
Provenance: Bubastis, Egypt
his plate depicts a winged Eros atop a

T sea monster in low relief. A single row
of beading surrounds the central medallion,
102
and an acanthus frieze covers the entire
surface between the medallion and the rim.
The small silver plate belongs to a set
well-dated vessels, which suggest a sixth– other sets, including the famous set of nine David of six from a hoard excavated at Bubastis
Plates (dated between 613–629/30) found at
seventh-century date.4 Several of the plate’s Lambousa, Cyprus, in 1902 and now divided between
in Egypt. The largest of the plates is
iconographic details appear not only on the Nicosia Archaeological Museum and The decorated with an elaborate representation
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York; see Leader-
contemporary silverware, but also on of Ino and Melikertes (cat. no. 102), the
Newby 2004, 185–95; New York 2011, 162–63; New
mosaics, textiles, and copper alloy objects, York 2012, 16–17, nos 6A-E. central episode of the myth that inspired
such as a brass jug (cat. no. 118) with 2
Pache 2004, 135–80. the decoration of the set as a whole, while
3
Pelekanidis 1942–44, 45–47.
identical acanthus leaves, also dated to the the smaller plates, like this one, carry more
4
Dodd 1961, no 70; London 2006, no. 82 (V.
late sixth–seventh century. Zalesskaya); Zalesskaya 2006, 58–59, no. 26. generic marine iconography.
The iconography of this period’s 5
Leader-Newby 2004, 173. Marine or Nilotic iconography was
silverware is often inspired by the Greco- especially popular in Late Antiquity, with
Roman repertoire: ancient Greek deities numerous examples in various materials.1
and bucolic themes of Roman tradition are Marine mythological themes are common
found as well as crosses and Old
Testament subjects. The survival of
mythological themes in sixth–seventh
century domestic silverware, despite the
absolute prevalence of Christianity in the
empire’s religious and political life,
confirms more than any other material
evidence the persistence of Greek paideia
(education) in the Eastern Empire. This
education largely dictated the cultural
identity and aesthetic preferences of the
elites that commissioned, used, and
displayed these precious silver vessels.5
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Literature: Pelekanidis 1942–44; Volbach 1962, 31;

Kotzamani 1999; Mielsch and Niemeyer 2001, 15–18.
1
Decorations with iconographically similar or 103
complementary narrative scenes are also known from
| 233 |
on secular silverware, particularly on 104. Three Silver Spoons derived from ancient literature.2
vessels intended for the bath, where a The three Benaki Museum spoons
direct reference to water emphasized the belonged to a hoard discovered at Touna
6th–7th century
objects’ function,2 but also on tableware, el-Gebel in Upper Egypt, along with three
Silver sheets, hammered, engraved, and
such as these plates. Despite the precious other examples in poor condition. The six
nielloed
material, the Bubastis plates display a spoons have the same dimensions and
11459: L. 9 ⅞ in. (25.2 cm); 11463: L. 10 in.
certain standardization in their decoration, similar, though not identical, decoration.
(25.3 cm); 11464: L. 9 ⅞ in. (25.2 cm)
confirmed by the frequent repetition of the Four are decorated with different
Inscriptions: on the disks, box monograms
same subject or decorative details on other which may be read as: 11459: ∞ªªø¡π√À
monograms, and five feature engraved
contemporary vessels: for example, Eros (Of Ammonios) or ƒøª∞¡√À (Of Romanos); inscriptions, which correspond to
atop a sea monster on a plate now in the 11463: ¶∞ª∏¡π√À (Of Pamenios); and exhortations or prayers, such as “Life,”
British Museum or an identical acanthus 11464: ºπ§√Δπª√À (Of Philotimos). “[Do] not [be] curious,” or “Know thyself”
frieze on silver plates with different On the upper side of the handle’s four-sided (the latter on no. 11462, which is not on
subjects in the central medallion.3 tip: 11459: ∑ø∏ (Life); 11463: ª∏ ¶∂ƒπ∂ƒ°√C display). The different monograms may
Interestingly, the same standardization ([Do] not [be] curious); 11464: ∞∫∞πƒøC correspond to different members of the
applies to the sizes of tableware, despite §À¶∏ (Untimely grief) family that owned the set, although such
differences in iconography. For example, Condition: average, niello missing in places, utensils were also used by visitors.
the dimensions of the plates of the surfaces corroded; part of the handle The word “Life” in one of the
missing on 11464 (completed with
Bubastis set are the same as those of the inscriptions, like other similar words, such
plexiglass)
medium- and small-size David Plates from as “Light,” “Grace,” etc., has a Christian
Provenance: Touna el-Gebel, Egypt
Lambousa, Cyprus, which are dated by connotation, and such terms are common
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. nos 11459,
control stamps to the reign of Emperor on all kinds of Late Antique objects, such
Herakleios (610–41).4 Copper alloy and 11463, 11464 as seals, jewelry, and vessels, giving them
ceramic plates of the same period have prophylactic properties.3 References to
similar dimensions. This confirms both a “untimely grief”—that is, the unreasonable,
trend of imitation within the hierarchy of ach of these spoons has a drop-shaped profound sorrow that overcomes the
materials (objects made in cheaper
materials, such as pottery, imitated those in
Ebowl with horizontal rim decorated human spirit and soul—occur in the Holy
Scriptures, while the concept is
with a wave pattern picked out in niello.
precious metals) and that dietary habits Their long, straight handles are attached to commented on by ecclesiastical authors.4
common throughout the social spectrum the bowl by means of a vertical disk The handle of a sixth-century silver knife,
dictated the production of tableware.5 decorated with an engraved and nielloed now in the British Museum, features a
box monogram on one side. Spoon 11463, similar inscription reading “Do not pity
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI the heaviest and most elaborate of the set, thyself” (ª∏ §À¶∏ C∂∞ÀΔ√¡ ).5 The
is further adorned with a palmette on the phrase “Know thyself” (°ÓÒıÈ ÛÂ·˘ÙfiÓ) is
circular disk’s reverse and inscribed foliate one of the sayings attributed to the Seven
Literature: Pelekanidis 1942–44; Volbach 1962, 31; Boyd
scrolls on the bowl’s underside. These Sages of Antiquity and included in a
1983; Kotzamani 1999.
surfaces remain undecorated on the other collection of epigrams known as the
1
New York 1979, 171–73. spoons. The long, cylindrical handles are Palatine Anthology. The saying also
2
Swift 2007, 385–409.
3
Boyd 1983; Zalesskaya 2006, 58–59, no. 26.
decorated with incised parallel lines and appears on one of the spoons of the
4
New York 2012, 16–17, nos. 6A–E. end in a baluster-like finial. The opposite Lampsakos Treasure (Turkey), now
5
Drandaki 2013. end, which is attached onto the circular divided between the British Museum and
disk, is cruciform in section with the Louvre.6
inscriptions engraved on the upper side. Such inscriptions were probably used
The spoons were probably intended for on spoons to trigger philosophical
right-handed users, since the monograms discussions during symposia, particularly
were visible when the spoons were held in since they are placed on the spoons’ most
the right hand.1 visible surfaces.7 The juxtaposition of
Spoons were the most common pieces Christian inscriptions and ancient sayings
of cutlery in Late Antique precious table on these luxurious utensils is consistent
sets, as suggested by surviving hoards and with the variable iconographic repertoire
written sources. They often feature and ideological orientation that
inscriptions consisting of single words, characterizes other tablewares from that
names or sayings, both Christian and period, on which their owner’s classical
| 234 |
104
education and Christian religion are 105. Five Bronze Forks wall paintings of BallÈ kilise at Soğ anlÈ and
harmoniously merged (see also the the Old Church of TokalÈ kilise at
Krategos-Mytilene Treasure, cat. nos. 99- 11th–12th century
Göreme in Cappadocia, which date to the
101).8 first half of the tenth century, and become
Bronze
increasingly common in the two
L. (a) 4 ⅛ in. (10.5 cm), (b) 4 ¼ in. (10.9 cm),
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI subsequent centuries.2 Forks are depicted
(c) 3 ⅞ in. (10 cm), (d) 3 ½ in. (8.9 cm),
(e) 5 in. (12.6 cm)
together with knives in front of the more
distinguished diners, a sign of the
Condition: (a) handle and tip of one tine
Literature: Athens 1964, 430, nos. 511–12; Hauser
missing, (b) tine and tip of other tine sophistication of the upper strata of
1992, 115, 118 and nos. 116, 131, 134.
missing (remaining section of tine 1 1/4 in. Byzantine society. Elsewhere, they are
1
This is the case with most spoons of this period, [3.1 cm]), (c) tips of tines missing depicted separately from knives, indicating
although some feature decoration suggesting a left-
Provenance: Corinth, ancient agora their common use by all the diners.
handed user; see Parani 2010, 143 and n. 27, with
earlier bibliography. Ancient Corinth, Archaeological Museum, The second type of fork with the small
2
Baratte 1992; Hauser 1992, 69–77. inv. nos (a) 7687, (b) 6774∞, (c) 7945, (d) metal shaft was probably used for bringing
3
Urbana 1989, 104, no. 40.
4
In his Compendium to the Holy Scriptures, compiled in 7178, (e) 1805 small, already cut pieces of food to the
619, Antiochos the Monk begins the twenty-fifth mouth. Probably similar were the small
chapter titled “On Grief” with the phrase “Do not gold forks that a Byzantine princess
grieve when [it is] not necessary” (PG 89, col. 1509).
ntil recently identified as medical
5
6
London 1994, 120, no. 134 (M. Mundell Mango).
∏auser 1992, nos. 102–20; Baratte 1992; London U tools, these five metal forks feature
married in Venice3 used for eating her
food, which had previously been cut into
1994, 118–20, no. 133a-f (M. Mundell Mango). The two tines, which develop from a small pieces by her eunuchs, as mentioned
Lampsakos spoons also combine ancient Greek and
Christian inscriptions, and have morphological features
horseshoe-shaped base, and a shaft.1 The with disapproval by the author and
similar to the Benaki Museum spoons. shape of the shaft differs on each fork. On Catholic saint Petrus Damianus (c. 1007–
7
Baratte 1992.
the first four forks the flat or faceted base 1072).4 Regardless of the negative attitude
8
Leader-Newby 2004, 173–219.
ends in a triangular shaft, which was of Western ecclesiastical circles and of the
inserted into an ivory, bone, wooden, or Byzantine fork’s introduction to the West
other handle. The fifth fork features a via Venice, its use in Byzantium was
small, cylindrical, elaborate metal handle. definitely regarded as a symbol of high
Pictorial representations were social status and wealth. Its appearance is
invaluable for identifying these rare finds probably associated with changes in the
from Corinth. They first appear in the Byzantine diet during that period, such as
| 235 |
he plate exhibits a fine, orange fabric. It
Thas a broad rudimentary base and
shallow body with oblique sides curving
upward to form a vertical rim. Both the
interior and exterior are covered with white
slip and shiny yellowish glaze. A fine
sgraffito scene of a wild animal devouring a
deer fills the interior. The animal is moving
toward the right, grasping the deer with its
sharp claws. Its head is depicted frontally,
its tongue hanging out of its muzzle. Its
rich mane, upturned tail with bushy heart-
shaped tuft, and circular spots covering its
body suggest that the attacking animal is a
cheetah, often mentioned in Byzantine
texts.1 Dense dots denote the fur on the
cheetah’s legs and deer’s body. Stylized
branches with “pinecones” decorate the
background.
This plate comes from the cargo of a
shipwreck excavated by the Hellenic
Archaeological Service between the islands
of Pelagonnisos and Alonissos in the
Northern Sporades in 1970.2 The ship’s
cargo consisted primarily of glazed
105
tablewares; amphorae, lamps, and other
objects either completed the cargo or were
part of the ship’s equipment. The
shipwreck provided invaluable information
the introduction of warm sauces served in
self-heating vessels, the saltsaria. Forks
106. Ceramic Plate on the commerce of glazed pottery during
the second half of the twelfth century.
protected the diners’ fingers from the heat,
Mid-12th century Recent studies showed that glazed pottery
while keeping them, and their long sleeves,
Glazed earthenware, fine sgraffito was systematically traded to provide for
clean.5 The use of the fork seems to have
decoration
tapered off in the Late Byzantine period.6
H. 1 ¾ in. (4.6 cm), rim Diam. 9 ¼ in. (23.5 cm),
base Diam. 5 ⅜ in.(13.5 cm)
NIKOLAOS D. SIOMKOS
Condition: well preserved despite its
long time in the sea; chips on rim,
Literature: Davidson 1952, 188, nos. 1378–82; Bliquez
wear on bottom
1984, 188, fig. 1; Thessaloniki 2002, 97, nos. 77a–b, 78 Provenance: Pelagonnissos-
(P. Kampanis, ∫. Skarmoutsou); Parani 2010, 157–58. Allonissos, Northern Sporades
1
On Byzantine forks see Anagnostakis and Nea Anchialos, Nea Anchialos
Papamastorakis 2005, 148–50; Parani 2010, 155–62 Archaeological Collection,
(with earlier bibliography).
inv. no. N.A. 18 (1406)
2
Parani 2010, 156, 158 n. 114 (where examples with
bibliography).
3
The Byzantine Princess was probably Maria
Argyropoulina, who was married to Giovanni Orseolo,
eldest son of the Doge Pietro Orseolo (Anagnostakis
and Papamastorakis 2005, 168 n. 13; Parani 2010,
155).
4
Petrus Damianus, PL 145, col. 744.
5
Parani 2010, 160.
6
Parani 2010, 161–62.
106
| 236 |
the needs of a rising socio-economic class
with sophisticated demands.3
The shipwreck’s ceramic vases resemble
in shape and decoration metal vases, such as
those from the Konstantinos Alanos Hoard.
The similarities even in the details and
rendering of the decoration are striking.4
The plate features sgraffito decoration,
the technique par excellence of Byzantine
glazed pottery.5 This technique consists of
engraving into the slip covering the clay
body. In Byzantine pottery the sgraffito
technique was applied on vases with red
fabric and white slip. By engraving the
decorative motif, the potter removed the
slip to reveal the red fabric underneath,
thus producing a red motif against a white
background. The sgraffito technique
appeared in Byzantine pottery in the
eleventh century and became common in
the twelfth. Depending on the width of 107
the engraved line, sgraffito wares are
divided into fine sgraffito, incised sgraffito,
and champlevé wares—the latter
distinguished by the removal of the slip right, his phallus protruding, and turns his
107. Ceramic Plate
from the composition’s background. head towards the left. Apart from his face
The decoration of sgraffito ceramics was and curly hair, the rest of the body is dark-
Late 12th century
completed when the piece was fired for a colored—rendered by removing the slip.
Glazed earthenware, incised sgraffito
second time and the glaze became He wears a close-fitting garment with long
decoration
transparent and shiny. Glazed ceramics are dancing sleeves and pointed shoes.
H. 2 in. (5 cm), rim Diam. 8 ⅜ in. (21.2 cm).
fired twice. The first firing turns the fragile, The dense vine scroll and scattered
base Diam. 3 ⅜ in. (8,7 cm)
easily soluble clay body into a ceramic pot; bunches of grapes that decorate the
Condition: broken and restored
the second firing allows the glaze to adhere background suggest a scene of
Provenance: central Greece
to the vase’s surface like a skin. merrymaking with wine, music, and
Rhodes, Palace of the Grand Master, inv. no.
dance. Moreover, the figures’ garments and
¶Ã 1312
ASPASIA DINA rendering recall performances in the
Hippodrome and during symposia, as well
as the famous grylloi (jesters) and mimes.3
his plate presents a red, rather coarse
Tfabric, a low ring foot, a shallow body Yellowish glaze renders the plate’s
Literature: Kritzas 1971, 179, fig. 9; Athens 1986, 234,
no. 276 (∞. Dina); Thessaloniki 1999, no. 134; E. Maguire
and H. Maguire 2007, 82–83; London 2008, 402, no. 84
interior waterproof and shiny while
(A. Dina). with slightly curving sides, and a plain enhancing the decorative motif. The
rim. The plate’s interior is decorated with a iconography of incised sgraffito ware
1
E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007, 82–84.
2
Kritzas 1971.
scene of music and dance engraved includes a large number of human figures,
3
Laiou and Morrisson 2007, 121; Papanikola-Bakirtzi through a coat of white slip.1 A musician often in scenes of music and dance, but
2012, 199–201.
provides the composition’s central vertical also hunters and warriors that have been
4
Ballian and Drandaki 2003, 47–80; Papanikola-Bakirtzi
2012, 201. axis. He is depicted in profile, with long, interpreted as heroes of the Akritic songs
5
Thessaloniki 1999. See also cat. no. 123 and D. wavy hair, strong facial features, and a (epic poetry relating to the life of the
Papanikola-Bakirtzi above, 218–22
hooked nose. He wears a pointed cap, a Akrites, the frontier guards defending the
garment with pleated skirt and puff Byzantine Empire’s eastern borders). These
sleeves, and long stockings. He holds a incised sgraffito wares are dated to the late
stringed instrument, possibly a psaltery.2 A twelfth–early thirteenth century.4
dancer is pictured in reduced scale in front
of the musician. He is moving toward the DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI
| 237 |
Literature: Thessaloniki 2002, 201, no. 223 (M.
Michailidou); Zafiropoulou 2005, 200–1, no. 62.
1
On the sgraffito technique and its variants, see cat. no.
106 and D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi above, 218–22.
2
Voutsa 2012, 203–4.
3
E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007, 110–16.
4
Thessaloniki 1999, 20, nos. 34–37, 203–6.
108. Ceramic Plate

Glazed earthenware with champlevé
decoration.
H. 2 ¾ in. (7 cm), rim Diam. 8 ¼ in. (23.5 cm), 108
base Diam. 3 ⅛ in.(8 cm)
Condition: partially preserved, complete
profile, but much of the body and rim
missing
protagonist in this fight. Small bushy
Provenance: central Greece
branches and semicircles decorate the
109. Ceramic Plate with Eagle
background.
(Gift of Th. Makridis) Late 12th–early 13th century
The plate’s decorative theme, though
not its technique, recalls a Zeuxippos Coarse red clay fabric (Munsell 2.5 YR 6/6)
with rare small lime inclusions and mica;
Ware vase.2 This similarity raises the
champlevé decoration and glazing
his tableware plate has a tall conical question of the iconography of Byzantine
Tfoot, a shallow body with curved sides, glazed pottery, its sources, and the issue of H. 2 in. (5.2 cm), rim Diam. 9 ⅞ in. (25 cm),
base Diam. 3 ¹⁵⁄₁₆ in. (10 cm)
and a plain serrated rim. It is decorated in copying themes and motifs.3
Condition: small part of rim and body
the champlevé technique, where the white The fabric and decoration distinguish
missing
slip over the entire field of the the Benaki Museum plate from other
Provenance: Sparta, Linardis plot
representation is removed allowing the groups of ceramics with champlevé
Sparta, Archaeological Museum, inv. no.
light-colored motif to appear in slight relief decoration, which can be attributed to
14300
against the dark (usually red) background different workshops. The execution of the
of the ceramic fabric.1 The figures’ details champlevé decoration on the Benaki
are engraved. Museum vase is similar to that of vessels
he plate features a shallow body,
The composition—a large bird turned
toward the right standing between two
found in the Larisa region.4
T curved walls, and a ring base. Both
griffins—covers the entire interior surface. DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI interior and exterior exhibit a whitish slip
The griffin standing in front of the bird and greenish yellow glaze; the interior has
looks toward the right. The griffin behind champlevé decoration. An eagle is depicted
it is positioned upside-down facing the Literature: Brussels 1982, 234, no. c. 9 (L. Bouras); frontally, its head turned toward the right
Papanikola-Bakirtzi et al. 1999, no. 198; Schallaburg
other way. Tiny spirals denote the bird’s 2012, 277, no VIII.18 (D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi) and its wings and legs widespread as in an
plumage, and rows of circles its tail emblem, its claws grasping an animal,
1
feathers. The griffins’ fur is rendered with possibly a doe. Stylized vegetal motifs are
106 and D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi above, 218–22.
scale-like hatching. 2
Megaw 1968b, 78 pls. 19a, b. densely arranged in the background: a
The position of the bird’s legs on top of 3
Armstrong 1997, 8–9; Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2012, 201. foliate scroll with palmettes, half-palmettes,
4
Thessaloniki 1999, nos. 55–56.
the griffin’s body suggests that the animals and heart-shaped, multi-lobed leaves.
are fighting, as does the second griffin’s Byzantine ceramic tablewares imitated
attitude of retreat. The bird of prey with metal vases, and adopted the decorative
its hooked beak and claws is therefore the techniques and motifs of luxury objects.
| 238 |
110. Ceramic Plate with Lovers
First half of the 13th century

Red fabric (Munsell 2.5YR 5/6) with
reddish brown and white inclusions
H. 1 ¾ in. (4.5 cm), rim Diam. 10 in. (25.3
cm), foot Diam. 4 ⅜ in. (11.1 cm)
Condition: profile complete, parts of foot,
body, and rim missing
Ancient Corinth, inv. no. C-1934-0054
he plate features a low, vertical ring

T foot with flat resting surface and
shallow convex body rising to squared lip.
White slip has been thickly applied to the
109 interior and over the lip outside. Yellow
overglaze covers the slip and decoration.
Champlevé incised decoration covers
most of central medallion. (On the
Champlevé decoration was introduced into example of a utilitarian object that was sgraffito technique and its variants see
pottery toward the end of the twelfth elevated to the status of a work of art D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi above, 218—22).
century. It involved removing part of the through the careful execution of the A man is depicted seated on a folding stool
slip surface so as to produce a light-colored champlevé technique, which gives it a relief embracing a woman seated on his lap with
motif in low relief against a dark surface, and its rich decoration. Sparta was his left arm over her shoulder. Her arms,
background. Vases with champlevé probably a production center for glazed with the long sleeves of her dress extending
decoration usually feature human and pottery in the twelfth and, especially, well beyond her hands, are raised to
animal figures.1 The Sparta plate belongs to thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries.6 shoulder height. The couple’s feet and the
a group distinguished by the dense stool are rendered in sgraffito outside the
arrangement of its decorative motifs.2 EVI KATSARA central medallion. A running hare is
Like their metal equivalents, which pictured on the right and the trunk of a
were intended for the wealthier social tree on the left.
classes, ceramic tablewares were decorated
with animals and hunting scenes with 1
Thessaloniki 1999, nos. 55, 134,
eagles, lions, hawks, and deer. These motifs 140, 186, 212.
2
Ibid., nos. 48, 208.
were popular in Byzantine art in various 3
See note 1.
mediums (jewelry, sculpture, book 4
Talbot Rice 1968, pl. 23F.
decoration, embroidery). In the Byzantine 5
Trilling 1997, fig. 4.
6
Bakourou et al. 2003, 233–36;
world the eagle held a special place, Dimopoulos 2007, 67–73.
particularly in hunting scenes.
The posture and rendering of the
plumage of the eagle’s body on the Sparta
plate and other glazed vases3 recall similar
motifs in sculpture4 and embroidery.5 In
the twelfth and first half of the thirteenth
centuries potters were inspired by
decoration in other mediums, and may
have used established repertoires of motifs
as their models, reproducing current
Byzantine decorative designs.
The Sparta plate is a characteristic 110
| 239 |
The scene presents a pair of lovers,
perhaps the epic hero Digenes Akritas
(Basil) and his wife Kore (Eudokia
Doukaina) or the Amazon queen
Maximo, who, according to the popular
Akritic song, when defeated in battle by
Digenes became his lover. (See E. Maguire
and H. Maguire above, 202—10).
This plate is one of a number found
together in a dump during the excavation
of the South Basilica at Corinth. The
pottery contained is fairly heterogeneous
and the dates for the pit’s contents range
from the late twelfth century to the second
quarter of the thirteenth century.
The fabric, containing phyllites, schists,
polycrystalline quartzes, chert, plagioclase,
and serpentinite in varying proportions
and grain sizes is not Corinthian. Pottery 111
with a fabric of this type was imported to

Corinth, Argos, Athens, and Sparta in
considerable quantities during the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries. It comes from an his glazed ceramic bowl has a ring vessels, some unfinished, which were
as yet unidentified workshop, probably in T foot, hemispherical body, and splaying attributed to the ceramic workshops of
northern Greece or eastern Thrace. rim. White slip on the interior and upper Sirkeci in Istanbul. Chemical analysis
part of the exterior surface is covered by showed a different composition than that
GUY D. R. SANDERS shiny yellow glaze. The decoration is of the Thessaloniki vessels, thus
carefully executed in the fine sgraffito and demonstrating a parallel production of
champlevé techniques. A bird is depicted similar vessels in the ceramic workshops of
Literature: Ch. Morgan 1935, 76–78; Frantz 1941, 9–14;
on the bottom of the bowl, turned toward both Thessaloniki and Constantinople.5
Ch. Morgan 1942, 163, 333, pl. LII; Megaw 1968a, 105,
fig. 313; Brussels 1982, 232, no. C7 (L. Bouras); New the right and pecking at stylized leaf or Glazed ceramic bowls were used as
York 1997, 270–71, no. 192 (E. Dauterman Maguire); tree. Behind the bird are a trefoil motif tablewares, as suggested by representations
Thessaloniki 1999, 184, no. 211 (I. Tzonou-Herbst);
Sanders 2003; London 2008, 404, no. 94 (G. D. R.
inscribed in a circle and two lozenges with of bowls of similar shape in Byzantine art,6
Sanders); White et al. 2009. oblique hatching. Four parallel lines mark but also often as grave gifts.7 Late Byzantine
the bowl’s perimeter on the interior, with glazed ceramic bowls are deeper and smaller
two on the exterior. Traces of the bowl’s than bowls of earlier periods, indicating that
adhering to an adjacent vase during firing they were intended for liquid foods and for
are visible on the exterior. The imprint of personal use, which marks a change in
a clay tripod at the bottom indicates that Byzantine dietary habits.8
the bowl was stacked with other similar
bowls to save space in the kiln.1 IOANNIS MOTSIANOS
The discovery at Thessaloniki of pottery
111. Ceramic Bowl wares decorated with similar birds pecking
Literature: Vavylopoulou-Charitonidou 1989, 214, fig. 2;
at a leaf or tree2 and of a relatively large Thessaloniki 1999, 193, no. 218 (π. Motsianos).
Late 13th–early 14th century number of vessels with this motif3 led to its
1
Thessaloniki 1999, 21, fig. 5.
Clay, orange-red fabric association with local workshops and local 2
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1987b; Thessaloniki 1999, 188–89,
H. 3 ¼ in. (8.3 cm), rim Diam. 5 ⅝ in. (14.3 Late Byzantine production. Accordingly, fig. 1, 190, no. 215.
cm), foot Diam. 2 ¼ in. (5.7 cm) vessels with the same motif from other 3
Thessaloniki 1999, 191–97, nos. 216–17, 219–23.
4
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1987b, 188, 202–3; Thessaloniki
Condition: small part of the foot and rim regions were also considered products or 1999, 198, no. 224.
missing imitations of vessels produced in 5
Waksman et al. 2009.
Provenance: Thessaloniki Thessaloniki.4 However, recent excavations 6
Anagnostakis and Papamastorakis 2005, figs. 1, 7, 10.
7
Vavylopoulou-Charitonidou 1989.
Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture, for the construction of the metropolitan 8
Vroom 2003, 233, 322–30; Thessaloniki 1999, 21;
inv. no. μ∫ 4519/192 railway in Istanbul uncovered similar Papanikola-Bakirtzi 2005b, 121–22.
| 240 |
112
112. Ceramic Bowl which splays sharply to suggest the with human figures found at Kato
dancer’s swirling movement. The dancer Paphos.4 The decoration of these vases—
Cyprus, Paphos, first half of 13th century
holds some form of castanets or clapsticks both the incised sgraffito technique and
in his or her raised hands. A hatched disk the iconography—recalls those of Incised
Glazed earthenware, Brown and Green
incised sgraffito decoration
in the field to the right balances the raised Sgraffito examples from various Byzantine
arms on the left. The short skirt and curly sites dating to the twelfth-thirteenth
H. 2 ³⁄₁₆ in. (5.5 cm), rim Diam. 6 in. (15.3 cm),
base Diam. 3 in. (7.5 cm)
hair suggest that the dancer is male, centuries. The bowl’s shape suggests a
though the curly hair could in fact be a tabletop use.
Condition: partially preserved, rim missing
entirely, body broken and reassembled, female’s headdress decorated with spirals.
some losses and chips Brushstrokes in a brownish yellow and DEMETRA PAPANIKOLA-BAKIRTZI
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 13609 green (iron and copper oxides respectively)
(Gift of Th. Makridis) enliven the engraved motif. The bowl’s
Literature: Brussels 1982, 233, no. c. 8 (L. Bouras);
exterior shows traces of slip-painted
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1984; Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1996, no.
decoration. A greenish glaze covers the 73; Thessaloniki 2002, 203–4, no. 227 (D. Papanikola-
interior, brownish yellow the exterior. Bakirtzi); Lisbon 2007, 197, no. 105 (A. Drandaki);
London 2008, 404, no. 93 (D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi)
he bowl presents a dark red, rather Traces of the use of a tripod stilt during
Tcoarse fabric. It features a raised foot firing are visible on the bottom. Tripods
stilts were small triangular devices used to
1
with slightly upturned ring, and body 106 and D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi above, 218–22.
2
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1987a.
with splaying sides. The entire rim is separate glazed pots when stacked inside 3
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1996, 55–112.
missing, but traces suggest that it was the kiln to prevent them from sticking to 4
Papanikola-Bakirtzi 1989, no. 5; Papanikola-Bakirtzi
upright, concave on the outside and one another during firing.2 1996, nos. 45–48; Karageorghis 1999, no. 249.
convex on the inside. This bowl’s decoration identities it as

The decorative motif is engraved with brown and green incised sgraffito ware. The
fine and broad lines through the white slip fabric, shape, and decoration assign the
that covers the interior.1 It pictures a bowl to the early production of the
dancer whose body and head are shown Paphos workshops (first half of the 13th
frontally, but whose arms and legs face to century).3 Other examples of early Paphos
the right. He or she has a round face with production include the vase with the
large eyes and curly hair. A scale pattern falconer, now in the Pierides Museum, a
decorates the bodice of his or her garment, vase depicting a dancer in the Severis
whereas vertical lines decorate the skirt, Collection, and several examples decorated
| 241 |
ecclesiastical use, since Christian motifs
113. Lamp and Lampstand
decorated all sorts of Late Antique
utilitarian objects. Apotropaic symbols
6th–7th century
were particularly common on lighting
Brass, cast in sections, lathe turned,
devices, underlining and reinforcing the
punched, and incised
prophylactic properties of light.
Oil lamp: H. 5 ⁵⁄₁₆ in. (13.5 cm), L. 6 ¼ in.
(16 cm), W. 2 ½ (6.5 cm).
Lampstand: H. 16 ⅛ in. (41 cm)
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Literature: Lisbon 2007, 159–60, no. 78 (A. Drandaki);
Xanthopoulou 2010, 129, 275, nos. LA3.133 and
CA7.091.
he lamp rests on a short ring foot with
T a socket for a lampstand pricket. It
1
For parallels, see Bailey 1996, 102, pls. 138–39;
Bénazeth 1992, 159; Xanthopoulou 2010, 270–72.
features a pear-shaped body and curved Unlike the Benaki Museum lampstand, these examples
nozzle that ends in a circular wick hole, feature a folding stand with zoomorphic feet.
2
De Ridder 1915, 146, no. 3103; Thessaloniki
which is decorated with impressed circles 2002, 286, no. 301 (∂. Chalkia);
and heart motifs. A hinged lid with Xanthopoulou 2010, 9.
decorative finial (a cross on a sphere) shuts ODB, s.v. “eagles” (A. Cutler).
3
the circular filling hole, which is framed by

four rows of motifs: hearts, crosses, bead-
and-reel, and inverted hearts. The lamp’s
reflector is shaped like an eagle, its contour
marked by a single row of impressed
circles. Despite the general stylization, the
raised head is rendered realistically. The
reverse of the eagle’s body is hollow and
functions as a thumb-rest. Below this is a
ring handle.
The baluster-shape lampstand rests on
an inverted calyx-shape base with three
feet shaped like stylized horse’s hooves,
following the long tradition of Roman
zoomorphic supports. The lampstand was
cast in three sections, which were joined
by means of small prickets and
corresponding sockets. The lamp is placed
on a similar pricket atop the lampstand.
The fact that the sections were not
soldered together, as were those of most
other contemporary lampstands, and can
be assembled and disassembled suggests
that this was a portable piece, easier to
pack and carry.1
Eagle-shape reflectors appear on several
lamps of this same period.2 With its
cruciform body, the eagle, originally a
symbol of imperial power and authority,
acquires a Christian significance, further
accentuated here by the lid’s cross.3 The
presence of Christian iconography on
lighting devices does not necessarily
indicate that they were intended for 113
| 242 |
114. Lamp and Lampstand
6th–7th century
Brass, cast in sections, lathe turned
Lamp: H. 5 ⅝ in. (14.4 cm), L. 10 ⅞ in.
(27.5 cm), W. 3 1/2 (9 cm);
114
Lampstand: H. 11 ⅜ in. (29 cm), L. of side of
triangular base 7 ⅛ in. (18.2 cm)
Condition: very good, uniform light green
patina three stylized horse-hoof feet. The baluster Ugium and Nîmes in France, Dura-
supports a large concave drip-tray, from Europos in Syria, Italy, Bulgaria, and Bet
the centre of which rises a four-sided She’an in Israel.2 Interestingly, an identical
pricket, which fits perfectly into the lamp’s lamp and lampstand are depicted in the
socket. The lamp and lampstand were famous ninth-century Chludov Psalter.3
his lamp features a squat spherical obviously manufactured as a set, as their
T body and long tubular nozzle with a alloys’ identical composition confirms. ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
flat wick spout decorated with engraved Morphologically, this lamp belongs to a
grooves. It stands on a flaring foot with a large group of lighting devices with a long
Literature: Brussels 1982, 163, no. Br.6 (L. Bouras);
socket for the lampstand pricket. A hinged tradition dating from Imperial Roman
Thessaloniki 2002, 289–90, no. 305 (M. Xanthopoulou);
openwork lid closes the circular filling hole times to the seventh century.1 This type of Xanthopoulou 2010, nos. LA3.231 and CD7.067.
on the body. The elaborate handle was cast lamp with its many variants was,
1
On the development and variants of this lamp type,
separately and soldered onto the back. It according to Maria Xanthopoulou, one of
see Xanthopoulou 2005, 77–84.
forms a double vegetal scroll with small the most popular lighting devices in Late 2
Bénazeth 1992, 128–29; Bénazeth 2001, 117–24, nos.
leaves that join at the front to hold a ball, Antiquity. The lamp’s shape was especially 99–104; Thessaloniki 2002, 288, 290, nos. 303, 306;
Munich 2004, 223, no. 327; Xanthopoulou 2010, 11–
above which rises a cross with flaring arms. common in the sixth and seventh 12.
The lampstand features a baluster shaft centuries, with examples from Egypt, 3
Shepkina 1977, fol. 40v.
and an inverted calyx-shaped base with Ephesus and Halicarnassus in Turkey,
| 243 |
known: the Early Byzantine cast-bronze
kandela in the Louvre (with hemispherical
body and openwork inscription in two
rows3), two basket-shape kandelai
decorated with vegetal scrolls in the
Benaki Museum and in Berlin,4 the eight
silver kandelai excavated at Kumluca in
Lycia (hemispherical and cylindrical on a
stemmed foot with geometric decoration),5
the Middle Byzantine hammered copper
kandela from Ovaakçe (hemispherical,
with heart-shaped motifs on the base and
a grid of crosses on the walls),6 and
another example in a private collection
(hemispherical, with a cross on the base
and a grid of tiny crosses on the walls).7
A Late Antique invention, the kandela,
or bowl-shaped lamp, gradually replaced
the nozzled lamp, particularly in religious
contexts.8 Mass-produced in glass, kandelai
were also made of metal with solid walls
or, more frequently, openwork walls and a
glass lining. The latter were particularly
decorative, since they offered, in addition
to the intricate decoration and shiny
material (gold, silver, copper), an
interesting interplay of light and shadow.
Information on the use of kandelai in
Byzantine churches can be drawn from
monastic typika, such as the typikon of the
Pantokrator Monastery (1136), which
mentions akoimetous (ever-burning)
kandelai and others that were lit only on
115
Sundays, during mass, or for important
celebrations.9 According to the typikon of
the Constantine Lips Monastery (1282),
horizontal bands of openwork vegetal silver kandelai replaced the ordinary glass
115. Kandela (lamp) scrolls alternating with solid bands with ones on feast days.10 With their light and
incised horizontal grooves. On the base, position they were used to draw the
11th–12th century
four radiating vegetal motifs are framed by worshippers’ attention and prayers toward
Copper alloy, cast and hammered, incised a circular band consisting of alternating the most sacred parts of the church: the
decoration sanctuary and its entrance, the side apses,
crosses, T-shaped motifs, and triangles. The
H. 11 ¾ in. (30 cm), Diam. 4 ⅜ in. (11 cm) metal body was lined with a glass bowl the icons, and the dome.
Condition: complete that held the fuel.
Baron Michael Tossizza Foundation - Similar vegetal motifs are common on MARIA XANTHOPOULOU
Museum of Folk Art, Tossizza Mansion, metal objects of the Middle Byzantine
Metsovo period. A close parallel is provided by a
tinned copper polykandelon, now in the Literature: Athens 1964, 449, no. 542; Brussels 1982,
178, no. Br. 21 (L. Bouras).
Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.1 A
he lamp has a cylindrical openwork Middle Byzantine kandela, now in Berlin,
T
1
Mundell Mango 1994a, 224, fig. 118.8.
also features a cylindrical openwork body Berlin 1983, 42–43, no. 19.
2
body, flat base, and three lugs for 3
Bénazeth 1992, 153.
suspension chains attached to a calyx- and stylized vegetal motifs.2 A few more 4
Xanthopoulou 2010, 278, no. KA 1.001; Effenberger
shaped hook. The walls feature two examples of metal openwork kandelai are and Severin 1992, 176, no. 89.
| 244 |
5
Boyd 1992, 28–30, nos. 41–48.
6
FÈratlÈ 1969, 181, fig. 18. Mundell Mango 1994a, 224,
pl. 117.4–5.
7
Mundell Mango 1994a, 224, pl. 117.6–7.
8
On the terminology, typology, and use of metal
kandelai, see Xanthopoulou 2010, 39–45, 63ff.
9
Thomas and Constantinides Hero 2000, 740ff.
10
Ibid., 1277.
116. Polykandelon (chandelier)
Disk 10th–11th century (?), chains 13th–

14th century (?)
Copper alloy, cast
H. 22 ⅞ in. (58 cm), Diam. 13 in. (33 cm)
Condition: complete
Baron Michael Tossizza Foundation -
Museum of Folk Art, Tossizza Mansion,
Metsovo
he polykandelon, or chandelier, has a

T circular openwork disk divided into
concentric decorative zones around central 116
star-shaped ring; a band of radiating rods
with triangular and circular finials
connected by arches; a band of nine rings
for glass oil lamps alternating with lance- the disk, and may not have originally contexts—Philotheos’ Lists of Precedence
shaped motifs; and finally a row of small belonged to it (they have been dated to the (899) speak of the “polykandelon hanging
rings alternating with solid circles. The 13th–14th century).3 in the middle of the Chrysotriklinos” and
polykandelon features three suspension Invented in Late Antiquity, the the “other polykandela” of the Great
lugs and three suspension straps, each of polykandelon quickly replaced the multi- Palace.8 Several examples have also been
which consists of rectangular and circular nozzled lamp.4 Shaped like flat openwork excavated in domestic buildings.
openwork plaques, hinged together and disks or wide cylinders with moveable
attached to a calyx-shaped hook. The dolphin-shaped arms, polykandela were MARIA XANTHOPOULOU
rectangular plaques are decorated with a made of gold, silver, or bronze. Vast
vertical row of crosses framed by rows of numbers of opulent polykandela of all
reclined fleur-de-lys motifs; the circular shapes and sizes adorned the churches of Literature: Metsovo 2000, 90, fig. 153; New York 2004,
123, 124, figs. 5.7–5.8; Verykokou 2008, 96, fig. 11;
plaques feature a stylized animal (horse or Rome and Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki 2011a, 177, no. 69 (B. Papadopoulou).
lion). Constantinople, according to the Liber
1
C. Metzger 1974, 319, fig. 1.
This polykandelon and an identical Pontificalis5 and Paul Silentarios’ Ekphrasis 2
Verykokou 2008, 94–102; Xanthopoulou 2010, 49–52,
example now in the Louvre1 belong to a of the great church (6th century).6 particularly 51.
large group of polykandela with similar According to the typikon of Gregory 3
New York 2004, 124, 125.
4
On the terminology, typology, and use of the
geometric and vegetal motifs densely Pakourianos (1083), the Petritzos polykandelon, see Xanthopoulou 2010, 46–53, 63ff.
arranged in concentric zones. They are Monastery at Bačkovo in Bulgaria owned See also L. Bouras and Parani 2008, 11–14.
tentatively attributed to both the Early at least 17 polykandela, two of which were 5
Geertman 1988, 137–39.
6
Fobelli 2005, 196–99.
and Middle Byzantine periods.2 The silver.7 Of course, the use of the 7
Thomas and Constantinides Hero 2000, 552, 554.
Averoff Tossizza Collection example’s polykandelon was not limited to churches. 8
suspension straps differ aesthetically from Polykandela are also mentioned in lay
| 245 |
117. Bucket vessels to eleven.2 When known, their two pairs included in the Sevso Treasure.4
[Los Angeles only]
provenances, which include Mesopotamia, One brass bucket, however, is decorated
Palestine, East Anglia, and Spain, attest to with crosses and a dedicatory inscription
the wide distribution of this type of vessel. indicating its ecclesiastical use, probably for
Eastern Mediterranean, 6th century
The content of the inscriptions and holy water.5 Epigraphic elements and
Brass, hammered from a single sheet of
iconography suggest that most of these decorative features point to a sixth-century
metal, chased, and punched, covered with
buckets, including the Benaki example, were date and Eastern Mediterranean provenance
green and brown patina
used in domestic contexts. These buckets for this group of vessels.
H. 4 ¼ in. (10.7 cm), Diam. 7 in. (17.8 cm)
were used to carry water and were probably
Inscription: (on upper band): À°π∂¡ø¡ Ãƒø
part of the instrumenta balnei, or bathing kit, ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
∫Àƒπ(∂) ∂¡ ¶√§§√πC C∂ Ãƒ√¡√IC ∫∂ ∫∞§√πC
∂ÀΔÀÃøC (Use this in good health, master, in bathhouses. A copper alloy jug in a
for many good years happily) private collection in Germany, sharing the
Literature: Thessaloniki 2002, 137, no. 148 (A.
Condition: very good; bottom broken around same features with this group of buckets was
Drandaki); Drandaki 2002b, 37–53; Kotzamani 2002,
the edge and restored before its acquisition probably intended to form a set with a 55–70; Arce 2005, 141–58; New York 2012, 182, no.
by the Benaki Museum similar vessel.3 Such sets are known from the 123A (A. Drandaki).
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 32553 more sumptuous silver examples, like the
he brass bucket, or situla, features a

T cylindrical body, with vertical walls
and a flat base. Two semi-elliptical lugs
rising from the rim hold a curved handle
fashioned from a solid, faceted rod. On the
bucket’s exterior are three bands of
decorative motifs executed with successive
circular punches. The upper band bears a
Greek inscription wishing health and
happiness to the owner. The wide central
band is decorated with a hunting scene—
five male figures chasing felines—complete
with trees, plants, and a hunting dog. The
lower band features a row of triangular
motifs.
The Benaki Museum bucket belongs to
a group of vessels with similar shape,
identical manufacturing and decoration
techniques, and common epigraphic
elements, not only in their letter forms but
also in the content of their inscriptions.1 A
similar bucket appeared on the art market 117
recently, increasing the number of these
| 246 |
1
Mundell Mango et al. 1989, 295–311; Mundell Mango bronze objects from well-dated contexts of Christian inscription on the lid might
1995, 263–82; Arce 2005, 141–58.
2
Gorny and Mosch 2011, 108–9, no. 94. the late sixth and seventh centuries both indicate its use in an ecclesiastical context.
3
Drandaki 2013. The jug was formerly on loan to the from the Byzantine realm and in It should be noted, however, that secular
Archaeological Museum of the University of Trier
Germanic tombs in Western Europe, and Christian themes and inscriptions
(Scholl 1994, 231, pl. XIXa-b).
4
Mundell Mango and Bennett 1994, 319-401. namely Lombard Italy and the region alternate on domestic and ecclesiastical
5
Deichmann and Peschlow 1977, 39–40. north of the Rhine.3 vessels during this period.
The close resemblance of this bronze
jug from Sakha with both silver vessels ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
manufactured in the empire’s major
118. Jug production centers and objects from the
Literature: Athens 1964, 444–45, no. 529; Drandaki
[Los Angeles only] periphery and areas under the empire’s
2013.
influence suggests that, despite the
Egyptian workshop, second half of the fragmentation of the Late Roman world 1
Mundell Mango et al. 1989; Drandaki 2002b, 43-47.
2
For example, the mid-sixth-century silver ewer from
6th–7th century caused by the Germanic incursions of the
Hama (Mundell Mango 1986, 104–7, 255–56), with
H. 9 ½ in. (24.1 cm) fifth century, the models for the shapes the same dimensions, and the late sixth-early seventh-
Brass, cast in sections, lathe turned; and decoration of vases followed common century large silver vase from Emesa (Paris 1992, 115,
no. 62 [C. Metzger]).
engraved and punched decoration trends and aesthetic perceptions deeply 3
See, for example, the jugs from Cyprus, Nocera Umbra
Inscription: (on the lid): + ∂À§√°π∞ ∫Àƒπ√À rooted in Roman tradition. (Italy), Ittenheim, and Pfalheim, and in the Rheinisches
(Blessing of the Lord) This jug, like most vessels of this type Landesmuseum in Bonn (Germany), and the basins
with handles from Reggio Emilia (Italy), Göttingen
Condition: very good, covered with dark and decoration, was used for water, (Germany), and the Dumbarton Oaks Collection
green patina; lid finial missing whether for drinking or hand washing.4 (Drandaki 2013).
4
Drandaki forthcoming, chapter 7.
Provenance: Sakha, Lower Egypt Despite the secular iconography, the
he jug has a spherical body and short

T cylindrical foot splaying into a wide
circular base. A tubular spout extends
upward from the body. A hinged lid is
attached to the large S-shape handle. The
lid’s finial is missing. Double horizontal
grooves define decorative bands on the
jug’s surface. Acanthus leaves and
palmettes, both framed by triangles,
alternate on the lower body, whereas a
frieze of running animals (two hunting
dogs, a wild goat, a bear, a horse, a bull,
and a panther) decorates the upper body.
Flowers and trees complete the frieze,
suggestive of the landscape in which the
animals roam. Despite the absence of
hunters, the presence of dogs supports the
widely accepted hypothesis that such
representations are condensed hunting
scenes.1 Triangles filled with palmettes
alternating with baskets of fruit, common
symbols of abundance, decorate the neck.
This jug is one of the finest vessels of
its category. Although without exact
parallels, it shares several morphological
features with silver jugs of the sixth and 118
seventh centuries2 and with a group of
| 247 |
manufactured in Syria or Egypt. This type,
called a sprinkler, is known by its Arab
name: qumqum or omom.1 In the Arab
world they were decorated with real
enamel—that is, powdered, colored glass
applied to the finished piece and fused to
its surface during firing. By contrast, the
Thessaloniki flask and at least four other
similar examples from Thessaloniki,
Didymoteicho, and Rhodes are not
decorated with enamel.2 Unknown among
the Arab omom, the technique used for
their decoration probably entailed the
application of colored bands, possibly by
some cold or lower-temperature process,
which resulted in the decoration’s poor
adherence to the surface as compared to
enamel, which is unaltered by time and
exposure to humidity. This different
technique suggests that the object was
decorated in a workshop other than the
known Syrian ones, possibly one associated
with a place where these flasks were filled
with some “holy” liquid, which would
119 explain their presence in monks’ tombs.
Although it appears logical that they were
manufactured to serve various uses,
probably in secular contexts as containers
originally gold) and black was applied. An for perfumes of vegetal or animal origin,
119. Perfume Flask
off-white band spirals around the neck for medicines, or for both, all of the extant
down to the relief ring. On the narrow examples were excavated in churches and
Southeastern Mediterranean, probably
sides a black triangle defines a vertical zone associated with burials.
Syria; decorated in the Southeast
of three lozenges made up of a double off- The discovery of such flasks in
Mediterranean, possibly Byzantium
white band that fills the space between the Thessaloniki is not surprising, given that
13th–14th century
panels on the main sides. The main sides the city had active trading relations with
Glass
feature an off-white grid pattern framed by both the southeastern Mediterranean and
H. 10 ⅞ in. (27.5 cm), base 2 ½ x 1 ¾ in.
a triple off-white and black line. On one the West. Several smaller, undecorated
(6.5 x 4.5 cm)
side the grid pattern covers the entire examples of this type of flask have been
Condition: complete, decoration partly
surface and is filled with Greek crosses; on excavated in the same city.3
damaged
the opposite side it covers only the center,
Provenance: Thessaloniki
and is surrounded by a wide linear frame ANASTASIOS ANTONARAS
and filled with short horizontal lines. A
inv. no. μÀ 177
fingerprint, probably of the craftsman that Literature: Makropoulou 1985, 277, pl. 68; Thessaloniki
decorated the vase, is preserved on the 2002, 576, no. 812 (D. Makropoulou); Thessaloniki
he flask was made of blown colorless, applied paint on the flask’s base.
T
2011b, 85, no. 31 (A. Antonaras).
greenish glass with frequent bubbles. It The vessel, used as a perfume flask, 1
New York 2001, 246–47; Carboni 2001, 150–51.
features a plain base with omphalos, a flat came from a tomb in the cemetery of the 2
See Antonaras 2010, 408–11, for illustrations of
ovoid body, and a tall, slender, tapering Byzantine Vlatadon Monastery in several examples and for a general account on the
glass products traded at Byzantium during the
neck marked by a squat relief ring at its Thessaloniki. It is a characteristic example Palaiologan period.
base and forming a narrow, plain rim at of a type of flask common in the Arab 3
Unpublished; some examples are on display at the
Museum of Byzantine Culture. On Thessaloniki’s trade
the top. The entire flask is covered with a world during the Ayyubid and Mamluk
relations and the presence of foreign merchants in the
thick coat of red color on which rich periods, particularly in the second half of city, see Jacoby 2003, 85–132; Necipoğlu 2003, 147–
geometric decoration in off-white (possibly the thirteenth century, and was probably 51.
| 248 |
term of Greek origin, which derives from
121. Perfume Sprinkler
the nouns aggos (vase) and gaster (belly),
and probably indicates the type’s East
Syria or Egypt, late 14th century or circa
Mediterranean origin.2
1400
Vases of this type appeared after the
Blown glass, dark blue to purple,
twelfth century throughout the
transparent with small bubbles, decorated
Mediterranean and beyond. They were with glass coils in the same color
particularly common in the fourteenth and
H. 11 ¹³⁄₁₆ in. (30 cm),
early fifteenth centuries.3 Their shape and body W. 5 ⅞ in. (14.8 cm),
quality of material, as well as certain base Diam. 2 ⅞ in. (7.3 cm),
manufacturing features, associate them rim Diam. ⁵⁄₁₆ in. (0.8 cm),
beyond doubt with Venetian glass neck Diam. ⁷⁄₁₆ – ⅞ in. (1–2 cm)
workshops, the activity of which peaked Condition: intact, green to purple
during this period, reaching the highest iridescence, porous corrosion on the
technical standards and aesthetic quality exterior, sediment on the interior
among Mediterranean glass producing Provenance: Rhodes, Archangelos, Church of
centers. These small vases had various Hagioi Theodoroi
functions: from measuring the quantity of Rhodes, Palace of the Grand Master, inv. no.
beverages in the taverns of the West to ªÀ 568 (formerly À31)
containing rose water or aromatic oils used
for social or therapeutic purposes. Despite
the lack of relevant written or pictorial
evidence, they probably had similar uses in
Byzantium. They were almost certainly
120 also used for liturgical purposes, as
containers of myrrh or sanctified water.
The discovery of such flasks at
Thessaloniki is not surprising, given that
the city had active trade relations with the
120. Perfume Flask
Italian republics, including Venice, during
this period.4
Probably Venice, 14th–15th century
Glass
ANASTASIOS ANTONARAS
H. 5 ⅞ in. (15 cm), base Diam. 2 in. (5 cm)
Condition: complete
Provenance: Thessaloniki Literature: Antonaras 1999, 37–40.
Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture, 1

Vavylopoulou-Charitonidou 1989, 209.
inv. no. μÀ 254/7 2
Gasparetto 1979, 84; Zecchin 1990, 163.
3
Antonaras 1999, 37–40; Antonaras 2010, 409–11.
4
Several examples of Venetian glass excavated in
Thessaloniki are on display at the Museum of
he flask was made of blown
T
Byzantine Culture. On Thessaloniki’s trade relations
and the presence of foreign merchants in the city, see
transparent, colorless glass. It was Jacoby 2003, 85–132; Necipoğlu 2003, 147–51.
found near the western limit of
Thessaloniki, in a cemetery in use in the
fourteenth to sixteenth centuries.1 The
burial belongs to the cemetery’s earliest
phase, and probably dates to the fourteenth
century. The flask features a plain base
with a markedly conical bottom, a squat
body, and a twisted cylindrical neck that
ends in a plain rim smoothed in the fire.
These flasks are known in Venetian
glassmaking by the name of angastaria, a 121
| 249 |
his perfume flask features a ring- and early fifteenth centuries, a time when
Tshaped body, tall tapering neck, and 122. Glass Perfume Flask
Patras was disputed by the Franks,
tall splayed foot with a squat knop. Two Venetians, Turks, and Greeks of the
applied undulating glass trails decorate the Despotate of the Morea. The presence of a
Glass, relief grooves, applied yellowish-
join between the shoulder and neck. An Late Byzantine cemetery over the
white color
applied glass band marks the inner Hellenistic, Roman, and Early Byzantine
H. 9 ½ in. (24 cm), max. Diam. 4 ½ in. (11.5 cm),
perimeter of the ring-shaped body.1 North Cemetery of Patras indicates this
min. Diam. 3 ⅛ in. (8 cm)
The flask’s long tubular neck and easy- area’s continuous use as a cemetery.
Condition: restored and reconstructed
to-handle body suggest that it was used as
a perfume sprinkler (perirrhanterion) for Provenance: from the Late Byzantine MICHALIS PETROPOULOS
cemetery of Patras (Ermou Street, 80–82)
myrrh or holy water. The ring-shaped
Patras Archaeological Museum, inv. no.
body and dark blue color indicate that it
1532 Literature: Dekoulakou 1976, 97–102, pl. 79d;
was manufactured in Syria or Egypt. The
Thessaloniki 2002, 578, no. 816 (M. Petropoulos).
flask was found in a tomb directly west of
the entrance to the Hagioi Theodoroi 1
Thessaloniki 2002, 578, 579, nos. 817, 818 (A.
Antonaras).
his dark blue glass perfume flask has a
church at Archangelos in Rhodes. The
tomb contained a complete skeleton and T squat spherical body on a concave,
2
Dekoulakou 1976, 102.
re-deposited bones. The church’s conical base. The tall neck is decorated
dedicatory inscription mentions the date with vertical and slightly twisted grooves,
1372 and names the donors, a married the intense color of which continues in the
couple. Apparently, the flask was placed as form of thin bands across the entire body.
a grave gift for the earlier burial, probably Relief rings mark the neck’s base and top,
that of the donor Konstantinos Mavdis.2 just below the calyx-shaped rim. Partially
The flask’s quality and size, the fact preserved lozenges created with an applied
that it was imported, the rarity of grave yellowish white substance covered the
gifts in general and of luxurious glass ones body, probably forming a grid, as on other
in particular during this period, and its examples. Similar flasks have been
discovery inside the tomb of a church excavated in Thessaloniki.1
founder all suggest that it was a luxury This flask was found inside a Christian
object. It was probably imported filled tomb, next to the deceased’s neck (the
with myrrh, and considered a prestigious deceased was lying with his head pointing
possession by its owner. Alternatively, it west) (cat. no. 17). The tomb was dated to
could have contained the myrrh sprinkled the last quarter of the fourteenth or early
over the deceased before being deposited fifteenth century by the presence of two
with him inside the tomb.3 Venetian torneselli of Andrea Contarini
(1368–82) and Antonio Venier (1382–
MARIA Z. SIGALA 1400) found inside it. It was part of a
cemetery of simple pit graves and
communal graves, some of which were
Literature: Thessaloniki 2002, 577–78, no. 815 (M. covered by roof tiles. The cemetery was
Sigala); Sigala 2004.
established over the ruins of a Middle
1
Sigala 2004, 202. Byzantine church, of which only the two
2
Ibid., 203–4.
sanctuary apses were preserved.2 The
3
Ibid., 205–9.
makeshift, collective nature of the burials
and the presence of Frankish coins suggest
that Patras was struck by the plague
during the Frankish period (1205–1430),
when the city was a barony of the
principality of Achaia with 24 fiefs. It is
equally possible, however, that the
communal graves were the result of the
many conflicts that took place in the
122
region in the second half of the fourteenth
| 250 |
124. Casket with Putti and
Animals
Constantinopolitan workshop
Second half of 12th century
Wood, bone plaques with relief
decoration
3 ¾ x 9 ¼ x 5 ⅛ in. (9.6 x 23.5 x 13 cm)
Achaia, Oblou Monastery
his bone casket, unique in Greece, is

Tkept in the Oblou Monastery, a
fourteenth-century foundation1 fifteen
kilometers from Patras. The casket was
sold by Andreas Kokolis Maravegias from
the island of Kefalonia to the Babiotis
Monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin
in 1794. This monastery, also near Patras,
was an annex of the Oblou Monastery in
the early eighteenth century.2
123 The casket features a wooden frame
with sliding lid and bone revetment. The
latter consists of strips with rows of
tangent rosettes framing seven rectangular
plaques:3 two on each of the long sides, one
from the top of its vault. When the on each of the short sides, and one on the
123. Glass Lamp
monastery was abandoned (c. 1180), the lid. The plaque on the lid pictures four
lamp was placed inside a small rectangular dancing putti holding billowing veils and a
11th–early 12th century
posthole in the wall of the adjacent wreath, their attitudes resembling those of
Greenish glass, blown maenads. They recall the putti decorating
sanctuary apse of the katholikon’s south
H. 5 ½–5 ¾ (13.9–14.5 cm), rim Diam. 3 ⅝ chapel, out of respect for the tomb and the similar caskets now in the Metropolitan
in. (9.1 cm), base Diam. 2 ⅝ in. (6.7 cm) Museum of Art in New York (11th
lamp’s sanctity.
Condition: very good century),4 in the Museo Civico at Ravenna
Provenance: Zygou Monastery, from the IOAKEIM PAPANGELOS 12th century),5 and in a private collection
tomb of an official located against the south in Prague (12th century).6 The plaques on
façade of the monastery’s katholikon
the long sides feature pairs of real and
10th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, inv. Literature: Helsinki 2006, 140, no. A. 125 (I. Papangelos). imaginary animals. One side presents two
no. ∑ 93
1
Papangelos 2005. lions on the left and a lion and wolf on the
right, the two pairs facing each other. The
opposite side shows two dogs in “flying
his chalice-shaped lamp consists of gallop” on the left and two heraldic griffins
T three main parts that were fused on the right. Griffins, imaginary creatures
together: foot, bowl, and cylindrical handle with apotropaic properties, according to
with spherical decorative knob at the Eastern tradition, are often depicted on
center. The lamp also features three ovoid Middle Byzantine artifacts (cat. no. 161).7
glass rings for the attachment of metal The plaque decorating one of the short
chains. The lamp belonged to the sides depicts a peacock bending over a
westernmost of the three tombs of officials fountain, a motif with Eucharistic
next to the south façade of the monastery’s associations, which nevertheless also occurs
katholikon.1 The tomb was protected by an on secular objects (cat. no. 98). The bone
arcosolium, and the lamp probably hung revetment of the opposite short side is now
| 251 |
lost and replaced by a metal sheet. The Hippodrome scenes. As in the case of the Literature: Kalligas 1977–79, 303–7; Thessaloniki 2002,
480–83, no. 656 (M. Georgopoulou-Verra); Katsarou–
strips feature stylized rosettes with five- Oblou Monastery casket, the rendering is Moschona and Loukopoulou 2007.
sided petals alternating with rosettes with often particularly manneristic, with
1
Politis 1956, 239–40; Kalligas 1977–79, 303.
lozenge-shaped petals. This type of elements of caricature, and a humorous 2
Thomopoulos 1902, 29 n. 1; Kalligas 1977–79, 303.
decoration occurs on several other caskets. take.12 The iconographic program was not 3
Occasionally, and without regard for symmetry, the
Traces of gold leaf, identified on the intended to be read and interpreted as a tangent medallions containing rosettes are connected
by loose “knots.” This lack of regularity in the design
rosettes during conservation, suggest that whole, nor can it be associated with any also occurs on other similar objects, such as the
the object was gilt and possibly—judging particular use. However, plaques with preserved plaques of a tenth-century casket with
from other similar examples—painted.8 The related themes were chosen for the same scenes from the Book of Joshua; see New York 1997,
228–29, no. 152, figs. 152∞, 152μ, 152C (C. Conor).
casket’s iconography and rough anticlassical casket and arranged so as to produce a 4
Goldschmidt and Weitzmann 1930, no. 49, pl. ÃÃπÃb;
style indicate a twelfth century date. symmetrical, balanced composition.13 Their Thessaloniki 2002, no. 628, fig. 628 (H. Evans).
Caskets with ivory or bone revetment iconography reflects a vivid interest in 5
Goldschmidt and Weitzmann 1930, no. 60, pl. ÃÃÃπÃa.
6
Ibid., no. 61, pl. ÃLa.
(or a combination of these two materials) antiquity, the world of imagination, and 7
L. μouras 1983, 46–51, figs. 50–59; ODB, s. v. “griffin”
were particular popular and mass- the joys of life—hence the hypothesis that (A. Kazhdan, A. Cutler).
8
Connor 1991, 100–111.
produced in the Middle Byzantine period.9 these caskets were intended for a highly 9
Cutler 1984–85, 32, 34.
Those featuring ivory revetment alone educated audience that read novels, went 10
Cutler 1994, 59–62; Cutler 1984–85, 39–40; Connor
were few and especially luxurious, since to the theater and the Hippodrome, and 1991, 108.
11
Goldschmidt and Weitzmann 1930, 23–67; Cutler
the raw material was imported from lived mostly in Constantinople, the 1984–85, 32.
regions that no longer belonged to Empire’s great cultural and artistic center.14 12
H. Maguire 1999c, 203–4; New York 1997, 230, no.
Byzantium. Their iconography is usually 153 (A. Cutler); Cutler 1984–85, 45.
13
Cutler 1984–85, 42, 45; Connor 1991, 108–11.
religious. Similar motifs were copied on JENNY ALBANI 14
Cutler 1984–85, 46.
bone, a cheaper material. The same artists
also produced cheaper bone caskets with
secular themes.10 Of the approximately 125
known caskets, 85 feature secular
iconography:11 warriors, animals, imaginary
creatures, figures and episodes from ancient
Greek mythology, hunting and
124
| 252 |
united, equal twins, two imperial cities
that, by imperial decree, were merged into
one combined force to bestow on the
imperium the victorious “Gloria
Romanorum”—as coin inscriptions declare.
The twin cities emblematically represent
imperial power and are frequently
associated with consular iconography.
It has been argued that certain details in
the representation of the two cities on this
comb, for example the ciboria similar to one
on a comb in the Coptic Museum, Cairo,
point to a date in the later sixth century.
Dating of bone and ivory carving in the
first Christian centuries, however, has so far
been based mainly on stylistic and
iconographic evidence and comparisons.
Archaeological evidence is missing for this
comb as well as related ivory combs (cat.
no. 126), and although finds of bone
carving in late antique layers of the city of
Alexandria seem to yield dates from the
later sixth and beginning of the seventh
centuries, it is impossible to assign a more
125 precise time of production.
GUDRUN BUEHL
with hair styling, the evidence of head lice
125. Comb with
found on combs dated from the first
Personifications of Rome century B.C. to the eighth century A.D. Literature: London 2008, 420, no. 167 (I. D. Varalis, with
and Constantinople support the idea that these artifacts
earlier bibliography); New York 2011, 118–19, no. 74 (I.
D. Varalis).
represent the oldest method of lice control.
Probably Alexandria, 6th century (?) Despite this comb’s being made of
Ivory, carved precious ivory, there is no need to assume
6 ½ x 2 ⅛ in. (16.4 x 5.3 cm) that it was not used in the same way.
Condition: both rows of teeth show damage However, the carved relief on both sides
and losses at the tips speaks in favor of a distinguished owner
Provenance: purchased from the antiquities and member of a higher social stratum.
126. Comb with Marine
dealer Daguerre in Paris, October 1925 The juxtaposition of personifications of Deities
Athens, Benaki Museum, Inv. no 10287 the two cities Rome and Constantinople,
both seated under ciboria or baldachins, is Probably Alexandria, 5th to 6th century (?)
quite unique as decoration for a comb. Ivory, carved
arved on both sides, the comb has two
C rows of teeth on its short ends. The
Rome is pictured as an Amazon, equipped
with helmet, spear, and globe, while
5 ¾ x 3 ¼ in. (14.5 x 8.3 cm)
Condition: the row with fine teeth shows
teeth are different in size and spacing: on Constantinople wears a turreted crown damage and losses at the tips
one side they are finer than on the other. and holds a torch and a cornucopia. Their Provenance: purchased from the antiquities
This shape and structure is quite two thrones have tall backs, different in dealer Daguerre in Paris, October 1925
commonly found in late antique combs, shape, and feature cushions and footstools. Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 10286
mostly made of wood. From literary Representations of Rome and
sources and archaeological evidence we Constantinople became popular on Late
know that this distinct feature attests the Roman and Early Byzantine coinage his ivory comb is identical to the
different needs of hairdressing as well as
cleaning. Although today mostly associated
through the fourth and fifth century. T comb cat. no. 125 in its overall shape,
Images of the sister cities pictured them as except that the field with relief decoration
| 253 |
his unique necklace is composed of six
Trectangular plaques decorated with oval
sapphires and fine scrolls of gold. The
plaques alternate with pairs of figure-eight
elements set with emeralds and garnets;
small pearls threaded on gold wire are
placed in between. An almost square
plaque mounted with a large emerald forms
the central element. It is enhanced with
another figure eight attached to the bottom.
The plaques were produced using the
pierced technique, often referred to as opus
interrasile.1 Pierced jewelry was widely
distributed in the Mediterranean in the
third–seventh centuries. This innovative
technique, first applied on cameos and
pendants with coins and medallions, used
thin gold sheets on which the design was
traced with a fine tool and then pierced,
creating a lace-like effect.2 The objects were
then often embellished with precious
stones, thus producing an overall aesthetic
126 appeal suggestive of refinement and
imagination.3 Shapes and decorative motifs
(floral, linear, and occasionally figurative)
is wider than it is tall. carvings and plaques inlaid into wooden continued to be drawn from the classical
On one side a reclining Nereid is es- caskets from Byzantine Egypt, the produc- and Hellenistic traditions, still thriving in
caping from a bearded Triton carrying a tion of ivory and bone carving similar in the empire’s eastern provinces.
torch, while on the other side a young Tri- technique and figurative design continued This delicate piece is said to have been
ton clutches the thigh of a Nereid spread- over several centuries. found before 1974 in a tomb during
ing a veil across her shoulders and head works in a pit at modern Polis
with raised arms. The surrounding water GUDRUN BUEHL Chrysochous. It contained a rectangular
is sketchily rendered as wavy lines in the marble sarcophagus and inside an oval
background. metal coffin with the remains of a
The maritime scenes on both sides are Literature: London 2008, 420–21, no. 168 (I. D. Varalis, skeleton, clothing, personal items, jewelry,
with earlier bibliography).
variations on a widespread iconography in and a silver mirror of circa A.D. 300.4
the art of Early Christian and Byzantine The necklace is a characteristic example
Egypt, found on a variety of objects of of the opulent use of stones and pierced-
daily use. The amorous depictions reflect work gold plaques, coinciding with a time
an imaginative maritime realm, and may of economic recession in the Late Roman
be less charged with erotic connotations 127. Necklace Empire and, consequently, of the rarity of
than meant to serve apotropaic, or protec- precious metals. Increased polychromy
tive, functions. Nereids and sea monsters 4th century after the mid third century, combined
or Tritons—creatures half human, half Gold and precious stones; opus interrasile with openwork patterns, becomes an
fish—are also pictured on textiles found in technique important element in jewelry pieces of the
Byzantine Egypt or in the context of fu- H. 5 in. (12.8 cm), W. 9 in. (22.8 cm) fourth century.5 Comparanda are known
neral art. On sarcophagi or late antique Condition: well preserved; missing oval from the Walters Art Gallery, the Louvre,
tomb architecture these ancient symbols of settings and twelve precious stones; no and the Benaki Museum in Athens.6
immortality are reinterpreted in the light trace of clasps The necklace from Cyprus has been
of Christian salvation. Provenance: Cyprus, Polis Chrysochous variably interpreted as a diadem, on the
It is difficult to date these carvings (ancient Marion), Paphos District basis of fourth-century bust representations
with certainty. Although they show icono- Athens, Museum of Cycladic Art, inv. no. on coins and statues:7 as a necklace,
graphic and stylistic similarities to bone Z.0438.1 according to the excavation evidence8 and
| 254 |
127
close affinities with the piece worn by the 128. Earrings granulated rods, each beginning with a
maiden in Theodora’s retinue in the San lozenge-shaped plaque set with a spherical
Vitale mosaic in Ravenna;9 or as an emerald and ending in a faceted lapis
3rd–4th century
ornament originally sewn onto a formal lazuli. On the back the earrings feature an
Gold, rubies, emeralds, lapis lazuli;
dress.10 The last view is supported by the S-shaped suspension hook, a common
hammered decoration
absence of clasps, the side holes on the feature on first- and second-century
1 ½ x ⅝ in. (3.9 x 1.6 cm)
elements, and the attachment of wire earrings.1
frames to the backs of the plaques. Earrings with an openwork rosette or
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, disc and pendant rods were popular from
inv. no. μÃª 177a-b
MARIA DHOGA-TOLI the Roman period until the fourth
century, and came in many variants.2
ach earring features an openwork six- Their wide distribution in the third-fourth
Literature: Yeroulanou 1999, 90, figs. 151, 208, no. 31;
Lubsen-Admiraal 2004, 272, 316, no. 692; London
Epetal rosette set with a small polygonal centuries suggests both a continuing trade
2008, 168, 409, no. 120 (M. Dhoga-Toli); New York
ruby at the center. A gold spiral attached in these objects and an aesthetic
2011, 116, no. 70 (M. Dhoga-Toli). on the rosette’s lower edge holds three uniformity developed in the empire’s great
small rings from which hang three vertical centers and adopted by local workshops.
1
The Latin term opus interrasile first appears in Pliny
(Natural History XII.94) in connection with
votive crowns. The term is questioned by SOPHIA GEROGIORGI
certain scholars, who prefer the term diatreta,
from the Greek ‰È¿ÙÚËÙÔ˜ (pierced), as more
accurately describing the perforations on
metal. See Ogden and Schmidt 1990, 5, 10– Literature: Thessaloniki 1997a, 168, no. 164 (N.
12. Dimitrakopoulou-Skyloyanni); Yeroulanou 1999, 267,
2
Ogden 1982, 34, 43; Yeroulanou 2008, 164. no. 392; Thessaloniki 2002, 423-24, no. 542 (N.
3
Yeroulanou 1999 extensively on diatreta, in Dimitrakopoulou-Skyloyanni); Paris 2009a, 161, no. 13.
particular 15ff., 31, 191–97; Tatton-Brown
1997, 61.
1
Higgins 1961, 185.
4
Roeper-ter Borg 1976, 502; Oliver 1996, 151.
2
Yeroulanou 1999, 71–72; Thessaloniki 1997a, 147, no.
5
Coarelli 1966, 152; Roeper-ter Borg 1976, 145.
505–8.
6
Yeroulanou 1999, 204, no. 11, 208, nos. 32,
33, 34.
7
A. Grabar 1966, pl. 209.
8
Roeper-ter Borg 1976, 503, fig. 2.
9
C. Metzger 1980, 4; Oliver 1996, 140.
10
Niemeyer 1997, 191–206. 128
| 255 |
129. Necklace and Earrings
5th century
Gold, sapphires, amethysts, and pearls
Necklace: L. 16 ⅞ in. (42.8 cm)
Earrings: 3 ½ in. (9 cm)
Provenance: Athens, Antinoë (Egypt)
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. nos. 1778–79
his necklace and earrings probably

T formed a set, since they all come from
Antinoë and have stones of similar quality,
color, and shape. The necklace consists of a
gold chain with beads of sapphire,
amethyst, emerald, and pearl. Each chain
link features two small spherical gold
beads. Simple gold disks framed by
granulation form the clasp. The earrings
consist of a hoop from which hangs a
figure-eight element formed by two snakes
and decorated with pearls. They terminate
in two small gold globules similar to those
on the necklace, and a large sapphire. 129
This type of jewelry is common on

representations of that period, such as the
mosaic panel at Ravenna, in which the Krategos-Mytilene and Cyprus hoards.4
Empress Theodora and members of her The faithful reproduction of motifs of
retinue wear similar adornments.1 Actual Greco-Roman tradition and their wide
examples have been found in several distribution throughout the Mediterranean
contemporary hoards, such as the Carthage are characteristics of the jewelry and other
Treasure in North Africa (of about A.D. forms of art of this period. The
400) or Piazza della Consolazione Hoard representation of snakes as protective
from Rome (second half of 5th–early 6th symbols of marriage, a remnant of the
century).2 Greek cult of the goddess Hera, confirms
The Antinoë jewelry dates to the fifth the spread of Hellenistic models. These
century—that is, earlier than finds from were later replaced by peacocks on
other hoards, such as the Cyprus Hoard, crescent-shaped openwork earrings, which
which date to the sixth–seventh centuries.3 were also associated with Hellenistic
The clasp’s simple disks confirm this early symbolism.5 The silver and jewelry hoards
date. Most sixth–seventh-century necklaces buried for fear of invasion in the seventh
have pierced disks with birds or a filigree century chart this spreading on both
mesh, the only exception being the silverware and jewelry. The decorative
necklace from the Krategos-Mytilene motifs that occur on jewelry from the
Treasure, which is also simple and is dated Eastern Mediterranean in particular were Literature: Georgoula 1999, 304–7, nos. 110–11 (A.
Yeroulanou); C. Metzger 2002, 80, fig. 90; London
by the hoard’s coins of Emperor Phokas to passed on to the workshops of 2008, 409–10, no. 123 and 417, no. 154 (A.
the sixth–seventh century (for the Constantinople and were faithfully Yeroulanou).
Krategos-Mytilene Treasure see above 230). reproduced in later jewelry as well. 1
London 2008, 165, fig. 30.
Even the large sapphires on the necklaces 2
Tait 1976, 125, no. 186; Ross 1965, no. 1b, pl. B and 1.
from Antinoë and the Piazza della AIMILIA YEROULANOU 3
Athens 1964, nos. 420–25 and Baldini Lippolis 1999,
38, both with earlier bibliography.
Consolazione point to an earlier date 4
Yeroulanou 1999, 31–49.
compared to the simple faceted emeralds of 5
Ibid., 185–88.
| 256 |
130. Earrings
5th–6th century
Gold, precious stones, pearls, and glass
paste
H. 3 ⅞ in. (9.7 cm)
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. nos. 1778–79
en wire pelte motifs, each with a pearl

T threaded at its center, are arranged in
four rows inside a triangle made of
granulated wire. Beads of pearls, small
emeralds set in gold, and glass paste are
threaded on wire along two sides of the
triangle. Along the triangle’s lower side
130
hang two rods with pearls and emeralds
set in gold, and, between these, another rod
with a large elliptical pearl. A suspension
ring is attached at the triangle’s apex.
Although simple earrings with a single Finally, the wire with threaded stones
hanging stone or pearl dominate Early that decorates two of the triangle’s sides
131. Pair of Bracelets
Christian finds and representations, more also occurs on pear-shaped openwork
earrings (cat. no. 133) and on the 6th century
complex shapes that make use of
sophisticated gold-working techniques particularly common crescent-shaped Gold, hammered and pierced
gradually appear. This development was due earrings. Diam. 3 ½ in. (9 cm)
to the rarity of precious stones caused by All of the above show the direct Provenance: probably from Cyprus
the disruption of trade with the Far East. relation between jewelry of the same Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. nos. 1835–36
In the sixth–seventh centuries rosettes with period regardless of where it was produced,
hanging stones, crescent-shaped earrings as well as the continuity of Greco-Roman
tradition. hese bracelets feature a band,
with openwork decoration, and other
similar types dominate production.1
AIMILIA YEROULANOU
T semicircular in section, with embossed
This pair of earrings probably dates to vegetal motifs sprouting from cornucopias.
an intermediary stage in this development, The same motif executed in the openwork
to the fifth–sixth centuries, as it combines technique decorates the clasp’s moving
Literature: London 2008, 418, no. 155 (A. Yeroulanou);
fine gold work and a variety of precious disk. A six-petaled geometric rosette
Schallaburg 2012, 299–300, no. X13, (A. Bosselmann-
stones. The use of the pelte motif in Ruckbie). occupies the disk’s center. A row of
particular, which was common in granulation outlines the band and disk.
1
Yeroulanou 1999, 71–75.
openwork and filigree jewelry from the 2
Ibid., 145–49.
This type of bracelet was common in
third to the sixth centuries, supports a 3
Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou and Tourta 1997, figs. the fifth–seventh centuries, and exquisite
fifth–sixth century date.2 66–67. examples have been found throughout the
The pelte motif, which presumably Mediterranean. Particularly noteworthy
originated from the Amazons’ shield, for their fine openwork decoration are the
developed into shapes that variably recall bracelets from an Egyptian hoard, the
Ionic capitals, heart motifs, and a variant band and disk of which feature a mesh of
of a kymation. It was used for setting meanders and small birds at the center.1
coins, on earrings, chains, and for creating Other bracelets of this type feature a band
a mesh mostly on complex openwork and disk with gold scrolls and leaves or
compositions. The presence of the theme precious stones, such as the bracelets from
on architectural decoration, for example at the Cyprus Treasure2 and an example now
Saint George in Thessaloniki, is indicative in the British Museum that depicts the
of its popularity.3 head of the Virgin on the disk.3 On earlier
| 257 |
131
examples the clasps are connected to a The wide distribution of these bracelets 132. Earrings
rectangular plaque with inlaid precious and their similarities suggest a common
stones. Here, too, the bands feature origin for their patterns. Beginning in
6th–7th century
openwork decoration.4 Hellenistic centers such as Alexandria or
Gold; granulated decoration
Although not as common as other Antioch, these patterns spread to territories
1 ⅜ x ¹⁵⁄₁₆ in. (3.5 x 2.3cm)
motifs, cornucopias also decorate the cross under Roman rule and from there to
of Justinian, now in the Vatican and dated Constantinople. From the fifth century Condition: very good
to approximately 565–78, thus indicating onward they were manufactured in Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum,
inv. no. μÃª 175a-b
a sixth-century date for these bracelets.5 workshops at Constantinople and other
The combination of two techniques, Byzantine cities. Remarkably, similar
piercing and embossing, for the same motif jewelry has been found in hoards in
on the Benaki Museum bracelets is Cyprus, Syria, Italy, Egypt, France, Algeria, ach earring consists of a thin hoop
unique, and shows the great effort that
went into rendering the motif.
and Tunisia.7 E with a loop and a hook on either end
forming the clasp. A tear-shaped plaque
The rendering of the decorative motifs AIMILIA YEROULANOU framed by a double wire ending in a
differs slightly on the band and disk—the double spiral and covered with granulation
gold vegetal motif is emphasized more is attached on the hoop’s front.
Literature: New York 1979, 321–22, no. 297 (K.
between the pierced sections on the disk— Granulation, an ancient decorative
Reynolds Brown); Brussels 1982, 198, no J. 2 (L. Bouras);
and is less accurate on one bracelet than Yeroulanou 1999, no. 229; Lisbon 2007, 168, no. 84 (A. technique, was particularly common in the
on the other. Such slight differences are Yeroulanou); London 2008, 414, no. 139 (A. Early Christian period. This particular
Yeroulanou).
expected between craftsmen of the same type of earring, however, is rare (another
workshop; it is also possible that one of 1
Yerounalou 1999, no. 225. similar pair is kept in the Byzantine and
the bracelets was a more or less 2
Athens 1964, nos. 420–25 and Baldini Lippolis 1999, Christian Museum, inv. no. μÃª 174a-
38, both with earlier bibliography.
contemporary copy of the other. 3
London 2008, 414–15, no. 143 (C. Entwistle).
b).1
Similar bracelets are depicted in the 4
See for example Yeroulanou 1999, nos. 224 and 226. Clement of Alexandria, one of the great
mosaic panel of Empress Theodora at 5
Pace et. al. 2009. Church Fathers, urged women to abstain
6
London 2008, 165, fig. 30.
Ravenna, adorning the wrists of the ladies in 7
For an overview of the jewelry of this period, see from luxury, to prefer simplicity and to be
her retinue, as are necklaces and earrings with Yeroulanou 2008. devout.2 He even advised them against
precious stones like those in cat. no. 129.6 piercing their ears and wearing earrings:3
| 258 |
133. Earrings globules. The second hoop, which hangs
directly from the plaque’s suspension ring,
is thicker at the front.
7th century
This pair of openwork earrings
Gold, pearls, green glass-paste beads;
(scholarikia)3 belongs to the late seventh-
gold wire, gold openwork plaques with
incised decoration
century production of a type already
popular since the sixth century. The size,
H. 1 ⅞ in. (4.8 cm), W. 1 in. (2.5 cm);
weight 8 gr. (3.5 and 4.5 gr.)
graceful design, and colorful composition
compensate for the thinness of the plaque
Condition: good; one hoop replaced in
antiquity, some glass-paste beads and pearls
and openwork technique, which was used
missing to economize on precious metal. The
Heraklion, Historical Museum of Crete, inv. production of such jewelry can probably be
132 no. (Gen. Cat.) 315 (Spec. Cat. inv. no. AII associated with the period’s economic
0116; formerly in the Heraklion downturn. The rarity of precious metal,
Archaeological Museum, Metal Objects however, incited the search for technical
[Gold and Silver], inv. no. 167) perfection, and led to striking chiaroscuro
effects on the openwork surface. The
openwork technique gives the motifs a more
ach of this pair of earrings consists of a decorative character, and the pearls and the
However, the great number of extant
earrings compared to other types of jewelry E large hoop and a drop-shaped precious or glass-paste beads counterbalance
suggests that they were especially popular openwork plaque framed by wire, with the object’s lack of natural volume.4
among women, and that the exhortations alternating green glass-paste beads and
of Clement and other Church Fathers pairs of tiny pearls (single pearls at the FR. PERIANDROS I. EPITROPAKIS
were not heard. In fact, jewelry was ends).
indicative of a family’s financial and social The hammered openwork plaques
Literature: S. Alexiou 1953, 39; Athens 1964, 374, no.
status, and therefore appropriate for feature a five-leafed palmette, a common
416; Papadimitriou 1971, 359 (illus.); Athens 1986, 182,
hoarding as a kind of investment. Jewelry motif during this period, in a pear-shaped no. 183 (M. Borboudakis); Yeroulanou 1999, 278, no. 469.
was not only a woman’s personal dotted frame surrounded by a running
1
Similarly shaped pendants and charms for more
adornment, but also an important part of spiral. The details of the palmette and
complex necklaces are found in the Giamalakis
her family’s property, handed down from spiral are incised and dotted. Similar Collection, now in the Heraklion Archaeological
generation to generation.4 plaques were used as pendants or as Museum (Athens 1964, 373, no. 411), the Stathatos
Collection (Amandry, 1963, 284, pl. XLII, no. 203a),
charms on elaborate necklaces.1 The and in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (from a
SOPHIA GEROGIORGI plaques hang from hoops of different sizes Constantinopolitan workshop, see Ross 1965, 32, no.
from the seventh century. The smaller 33, pl. XXVI). For a similar pendant now in the British
Museum see Entwistle 2010, 29, no. 46.
hoop was probably part of the original 2
Athens 1964, 370, no. 403.
Literature: Thessaloniki 1997a (E. Chalkia), 188, no. 209. design, as indicated by a similar earring 3
Koukoules 1948–57, vol. 4, 386 n. 4.
4
Yeroulanou 1999, 192–93, 196–97.
1
Thessaloniki 1997a, 188, no. 210. now in the Cypriot Museum in
2
Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogi ππ, PG 8, col. 544. Nicosia (J. 425).2 It
3
Ibid., col. 553.
consists of a round wire
4
Drandaki 2012, 157.
decreasing in diameter
toward the ends, which
forms a hook and loop,
and an integral suspension
ring decorated with tiny
133
| 259 |
the only known example with openwork
134. Bracelet 135. Amulet with Chain
monograms. In fact, it has no parallels,
which makes it very rare. The bracelet is
6th-7th century 7th century
exquisitely crafted. It has been suggested
Gold; hammered, incised, and granulated Gold
that it was manufactured in a workshop of
decoration
coastal Asia Minor, the probable place of Amulet: H. ⁵⁄₁₆ in. (0.8 cm), L. 1 in. (2.4 cm);
Diam. 2 ¼ in. (5.7 cm) weight 4.11 gr.
origin of the owner’s family.3 The bracelet’s
Condition: very good Chain: L. 19 ½ in. (49.5 cm),
small diameter suggests that it belonged to
Provenance: from the Krategos-Mytilene Diam. of disks/lid ⁷⁄₁₆ – ¹⁵⁄₃₂ in. (1.1–1.2 cm);
a young boy, member of an aristocratic
Treasure weight 36.08 gr.
family (cat. nos. 99–101 ).
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Condition: good
The custom of men wearing jewelry
inv. no. μÃª 888 Provenance: from the Krategos-Mytilene
was dictated both by their appreciation
Treasure
and love of precious objects and by a wish
to display their social and economic
inv. no. μÃª 874 a–b
his ellipsoid bracelet consists of a
T tubular shaft with increasing diameter
status.4 Men’s jewelry, such as fibulae and
belts, was part of military dress, and its
toward the top, where its two ends join. form depended on its owner’s rank.5 Signet
The join is marked by a ring of ten his amulet consists of a tubular sheet
globules. Two identical openwork
rings and wedding rings were particularly
common. In fact, the latter were the only T with hemispherical finials decorated
monograms flank the ring within type of jewelry the Church Fathers with granulation. One of the finials is fixed,
medallions framed by linear motifs; these condoned.6 whereas the other slides out, allowing access
could be read as ∫Àƒπ§§√™ °∂øƒ°π√À to the amulet’s interior. Three pairs of
(Cyril, son of George).1 The tubular shaft SOPHIA GEROGIORGI narrow bands of granulation decorate the
features three longitudinal grooves body. A chain passes through a wide
alternating with three rows of dots. Its suspension ring at the center of the tube.
interior is filled with sand, so that it keeps Literature: Thessaloniki 1997a, 203, no. 231 (Ch. The chain consists of rectangular links
Baltoyianni); Thessaloniki 2002, 410, no. 516 (E.
its shape and appears to be heavier and Meramveliotaki); London 2008, 159, no. 110 (E. threaded in an unusual, hitherto
more precious. Chalkia); Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 102–3; New undocumented manner. A hook and loop,
York 2011, 105, no. 51 (E. Chalkia).
Bracelets with monograms are kept in each attached to an openwork disk decorated
the Staatliche Museen in Berlin and the 1
Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 101–3. with stylized vegetal motifs, form the clasp.
Metropolitan Museum of Art in New 2
Lepage 1971, 20–21. Tubular amulets are usually faceted,
3
Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 103.
York.2 The Mytilene bracelet, however, is 4
Thessaloniki 1997a, 151.
and feature one or more suspension rings
5
Koukoules 1948–57, vol. 2.2, 51–53. for a chain or cord made of leather or
6
Yeroulanou 1999, 66. some other perishable material.1 Because of
its cylindrical shape, this amulet is a less
common variant. Tubular amulets are
depicted in Egyptian funerary portraits,
worn horizontally around the neck by
women and children.2 Some have been
discovered containing textile remains,
grains, beads, sulfur, or soil, the latter
possibly from the Holy Land.3 Most
extant amulets of this type, however,
contained thin gold or silver sheets,
carefully folded, bearing inscriptions of a
magical or Gnostic character, Orphic texts
instructing the deceased’s soul, or even
excerpts from the Gospels. Their purpose
was to invite good fortune, avert evil, and
guard against all kinds of calamities
134
(illness, spells, envy, the evil eye, or
demons). For this reason they
accompanied their owners to their grave
| 260 |
2
See for example Rome 1997, 139, no. 103;
Thessaloniki 2002, no. 465.
3
A similar amulet from the Krategos-Mytilene Treasure
contained a powdery mass of calcitic material; see
Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 124.
4
Parca 1996; Yangaki 2004, 137, 191, 195–96.
5
J. Russell 1982, 540–42.
6
New York 2011, passim.
136. Chain with Pendant
6th–7th century
Gold
L. of chain 35 ⅞ in. (91 cm),
L. of plaque ⅞ in. (2.3 cm),
W. 1 ⅜ in. (3.4 cm); weight 93.88 gr.
Condition: good
Provenance: from the Krategos-Mytilene
Treasure
inv. no. μÃª 879
he chain consists of circular links

T joined to one another by small figure-
135
eight links. One end features a hook, the
other an openwork crescent-shaped
pendant with bilobe lower edge, from
which three pairs of drop and heart-shaped
leaves are suspended. The pendant depicts
in diatrete (pierced) technique a stylized
tree of life flanked by two heraldic
after death, providing ongoing protection.4 transition from antiquity to Christianity peacocks, a decorative motif common in
Because of its apotropaic-prophylactic was still recent.6 The Krategos-Mytilene Early Christian art and jewelry in
properties, this type of amulet had been Treasure probably belonged to such a particular.1 Formerly identified as a belt,
particularly popular since antiquity among family of aristocrats, who although this chain is now considered a necklace2 or
the Phoenicians, Egyptians, Greeks, and Christians, as the crosses decorating some chest ornament, like many extant chains of
Romans. It continued to be used among of the hoard’s objects suggest (cat. no. 100, similar or even greater length dating to the
Christians, despite the Church Fathers’ 134), owned no fewer than four Roman period and later centuries.3
objections to belief in such articles, which apotropaic-prophylactic amulets out of a Widespread in earlier times, the use of
did not conform to Christian teaching.5 total of twenty-two pieces of jewelry. jewelry for decoration and as a way of
Moreover, although the establishment of displaying one’s wealth and social status
Christianity as the state religion imposed a ANTONIS TSAKALOS continued after the establishment of
new repertoire, there were no significant Christianity. The luxury habits of
changes in the categories and types of grooming and wearing jewelry by both
Literature: Athens 1964, 365, no. 387; Thessaloniki
jewelry. Certain pagan customs and beliefs 1997a, 197, no. 222 (Ch. Baltoyianni); Thessaloniki
men and women went against the
continued to survive, particularly among 2002, 530–31, no. 733 (E. Meramveliotaki); principles of the new religion, which
the educated and wealthy aristocracy, with Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 122–23, with earlier professed humility and a focus on the care
bibliography.
its refined taste and strong tendencies 1
Giovannini 2001, 163. On the typological classification
of one’s soul. The Church Fathers often
toward syncretism at a time when the of amulets, see Yangaki 2004, 192–94. refer to jewelry in a fiery and judgmental
| 261 |
137. Necklace Pendant
6th–7th century
Gold; openwork decoration
H. 1 ⅝ in. (4.1 cm), W. 1 ¼ in. (3.15 cm)
Athens, Paul and Alexandra Canellopoulos
Museum, inv. no. ¶ 222
he drop-shaped openwork pendant has

T in integral suspension ring. A thin
dotted band with relief outline and five
applied globules on its perimeter frames
the pendant’s central motif. The latter
consists of an eagle depicted frontally, its
head turned toward the right, its open
wings pointing upward. The eagle holds a
snake in its claws—the snake’s head is
visible on the left. Short incisions render
the bird’s feathers, and impressed dots the
snake’s skin. Above the eagle’s head,
between its open wings, is a dotted
medallion containing a Maltese cross with
flaring arms. A five-petal palmette
decorates the pendant’s pointed tip. The
pendant is distinguished by its fine
136
craftsmanship.
Openwork jewelry occurs from the
third to the seventh centuries,1 but the
drop shape of the Canellopoulos Museum
pendant belongs to the sixth–seventh
centuries exclusively. The Maltese cross
inside the dotted circle and the eagle as
sole decorative motif confirm this date.2
manner.4 The twenty-two pieces of jewelry 1

For example, Baldini Lippolis 1999, 104–5, nos. 2, 4–8,
12–17, 21, with bibliography.
from the Krategos-Mytilene Treasure (cat. 2
Ibid., 219.
nos. 134—35) are indicative of the trend 3
Touratsoglou and Chalkia 2008, 114–15, with
examples and bibliography.
toward embellishment in the sixth-seventh 4
Ibid., 88–89.
centuries and of their owners’ wealth and
high social standing.
ANTONIS TSAKALOS
Literature: Athens 1964, 366–67, n. 391; Thessaloniki

1997a, 200, no. 227 (Ch. Baltoyianni); Thessaloniki
2002, 477–78, no. 654 (E. Meramveliotaki); London
2008, 411, no. 130 (E. Chalkia); Touratsoglou and
Chalkia 2008, 114–15, with earlier bibliography; New
York 2011, 104–5, no. 51e (E. Chalkia). 137
| 262 |
138
Similar drop-shaped pendants with eagles 138. Wristbands filled with cloisonné enamel. Alternate
or vegetal motifs are preserved in panels depict birds holding a leaf in their
museums and collections both in Greece Probably Constantinople
beak and palmettes in various color
and elsewhere.3 The Canellopoulos combinations. Variation is achieved by
9th–10th century
Museum pendant is distinguished by the using different colors (white, light blue,
Gold and glass; cloisonné enamel
combination of the eagle and snake, a dark blue, red, and dark purple, which
2 ¾ x 2 ¾ x 2 ⅝ in. (7 x 8.6 x 6.6 cm)
motif that originated in ancient Greek appears as black) for various enamel
tradition (Iliad, 12:201ff.) and reflects the Condition: complete, slightly deformed compartments on different panels.
struggle between heavenly spiritual forces Provenance: Thessaloniki This is the only extant example of
and chthonic dark ones. The pendant’s Thessaloniki, Museum of Byzantine Culture, gold wristbands decorated with enamel.
symbolic character is further enhanced by inv. no. μ∫Ô 262/6 (only one on display) Already known in classical Greece,
the combination of the eagle and cross, enameling remained a popular technique
common on Early Christian sarcophagi, for decorating jewelry and other objects
which symbolizes the Resurrection.4 his pair of wristbands was part of a throughout the Roman period. The use of
ANGELOS ZARKADAS
Thoard discovered during rescue enamel continued in the Byzantine era. In
the ninth—tenth centuries the technique
excavations, probably in a house, in one of
Thessaloniki’s Jewish neighborhoods near of cloisonné enamel became widespread.
the seaport.1 The hoard included several Cloisonné enamel allowed for the
Literature: Brouskari 1985, 146; Athens 1994, 301, no.
pieces of ninth—tenth century jewelry juxtaposition of different colors in separate,
145 (¡. Saraga); Thessaloniki 1997a, 193, no. 218 (N.
Saraga); Yeroulanou 1999, 227, no. 134; Thessaloniki (two pairs of gold earrings, a gold and glass adjacent compartments, where they were
2002, 407, no. 512 (¡. Saraga); N. Chatzidakis and bracelet, a gold pectoral cross, and a gold clearly defined, without one blending into
Scampavias 2007, 74, no. 66; Istanbul 2010b, 458, no.
button) and seventeenth-century gold the other when the powdered glass melted
123 (C. Scampavias).
coins. Wristbands were used for securing to produce the desired smooth surface.2
1
Yeroulanou 1999. the long (almost to the ground) sleeves of Byzantine enameled objects were sought
2
Ibid.
3
For example, in the National Archaeological Museum in
the formal garments fashionable in the after outside Byzantium because of their
Athens (Stathatos Collection), the Archaeological Middle Byzantine period. finesse and fine craftsmanship. Most extant
Museum of Crete (Yiamalakis Collection), the Each wristband consists of two curved examples are preserved in the treasuries of
Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, etc. See Yeroulanou
1999, nos. 129–34, with bibliography.
trapezoidal plaques joined together by two Western European cathedrals, where they
4
Ibid., 181. hinges. The pin of one hinge is stationary, were presented as offerings after reaching
whereas the other could be removed so the West either as imperial gifts to
that the wristband could open. An applied European rulers or as Crusader loot.
braid decorates the plaques’ upper and The intrinsic value of gold jewelry, but
lower rims. Each wristband is divided into also the sophisticated design and exquisite
twenty panels framed by rows of dots and craftsmanship, place these wristbands
| 263 |
among the few surviving artifacts that can he earrings feature a bow-shaped, earrings featuring animal, bird, and vegetal
be associated with Byzantium’s highest Thollow body consisting of two motifs, granulated decoration, and
social strata.3 identical thin enameled plaques. Two semiprecious stones, and dating to the
globules at the ends of the bow hold the tenth-eleventh centuries. This group
ANASTASIOS ANTONARAS ellipsoid suspension hoop. At the middle includes two pairs and a single earring in
of the inner perimeter a small cylindrical the Stathatos Collection (National
gold bead supports a drop-shaped Archaeological Museum, Athens), which
Literature: Pelekanidis 1959, 55–71; A. Grabar 1962,
enameled knob decorated with an eight- were found in Crete with coins of Michael
293–96; Brussels 1982, 190, no. E1 (L. Bouras); New
York 1997, 243–44, no. 165 (S.T. Brooks); Thessaloniki petal palmette on one side and a bird on II (820–29) and Constantine VII
2002, 411–12, no. 518 (G. Papazotou); Istanbul 2010b, the other. Three rings along the knob’s Porphyrogennetos (913–59)1 (cat. nos. 141-
no. 475, no. 250 (A. Antonaras).
perimeter held a fine wire threaded with 43), one earring from a tomb at
1
Pelekanidis 1959, 55. tiny pearls, some of which are still Nafpaktos,2 two earrings from the Preslav
2
Haseloff 1990, 32–33. preserved. Two similar rings on either side Hoard in Bulgaria,3 and others. Five
3
Pelekanidis 1959, 61; A. Grabar 1962, 294.
of the cylindrical bead at the middle of the further earrings of this type are kept in the
bow’s upper edge served the same purpose. Canellopoulos Museum. A pair of gold
A string of granulation frames both the earrings now in the British Museum4 and
drop-shaped knob and the earrings’ bow- a single earring now in the Historical
shaped bodies. The enamel decoration was Museum of Crete5 (cat. no. 140), both
executed in the cloisonné technique. It dating to the tenth century, are the closest
consists of five circular medallions, three in size and shape to the Canellopoulos
139. Pair of Bow Earrings
containing birds alternating with two Museum earrings examined here. An early
eight-petal rosettes against a blue hypothesis concerning the earrings from
10th century
background on one side; the opposite side Crete maintained that they were
Gold, enamel, small pearls
probably featured two birds on either side manufactured by Arab craftsmen before
H. 2 ⅛ in. (5.5 cm), W. 1 ¾ in. (4.5 cm)
of a vegetal motif. Eight granulated the island’s recovery by the Byzantines in
Condition: moderately well preserved; triangles alternate with short wires for 961.6 Recently, however, it was suggested
damage on enameled surfaces. Several
securing beads along the lower edges of the that the earrings were imported as
pearls and a large part of the rear enameled
surface missing from 449a. Ovoid decorative
bows. These now hold six and five amber diplomatic gifts from Constantinople.7 The
knob, all the pearls, the back surface of the beads respectively. A ring is attached on popularity of this type in the Byzantine,
bow, and part of the row of granulation either end of the bow. Three tiny rings for Arab, and Slavic worlds reflects a common
that marked its perimeter missing from holding fine wires threaded with pearls, taste for prestige objects and the extensive
449b. The amber beads are probably a now lost, are attached to the bows’ ends cultural exchange between these cultures,
modern addition and center on both sides. particularly during the Middle Byzantine
Athens, Paul and Alexandra Canellopoulos The Canellopoulos Museum earrings period.8
Museum, inv. no. ¶ 449a-b belong to a large group of enameled bow
ANGELOS ZARKADAS
Literature: Brouskari 1985, 144, 146; N. Chatzidakis and

Scampavias 2007, 67, no. 59.
1
Coche de la Ferté 1957, 18–26, pl. II, nos 4–5;
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 41–44, nos. 65–68.
2
Petritaki 1987, 175.
3
New York 1997, 334–35, no. 228, figs. 228∞ and μ.
4
London 1994, 133, no. 142, fig. 142.
5
Athens 1986, 186, no. 192.
6
Coche de la Ferté 1957, 24–26.
7
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 41–44.
8
Albani 2010.
139
| 264 |
preserved crescent-shaped example features Literature: S. Alexiou 1953, 39; Athens 1964, 382, no.
440; Athens 1986, 186, no. 192; Bosselmann-Ruickbie
a central vegetal motif and heraldic birds 2011, 393, fig. 117; Papadimitriou 1971, 359.
rendered with great detail and finesse: a
1
Koukoules 1948–57, vol. 4, 388 n. 9.
vine scroll on a base, with leaves depicted 2
Brouskari 1985, 146, no. 449, Ia, b; Effenberger and
in profile and two bunches of grapes with Severin 1992, 232, no. 135; London 1994, 133, no.
three berries, framed by two birds with 142; New York 1997, 244–45, nos. 166–67, 334–35,
no. 228A-B; Albani 2010, 194 (pls. 5–6), 195;
long, lanceolate wings and ivy leaves in Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 41–44, 244–53, 393–94.
their beaks. The birds can be identified as 3
Compare the earring from the Preslav Treasure now in
stylized peacocks, allegories of eternal life, the Veliki Preslav National Historical and
Archaeological Museum; see Bosselmann-Ruickbie
paradisiacal joy, eternal faith, and conjugal 2011, 34–40. On the question of local workshops
love. The drop-shape plaque is decorated producing similar objects, and for an overview of
with a cross and heart-shape motifs. Along scholarly opinion on this matter (Coche de la Ferté
1957, 24; Christides 1984, 123, 138, fig. 31; Zwirn
the bottom of the earring, between two 2003, 398), see Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 41–43,
140 integral suspension rings, six granulated nn. 379–81.
triangles alternate with five wire hooks

holding pairs of pearls. Single pearls
attached onto five wire hooks alternate
with four granulated triangles on the
140. Earring periphery of the drop-shape plaque.
The earring’s open, semi-circular hook
begins and ends on hammered spherical 141, 142, 143. Earrings
10th century
Gold, enamel, pearls; gold leaf and wire,
protrusions decorated with granulation at with Kufic Inscriptions
hammered, granulation, cloisonné enamel top and bottom. Such earrings were rarely
H. 1 ¾ in. (4.3 cm), W. 1 ⅛ in. (2.8 cm);
attached onto the ear. They usually hung Cretan workshop, first half of 10th
weight 8.5 gr. from a headscarf or from the fold between century
Condition: right earring in fairly good the cranium and ear, surrounding the lobe Gold, cloisonné enamel (blue, red, yellow,
or part of the helix at a right angle. white, and green), pearl
condition; one hook with pearl missing from
the top of the drop-shaped disk, two enamel The integral suspension rings originally 141a–b: H. 1 ¹¹⁄₁₆ in. (4.4 cm), W. 1 ⅛ in.
plaques missing from the reverse; the held two fine chains (plain or decorated (2.9 cm)
preserved iridescent, porous enamel of the with beads, pearls, or small coins), which 142: H. 1 ¾ in. (4.5 cm), W. 1 ¼ in.( 3.1 cm)
obverse is corroded and has lost its original connected the two earrings to one another. 143: H. 1 ⅞ in. (4.8 cm), W. 1 ⅜ in. (3.6 cm);
color, of which only traces can be seen (light
The front chain was known as the weight 8.5 gr.
green on the background and red on the
birds’ beaks and legs, the grapes, etc.)
katavatis halyssos (chinstrap),1 the rear chain Condition: fairly well preserved; small chips
as the katauchenia halyssos, which was and losses from enameled surfaces, some
Provenance: found near the Heraklion airport
in 1938
attached to the spatalion (bun) or hung pearls missing
Heraklion, Historical Museum of Crete, inv.

over the nape of the neck. Provenance: from the Mesonisi (Rethymno)
Morphologically, stylistically, and Hoard
no. (Gen. Cat.) 327 (Spec. Cat. inv. no. AII
0128; formerly in the Heraklion chronologically, this earring comparable to Athens, National Archaeological Museum,
Archaeological Museum, Metal Objects those from the tenth-century Mesonisi Stathatos Collection, inv. no. ™Ù. 483a-b,
[Gold and Silver], inv. no. 635) Hoard (cat. nos. 141–43). Its type, 484, and 485.
however, was particularly common, as
indicated by similar examples in Greek
his gold earring is comprised of a large
T
he group is made up of a pair of gold
semicircular suspension hook and an
and foreign museums.2 Scholars are still
debating the origins of the types and the T earrings and two single earrings with
arched body decorated with enamel and production centers of these earrings. The crescent-shaped plaques decorated with
pearls between granulated triangular prototypes should probably be sought in cloisonné enamel and framed by
protrusions. The body consists of a the workshops of the Byzantine imperial granulated wire. Their faces preserve
crescent-shape frame supporting a smaller court.3 The combination of shiny precious figurative scenes: two heraldic lions on
inverted drop-shape frame. Both frames, metal with rich colors and intriguing either side of a tree of life (141a–b), three
which originally contained two plaques iridescence exquisitely exemplifies their stylized human figures alternating with
decorated with cloisonné enamel, one on skill. two stylized birds (142), and peacocks
each side, are decorated with a row of framing a rosette (143). On the back are
granulation along their perimeters. The FR. PERIANDROS I. EPITROPAKIS complementary Kufic inscriptions
| 265 |
containing invocations for their owners:
baraka min Allā h | li-sā hibihi 1 Zaunab
(Allah’s blessing for the owner Zaynab
[141a–b], A’iša [142], and a third person
whose name is not preserved [143]).2
Along the bottom two suspension rings
frame wire hooks threaded with one or
two pearls and alternating with granulated
ornaments in the shape of bunches of
grapes. An inverted drop-shaped ornament
of cloisonné enamel depicting a five-petal
rosette and framed by plain or granulated
141. Pair of earrings
Side A
wire stands at the center of the upper edge.
Five wire hooks threaded with one or two
pearls decorate the edge of the drop-shaped
plaques. The earrings feature horseshoe-
shape suspension hooks that end in
globules.
Like the perpendoulion (cat. no. 144),
these gold earrings are representative objects
from a hoard discovered by chance in the
village of Mesonisi, near ancient Sybritos
(Rethymno Prefecture, Crete), shortly
before 1900.3 The hoard first came into the
hands of collectors, and was subsequently
141. Pair of earrings
Side B
dispersed through consecutive sales and
donations to various Greek and, possibly,
foreign museums. Parts of the hoard have
been identified in the National
Archaeological Museum in Athens and in
the Historical Museum of Crete.4
Although the effort to reconstitute the
hoard is still in progress, it is already clear
that the hoard’s objects represent at least
two centuries of artistic production (9th–
10th centuries). Some objects have an
Arabic/Muslim character, while others
display Greek/Christian features
142. Earring (monograms, crosses). This eclectic mix of
Side A-B disparate (both chronologically and in
terms of religious preferences) objects with
coins, the findspot, and the discovery
circumstances suggest that the group was
the result of long-time hoarding by an
Arabo-Cretan thief or pirate, who did not
survive the Byzantine reconquest of the
island under Nikephoros Phokas in 961.
The hoard fits the historical context of its
time, and its jewelry need not be attributed
to Constantinopolitan workshops or
interpreted as diplomatic gifts.5
143. Earring
Side A-B KLEANTHIS SIDIROPOULOS
| 266 |
Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1957, 18–26, pl. II, 4-5, II either side of the wire hold braided chains, 145. Pair of Basket-shape
bis, 5; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 43–45, 248–253;
their lower ends attached to two other
Thessaloniki 2011b, 41, 43, 147, nos. 05, 07, 72 (Kl.
Sidiropoulos, M. Vasileiadou). suspension rings, which hold a length of
Earrings
wire threaded with pearls.
1
The possessive li-sa-hibihi is masculine—probably 11th–12th century
reflecting the craftsman’s limited knowledge of Arabic. The main part of the ornament
Gold and enamel
On the inscriptions, see Miles 1964, 17. consists of two tangent openwork arched
2
First published in Coche de la Ferté 1957, 18–26, pl. II,
bands over a horizontal openwork band, H. 1 ¹¹⁄₁₆ in. (4.3 cm)
4-5, II bis, 5. For a detailed presentation with a focus
on manufacturing techniques and debatable historical their joins marked by tiny “shields” Condition: well preserved
and chronological interpretations, see Bosselmann- outlined with granulation. Pearls hang Athens, Paul and Alexandra Canellopoulos
Ruickbie 2011, 43–45, 248–253. On their Arabic
character, see Miles 1964, 17 and n. 87, fig. 11. See
under the arched bands, and granulated Museum, inv. no. ¶ 135a-b
also Athens 1986, 182, nos. 184, 192 (M. grape bunches decorate the ends of the
Borboudakis); Athens 2007a, 50, 71, no. 8 (E. horizontal band. Suspension rings along
Stasinopoulou); N. Chatzidakis and Scampavias 2007,
the bottom of the horizontal band hold hese gold basket-shape earrings are
3
67, no. 59; Thessaloniki 2011b, 40–46, 147.
Gerola 1905–32, vol. II, 378–79, fig. 417; S. Alexiou
1953, 38; Athens 1964, 373, nos. 412–13 (ª.
strings of pearls, sapphires, and other
precious and semi-precious stones,
T fitted with a horseshoe-shape
Borboudakis); London 1994, 133, no. 142.
suspension hoop. The faceted basket is
4
Besides the objects displayed in the present exhibition, alternating with granulated beads in decorated with hemispherical knobs
the National Archaeological Museum also holds two various combinations. Elongated hollow executed in filigree and granulation and
more earrings, two finger rings, and two solidi of
Theophilos (829–42) and Constantine VII
“drops” hang from braided chains on either topped by a large applied globule on five of
Porphyrogennetos (913–59), all from the Stathatos side. its six sides. Similar globules decorate the
Collection. The Historical Museum of Crete holds four One of a pair, this piece of jewelry was middle of each facet’s edges. The knobs are
crosses, two finger rings, and one earring from the
same hoard (inv. nos. 306–9, 312–13, and 693).
either an earring or a perpendoulion—that is, framed by fine twisted wire and divided
5
See on this matter Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 41–45. an ornament that hung from the side of a into six triangular sections by rows of
diadem over the temple. granulation, each section decorated with a
filigree vegetal motif covered in light
KLEANTHIS SIDIROPOULOS green—now poorly preserved—enamel. The
sixth facet on the basket’s top features
filigree decoration consisting of a central
144. Prependoulion or Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1957, 26–28, pl. II, 8;
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 44–45, 238–39; Thessaloniki
cruciform motif surrounded by a braid
Long Earring 2011b, 44, no. 08 (Kl. Sidiropoulos, M. Vasileiadou). pattern framed by triple wire on the
exterior and double wire on the interior.
Cretan workshop, first half of 10th Tiny dowels hold the large suspension
century hoop on the same facet. Fine granulation
Gold, precious and semiprecious stones decorates the facets’ corners.
(garnets, pearls, sapphires, emeralds), Basket-shape earrings were fairly
glass paste common in the Eastern Mediterranean
H. 4 in. (10.2 cm), W. 1 ⅜ in. (3.5 cm) from the third to the twelfth centuries.
Condition: excellent, some pearls missing More than fifty gold examples are
Provenance: from the Mesonisi (Rethymno) preserved in museums and collections
Hoard worldwide.1 The origin of this type is
Athens, National Archaeological Museum, uncertain, but has been associated with
Stathatos Collection, inv. no. ™Ù. 493 basket-shape earrings of the Roman period.
Although Byzantine basket-shape earrings
were formerly attributed to Islamic
his elaborate ornament features a
T
workshops because of their decoration, and
suspension hoop with two hook because most examples come from the
closures and openwork decoration in its Eastern Mediterranean, recent discoveries
lower half, consisting of a row of granulated from Istanbul, Sparta, and Parapotamos in
triangles, an openwork band framed by Thesprotia (Greece) suggest that they were
granulated wire, and triangular motifs also produced in Byzantine territory.2 The
inside ovoid frames. Below the hoop hangs Paul and Alexandra Canellopoulos
a wire threaded with a sapphire between Museum owns another pair of similar
two pearls and elements decorated with earrings3 and a single earring of the same
granulation. Two tiny suspension rings on 144 type. Identical to the pair of earrings
| 267 |
As the symbol of Christ’s martyrdom,
the cross functions as protection from evil.
On jewelry it appears as a decorative motif
after the fifth century, in association with
vegetal, animal, and geometric ornaments,
giving these objects a Christian and
apotropaic character and proclaiming the
owner’s religious beliefs.
This type of earring appears in a
simpler form from the sixth century
onward,2 while examples with more
complex decoration are common from the
tenth to fourteenth centuries.3
145
SOPHIA GEROGIORGI
presented here are another now in ach of these hoop earrings consists of a
Munich, a single earring in Richmond, Esemi-circular hook terminating in Literature: Thessaloniki 1997a, 208, no. 240 (∂. Chalkia);
Thessaloniki 2002, 431, no. 556 (E. Chalkia).
and an earring that was later converted spherical protrusions to which a crescent-
into a ring, now in Pforzheim.4 The shaped element is attached. Three rows of 1
Thessaloniki 2002, 431, no. 556.
2
See Ross 1965, 66, no. 85, pl. XLVIII; Baldini Lippolis
Canellopoulos Museum earrings are dated a braid motif form the crescent. A cast
1999, 80, 101, no. 6b 3; Bonn 2010, 249, no. 240.
to the eleventh–twelfth centuries based on cross stands at the center of the crescent’s 3
New York 1997, 244, no. 165.
the few securely dated examples found inner perimeter, and directly below it, on
during excavation.5 the outer perimeter, is a convex disk
surrounded by stylized clusters of grapes.
ANGELOS ZARKADAS Popular since antiquity, the decorative
motif of the vine and grapes appears on
Early Christian jewelry and is common on 147. Pectoral Reliquary Cross
Literature: Thessaloniki 1997a, 228, no. 279 (N. Saraga)
Middle Byzantine earrings.1 Christ’s
1
In the United States, Great Britain, Germany, Greece, dictum “I am the vine, you are the 11th century
Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Syria, and Israel; see Munich branches” (John 15:5) gave the vine a Silver, engraving, niello
2004, 324, nos. 621–25 (A. Bosselmann-Ruickbie).
Christian significance, symbolizing the 2 ¾ x 1 ⅜ in. (7.1 x 3.5 cm)
2
Albani 2010, 199.
3
N. Chatzidakis and Scampavias 2007, 69, no. 61. indissoluble bond between Christ and his
Inscription (on the titulus): I(∏™√À)C X(ƒπ™Δ√)C
4
For the above, see Munich 2004. disciples and, consequently, the Church as (Jesus Christ).
5
Such as the silver earrings from Parapotamos,
Thesprotia, see Preka-Alexandri 1992–93, 169, 201, pl.
the body of Christ. However, depictions of Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. nos. 21992,
40.2, and the gold examples from Tiberias, see Brosh vines in Byzantine art do not always have 21993, 21994
1998, 1–2, pls. 3–4. symbolic connotations.
146. Silver Earrings
9th–10th century
Silver with incised decoration, granulation
H. 2 ⅜ in. (6.1 cm), Diam. 1 ⅝ in. (4 cm).
Condition: good
μÃª 1181a-b
146
| 268 |
147
his pectoral reliquary cross consists of blessing hand of God descends toward her relics. Fragments of the cross were mixed
Ttwo halves hinged together to form a head, while two angels in profile with with other relics from holy places, balm
box. A cylindrical suspension loop is affixed outstretched wings brandish staffs, and incense and other fragrant substances
to the upper hinges with a rivet. On the signifying their reverence. The Virgin before being encased in personal reliquaries.
front, a pair of palmettes, which were cast belongs to the type of the Blachernitissa, The hinges and aperture of the interior
with the cross, hide the hinges. A second probably modeled after the monumental cross here indicate that the object was
flat cross with a cruciform aperture at its marble prototype in the imperial bath of regularly opened for veneration. The balm
center is placed in the interior. It once the Blachernai in Constantinople.1 This that came into contact with the relics may
served as a lid, covering fragments of the type gained popularity in the eleventh have been used for healing purposes.
True Cross and perhaps other bits of relics. century, appearing in a variety of artistic Pectoral reliquary crosses were
The nielloed decoration follows a mediums.2 particularly popular with monks, but were
conventional pattern intended to emphasize The letters M(∏Δ∏)ƒ £(∂√)Y also widely worn by men and women, also
the dogmas of the Incarnation and typically appear above the Virgin orans, children, across all strata of Byzantine
Salvation: Christ on the cross on the front identifying her as the Mother of God. society. They were intended to protect the
paired with the Virgin orans on the back. Here, however, the inscription has been wearer from all sorts of evil in life and in
Intended to highlight both the human replaced by the descending hand of God. the hereafter. Many of the numerous
and divine nature of Christ, the decoration The inspiration probably derives from the bronze pectoral reliquary crosses with
dates this cross to the period following sanctuary program of contemporary excavated contexts come from tombs.
Iconoclasm. Christ is shown in an upright churches, such as the apsidal conch of the
position with outstretched arms and nailed Panaghia ton Chalkeon in Thessaloniki, BRIGITTE PITARAKIS
hands. He is dressed in a long colobium dated to 1028, where the Virgin is
with two clavi. His feet are nailed to a similarly flanked by two angels in a pose
Literature: Athens 1964, 388, no. 457; Athens 1986,
trapezoidal suppedaneum. The symbols of of reverence.3
191, no. 203 (L. Bouras); Athens 1994, 261–62, no. 84
the sun and the moon, signifying the Together with the golden Pliska Cross, (A. Drandaki); New York 1997, 172–73, no. 123 (D.
cosmic nature of the event, appear on which is dated to the ninth century, and a Katsarelias); Georgoula 1999, 332–33, no. 125 (A.
Ballian); Athens 2000a, no. 24; Ravenna 2001, 218, no.
either side above a titulus. few other nielloed silver examples of the
72
Directly associated with the tenth–eleventh centuries, this cross belongs (A. Drandaki); Lisbon 2007, 192, no. 100 (A. Drandaki);
iconography on the obverse, the reverse to the rare precious prototypes leading to London 2008, 428, no. 194 (A. Drandaki).
emphasizes the Virgin’s role as an the vast production of bronze pectoral 1

See Pitarakis 2006a, 70–71. De cer. 1829–30, 555. 8–
instrument of the Incarnation. Enveloped reliquary crosses that reached its peak in 10.
in a long maphorion, the standing Virgin the eleventh century.4 The popularity of 2
See Athens 2000a, 239–40 and nos. 11, 16, 23–24,
37, 41, 43–44.
holds her hands outstretched in prayer and these crosses is closely linked to the 3
See Gerstel 1999, 80–82; Pitarakis 2006a, 72.
her feet in repose on a pedestal. The large development of the cult of True Cross 4
See Pitarakis 2006a; Pitarakis 2005, 154–55; Pitarakis
2006b, particularly 176.
| 269 |
148. Pectoral Cross of
Georgios Varangopoulos
13th–14th century
Gold, lapis lazuli
1 ⅝ x ¼ in. (4 x 0.7 cm)
Inscription: (on the reverse) + √¶§√¡
°∂¡√π√ ∫∞π ºÀ§∞•ø C[Δ∞À]ƒ∂ ª√À/
μ∞ƒ∞<ƒ∞> °°√¶√À§[ø] C∂μ∞™Δø °∂øƒ°πø
(May my cross become a weapon and
guardian for Georgios Varangopoulos
sebastos)
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no.1853 148
his small gold pendant is in the shape

T of a cross with two horizontal arms,
Christ’s sacrifice and the ensuing Salvation,
to the Byzantines the cross was the
149. Pendant with Christ
Pantokrator
the so-called Resurrection or patriarchal phylakterion (amulet) par excellence, and
cross, and features a double suspension one of the few Christian symbols
ring at the top.1 A smaller lapis lazuli cross Probably Constantinople, 11th–12th
sanctioned by the official Church for use
century, 16th-century mount
is set within a thin gold string on the as protection.6 The prophylactic
Rock crystal, gold, precious stones, and
obverse. The inscription on the reverse effectiveness of this cross is further
pearls (mount)
refers to the pendant’s owner, the sebastos enhanced by its particular shape. The
2 ⅜ x 2 ⅜ x ½ in. (6.1 x 6 x 1.2 cm) (with
Georgios Varangopoulos. double-armed cross chosen by
mount)
The title sebastos, which reappeared in Varangopoulos was associated with the
Inscription: IC XC O ¶∞¡Δ√∫ƒ∞Δøƒ (Jesus
the Byzantine court in the eleventh True Cross, and was a common shape for
Christ the All-sovereign)
century, was used primarily for members tenth- to twelfth-century reliquaries
Condition: good
of the Komnene imperial family. containing fragments of it.7
However, beginning in the late twelfth Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 2113
century it was also given to low-ranking VICKY FOSKOLOU

officers and later, in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, to leaders of foreign he bust of Christ Pantokrator fills the
troops in the service of the Byzantine
emperor.2 The surname Varangopoulos
Literature: Athens 1986, 195, no. 214 (L. Bouras);
Athens 1994, 258, no. 80 (A. Drandaki); Georgoula
T center of this octagonal rock–crystal
1999, 354–55, no. 132 (A. Ballian); Sydney 2005, 140, medallion. Christ is pictured with a halo
could indicate the owner’s origin, no. 97 (A. Ballian); Lisbon 2007, 194, no. 102; London with cross, holds a closed book in his left
2008, 415, no. 145 (A. Ballian), with earlier
Varangians being the name given by the hand, and offers his blessing with his right.
bibliography.
Byzantines to Scandinavian or Anglo- The elegant proportions and Christ’s thin
Saxon mercenaries in the Byzantine army.3 1
For this type of cross and its presence in scenes of the face link this medallion with a series of
Resurrection of Christ, see Kartsonis 1986, 204–7,
As loyal protectors of the Byzantine ruler, 224, 231.
stone cameos dating from the tenth to
foreign mercenaries usually held a special 2
ODB, s.v. “sebastos.” twelfth centuries with busts of holy figures
place in the hierarchy of the Byzantine 3
ODB, s.v. “Varangians.” now in Dumbarton Oaks, Paris, Moscow,
4
Kazhdan and Wharton-Epstein 1985.
society.4 It is possible, therefore, that the 5
New York 1997, 176, no. 129 (S. Taft).
and St. Petersburg.1 The figure’s realism
owner of this cross was a member of the 6
Gregory of Nyssa, for example, uses the term and expressive power are impressive,
upper class. The use of such precious phylacterion (ÙỒ ÙÔ˘῀ ÛÙ·˘ÚÔ˘῀ Ê˘Ï·ÎÙ‹ÚÈÔÓ) for a small
despite the low relief and the abstract effect
pectoral reliquary of the True Cross that his sister wore
materials as gold and the rare lapis lazuli around her neck; Gregory of Nyssa 1971, 240 n. 2. of the transparent medium.
in the creation of a personal pectoral 7
Frolow 1965, 124–34. In medieval times rock crystal was
supports this hypothesis.5 thought to have magical-therapeutic
In addition to identifying the owner, properties.2 It was widely used in Islam
the inscription indicates the pendant’s and the West primarily for larger religious
function as an amulet and enhances its or secular objects, such as reliquaries and
apotropaic properties. As the symbol of lighting devices.3 Although very few post-
| 270 |
he ring’s band widens progressively to
Tform an almost circular bezel. Flat on
the interior, slightly convex on the exterior,
the band features stylized vegetal
decoration on the sides, consisting of
intersecting blue spirals with green, red,
and white flowers. The flat bezel bears the
four-line inscription in blue enamel within
a green frame.
A characteristic example of a rare type
of jewelry, the inscribed Byzantine
engagement ring,1 the Stathatos Collection
ring probably belonged to a wealthy
individual, as suggested by its material,
149 weight, and elaborate decoration. The
name of the ring’s commissioner, Goudeles,
is a well-known surname, attested since
sixth-century Byzantine artifacts in kryos and general apotropaic properties greatly the eleventh century and belonging to a
lithos (or “cold stone,” as it was called by contributed to their use as amulets.8 prominent Byzantine family.2
the Byzantines) are preserved,4 written Like wedding rings, engagement rings
sources confirm their existence in both the VICKY FOSKOLOU (annuli pronubi) were worn on the left
Middle and Late Byzantine periods. Two hand’s fourth digit (ring finger, digitus
epigrams by Manuel Philes (13th century) anularius), which was believed to be closely
Literature: Dallas 1990, 84–85, pl. 65; Georgoula 1999,
that refer to Byzantine rock–crystal icons connected to the heart, thus symbolizing
349–51, no. 130; London 2008, 431, no. 203 (V.
of Christ,5 and another pendant in the Foskolou). the couple’s eternal bond. 3
same material depicting Christ and dated
1
Ross 1962, no. 120; Paris 1992, nos. 186, 191, 201,
to the eleventh century demonstrate the CHRISTINA AVRONIDAKI
202; Bank 1985, nos. 155, 156, 298.
popularity of such works.6 2
Psellos, Philosophica Minora 1992, 118.
This medallion was probably originally 3
Hahnloser and Brugger-Koch 1985; Shalem 1994.
4
Mundell Mango 2003, 368–69, 372.
intended to decorate a larger object, such as 5
Philes 1967, I:65–66, II:38
Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1957, 57, no. 33, pl. V;
Vikan 1990, 145, fig. 3; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011,
an ecclesiastical book cover, a reliquary, or 6
London 1987a, no. 32. 287, no. 137.
an icon frame, as indicated by the 7
Paris 1992, 275–76.
8
Albani 2003. 1
Vikan 1990, 147.
cylindrical protrusion on its back. In the 2
ODB, s.v. “Goudeles” (A. Kazhdan)
sixteenth century its precious material, fine 3
Aullus Gellius, Noctes Atticae Ã.10; Vikan 1990, 146.
craftsmanship, and possible value as an
heirloom led its owner to convert it into a
pendant, set in its present elaborate mount
of gold, precious stones, and pearls.
Widely developed in Greco-Roman
antiquity, miniature sculpture in precious 150. Engagement Ring
and semiprecious stones and the
manufacture of cameos intended for Late 12th–13th century
jewelry (pendants, finger rings, etc.) Gold, cast, inlaid with green, blue, red,
continued in Byzantium after Iconoclasm. and white enamel
Middle and Late Byzantine cameos depict ⅞ x ¹⁵⁄₁₆ in. (2.1 x 2.3 cm); weight 17.3 gr.
almost exclusively Christ Pantokrator, the Inscription (on bezel): MNHCTƒ√¡ | ¢π¢√ª∏
Theotokos, and other holy figures, mostly °√À | ¢∂§∏C M | AƒHA (I, Goudeles, give this
male, and more often military saints.7 engagement ring to Maria)
These small stone portraits of saints, in the 150
Condition: small dents and scratches
form of icons or jewelry, were usually throughout
objects of private devotions. Rooted in the Athens, National Archaeological Museum,
traditions of Late Antiquity, the common inv. no. ™Ù 662
belief that their materials had medicinal
| 271 |
The “Thessaloniki Hoard”
I
n the early twentieth century the collector Eleni Stathatou acquired on
the antiques market a large hoard of Byzantine gold jewelry. The hoard
comprised a pair of bracelets, a pair of earrings, and fourteen rings, all 151
decorated with precious stones, enamels, and niello. According to the

antiques dealer, the hoard was found in Thessaloniki together with coins of
the Byzantine emperors Isaac II Angelos (1185–95) and Alexios III Komnenos 151. Gold Ring
(1195–1204), which provided a terminus post quem for the hoard’s
Late 12th–first half of 13th century
concealment. Assuming the dealer’s information is correct, the “Thessaloniki Gold, cast, with engraved and enameled
decoration
Hoard” contains rare and significant pieces for the study of Byzantine jewelry.
H. 1 ¹⁄₁₆ in. (2.67 cm), Diam. 1 in. (2.6 cm);
Despite its heterogeneity, which raised questions concerning the hoard’s weight 19.0 gr.
authenticity, the jewelry forms a coherent and authentic group, with Provenance: from the so-called “Thessaloniki
Hoard”
typological parallels primarily from outside Byzantine territory, namely the
Athens, National Archeological Museum,
Islamic world and the lands of Kievan Rus’. inv. no. ™Ù 467
The fourteen finger rings may be divided into four groups. The first group
comprises six pieces, four of which are shown in the present exhibition (cat.
he ring’s convexo-concave band ends
nos. 150, 151, 152, 153). These are considered Byzantine, the products of a
workshop strongly influenced by the Islamic world and the art of Kiev. The
Tin a lozenge-shaped bezel, which
depicts an imaginary creature with a lion’s
second group comprises four rings of medieval Western influence. The rings head and two confronting feline bodies. A
palmette sprouts from the creature’s head.
in the third group show influences from both Western and Kievan art, without Beading and a stylized meander frame the
Byzantine typological parallels; two are shown here (cat. nos. 153, 154). Finally, scene. Eight-pointed stars and simple cross
a single ring is considered a Western import, with typological parallels and linear motifs underlined by a pair of
horizontal lines alternate on the bezel’s
primarily from the Anglo-Saxon world. sides. The secondary motifs are decorated
According to evidence provided by the monogram on one gold ring (inv. with red, blue, and green enamel.
no. ™Δ 646), which is dated to the late twelfth or thirteenth century, the coins, Two-bodied sphinxes, harpies, and
other mythical creatures occur, among
and comparisons with typological parallels, the “Thessaloniki Hoard” was other places, on Persian stone reliefs
probably hidden between 1195 and the mid-thirteenth century. If the antiques possibly dating to the early thirteenth
century, on a thirteenth-century bronze
dealer’s information that the hoard was found in Thessaloniki is correct, then its
mirror from Persia or Asia Minor, and on
owner, probably a member of the upper class and possibly a Crusader, hid the a late twelfth-century bronze bowl from
jewelry during the turbulent times between the city’s occupation by members East Persia. The motif of the two-bodied
lion is common in Seljuk art, where it
of the Fourth Crusade under Boniface of Montferrat in 1204 and either its
appears as guardian of the palace with
recapture by Theodore Komnenos Doukas in 1224 or its re-annexation into the apotropaic properties, which this ring
Byzantine Empire by Emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes in 1246.1 probably also had.1 A silver ring in the
Haedeke Collection (from the Austrian
antiques market) featuring a similar lion
GEORGE KAVVADIAS
with single body on the bezel is considered
a Balkan product, and is dated to the
1
On the “Thessaloniki Hoard,” see Coche de la Ferté 1957, 29–55; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 219–32; Bosselmann-
second half of the twelfth century.
Ruickbie 2011, 48–57. Another example from Sicily, now in the
| 272 |
Victoria and Albert Museum in London, of a relief braid pattern with almond-
is also dated to the twelfth century.2 shaped motifs in the four corners. The
bezel’s sides are decorated with vegetal
MARIA CHIDIROGLOU spirals inside frames defined by a band of
intaglio dots and a smaller band of
engraved dots below it. Vegetal scrolls
Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1956, 75–76; Coche de la
with tiny palmettes adorn the shoulder
Ferté 1957, no. 24; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 222,
227, no. 7, pls. 13, 14; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 52, where it joins the bezel.
315, no. 196. This type of ring, with its rectangular 153
1
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 53, nos. 550–53.
bezel and specific decorative motifs, is not
2
Coche de la Ferté 1956, 75–76; Coche de la Ferté especially common in Byzantine jewelry.
1957, no. 24; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 222, 227, Typological parallels must be sought
no. 7, pls. 13, 14, with parallels in nn. 70–76 and on
pl. 38; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 52, 315, no. 196.
beyond the limits of the Byzantine a relief band that divided the bezel’s sides
Empire, in the Islamic world and the into eight concave panels, each decorated
Balkans. However, the lion, as a symbol of with incised antithetical triangles and half
power and authority and as palace triangles, with lozenges forming between
guardian with apotropaic properties, them. The bezel’s obverse depicts a male
belongs to the orientalizing repertoire of head in three-quarter view with long curly
Byzantine art, as indicated by its frequent hair inside an oval medallion. The
152. Gold Ring
depictions on minor objects, jewelry, medallion is framed by drop-shaped motifs
textiles, mosaics, and stone reliefs. alternating with x–shaped motifs. The
three-quarter representation of the head
Gold, cast, incised and punched
EVANGELOS VIVLIODETIS recalls earlier depictions on coins and
decoration, blue and red enamel
sealstones, whereas the secondary decorative
H. 1 in. (2.6 cm), Diam. of band ⅞ in (2.3
motifs, particularly the triangles and
cm); weight 17.5 gr. Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1957, II: 45, no. 25;
hatched lozenges, occur on Byzantine
Condition: small dents on band, rare Bosselman-Ruickbie 2010, 227, no. 6, pl. 11; Bosselman-
Ruickbie 2011, 48–57, 313, no. 194 (for typological manuscripts.
scratches on bezel
parallels and the motif, 52–54).
Provenance: from the so-called “Thessaloniki
ANASTASIA GADOLOU
Hoard”
inv. no. ™Ù 468 Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1957, 40, fig. 29, pl. πV;
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 219, 221, 225–27, no. 4,
pls. 7–8; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 52, 120, 318, no.
202.
153. Gold Ring

Gold. Cast, incised, punched, and niello
decoration
H. 1 in. (2.6 cm), W. ⅞ in. (2.2 cm), L. of 154. Gold Ring
bezel ¹¹⁄₁₆ in. (1.75 cm); weight 17.5 gr.
Condition: small dents and scratches on Late 12th–mid-13th century
152 surface
Gold, cast, with incised and nielloed
Provenance: from the so-called “Thessaloniki decoration
Hoard”
H. ¹⁵⁄₁₆ in. (2.4 cm), W. ⅞ in. (2.2 cm);
he band, which is concave on the Athens, National Archaeological Museum,
T
weight 6.9 gr.
inside and ribbed on the outside, inv. no. ™Ù 470 Inscription: on bezel: (Lat.) P. SUSEh
forms a raised shoulder and develops into Condition: small dents and scratches on
an integral rectangular bezel with concave surface.
interior. The bezel depicts an intaglio lion his ring has an internally concave band
with sinuous tail facing left inside two T and octagonal bezel, which follows a
Hoard”
rectangular frames. The interior frame later trend that replaced the circular bezel Athens, National Archaeological Museum,
consists of punched dots, and the exterior of earlier rings. Each corner continues into inv. no. ™Ù. 473
| 273 |
Hoard”
156. Gold Ring
inv. no. ™Ù. 474
Gold, cast, with engraved and enameled
decoration
H. 1 in. (2.65 cm), Diam. 1 in. (2.65 cm);
his impressive finger ring features a
T flat, hexagonal bezel with slightly
weight 18.0 gr.
concave sides. A wide central band with Hoard”
154 slightly concave ends divides the bezel into
Athens, National Archeological Museum,
two almost triangular side panels. Each inv. no. ™Ù 475
side panel is decorated with an incised
his finger ring consists of a thick,
Tconcave bezel on a solid band that is
palmette inside an almond-shaped field.
The central band features a vegetal scroll
flat on the interior and convex on the and palmettes without niello. The bezel’s
exterior. The hexagonal bezel, which has remaining surface is decorated with vegetal
slightly convex sides and rounded corners, scrolls and small palmettes against a
is divided horizontally into three parts. nielloed background.
The central part features the incised The band is flat on the interior and
inscription P. SUSEh, flanked by triangles convex on the exterior. On the shoulders, 156
with vegetal decoration. The bezel’s sides on either side of the bezel, is a
are decorated with vegetal and linear hemispherical boss with hammered
he ring’s convexo-concave band ends
motifs (pointed palm leaves and X‘s in
squares). A relief ring and incised lines
decoration between elongated sections. The
bezel’s sides also feature engraved and T in a lozenge-shaped bezel, which
contain the spiral ornaments that mark nielloed vegetal decoration. On the obverse, depicts a frontal male figure on a cross-
the join between the bezel and band. near the center, is a hole from which air legged stool flanked by two animals,
The Latin inscription and hexagonal would escape during casting. possibly griffins with eagle features. The
bezel associate this ring with Western This ring has no Byzantine parallels, scene represents the Ascension of
models, although typological parallels except for an example from Bulgaria, which Alexander the Great. The king is seated on
(mostly of inferior quality) have been dates to the thirteenth–fourteenth century, the sella curulis of Roman officials. The star
found north of Byzantine territory, in and two rings with hexagonal bezel in the above his head is both a symbol of
Bulgaria and Kiev. It is possible that this Khanenko Collection from a hoard buried deification and a motif with magical and
ring originally belonged to a Crusader. around 1230 in the area of Kiev.1 apotropaic connotations. The same motif is
also interpreted as a symbol of the hubris
GEORGE KAVVADIAS ELENI ZOSI committed by the mortal king, who
sought to dominate the universe, placing
his throne in the stars.1 The seat and the
Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1957, 49, no. 30, pl. IV; star are both iconographic particularities of
Bosselman-Ruickbie 2010, 225–26, no.14, pls. 26–27;
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 56, 316, no. 199. this scene, which differs from the usual
iconographic type of the Ascension or
Journey of Alexander the Great, common
in Byzantine and Western art, in which
Alexander rides a carriage pulled by
griffins or eagles.2 Beading and a stylized
meander frame the scene. The bezel’s sides
155. Gold Ring 155
are decorated with eight-pointed stars over
three horizontal lines. Red, blue, and green
Late 12th–first half of 13th century enamel decorates the secondary motifs.
Gold, cast and incised, niello decoration Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1957, 47–49, no. 29, pl. IV; Alexander the Great was considered a
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, no. 15, pls. 28–29;
H. ¾ in. (2 cm), band Diam. ⅞ in. (2.3 cm), model leader in Late Antiquity and the
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 317, no. 200.
bezel ⅝ x ¹¹⁄₁₆ in. (1.6 x 1.8 cm); Middle Ages. The legends that developed
weight 9 gr. 1
Georgoula 1999, 339, no. 127 (A. Ballian). around his figure, character, military
Condition: complete, niello eroded conquests, and adventures were popular
| 274 |
subjects in vernacular literature and art (oikeiakon vasilikon vestiarion, or private royal
during the Middle Byzantine period. The wardrobe) and public (mega vasilikon
Hellenistic text on Alexander the Great by vestiarion, or great royal treasury), the latter
Pseudo-Kallisthenes was the basis for reserved for arms, the empire’s bullion, gifts,
several medieval fictional novels and folk and coins. From the mid-eleventh century
poems.3 The Romance of Alexander the Great, the public vestiarion became the central
in its many variants and adaptations, was office of public revenues and expenditures,
popular throughout the Mediterranean and 157 headed by its chairman (prokathemenos tou
beyond (cat. no. 95). First translated into vestiariou),5 who accompanied the emperor
Latin circa 330, it circulated in Greek, during the latter’s maritime expeditions, on
Latin, Armenian, Syriac, Hebrew, and his precious signet ring features a solid the ship that carried the arsenal and treasury.
several medieval European and other T band and flat circular bezel. The band, In 1442 the Despotate of the Morea,
languages.4 The iconographic theme of the which is semicircular in section, widens at which followed the administrative model
Ascension of Alexander the Great was the shoulders, where it is decorated with of the Byzantine capital’s imperial court,
common in imperial Byzantine art, on relief palmettes framed by vegetal spirals. had a vestiarion organized according to the
textiles, stone reliefs (cat. no. 96), and The bezel features an escutcheon model of the great royal vestiarion of
metalwork. It appears, for example, on a containing a lion, framed by a row of dots Constantinople. Therefore, although this
diadem from the Preslav Hoard, possibly and the inverted engraved inscription signet ring was found in the sea of
dated to 927, and on an eleventh-century ™∂μ∞™Δ√™ μ∂™Δπ∞ƒπ√À.1 Monemvasia, it is safe to assume that its
gold ring, now in the Dumbarton Oaks The escutcheon with the lion is a owner, possibly a man of Western descent,
collection.5 These suggest that the ring’s reference to the family of the ring’s owner, was a despotate official.6
owner was a member of the nobility.6 whereas the inscription, which mentions The precious metal and exquisite
an honorary title and office of the craftsmanship displayed in the rendering of
MARIA CHIDIROGLOU Byzantine administrative hierarchy, the inscription’s letters, heraldic lion, and
indicates that the owner was a Byzantine shoulder decoration suggest a
official. Coats of arms occur rarely on the Constantinopolitan origin. The ring’s
Literature: Coche de la Ferté 1956, 76–79; Coche de la
bezels of Byzantine signet rings. Although shape, the composition on the bezel, and
Ferté 1957, no. 21; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 222–23,
227–28, no. 8, pls. 15, 16; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, commonly used as emblems of aristocratic the decoration on the shoulders recall the
53–54, 314, no. 195. and ruling families in the West, they were Evmorfopoulos ring in the Benaki
not systematically adopted by the imperial Museum,7 the gold signet ring of Paxenos
1
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 53–54, nn. 560–64.
2
Cary 1956, 296–97; Gleixner 1961; Gleixner 1966, 96– and aristocratic houses of Byzantium.2 Apelates now in the Cabinet des
99; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 222, nn. 79, 80. The motif of the heraldic pouncing Médailles,8 and two gold signet rings from
3
Lesky 1981, 1054–55.
4
Venice, Hellenic Institute Codex gr 5 1997, 29;
lion is common in Western coats of arms. the Dumbarton Oaks Collection,9 which
Stoneman et al. 2012, IX–XIV. In Byzantine territory it occurs at Mistra, are dated to the fourteenth century. The
5
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 223, nn. 81–85. the capital of the Despotate of Morea, in manufacture of the signet ring of Sevastos
6
Coche de la Ferté 1956, 76–79; Coche de la Ferté
1957, no. 21; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2010, 222–23,
the Church of the Peribleptos (third Vestiarios should be dated accordingly to
227–28, no. 8, pls. 15, 16; Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, quarter of the 14th century), and on an the fourteenth century.
53–54, nn. 559–66, 314, no. 195.
epistyle and marble plaque, now in the
Museum of Mistra, associated with EVI KATSARA
Despot Manuel Kantakouzenos and his
wife, Princess Isabel de Lusignan, the lion
157. Gold Signet Ring being the emblem of the Lusignan family.3 Literature: Mystras 2001, 162–63, no 17 (E. Katsara).
The epithet sevastos, a translation of the 1

Mystras 2001, 162–63.
Probably Constantinople, 14th century Roman imperial epithet augustus, was 2
Tipaldos 1926, 206–222; Solovjev 1935, 119–64. See
Gold, cast and engraved decoration established in Byzantium as a palace title by recently Ousterhout 2009, who mentions the ring
examined here (157–59).
Int. Diam. of band ¹¹⁄₁₆ in. (1.8 cm), Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118). 3
M. Chatzidakis 1981, 73; Bacourou 2000, 24; Carr
Diam. of bezel ⅝ in. (1.6 cm) Under the Palaiologoi this title developed 2005, 318; Constantoudakis-Kitromilides 2008–9,
Inscription: ™∂μ∞™Δ√™ μ∂™Δπ∞ƒπ√À (Sevastos of into a position given to administrative 169.
4
Stiernon 1965, 222–43.
the treasury) employees and officials of city garrisons and, 5
Ebersolt 1930, 87, n.5; Failler 1987, 201.
Condition: very well preserved especially, castles.4 The term vestiarios 6
Zakythinos 1975, 101, 228.
Provenance: found in the sea, near the corresponds to an office associated with the 7
Thessaloniki 1997a, 236, no. 290; Athens 1986, 195,
no. 215.
Castle of Monemvasia imperial vestiarion (wardrobe), which in the 8
Paris 1992, 338, no. 252.
Museum of Mistra, inv. no. 1731 tenth century was divided into private 9
Ross 1965, 90–92, nos. 129, 131.
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Byzantium between
East and West
BYZANTIUM BETWEEN EAST AND WEST:
OPPONENTS AND ALLIES
EVANGELOS CHRYSOS
T
he presentation of Byzantium as situated both geographically and
metaphorically between East and West, as the title of this chapter
requires, finds its justification in the long historical experience of the
empire, and is also confirmed by Byzantine research during recent decades.
The Empire of Constantinople had always operated as the “in-between” state.
This role of “middle/center space,” as conceived by Byzantine writers—
sometimes with a rather rhetorical flourish—the idea of the Reich der neuen
Fig. 105 | Silver-gilt book cover decorated with ivory Mitte in the apt words of Herbert Hunger,1 of course originated from the
plaques representing the Passion.
Manuscript with the works of Dionysios the
unalterable geographic givens, from the fact that Constantinople was located
Areopagite, offered by the emperor Manuel II between Asia and Europe, since the traditional boundary between the two
Palaiologos in 1408 to the abbey of Saint Denis. RNM,
Musée du Louvre MR 416. Photo: ©RMN-Grand Palais continents fell right on the Bosporos. Ever since the time of the ancient
(musée du Louvre/Jean-Gilles Berizzi)
geographers, Europe as a continent was defined as starting from the hills of
Byzantium, with Asia beginning on the opposite shore.2 But the empire of
Constantinople was also in the center of the world with reference to North
and South, with Scythia to the north and the Sahara to the south determining
its borders. (figs. 46, 106, 107). The position of the empire and of
Constantinople as the “absolute center” allowed orators to extol the Byzantine
capital as the “omphalos (navel) of the earth.”3
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his geographical position shaped the unique cultural nature of exclusive meaning, and was therefore rejected by the Latin
T the empire as a place for the merging of different tendencies Church, which, according to Thomas Aquinas, sought for the
and ways of thinking, but it also determined the principles and bishop of Rome plenitudo potestatis (fullness of power) in the world
methods for conducting relations with respective neighbors in the Church. The Roman Church was in constant struggle with the
East and West. In consequence, it also shaped the fixed aims and Eastern Church, ultimately to the point of schism, so that the
choices of foreign policy. former might impose its own view of the content and use of the
In narratives of Byzantium and its relations with its neighbors, term oecumenicus for the pope, with a parallel denial of its use to
we often introduce the ambiguous concept oikoumene. Because its the patriarch. Even the fall and sack of Constantinople by the
neighbors are sometimes recorded together with the Byzantine Crusaders in 1204 was justified at the ecclesiastical level within
state as belonging to this oikoumene, it is worth starting from an the context of this controversy, which in the meantime had
analysis of this concept. The concept—together with its naturally been enhanced with further points of difference and
ambiguity—was inherited from the Hellenistic past. From an mutual disparagement and rejection.
initial purely geographical meaning, that of the “inhabited earth,” On the political level, the misunderstanding assumed the
which according to ancient geographers’ calculations covered only dimensions of the problem of the simultaneous presence of two
one-fourth (Strabo, Ptolemy, Planoudes) of the entire earth, it later empires, well known in scholarship as the Zweikaiserproblem.
acquired a political content in accordance with the ideological From the time Charlemagne was crowned emperor in A.D. 800,
confrontation of empires—initially, the Persian and Alexandrian, the Byzantines, following the surprise this unanticipated event
later the Roman—with the formulation of the claim which was in caused them and within the framework of a realistic management
any case always inherent in the concept of empire, viz. the of a fait accompli, accepted the existence of a second emperor in the
inhabited part of the world ruled, or at least controlled, by an West on condition that the political raison d’être of the emperor in
empire. the East as legitimate basileus (king) of the Romans not be
The geographical meaning of oikoumene changed when it was contested. To Byzantine thinking, this adjustment with two
rendered in Latin by the cosmological term universum. As a space, emperors reigning in parallel was an acceptable concession, because
the universum went beyond the boundaries of inhabited space. it did not undo the ecumenicity of their empire. But in the
Since in Roman imperialist ideology the identification of the thinking of Westerners the adjustment was taken as a claim not to
Roman imperium, the orbis Romanus, with the orbis terrarum—
which, as universalis, encompassed the entire world—was taken for
granted, there remained no margin for cohabitation and
participation in their imperium by additional contenders: it was a
boundaryless, unlimited concept. Thus to avoid the historical
misunderstandings that accompany the mention of these two
concepts, oecumenicus and universalis, we must distinguish between
ecumenicity as a finite and universality as an absolute concept.
We should stress that the Byzantines’ oikoumene had boundaries,
the boundaries of the empire. This was also true of the equally
finite limits of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the “ecumenical”
patriarch.
Two issues involving conflict between Byzantium and the
medieval West resulted from this misunderstanding of the
meanings of oecumenicus and universalis. Historically, the first of
these concerned the title “ecumenical,” which was accorded to the
patriarch of Constantinople beginning in the fifth century. This
was never an exclusive title; other prelates could, and did, hold the
Fig. 106 | Map of the oikoumene from Ptolemy, Geographike Hyphegesis, end of 13th
title simultaneously, including of course the pope in Rome. But century. Vatican City, Vatican Library, Cod. Vat. Urb. gr. 82, fols. 60v–61r.
when the title was conveyed in Latin as universalis, it acquired an Photo: ©2013 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
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Fig. 107 | Map of the oikoumene
showing Paradise from the Christian
Topography of Kosmas Indikopleustes,
early 11th century, cod. 1186, fol. 66r.
The Holy Monastery of Saint Catherine,
Sinai, Egypt. Photo: Saint Catherine's
Monastery at Mount Sinai.
ecumenical, but to universal power by the Byzantine emperor, and seventh century) and later the Muslim caliphate of Baghdad, as
was for this reason to be rejected as unthinkable. The presence and well as with its successor sovereign states in the Middle East, the
power of the single rex (king) of the West, crowned by the pope Fatimids, the Seljuks, and the Ottomans. All were multiethnic
and proclaimed sole emperor, had now been established and powers or superpowers that cultivated correspondingly exclusive
recognized. After the fall of 1204 and the final maturation of the claims in the name of the one and only god of Islam, and that had
idea of imperial exclusivity for the emperor of the West, Johannes to be confronted because of their practical consequences.
Teutonicus (1180–1252), a German nobleman, Domenican friar, First, with respect to the Sassanids, despite the claim expressed
and friend and advisor to Frederick II, would declare that “the rule through the Persian ruler’s title of shahanshah (“King of [all]
of the world had now been transferred to the German emperor, Kings”), a title to which his court took care to lend substantive
who is above all kings and all nations. He is the ruler of the world, content whenever necessary,6 in the end relations determined by
all countries are subject to him, and all things are in his power. As peace treaties that acknowledged consistent reciprocity were
a concession, the Greek ruler could perhaps retain the name of maintained over four centuries. Thus conflicts between the two
king, as the king in chess is also called ‘king,’ but there can be no powers, even those including lengthy wars, always concluded in
kingdom outside the empire of the Germans, because in that case it the restoration of the status quo ante, i.e. the borders that had been
would be without a head (ruler), and without a head it would be a temporarily violated returned to where they had previously been,
monster (monstrum).”4 This preposterous argument did not of and the sovereignty of the two powers remained unquestioned.
course prevent Frederick II himself from maintaining friendly Even after Herakleios’s final defeat of the Persians, the Persian
relations with the Byzantine emperor, residing in exile in Nicaea Empire was not dissolved by the victor; rather, it was restored to
since the capture of Constantinople by the Westerners in 1204, or its former borders. Moreover, the Byzantines advanced to a major
from marrying his daughter to the emperor John III Vatatzes. 5 concession in employing for the Persian monarch alone the title of
The Byzantine concept of ecumenicity was also applied to basileus (emperor), while all the other rulers around the empire
relations with the East, including the Sassanid empire (until the were officially called reges.7 Thus the two opposing claims for
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“ecumenical” world-wide sovereignty coincided in diplomatic inviolability from peoples aspiring to participate in the higher,
terminology when the Persian King Chosroes (Khosrow) II, safer, and richer life the Roman state offered its citizens. For this
though admittedly under political pressure, likened the two reason, the greater the external pressure, the more the securitas rei
superpowers to two eyes which “shine ever brightly from above.”8 publicae emerged as the top priority of the imperial government.
Likewise during the years of confrontation with the caliphate, (fig. 108)
when the principle of “holy war” (dhjihad) was legitimizing the Second, the emperor had the duty to struggle to regain lost
claims to the establishment of the rule of Islam over the entire lands. In other words, the legacy of imperial territory
wold, the Byzantines confined themselves to guarding their Constantinople had received from Rome, which had suffered
remaining territory, which extended eastward to the Taurus serious reductions during previous centuries, needed to be restored.
Mountains. They designated their limited territory with the This of course could be pursued and achieved by careful
unofficial but emotionally charged term “Romania.” As regards the exploitation of the appropriate opportunities, either through
regions that had been lost, following a period of despair and the recovery (by negotiations) or through reconquest (by force).
overthrow of their worldview the Byzantines were forced to sign The third object was the further expansion of territory with
peace treaties with the caliphs in acceptance of faits accomplis; only wise moves and fairly won trophies, i.e. after just wars. This
in this way could they achieve peace. This climate is rendered in wording contains one ambiguity and one contradiction, given that
the style of diplomatic rhetoric in a letter from Patriarch Nicholas the word “recovery” (anaktesis) essentially meant “reacquisition,”
Mystikos to the Caliph of Baghdad, when he writes that “there are and was thus nearly synonymous with the word “analepsis”
two lordships, that of the Saracens and that of the Romans, which (reacquiring, retaking). Perhaps Photios purposely created the
stand above all lordship on earth, and shine out like two mighty ambiguity because he was unwilling to declare explicitly as the
beacons in the firmament.”9 We thus conclude that the oikoumene third and long-term object of imperial policy a war as just as it
of the Byzantines was a finite concept, that it had limits, and is may be it was also a war of aggression. If after defeat by an
therefore not correctly expressed when we accord it the attacking enemy the course of events was reversed, for example,
characteristics of universality, i.e. a demand for genuine world rule, and the Byzantines found themselves in a favorable situation, they
even when this is expressed in florid rhetorical figures.10 could—or rather, should—attack on the enemy’s ground.
Using the same logic and practice, the presence of the As we know from history, in the implementation of foreign
Fatimids, Seljuks, and later the Ottomans was addressed using policy the first obligation remained timely throughout the period.
political criteria. It is important to stress that in the seventh Even the final, unsuccessful effort to confront the Ottomans on
century, i.e. after the first shock of sweeping defeats and territorial the walls of Constantinople in 1453, before the fall that brought
losses to the Arabs in the Middle East, to the Slavs, Avars, and about the dissolution of the empire, was understood as the
Bulgarians in the North, and to the Lombards in Italy, with total application of the first obligation of “guarding” and the “security”
losses entailing a dramatic reduction in imperial territory, the of “those things (lands) which he already possesses.”
Byzantine government passed through a period of painful The second commitment, the recovery of lost territories, also
insecurity and redefinition of its nature and its capabilities. remained strong throughout the period, and there were frequent
Constantine IV (668–85) and his son and successor Justinian II efforts made with this goal in mind when it was deemed that
took agonizing decisions to accept what had already occurred, and conditions were suitable.12 Thus the Byzantines hoped to be able
this was certainly a break with the past. The restoration of lost to create new political circumstances that would allow them to
homelands was now a mere vision, an obligation of future annul existing agreements between themselves and other states so
governments. as to restore the borders of the empire as these had obtained
This obligation was expressed in classic fashion around 885 by during the reign of Constantine the Great. This was “Byzantine
the patriarch Photios in new legislation introduced under the imperialism,” which Dimitri Obolensky defined and endeavored
name Eisagoge, i.e. “Introduction” (to the great new codification to interpret as “defensive imperialism.”13 It was imperialism
being planned, Ta Basilika), where in the section “Concerning the because it stemmed from the belief in empire (imperium) and
Basileus” he set out the main duties of the emperor as follows: “The operated within an imperial worldview and policy with regard to
aim of the Emperor is to guard and secure through his virtue the its conception and methods, but it was limited to the recovery of
things (lands) which he already possesses; to recover and maintain lost territories and did not aim at new conquests.
through sleepless care the things (those that are) lost; and to It was clear that the new political circumstances, primarily in
acquire, by wisdom and through just victories, the things absent.”11 the Middle East during the era of the energetic Abbasid
Therefore, the imperial government had as its first and basic Caliphate, brought about so many changes and of such a type that
obligation the protection of imperial territory to prevent further for centuries the presuppositions for a pragmatic policy of recovery
reductions. That is, security was the first and supreme good. The and restoration of lost territories were absent. Nevertheless, during
preservation and exercise of genuine rule over all the regions the the years of the so-called Byzantine épopée of the emperors of the
Byzantine emperors had inherited from Rome presupposed Macedonian dynasty, Byzantium regained political, military, and
ongoing military control of the borders, which had to enjoy economic strength sufficient to assert its rights in the East and
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Fig. 108 | Coin with the inscription SECURITAS REI PUBLICAE.
Valens (364–78). AE3 of Aquileia RIC IX 9b Type vii.
Photo: by permission of wildwinds.com.
elsewhere. The most impressive example of recovery was the opposed, their understanding of one another deficient, and
dissolution of the Bulgarian state (founded in the Byzantine suspicion predominated, with the result that the Crusaders
territory of Thrace in the seventh century) following lengthy wars reached the point of sacking the Byzantine capital in 1204.
in the eleventh century. Relations between Constantinople and The general picture we have is that the emperor’s third
the Bulgarians had passed through many stages of antagonism. In commitment as identified by Photios, viz. the conquest of new
the ninth century the Bulgarian people and their leaders had been lands, does not appear to have been a serious prospect, although it
converted to Christianity with the direct participation of remained in the catalogue of the emperor’s duties.17 The
Byzantium. In the tenth century a peace with long-term prospects Byzantines did not organize their policy toward their neighbors
had been consolidated and sealed by the marriage of Tsar Peter on the basis of an expansionist strategy. The case of their relations
and the daughter of the Byzantine emperor. Still, when relations with the Rus’ is characteristic. The new peoples who settled north
became freighted with unfavorable new circumstances in the of the Azov Sea, the Chazars, the Pechenegs, and above all the
antagonism between the two states, Basil II did not hesitate to Russians, were emboldened to cultivate economic and political
confront the Bulgarians on their own territory, punishing the relations with Constantinople. Naturally, the Byzantines carefully
defeated in a violent manner and persisting to the final overthrow noted these peoples’ movements and observed in detail security
and dissolution of the Bulgarian state.14 issues posed by their presence, as passed down in the work of
Circumstances in the East, however, were different, and the Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De administrando imperio.18 At the
result of the imperial policy of recovery less impressive. The goal same time, they made use of them as a workforce, incorporating
of recapturing the Holy Land was essentially abandoned, although them into the court’s services; in parallel, they became the target of
there continued to be an interest in these regions, the ancient missionary initiatives by the Byzantine Empire. But the regions
patriarchates, and the region’s Christians who due to their religion where they lived never became an object of expansionist plans.
belonged among the Romans as sort of “expatriate Romans.”15 It The conversion of the Rus’ was accomplished through direct
appears that after the peace treaty of 1001,16 which established the Byzantine involvement (see A. Tachiaos below, 289—91). The
border with the Fatimid state a little to the north of the modern Russian Church was organized administratively within the
one between Syria and Lebanon, the goal of the Byzantines’ plans ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the ecumenical patriarchate, and
for recovery in the East was no longer the reconquest of Palestine naturally this had consequences for the spiritual development of
and Egypt or the “liberation” of the Holy Land from the “infidels,” Russian society, as it was nurtured by Byzantine culture. Thus
which was the declared aim of the Crusaders, but rather the Russia was included in the Byzantine commonwealth, and this of
protection of the new borders. course strengthened the relations with Russian society. But the
The Byzantines considered legitimate their demand that the Russians never became the object of aspirations of conquest
Holy Land the Crusaders would conquer be restored to them, and during any stage of their relations with Byzantium. Nor were the
attempted to exert pressure toward this end. Ultimately, however, Byzantine sense of superiority toward all the newer states
they compromised with the founding of Crusader states in the generally, sometimes demonstrated in provocative fashion—chiefly
Middle East, where until the seventh century the empire’s through rhetorical effusions and the rituals employed by court
provinces of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt had been. However, the ceremony19—or similar traditional rhetoric concerning ecumenical
Byzantines’ disappointment with this development, the founding authority able to challenge the Russians’ political independence.
of the Frankish kingdoms, was a given, and their bitterness was Byzantine troops never campaigned in Russia, and the treaties of
expressed through their cautious, sometimes even hostile behavior friendship that were concluded were always primarily concerned
toward the Crusaders’ forces that passed through Byzantine with commercial interests.20
territory en route to Palestine. Clearly, Byzantium and the West Byzantium’s standing policy of refraining from expansionist
were not in accord regarding the program for liberating the Holy actions with the goal of conquest dates back to its theoretical and
Land from the Muslims. On the contrary, their interests were ethical origins. The idea of just war was shaped through the long
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remained peaceful, even if it was necessary to provide them with
regular financial support, and in continually increasing amounts.
Thus the demands of dangerous neighbors rose, in an effort to
prevent them from resorting to attacks that involved the
plundering of imperial territory. It has been calculated that this
policy of “subsidized peace” was about one-eighth the cost of
waging war.23
Nonetheless, this choice in favor of the peaceful settling of
disputes cost the empire in terms of prestige, both domestically
(since people always want to celebrate triumphs for victorious
wars) and abroad, because the choice of peaceful settlement could
be seen by enemies as a submissive stance, and the army viewed as
cowardly or incapable of meeting its obligations for deterrence.
The stigma of cowardice accompanies the Byzantines in many
Western texts. The policy of “peace ransoms,” i.e. the purchase or
subsidization of peace in place of an armed resolution of
differences with one’s neighbors, necessarily refers to an
environment dominated by diplomacy, in other words “the ink [of
the diplomatic service] in lieu of the blood [of war].”24 Most of
the court’s services collaborated to achieve this objective. The
scrinium barbarorum (Bureau of Barbarians) collected, classified,
and assessed information included in the diplomatic reports of
returning ambassadors and those sent by their agents. It organized
and handled correspondence; it selected, briefed, and dispatched
ambassadors; it chose gift types and ordered these in the special
Fig. 109 | Silver cover of the Gospel of Otto III, ca. 1000. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, workshops for the forwarding of gifts on the basis of a
Munich, Clm 4453. Photo: Bayerische Staatsbibliotek, München. systematically elaborated gift policy.25
Gifts were among the traditional and timeless tools of
diplomacy. The Byzantine court gave luxurious gifts with the
process of refining related philosophical beliefs of the classical era, object of impressing the recipient, of making him feel sufficiently
primarily those of Aristotle, and the ethical teachings set forth by honored to accept psychologically the superiority of the giver and
the Church Fathers. War was deemed “just” only if it concerned agree to a relation of honorary recognition and friendship. A
self-defense, the recovery of lost territory, breach of agreement, selection of examples here will suffice. In 757 Constantine V sent
averting a greater evil, or the safeguarding of peace.21 Refusal by King Pepin in France an organ (an exclusively royal musical
the Church and society to accept Emperor Nikephoros Phokas’s instrument) together with other musical instruments, which made
proposal that soldiers fallen on the field of battle be recognized as a great impression in the West and was therefore mentioned in
martyrs of the faith eloquently expresses this general reservation many sources. Another organ is mentioned as having been sent in
regarding war.22 812 by Michael II to Charlemagne at Aachen.26 We know of
But above and beyond any philosophical or ethical reservations ivory gifts sent to Otto I which were later used for book bindings
about unjust war, the Byzantines also took into serious account (chiefly on Gospels, e.g. that of Otto III (fig. 109); of impressively-
the cost of war. They certainly knew well what research has decorated gold and silver vessels; of gold seals (bulls) with large
recently shown, namely that preparing and maintaining an army gold seals weighing as much as many coins; of crowns like the
and conducting a war—especially a war outside their own so-called crown of Saint Stephen of Hungary with enamel
borders—was a very costly venture that could not end well. Even decoration including the Emperor Michael VII Doukas and King
after a successful conclusion to such a war, the work of Geza I with the insignia of a Byzantine high dignitary (fig. 110),
reorganizing and governing the regions that had been conquered and of illuminated manuscripts (fig. 105). In exceptional cases of
would require enormous effort, a large political staff for visitors, they were proffered (parts of) saints’ relics, particles of the
administration, and military personnel to ensure their safety—all True Cross, or royal purple silks (fig. 111) produced in imperial
this, without any certainty that possible financial benefits from workshops and banned from commercial resale. To illustrate the
taxation and the exploitation of resources (land, metals, minerals, difference, we may mention that the Western gifts one might
etc.) in the conquered region would suffice to cover expenses. expect included weapons, slaves, and animals. However, when
Thus the alternative solution to war was preferable, i.e. taking special circumstances warranted, it was considered necessary that
care to cultivate friendly relations with neighbors provided they works of similar or corresponding artistry be produced in the
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West, e.g. the marriage certificate of Theophano and Otto II (fig.
112).
Another important tool of diplomacy was the so-called
dynastic marriage, as an expression of close familial relations
promising lasting friendship. These marriages, an old form of
linkage with foreign royal houses, passed through various stages.
In the first, that of the all-powerful empire, the court was very
sparing and proceeded to marriages with princesses who were
normally from subordinate partners.27 Later, such marriages
multiplied and included the wedding of Byzantine princesses to
foreign grooms.28
The characteristics of gifts sent eastward to Muslim courts
were different. As for the caliphs, the Byzantine court does not
appear to have sought to impress them so much by the high
artistic quality and intellectual symbolism of gifts as to satisfy
them through their volume, variety, and tangible value. Thus gifts
were counted by both sides with precision and recorded, since
they were offered on the basis of the principle of reciprocity, given
that the recipient aspired to respond accordingly inasmuch as he
would not allow himself to suffer the moral indignity should his
gifts be counted and prove to be fewer and of lesser value. The
long list that has come down to us containing a detailed
description of the gifts that accompanied an embassy of Romanos
I to the Abbasid Caliph al-Radi in Baghdad in 938 is indicative.29
The Byzantine court showed a similar concern to create the
right impressions among foreign ambassadors to Constantinople Fig. 110 | Holy crown of Hungary, 1074–77. Magyar Nemzeti Mu’seum, Budapest
upon their entering the city, while circulating in its streets, during Photo: ©Byzantine/Hungarian National Museum, Budapest, Hungary/The Bridgman
Art Library.
sightseeing visits, and above all during palace audiences. During
their reception at the Sacred Palace, they were received with every
formality and in accordance with the strict etiquette shaped by
accumulated past experience, adapted to the needs of the themselves to foreign courts (they got as far as London) with a
moment.30 There are famous descriptions of the technical view to seeking assistance to repulse the danger looming in the
constructions (mechanical lions that roared and shook their tails) East. The external splendor of traditional Byzantine ceremony and
in the throne room in the Magnaura that impressed high-ranking imperial titles of ecumenical plenitude could no longer conceal the
visitors during official audiences, and of dinners served in the tragic state of the times. Shortly before he died in 1425, Manuel II
Chrysotriklinos (golden hall) with exceptional delicacies and a had reached the conclusion that Byzantium no longer needed an
strict seating protocol (the so-called Kletorologion).31 In addition to emperor, but merely a manager.32
the intended recognition of the power and superiority of Of course, the confrontation between the Orthodox and
Byzantium, impressing visitors also of course brought the risk of Catholic churches contributed decisively to the estrangement
causing not only a disposition toward imitation, but also toward between the worlds of Byzantium and the West. The
emulation, i.e. a competitive disposition brought about by envy, confrontation was at both the theological and liturgical levels, and
which cultivated rapacious tendencies. In the twelfth century the in some cases led to a general rupture of relations, or schisms.
Crusades brought Westerners to the East who were in a position Thus during the ninth century many works contra Graecos were
to see firsthand, to admire, and to envy its wealth, and thus to written in the West by learned clergy, indeed at papal command.
pass from the stage of imitation to the dangerous stage of These of course provoked Orthodox clergy to respond. In addition
emulation, and subsequently to the conquest and exploitation of to individual doctrinal or canonical issues, the major issue
Byzantium’s wealth. remained that of papal primacy, to which the Byzantines accorded
However, during the late era of decline following the moral content, i.e. the honor of being the bishop primus inter pares,
destruction of 1204 circumstances were reversed. Byzantium was while the Catholic West accorded to primacy the meaning of
compelled to turn to its neighbors with friendliness, to seek their supreme rights over the entire Church. Nonetheless, during
approbation, and to request their assistance. Thus we witness the periods of calm there emerged the sense of the brotherhood of all
sad sight of Byzantine emperors mortgaging their insignia of office Christians. During the years of the Crusades, Westerners
to borrow the funds required for long journeys or to drag traversed the long road from their former sense of brotherhood (in
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Western visitors who had come to admire and venerate the
famous Christian churches such as Hagia Sophia and found
themselves unexpectedly face to face with mosques. In Byzantium
the religious divide did not necessarily lead to prejudices.
Lengthy periods of diplomatic and amicable relations with
neighbors in both the West and East facilitated a deeper mutual
understanding of the parties and creative cultural and artistic
contact. Visible as well as frequently invisible communication
channels allowed for the exchange of experiences and the tools for
developing intellectual, cultural, and artistic creations as well as
technology.
One impressive phenomenon was the simultaneous appearance
around 800 in Byzantium, at the Carolingian court, and in
Baghdad of similar renaissance tendencies, primarily with respect
to letters and the production, copying, and translation of books,
together with the parallel introduction of Greek and Carolingian
minuscule in both East and West. (figs. 113—14)
Furthermore, one of the most admirable achievements of the
Middle Ages, the fact that in translation centers in the Arab
caliphate—chiefly, the House of Wisdom in Baghdad—important
works of classical Greek philosophy (Aristotle) and science
(Euclid) were translated from the original or through an
Fig. 111 | Silk textile with lions, 9th-10th century. Museo Nazionale di Ravenna, 448.
Photo: ©2013. Photo Scala, Florence-courtesy of the Ministerio Beni e Att. Culturali.
intermediary Syriac translation, and in turn transferred to Arab-
ruled Sicily and Spain. There, primarily in the Toledo school of
translators after the city’s liberation in 1085, learned monks
the sense of Christian brothers) to enmity, and ended (or ended became familiar with these works and translated them into Latin,
up) in accepting as a necessary evil the attack on the Christians of and thereby contributed decisively to the twelfth-century
the East, using as their main argument the fact that the Eastern renaissance. This experience with classical literature in the hands
Christians were schismatic. of all sorts of scholars underscored the admittedly incomplete but
The religious difference was of course absolute with regard to nonetheless functional cultural unity of East and West despite the
the Muslims of the East, and this was a major barrier to natural barriers of language, religion, Weltanschauung, and the
communication. Despite the fact that Islam recognized Jesus presence of political borders.33
Christ as one of the prophets, the exclusiveness of the god of Islam Another equally substantive connecting factor that united the
(and of Muhammad as their sole ruler), automatically categorized medieval states of Europe was that of the common roots of their
believers of all other religions among infidels who needed to be led legal culture. Greco-Roman law, primarily as recorded and codified
to correct belief, even through the use of force. Despite this, there by Theodosios II and above all by Justinian, formed the common
gradually was formed and in the end there prevailed among Arabs matrix for the law throughout Europe. A historical anecdote
the theory that beyond the two worlds, that of believers (Muslims; serves as an illustration. When the Visigoth king Athaulf married
Dar al-Islam, the abode of Islam) and that of infidels (Christians the Western emperor Honorius’s sister, Galla Placidia, at
and followers of other religions; Dar al-Harb, the abode of War), Narbonne in southern France in 414, he found himself
there was room for a third world, that of those affiliated with the confronting the dilemma of whether to convert the Roman
Arabs (Dar al-Amn, the abode of Safety; Dar al-Hudna, the Empire into a Gothic one or to put his forces in the service of the
abode of Truce) with whom it was considered acceptable to empire. He preferred the second option, because he understood
conclude peace. Within this framework, diplomatic relations that it would be difficult to persuade the Goths to uphold the
developed and peace treaties in the form of temporary truce laws, given that “a state is not a state without laws.”34
agreements were signed. They adopted what was in fashion even The peoples who invaded and settled the western provinces of
in technology and technical fields. One expression of the the Roman Empire (from Africa and Britain to Pannonia)
consequent interchange was the construction of palaces in proceeded to the organization of their state structures and founded
imitation of Arab ones in Constantinople. This kind of the so-called successor states/kingdoms, absorbing and adapting
assimilation protected Christians in Muslim countries, and in existing Roman law to their own social needs. The moment of
return the Byzantines permitted the selective settlement of their state emancipation was identified with the publication of
Muslims in their own territory. They built mosques even in their own compilations of laws, which were infelicitously called
Constantinople for their devotional needs, which appalled the leges barbarorum. These constituted new editions of Greco-
| 286 |
Roman law, adapted to local political and social requirements.
This process was later generalized across all of Europe, even in
Ireland and Scandinavia, which had never been part of the empire.
During the renaissance of the twelfth century there was more
systematic employment of the sources of Greco-Roman law,
principally Justinian’s Corpus Iuris Civilis.
The course of legislative work in Byzantium was similar, with
continually updated publication of compilations of laws and even
vigorous expansion into the Slavic countries of Eastern Europe
(Moravia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Croatia, Russia), where compilations of
Byzantine law were translated and implemented without any
alteration. Thus all of Europe came to share a single legal tradition
and practice that conferred on it the special character of Western
civilization.
1
Hunger 1965; Koder 2002, 15–34; Koder 2003, 53–62; Koder 2004, 17–35; Koder
2005a, 25–45.
2
The name “Asia Minor” was employed from antiquity to refer to a small part of the
vast continent of Asia. Similarly, on the northern frontier there was Scythia Minor
(Lesser Scythia) as a province of the state, opposite Scythia Major, which extended
northward with its unexplored northern coast, while “Arabia Minor” was considered
to be that portion of the Arabian peninsula controlled by Byzantium. These
geographical names belong to a geographic system whose center and point of
departure was the core of the Greek world, i.e. the Bosporos and the Aegean Sea.
Within this scheme the name “Magna Graecia” (Sicily and South Italy), located at the
periphery in relation to the center, can be explained. Thus it was not a matter of size,
but rather of distance from the imaginary center. In accordance with this logic, there
was later a use of such names as Armenia Minor/Greater, Bulgaria Lesser/Greater,
Crovatia (Croatia) Lesser/Greater, Dacia Magna/Minor, Wallachia Minor/Greater,
Hungaria Major, Italia Major/Minor, Moravia Magna, Sclavia Major/Minor,
Langobardia Major/Minor. See Chrysos 2005a, 429–35.
3
Magdalino 2005, 107–23.
4
Post 1964, 487; Chrysos 1994, 293–307.
5
Angold 1975, 15ff.
6
See the argument of the Persian ambassador during negotiations for the Byzantine-
Persian peace treaty of 561: “that the king Khosrow was invincible and adorned with
many victories; that from the time when he had assumed the tiara, he had conquered
about ten peoples and made them tributary, that he had destroyed the power of the
Ephthalites and had defeated very many kings; that the barbarians there were in
wonderment and awe of him; and that properly and rightly he was proclaimed king
of kings,” Menander 1985, 64, 205–11.
7
Paradoxically, even the emperor himself avoided employing the title until the end of
the Persian-Byzantine war of Herakleios in 629; see Chrysos 1978, 29–75.
8
Simokattes 1972, 4, 11.
9
Nicholas Mystikos 1973, 2.
10
Treitinger 1956, 164ff.
11
Barker 1957, 89; Laiou 1993, 153–77; Ahrweiler 1975, 42ff.
12
The historical conclusion to this commitment is found in the modern Greek “Megali
Idea,” which in the nineteenth century arose as a national goal for the new Greek
state that emerged from the Revolution of 1821. This goal foresaw the “recovery” of
Constantinople and other former Byzantine provinces that had been in Ottoman
hands for many centuries. See Chrysos 1987, 193–202.
13
Obolensky 1971; Obolensky 1963, 578; Obolensky 1970, 1–13. Franklin (1983, 507–
37) rightly attributed the ideology of the Russians’ dependence to the realm of
“metapolitics.” On the continuing discussion in the U.S. concerning “defensive
imperialism” in the modern age, see Adler 2008, 587–610.
14
Stephenson 2000; Stephenson 2003; Holmes 2005 and http://www.roman-
emperors.org/basilii.htm.
15
For the meaning and status of Roman citizen and its evolution, see Chrysos 1996, 7–
16; Chrysos 2003b, 119–36.
16
Dölger and Müller 2003, 204, no. 792b; Felix 1981, 48ff. It was apparently to this
Fig. 112 | Marriage certificate of Theophano and Otto II, April 14, 972. peace that John Skylitzes (Skylitzes 1973, 345, 43) attributed the characterization of
Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv-Wolfenbüttel, 6 Urk. 11. ‚·ıÂ›·˜ ÂÈ᾿ Ú‹ÓË˜ Î·È̀ Á·ÏËÓÈÒÛË˜ (profound peace and tranquility), which though
Photo: Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv-Staatsarchiv Wolfenbüttel. initially signed as a ten-year truce, was maintained for a lengthy period.
| 287 |
Fig. 113 | Page of the Muspilli manuscript, 9th century.
Old Bavarian poem added ca. 870 on the bottom of the
Latin text from ca. 830. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,
Munich, Clm. 14098, fols. 119v, 120r. Photo: Bayerische
Staatsbibliotek, München.
administration the terms of permanent settlement. As regards interstate agreements,

the terms of surviving Byzantine-Russian peace treaties do not support the view of
subjugation; Malingoudi 1994. Nevertheless, it is still widely accepted that
“imperialist” Byzantium coveted the subjugation of Russia, which however always
managed to avoid subservience and preserve its independence.
21
Laiou 1993, 153–77; Pitsakis 2002, 203–32; Stouraitis 2012, 69–80.
22
Laiou 1993, 171. The Byzantine idea of just war did not correspond to the
comparable idea of the medieval West, nor to that of Islam, which allowed
aggressive-expansionist actions in the name of other values, e.g. disseminating the
faith among infidels; F. Russell 1975.
23
Iluk 1985, 79–102; Oikonomides 1997, 261–68; Chrysos 2003a, 542–63. See also
Chrysos 2005b, 113–31.
24
Haldon 1992, 281–94.
25
See Cormack 1992, 219–36; Muthesius 1992, 237–48; and Lowden 1992b, 249–60.
26
Maliaras 1991.
27
In the name of this old tradition, Constantine Porphyrogennetos generally forbade
dynastic marriages with the single exception of the Franks: “Never shall an emperor
of the Romans ally himself in marriage with a nation of customs differing from and
alien to those of the Roman order, especially with one that is infidel and unbaptized,
unless it be with the Franks alone”; De adm. imp. 1967, 13, 114–16. But this ban was
never maintained. Even during the early era, marriages between rulers were very
widespread. See Demandt 1989, 75–85; Krautschick 1989, 109–42; and Chrysos
1992a, 37.
28
Macrides 1992, 263–80; Panagopoulou 2006.
29
O. Grabar 1997, 115–29; Cutler 2001b, 247–78; Schreiner 2004, 251–81; Bauer
2011, 1–55.
30
This experience, as a model for behavior, was recorded by the emperor Constantine
Fig. 114 | Earliest form of minuscule script. Greek manuscript of Thucydides, VII Porphyrogennetos in his voluminous and detailed work De ceremoniis aulae
Codex Vetustissimus, Ms Plut. 69.2, fol. 305r, 10th century. Florence,
Byzantinae, recently translated into English by Ann Moffat and Maxem Tall (De cer.
The Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana. Photo: On concession of the Ministry
2012).
for Goods and Cultural Activities. 31
Important evidence is provided by Liutprand of Cremona in two reports on his visits
to Constantinople; Liutprand of Cremona 1993.
32
Kiousopoulou 2011.
33
Gutas 1998; Laughlin 1995, 104; Rosenthal 1975.
17
In the prologue to Novella 28 (dated to 535), on the administrative reform of the 34
Leges, sine quibus respublica non est respublica: Orosius 1889, VII. 43.6; See Wolfram
province of Helenopontos, Justinian, referring to the territorial arrangements in the 1988, 163; Chrysos 2003c, 17.
region of the land of the Tzani (Lazica), mentions with obvious satisfaction but
without exaggeration the acquisition of this country (Ó˘῀ Ó Úˆ῀ ÙÔÓ Â᾿ Ê’ Ë῾ Ìˆ
῀ Ó ˘῾ Ồ
Ú῾ ˆÌ·›ˆÓ Î·Ù·ÎÙËıÂ›Û·) ([now] for the first time during our era conquered by the
Romans [Greeks]).
18
De adm. imp. 1967, 48 ff.
19
D. Angelov 2007, 145 ff.
20
Vasiliev 1932, 350–60, and Chrysos 1992b, 233–45. See Korpela 2001, 140. The late
Obolensky compared the Russians of the tenth century to the foederati of the early
era. But the temporary political formations of the period of migration were classified
as foederati only when they entered imperial territory and negotiated with the
| 288 |
Byzantium and the Integration of the Slavs in
the Orthodox Oikoumene
ANTHONY-EMIL N. TACHIAOS
Byzantium was certainly preparing a the Slavic script and written word.4 The
T
he Slav tribes, whom the
Byzantines referred to as plan for Christianizing the Slavs, which brothers were sons of a high Byzantine
could turn them from enemies to allies. In state official in Thessaloniki; they had
Sklavenoi, appeared on the 863 Rastislav, the ruler of Great Moravia received a superb education and become
visual horizon of the Byzantine (extending over the area encompassed by known to the Byzantine palaces as persons
the modern-day Czech Republic and of high stature who were held in esteem
Empire in the sixth century. They did
Slovakia), which had already accepted (fig. 115). They had taken part in missions
not yet have an organized state, but Christianity from Western missionaries, to the land of the Arabs, the Crimea, and
as raiders they carried out attacks on asked the Byzantine emperor Michael III the land of the Chazars, and Methodios
(842—67) to send to his country a bishop had become the governor (“count”) of a
Byzantium, sometimes alone and
and someone who could teach his people province of Bithynia in Asia Minor, where
sometimes jointly with other tribes. the true faith.2 The Moravian prince’s the Byzantine emperors had installed Slavs.
There were occasional, isolated intent had political considerations, which in With Greek and Slav collaborators, they
the end served a major spiritual-intellectual translated the Gospel and a number of
instances of Slavs becoming
and cultural program. Byzantium had some sacred books into Slavic, and Methodios
Christians, but without any Slavic time previously prepared a “Slavic project,”3 presented to the Slav ruler a Byzantine code
tribe or state’s embrace of the faith which would now be realized with the of law in Slavic translation5 together with
mission to Moravia of the Greek brothers written instructions concerning how to
as a whole. The exception was Great
Cyril (born Constantine the Philosopher) govern a nation based on Christian
Moravia, which had been converted and Methodios and the former’s creation of principles.6
to Christianity by Western
missionaries.1
Fig. 115 | Saints Cyril and Methodios standing

before Christ and two angels, 11th century.
Crypt of San Clemente, Rome, Italy.
Photo: ©2013. Photo Scala, Florence.
| 289 |
The translations of Greek texts and individualities, which would Sava Nemanja (1175–1235), the first
produced by Cyril and Methodios created determine how it integrated Orthodoxy archbishop of Serbia and essentially the
for the Slavs terms and abstract concepts into its national life, as well as the nuances creator of the Serbian nation. He had close
that had not previously existed in their of the spiritual and cultural elements it ties to Byzantium, and had visited
language. Accordingly, the Slavs acquired received from Byzantium. Constantinople, the Holy Land, and
the possibility of understanding Byzantine The Slavic script that Cyril created for Mount Sinai, and was the founder of the
culture and gradually making it their own the Slavs, the so-called Glagolitic or Hilandar Monastery on Mt. Athos (see K.
and developing it in their own countries. Glagolitsa,8 had a peculiar and exotic form.9 Chryssochoides above, 115—17). He also
The brothers’ work in Moravia and However, this was later replaced in maintained close ties with Thessaloniki,
Pannonia, which included regions in Bulgaria by another script named Kyrillitsa where he had lived for a time and from
modern-day Austria and Hungary, came in honor of Cyril and modeled on the which he had brought to the Serbian
to an end when after 885 the Bavarians Greek majuscule.10 This was at once world a large number of Greek texts in
once more imposed Latin on the Church disseminated widely, and it was in this Slavic translation.15
life of these regions. script that liturgical books and other In this the Bulgarians were not in the
The historical development of the Slavs works translated from Greek began to be least remiss. As the first heirs to the work
of southeastern Europe differed from that written. Through it, the Slavs easily joined of Cyril and Methodios in the south
of those in Russia. In 864 Bulgaria the Orthodox devotional tradition. A basic Slavic region of Europe, they acquired a
officially accepted Christianity; the same problem for the Slavs with the acceptance treasure trove of Byzantine texts that were
happened with Serbia in 879. The of Orthodoxy was the transition from then forwarded to Russia.16 A rich
acceptance of the Orthodox faith by worship of idols to the veneration of vocabulary of theological terms, abstract
Vladimir, ruler of the Russians, is Christian icons, i.e. from three-dimensional concepts, and poetic expressions that
particularly interesting. There are detailed to flat, two-dimensional images, to which enriched the Slavic languages and prepared
descriptions of it from the earliest Russian however their coloring lent visual appeal it for a deeper understanding of Orthodox
chronicle, where it is said that following that led to spiritual depth. Gradually the spirituality and theology was transferred to
proposals to the Russians by Bulgarians of Slavs learned that what they saw in an the Slavic world through these
Volga and by Germans to embrace their icon created an exaltation of the soul, and translations.17 The region flourished in this
own faith, Vladimir sent representatives to that this was the beginning of their field in the fourteenth century, during the
them. When they returned in elevation and imaginary transport to a period when so-called Hesychasm
disappointment, he then told them to transcendent reality not visible to the prevailed in Byzantium, a renewed
travel to the “Greeks,” whereupon they senses. deepening of theological knowledge which
went to Constantinople. There the This spiritual process was also closely led to inner mystical experiences.18 This
emperor urged them to attend the Divine connected with the subject of myth, which movement, which opened new spiritual
Liturgy. When they returned, they told as a human need11 could not be eradicated; horizons, was transferred to and exerted a
Vladimir: “We went to the Greeks, and rather, it now needed to take on another major influence in Bulgaria and Serbia.19 It
they took us to the place where they nature (hypostasis). As long as the Slavs also passed into Russia.20 It was at this
worship their god, and we knew not if we remained deprived of a high level of time that works bearing the name of
were in heaven or on earth. For on earth education that would allow them to Dionysios the Areopagite were translated
there is no such beauty, which we cannot comprehend more profoundly the into Serbian. These were of great
describe. We know only this, that God Orthodox faith Byzantium had theological depth, and simultaneously
mingles with men there, and their worship transmitted to them, they persisted in introduced the terminology of
is the finest of all countries. We cannot believing in myths,12 and there continued Neoplatonism.21
forget that beauty, because he who tastes to be confusion between idolatry and The Slavs who accepted Orthodoxy
that which is sweet does not afterward Orthodoxy, a “double belief” system.13 This were at pains to imitate whatever held for
accept what is bitter, and for that reason was why the princes of Kiev Vladimir Orthodoxy in Byzantium. The
we cannot live here.”7 This testimony by (979–1015) and, later, Yaroslav (1019–54) predominant elements immediately
the Russian envoys was of decisive hastened to establish schools and advance following their conversion were the church
importance for Vladimir’s joining the the work of translating Greek Byzantine and the icon. The Slavs began to build
Orthodox Church, and thus in 988 the texts14 into Russian, so as to promote churches in their own countries to the
prince of Kiev himself received the literacy, which would lead to a deeper same specifications as those of the
sacrament of baptism and imposed the understanding of Orthodoxy. Byzantines, initially of the simple basilica
Christian faith on the whole of his nation Comparable activity in the translation type, followed by domed basilicas. In this
(fig. 116). Each of the peoples living in of Greek texts was also developed by the regard it is worth stressing that in the Old
Slavic countries had its own peculiarities great saint and illuminator of the Serbs, Russian state the first three-aisle church
| 290 |
was built by Greek architects,22 and that
later in the capital of Kiev a church was
built in honor of Hagia Sophia, modeled
exactly on the church of the same name in
Constantinople.23
Upon their conversion to Christianity
the Slavs also accepted the Orthodox
liturgy as it obtained in Byzantium, its
leading elements being the Divine Liturgy
and church hymnography. Of course this
was accomplished through the translation
of Greek texts into Slavic. Byzantine
ecclesiastical hymnography had a
theological depth and poetic quality that
opened up entirely new horizons for the
spiritual and cultural life of the Slavs. Very
soon an imitation of Byzantine poetry was
produced with the composition by Cyril
and Methodios’s student Constantine, the
Bulgarian bishop of Preslav, of two poetic
works, Prayer with Alphabetical Acrostic
(“Alphabet Prayer”) and Call (Invitation) to Fig. 116 | Russians adopting Christianity, miniature from Constantine Manasses, Synopsis Chroniki, 1344–45.
the Holy Gospels.24 Vatican City, Vatican Library, Cod. Vat. Slav. 2, fol. 166v. Photo: ©2013 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
As noted above, another important

element in the acceptance of Orthodox artistic progress was rapid. Each people Mozhaeva 1980. More recent works on their life and
ecclesiastical life was the icon, which followed a different path. The Bulgarians
activity include Grivec 1960; Duthilleul 1963; Dvornik
1969; Dvornik 1970; Tachiaos 2001.
quickly spread to the Slavic world and and Serbs acquired ecclesiastical 5
Ganev 1959; Maksimovich 2004.
assumed highest importance. The Slavs independence from Byzantium quite early
6
Vašica 1956; Vašica 1966, 70–73, 170–73; Papastathis
adopted models from the artistic centers of on, while the enormous state of Russia 7
1978, 15–36.
Povest’ vremennykh let, 49.
Byzantium, chiefly Constantinople and formed a mere metropolis of the 8
Jagic ́ 1911.
Thessaloniki,25 initially imitating their Patriarchate of Constantinople until 1448.
9
Granstrem 1955.
iconography and later developing their
10
Dobrev 1995.
Twenty-four of the twenty-nine bishops in 11
Eliade 1957.
own.26 Russia from the time of its conversion to 12
For mythology among the Slavs, see Voloshina and
With the Slavs’ acceptance of the Christianity in 988 until 1448 were
Astapov 1996; Čajkanovic ́ 1973.
13
Podskalsky 1982, 21–22.
Byzantine Orthodox tradition they Greeks29—a number that is a clear 14
Golubinskij 1901, 105–97; Podskalsky 1982; Makarij
replaced their earlier myths with narratives indication of the Byzantine influence on 1995, 62–100, 442–48.
from the Holy Scriptures and new myths Russian ecclesiastical life.
15
Domentian 1938, 121–22; Trifunovic ́ 2009, 75–275;
Belic ́ 1936.
embedded in the lives of the saints. In All the preceding observations and 16
B. Angelov and Genov 1922; Istorija 1962, 23–253;
Bulgaria students of Cyril and Methodios, evidence are indications of the path Zlatarski 1912; Thomson 1988–89.
who had taken refuge there after 907, were followed by the Slav peoples of
17
Picchio 1991, 145–261; Zett 1970; Uspenskij 1983;
Zhivov 1994.
proclaimed the first local saints, while the southeastern Europe and Russia in their 18
Meyendorff 1974b. There is a very extensive
first saint in Serbia was the archbishop integration into Orthodoxy. The bibliography on the subject of Hesychasm in Khoruzhij
Sava Nemanja.27 In Russia the first foundations Byzantium provided proved 19
2004.
Evangelou 2010; Hébert 1992.
national figures honored as saints were the so robust that the Orthodox traditions 20
Tachiaos 1962.
brothers Boris and Gleb, sons of Prince received from it continue to be active and
21
Trifunovic ́ 1980.
22
Voronin 1953.
Vladimir, slain by their brother Svjatopolk in force to the present day. 23
Logvin 2001, 65–115, 221–26.
in 1015 for political reasons.28 In their case 24
Kuev 1974; Vaillant 1948; Vaillant 1956.
religion was not a factor, but their sheer 25
Sychev 1928.
26
V. Djuric ́ 1975; Alpatov 1979; Vzdornov 1983; Iljin
innocence caused them to be recognized as 1976. See also New York 1997, 280–335; New York
saints. 1
See Vlasto 1970. 2004, passim; Paris 2010b.
During the centuries that followed the 2
Lavrov 1966, 26–27. 27
28
Snegarov 1946: Slijepčevic ́ 1978, 130–49.
3
Tachiaos 2004; Dujchev 1957. Müller 1967; Uspenskij 2000.
Slavs’ initial introduction to Orthodoxy by 4
The bibliography on Cyril and Methodios is enormous. 29
Tachiaos 1988–89.
way of Byzantium their own spiritual and See Kirillo-Metodievska bibliografija 2003 and
| 291 |
Exchanges between Byzantium and the
Islamic World: Courtly Art and Material Culture
ANNA BALLIAN
Even so, cultural relations between the amusements (cat. nos. 158 and 160–61).4
R
elations between Byzantium
and the Islamic world initially two neighboring worlds were not relations The major channels for conveying these
of repulsion but of attraction, the intensity motifs are believed to have been war booty
appear negative, because of which varied according to the political and the costly ambassadorial gifts
they passed through martial and context of the era. Thus in the early phase exchanged by imperial courts. The selective
of the Ummayad Caliphate Damascus and appropriation of themes from the Islamic
religious antagonism. Polemical and
the Muslim elite looked to Constantinople sphere is reflected mainly in portable
hagiographic texts underscore the and its art; in the ninth century, however, Byzantine luxury products: works of ivory,
unbridgeable gap between the two the balance changed. The Islamic Abbasid precious metals studded with stones,
Empire was now overwhelming in size and jewelry, enamel, and fine silks intended for
religions and their corresponding
resources; furthermore, it had designs on the elite and the court.
state formations. It comes as no the intellectual and cultural hegemony Our view of courtly art during this age
surprise that in the Life of Saint Byzantium considered undisputed, more or has been shaped by André Grabar’s
less its apanage. It was an age of cultural seminal 1951 article “Le succès des arts
Andrew of Constantinople (Andreas
rivalry, of “manuscript hunting” and “brain orientaux à la cour byzantine sous les
Salos) Satan appears in the form of draining.” The caliph al-Ma’mun went in Macédoniens.” Eastern elements are
an Arab merchant. This negative search of Greek scientific manuscripts and identified and assessed as being of a piece
invited Leo the Mathematician to the court with Byzantine imperial art, which was
impression is compounded when
of Baghdad. The other side of this coin is composed of various cultural traditions
added to the syndrome of cultural represented by the Arab palace of the among which the Greco-Roman and
superiority with which the Byzantines emperor Theophilos, who followed plans Christian predominated.5 The origin of the
brought to him from Baghdad by John oriental elements was chiefly Persia,
faced foreigners, or at any rate all Synkellos in 829 and built the palace of although the emphasis was not on the
those whom they considered Bryas on the Asian coast of the Bosporos.3 contemporary Islamicized Iran of the
“barbarians.”1 As the proud heirs to Why did he do this? Obviously, so as not Abbasids, but on Sasanian Iran, which had
to lag behind the innovations of his influenced the Roman Empire even before
the Roman imperial idea and Abbasid counterpart, but also at a symbolic it was converted to Christianity. In this
guardians of the Greco-Roman level to appropriate them, thus confirming André Grabar was following the prevailing
cultural heritage, they confronted his own cultural superiority. scholarly views of his age, which overstated
Iconoclast emperors like Theophilos the Persian contribution to the formation
foreigners with hauteur, as cultural were accused by later Iconophiles of being of Islamic art while ignoring or
aliens—a stance, however, which “Saracen-followers.” Within this context, minimizing the Arab and Turkish factors.6
the Islamic-style palace appears as an More to the point, oriental elements were
offers room for both acceptance and
exception or the eccentricity of a heretic; an international intercultural phenomenon
a fear of comparison.2 however, the art of the later Macedonian that concerned not only Byzantium but
dynasty in the tenth and eleventh more generally the imperial courts of
centuries continued to find itself in direct West and East, composing a shared
conversation with the new Islamic artistic “koine” of luxury arts enjoyed by the
aesthetic, and to adopt its characteristic elite of Baghdad, Cairo, Constantinople,
features such as pseudo-Kufic inscriptions Cordova, Palermo, and the emerging
and arabesque ornament, fantastic courts of the medieval West.7 Viewed as a
creatures, and scenes depicting courtly symptom of court art the attraction to the
| 292 |
Fig. 117a | Slip-painted bowl, from Corinth, late 11th–early 12th century. Fig. 117b | Fatimid luster bowl, from Egypt, 11th century.
Archaeological Museum of Ancient Corinth, C-1934-827. Athens, Benaki Museum, 201. Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum,
Photo: Velissarios Voutsas. Athens/Leonidas Kourgiantakis.
East looks perhaps rather marginal, more monopoly by potters in ninth century and the rare or exotic origins of the
or less a palace frivolity fed by exchanges Abbasid Iraq, with Basra as its center. In models. Holes pierced in the foot of some
of diplomatic missions and gifts between the late tenth century, with the shift in the pieces provided for suspension and display,
rulers. Furthermore, orientalizing luxury center of power it was transferred by and are an indication of contemporary
products were addressed to the few, to the potters in Fatimid Egypt to its old capital appreciation of the wares.13 Two Fatimid
emperor and his court; they had no public Fustat, near the recently founded city of eleventh-century luster-painted plates built
exposure, and theoretically limited foreign Cairo. Correspondingly, when Fatimid into the church of Hagioi Theodoroi in
influences to the level of light palace art.8 power began to wane in the late eleventh Athens show that they were prized
At this point, Middle Byzantine pottery, century, some of the potters and the secrets possessions worthy of bequeathing to
as one of the best-documented expressions of of their technique resettled in Syria. God.14 A significant number of the Islamic
material culture, can assist in the revision of Production continued in 12th-century pottery finds in Corinth are Fatimid luster
these views. Indeed, in pottery for everyday Fatimid Egypt, but by the end of the fragments dating mostly to the eleventh
use we find a more immediate acceptance of century it was transferred to Iran. In the and twelfth centuries; a characteristic
Islamic elements and their fertile interplay first Abbasid phase, luster-painted vessels example is the fragment preserving a hand,
with local aesthetics. Byzantine pottery, long and wall tiles were produced for the elite which it would seem from the plate in the
undervalued as “pottery for common use,” and found imitators both in the East in Benaki Museum belonged to a lute player,
has occasionally been deemed inferior to Samanid Iran, centered in Nishapur and his musical instrument covering the
that of Islam because it did not succeed in Samarkand, as well as in the West in the background (fig. 118a–b). However, there
manufacturing luxury wares involving Byzantine capital. Since in this phase the are also cases of Abbasid luster, probably
advanced technology.9 Islamic pottery, by luster technique remained a guild or family imports to Egypt: an Abbasid polychrome
contrast, had an artificial white stone-paste secret belonging to the potters of Basra, luster fragment usually attributed to the
body or frit imitating the color and finesse imitations were done with colored glazes or ninth century, and a fragment with
of porcelain, and was decorated with slip painting.11 The stylistic result in monochrome luster of the tenth century
complicated and costly techniques like luster Byzantine polychrome ware, at least in on which a characteristically stylized
painting.10 those pieces displaying Islamicizing designs, female face was depicted (fig. 119a–b).15
The case of imitation luster and other was a blending of Abbasid prototypes and The best-known Middle Byzantine
related ceramics made in Constantinople Samanid imitations.12 pottery is incised, also known as sgraffito
and its environs in the tenth and eleventh In the twelfth century wares from the or sgraffiato ware. Kilns and wasters have
centuries, and in Corinth from the late workshops of Corinth imitated the style of been found in Corinth, where there was a
eleventh–early twelfth century, is indicative Fatimid luster pottery using slip painting thriving local ceramic industry.16 This
of relations and the routes pottery followed. and exceptional precision (fig. 117a–b). most important urban center in mainland
Painting with luster colors was an Apparently the Byzantine Greeks of the Greece is the only city for which we have
innovative ornamental technique held as a time were able to recognize the uniqueness a relatively good overview thanks to
| 293 |
Fig. 118a | Fatimid luster fragment with the hand of a lute player,
from Corinth, 11th century. Archaeological Museum of Ancient
Corinth, C-1933-510. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
Fig. 118b | Fatimid luster fragment with lute players,
from Egypt, 11th century. Athens, Benaki Museum, 11120.
Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum, Athens/Spiros Delivorrias
Fig. 119a | Abbasid polychrome and monochrome luster Fig. 119b | Abbasid luster fragments, from Egypt,
fragments, from Corinth, 9th-10th centuries. Archaeological 10th century. Athens, Benaki Museum, 11733,
Museum of Ancient Corinth, C-1933-603, C-1937- 3001. 11732, 11726. Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum,
Photo: Velissarios Voutsas. Athens/Leonidas Kourgiantakis.
systematic excavations extending over because, according to the rather workshops came the first securely dated
seven decades. A characteristic of a class of unfortunate characterization of Arthur Byzantine examples. Among these are the
sgraffito in its early phase (11th–12th Lane, it comprised the “ceramic impressive fragments from two bowls
centuries) was the markedly Islamic style underworld Ôf Islam.” Iranian sgraffito, decorated with intersecting circles drawn
of its decoration with arabesques, pseudo- intact and impressive examples of both by compass, with fillers consisting of
epigraphic decoration, and birds. It is hard fine-sgraffito as well as champlevé known dashes, scallops, and leaves (fig. 120a).19
not to imagine that potters had at their mainly from the art market, have Incised pottery with comparable
disposal a wide range of Islamic models overwhelmingly been considered the decoration has been excavated at Hama.20
that they imitated, in full knowledge that models for Byzantine wares in the spirit of It belongs to the category of “Tell Minis”
these were the prime choice of buyers. the mid-twentieth century that maintained ware made from the late eleventh century
Islamic ceramic finds in Corinth have that everything came from the reservoir of by Egyptian potters who immigrated to
been relatively few, but the breadth of the Indo-European Iran. Modern Syria to avoid the difficult economic
Byzantine Islamicizing material allows us archaeological research, however, has situation in Fatimid Egypt. However, the
to assume very extensive exposure to established that pottery with incised sgraffito technique is a transfer to pottery
Islamic products on the part of Byzantine decoration on a white slip with of the corresponding incision technique in
potters and consumers.17 transparent or monochrome glaze was in metal. By a fortunate coincidence, one of
What precisely were these models, circulation almost simultaneously in the the very few Fatimid copper-alloy pieces
where did they come from, and how were eleventh century over a wide geographic rescued from recycling is a large dish
they found in Byzantine Corinth? Until area from Afghanistan and Iran to Syria showing comparable decoration of
recently, the sgraffito ware of the Islamic and Egypt.18 Byzantium should be added intersecting circles (fig. 120b).21 And this is
world was a little-researched field, perhaps to these, especially Corinth, from whose not the only case that reveals that potters
| 294 |
may have had metal prototypes.22 The
fine-sgraffito ware with concentric pseudo-
epigraphic zones interspersed with
medallions had copper-alloy ware as its
exclusive models, for comparable
epigraphic zones are not found in Islamic
pottery. The rarity of preserved Fatimid
metal works leads to comparisons with
works from Iran, a large number of which
are preserved; however, it is well
documented that corresponding pieces
were manufactured both in Egypt and
Syria as well as Seljuk Asia Minor. 23
Syria and Egypt formed the natural
border areas for communication with the
Greek islands and southern Greece, and
most parallels between Islamicizing
Byzantine pottery and their Islamic
prototypes have been discovered in these Fig. 120b | Fatimid copper alloy disk
regions.24 Among the fragments of Islamic from Egypt, 11th century. Athens, Benaki
incised pottery found in Corinth and Museum, 13144. Photo: ©2013 by Benaki Museum,
Athens/Drawing by Katerina Mavragani.
originally characterized as “Iranian” were a
considerable number of examples of Syrian
and Egyptian incised pottery (fig. 121a), because it comes from excavations mainland and the Aegean islands, in the
either “Tell Minis” or Fustat Fatimid conducted during recent decades and is triangular commercial network linking
SgraffitÔ (FFS).25 The importance of FFS largely comprised of fragments rather than Constantinople with the ports of the eastern
lies in that it is the type of pottery which, the impressive intact works sold on the art Mediterranean in Syria and Egypt on the
together with luster, witnessed the market. Inscribed decoration with palmettes, one hand, and with the commercial cities of
transition from an earthenware body to spirals, and split-leaf arabesques presents Pisa, Venice, and Genoa on the other. It is
frit.26 FFS is not well known, however, similarities to that on Byzantine works.27 also known that there were Venetian
This type is unquestionably a chronological commercial representatives in Corinth and
and technological forerunner, and was the Thebes, where a considerable industry had
prototype both for “Tell Minis” and developed in the production of silk, which
Byzantine incised ware (fig. 121b). was now being exported both within and
The most impressive examples of beyond the borders of the empire.28
Islamicizing pottery date to around the One should not underestimate the
mid-twelfth century. Coming from a participation of Byzantine merchants, who
shipwreck off Alonnisos and from Corinth, may have paved the way. Byzantine
they provide us with the temporal merchants were visiting Cairo and
framework for the influx of Islamic motifs Alexandria from at least the mid-tenth
in ceramics. This phenomenon may be century, as shown by the mention of a
interpreted as a consequence of Corinth’s “market of the Greeks” in old Cairo in a
location at the center of a network of Jewish document from the Genizah.29 We
regional and inter-regional trade that know from excavation evidence that in the
developed in the eleventh and twelfth second half of the tenth century Corinth
centuries. During this time a more general began to import luxury polychrome pottery
economic growth can be observed in from Constantinople;30 thus it had the
Byzantium and the Mediterranean, financial capability to also import lusterware
supported by seaborne trade that the Italian from Egypt, initially probably a few pieces
maritime cities gradually came to dominate. of Abbasid production, and later Fatimid
Fig. 120a | Fragments from two Byzantine bowls with A new element of the period was increased luster and incised wares in greater quantities
sgraffito decoration, from Corinth, late 11th–early 12th
century. Archaeological Museum of Ancient Corinth, C-
participation on the part of Byzantine (fig. 119a). Between 1020 and 1030 the
1960-50, C-1937-17. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas. provinces, especially the southern Greek Byzantine shipwreck at Serçe Limani north
| 295 |
Fig. 121a | Fustat Fatimid Sgraffito (FFS) fragment, from Corinth, 12th century. Fig. 121b | Byzantine fine-sgraffito bowl, from Corinth. Archaeological Museum of
Archaeological Museum of Ancient Corinth, C-1936-166. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas. Ancient Corinth. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
of Rhodes was carrying various products 6

The main proponent of this view was David Talbot incised ware, ibid., chapter π, 253–71, and P. Morgan
Rice; see Talbot Rice 1953 and Talbot Rice 1965. 1994, 119–23. Also Allan 1974, 15–22.
from the coasts of Syria/Palestine, including 7
O. Grabar 1997. 19
Thessaloniki 1999, 165, nos. 189–90 (I. Tzonou-Herbst).
champlevé Fatimid ceramics and 3 tons of 8
A. Walker 2012, 12–17. 20
Porter and Watson 1987, 240, B15, B16. Ceramists
9
Too harsh a criticism; at peak production, Byzantine brought to Syria the frit body and the luster technique;
glass cullet probably destined for Corinthian
polychrome ware, whether tiles or tableware, had a ibid., 191. In the last quarter of the 12th century
glass factories.31 It is clear that Byzantine fine white fabric, delicate multicolored decoration, and “Raqqa” wares eventually dominate Syrian ceramics.
ships and merchants were operating in the thin walls—as regards tableware—and was surely 21
Ballian 2006, 60, no. 55.
22
addressed to the upper social echelons of society. For For example, see Thessaloniki 1999, 131, no. 143, and
eastern Mediterranean as far as Egypt, polychrome ware, see Sanders 2001 and Gerstel and Melikian-Chirvani 1982, 105, no. 36
though from the mid-twelfth century Lauffenburger 2001. 23
Ballian and Drandaki 2003, 56–57; Vickers et al. 1986,
Byzantine merchants increasingly sailed on 10
Mason 1995, 5–6; Watson 1999. pl. 65 below; πstanbul 2001, 73, 88–89, 97. For the
11
Sanders 2001, 89. For early luster in the Islamic World, relation between Byzantine pottery and Islamic
Italian ships and sent their goods with see Mason 1997a and Mason 1997b. metalwork, see also E. Maguire and H. Maguire 1992,
them. Venetian ships and traders (regardless 12
∑alesskaja 1984. In contrast to the few pieces of 13–16.
of ethnicity) transported silk and oil from nearly intact Byzantine polychrome pottery found in 24
Relations between Constantinople and Fatimid Egypt
Chersona (Kherson), Samanid pottery was widely have already been noted by Antony Cutler: Cutler
mainland Greece to Egypt using Crete or preserved and has enjoyed many publications. A 1999; Cutler 2001b.
Cyprus as way stations. On returning, they simple browsing through Wilkinson 1973 or Watson 25
Scanlon 1999, 265–83. FFS fragments come second
2004, 205–39, reveals the eclectic similarities. One numerically after luster sherds, and their shapes imitate
surely carried Islamic pottery or metal
element that could lead to further study of this subject either metal pieces or pottery painted in the luster
objects that triggered the fascination with is the pseudo-epigraphic decoration on the rims of technique. My special thanks to Umberto Bongianino,
Islamicizing designs. Around the same time, Byzantine pottery, which is extremely common on who shared with me his knowledge of FFS, and of
Iranian ceramics but rather rare on Abbasid luster, see course to Oliver Watson who introduced him to me.
incised Byzantine and Islamic pottery was Grube 1976, 80, no. 1; Philon 1980, 69, 73. 26
For frit, see n. 9, above. Morgan specifies that this
also being imported to Venice, and it is 13
Ch. ªÔrgan 1942, 86–90. pottery imported to Corinth is “distinguished by its
believed that much of the latter found its 14
There are now objections to the dating of the church white, pasty biscuit, imitative of porcelain,” Ch.
to the eleventh century; see Sanders 2011. For the Morgan 1942, 169, fig. 147.
way via Byzantium.32 pottery, however, regardless of when it was built into 27
In FFS there is a pronounced influence from imported
the church’s walls, a dating to the eleventh century is Chinese ceramics. Oddly enough, the impact of the
considered secure: see Nicolacopoulos 1978; Philon latter was not immediately obvious in Byzantine pottery.
1980, 186. However, a more thorough study of this issue is needed.
15 28
1
ªeyendorff 1964, 129–31. For the polychrome fragment, cf. Philon 1980, 260, Laiou 2002b, 736–41; Jacoby 2000.
29
2
Simeonova 2000a. Δhe presence of Muslims in figs. 195–96. For the figural fragments, Ch. Morgan Jacoby 2000, 34–35 and passim on the Byzantines’
Constantinople is credibly attested, see Reinert 1998. 1942, 170, fig. 150; also Philon 1980, pl. XI C. participation in maritime trade. See also Laiou 2002b,
16
3
Magdalino 1998. Sanders 2003. 728; Tibi 1991.
17 30
4
The tenth-century emperors Leo VI and Constantine VII On the basis of evidence to date, the movement of Sanders 2003, 390.
31
Porphyrogennetos were interested in the Arab world, Muslim potters to Corinth does not seem likely, van Doorninck 2002, 902–3.
32
in Arab customs and warfare, and displayed lenient because they would have also transferred the new Tonghini 1999, 292. A parallel phenomenon is
behavior toward Muslim prisoners of war; see technology for the body (frit) and decoration (luster), observed with the pseudo-Arabic inscriptions based on
Simeonova 2000b, 235–36. as happened when they moved to Syria. Byzantine prototypes in the wall paintings of Italian
18
5
A. Grabar 1951b. Rousset 1999, 254; Watson 2004, 56. For Iranian churches; see Fontana 1999.
| 296 |
Byzantium between Ottomans and Latins
in the Palaiologan Age
TONIA KIOUSOPOULOU
The Byzantine emperor was no longer, as a ruling class significantly limited his
I
n 1261 Michael Palaiologos
reconquered Constantinople, and would never again be, the master of absolute authority. The two civil wars that
the oikoumene. Already in the thirteenth erupted in the fourteenth century clearly
inaugurating the final period in century his domain had been confined to illustrate the crisis of the imperium. The
the existence of the Byzantine state. western Asia Minor and the southern first, fought in Thrace, started in 1320
Balkans. Furthermore, in addition to the when the still young Andronikos III
During the two centuries that
rulers of the Latin states founded in rebelled against his grandfather
followed down to 1453, Byzantium accordance with the Partitio Romaniae Andronikos II Palaiologos. During this
shrank in territory and was weakened (the agreement whereby the Crusaders war the empire was rent in two for the
divided up the lands of the [old] empire first time in Byzantine history, with two
militarily. But the most important
among themselves), he had to confront the emperors governing two realms within
characteristic of this period was the Bulgarians and Serbs. The fall of Byzantium. The treaty signed by the
gradual decline of central authority, a Constantinople in 1204 had also led to the opposing parties in 1321 foresaw that
settlement of Westerners in the East. Andronikos II would retain the region of
result of the power of the high
Thereafter their presence was decisive, Constantinople and maintain control of
nobility in both the political and directly or indirectly, for the life of the foreign policy, while his grandson would
economic spheres.1 Byzantines. Even after the recapture of become ruler of the “western” part of the
Constantinople the Byzantines had to empire. Andronikos III initially settled in
become accustomed to the idea of the Adrianople, later moving to
Italians’ economic dominance.2 In the Didymoteichon with his allies, who were
capital and other major commercial centers members of prominent aristocratic
of the eastern Mediterranean Italian families: Syrgiannes Palaiologos
merchants—chiefly Venetians and Philanthropenos (who, however, was
Genoese, upon occasion Pisans, continually changing allegiances), John
Florentines, and Ragusans—controlled Kantakouzenos, and Theodore Synadenos.
trade.3 This group’s success was due to its
The emperor’s power no longer went combining forces with the population of
unquestioned even within his own realm. Thrace, which was dissatisfied with the
The establishment of the high aristocracy emperor’s taxation policy; the group
Fig. 122 | Seal of Michael VIII Palaiologos. Reference to

the emperor's triumphal recapture of Constantinople on
August 15, 1261, feast day of the Dormition of the Virgin.
Athens, Numismatic Museum, 2032/1998. B.E.728.
| 297 |
held the ‰ÈÔ›ÎËÛÈÓ Î·È` ÙË`Ó Â᾿ÈÙÚÔË`Ó Ùˆ῀ Ó
‚·ÛÈÏÈÎˆ῀ Ó Î·È` Ùˆ῀ Ó ‰ËÌÔÛ›ˆÓ Ú·ÁÌ¿ÙˆÓ
(governance and stewardship of both royal
and public affairs). However, the patriarch
John XIV Kalekas, the queen mother
Anna of Savoy, and the parakoimomenos
Alexios Apokaukos, who composed the
regency, attempted to overthrow
Kantakouzenos. The war was fought in
Thrace, Macedonia, and Thessaly.
Interestingly, this war also took on a class
dimension, given that the aristocracy sided
with Kantakouzenos while the regency
was desirous of allying itself with the
urban bourgeois classes. The Serbian king
Dušan joined forces with Kantakouzenos,
receiving in return all the Byzantine cities
taken by Serbs down to 1341. Thus, in the
mid fourteenth century the Serbs occupied
the greater part of Macedonia, Thessaly,
and Epiros. In many cases it was the
inhabitants of these regions themselves
who decided to which of the two rulers,
Kantakouzenos or Dušan, they would be
subject.
In the fourteenth century Byzantium
had perforce to confront the far more
powerful Ottomans. The Ottomans are
first mentioned by the historian George
Pachymeres, who notes that in 1302 the
Turk ruler Atman (Osman) was
victorious over the Byzantines at the battle
of Bapheus in Bithynia. Having created
one of the independent Turkic emirates in
Asia Minor under Osman, the Ottomans
moved swiftly to conquer important cities
Fig. 123 | Chrysobull of Andronikos II Palaiologos, 1301. Byzantine and Christian Museum, 534. and key regions in Asia Minor.4 They
Photo: © Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens. advanced into the Balkans when John
Kantakouzenos requested their assistance
relieved the Thracians of a part of their tax Veroia finally went over to Andronikos during the second civil war. Thenceforth
burden. By 1328 the peace had been III. Thessaly and Epiros also fell to him. their advance was extremely swift, and by
abandoned and the opponents had clashed However, there were separatist tendencies the end of the century they had conquered
militarily, with the objective of capturing led by Syrgiannes Palaiologos, who formed the cities of Macedonia and Thrace. By
the cities of Thrace. an alliance with the Serbian kral Stefan the end of the fourteenth century
One consequence of this war, which Dušan (1308–55), to whom many of the Byzantium had been reduced to
ended in victory for Andronikos III, was Byzantine nobility declared their fealty, Constantinople and its environs; from a
the expansion of the Bulgarians, who thus giving the Serbian king the geographic standpoint it was a city-state.
temporarily occupied Philippopolis and opportunity to occupy Byzantine lands. Of course, part of the Peloponnese
other cities. Macedonia, meanwhile, was in The second civil war began in 1341 remained Byzantine in the fifteenth
the hands of governors loyal to following the death of Andronikos III. century, however its Palaiologan despots
Andronikos II and the Serb forces who His successor, John V Palaiologos, was a governed in relative independence from
were aiding him. In 1337–38 the minor whose guardian, the great domestikos Constantinople.
Macedonian cities of Kastoria, Serres, and John Kantakouzenos, considered that he
| 298 |
Social Evolution and continuity from Old to New Rome,
Orientation brandished the danger of their faith and
traditions being distorted by subjugation of
As noted above, the war between John the Eastern to the Western Church. In
V and John Kantakouzenos brought into time, the “Latinism” they attributed to
the political arena the urban classes, their opponents became a severe
referred to in the sources as the mesoi.5 accusation marking not only their stance
Engaged in commerce and banking toward the union of the Churches, but
activities, and despite the primacy of the above all their stance toward Byzantium’s
Italians in these areas, the mesoi essentially past and present.9 Many contemporary
formed part of the “globalized” financial scholars consider that the conflict between
system of the eastern Mediterranean, two worlds, or rather between two
acquiring ever greater economic and social worldviews, emerged in response to the
power. But it was only in the empire’s question of union: a conservative one
final fifty years that they gained access to remaining attached to tradition and a
the actual exercise of power, as the more modern one in search of an opening
wealthiest among them formed in concert to the modern age.
with the descendents of the old aristocratic In the mid fourteenth century
families Byzantine society’s elite.6 In Nikephoros Gregoras observed that it was Fig. 124 | Theodoros Metochites. Inner narthex, Kariye
addition, changes in the nobility’s financial Camii (Chora Monastery), Constantinople 1316–1321.
impossible to recognize a Romaios (Greek)
Photo: Werner Forman Archive/Scala, Florence.
behavior during this period, namely the in Constantinople because some dressed
fact that owing to the loss of their lands like Latins (Westerners), others dressed in
they were forced to invest their money in the manner of the Persians (ÂÚÛÈÎ῀ˆ˜), and to remain in an empire where they would
entrepreneurial activities, blunted their old still others used mixed elements from preserve their social authority. But the
opposition to merchants.7 various attires (see P. Kalamara above, Palaiologoi and the financial and
To a certain extent this outcome 223–27).10 Evidently, it did not strike him intellectual elite of Constantinople who
determined their stance toward the great as odd that people of different origins were supported them wished to organize this
issue of the union of the Eastern and circulating in the capital. From the time it new type of state.11 The conquest of
Western Churches, one that occupied the was founded, Constantinople had gathered Constantinople in 1453 thwarted their
entire age of the Palaiologoi.8 At the people from all parts of the multiethnic plans.
Council of Lyons in 1274, Michael empire. However, what he did find strange
Palaiologos accepted the Pope’s terms in was that no one could distinguish who
order to avert the possibility of a coalition was Byzantine. To his way of thinking,
against Constantinople. His decision was sartorial “borrowings” signified a 1
On the high aristocracy in Byzantium, see Laiou 1973,
not implemented, because it aroused corruption of the Byzantines’ “Greekness.” and more recently, Kyritses 1997.
2
Oikonomides 1979.
religious resistance, also because memories In other words, he felt that his land and 3
See, e.g., Balard 1991, 261–76.
of the fall of Constantinople in 1204 were fellow citizens had lost those features that 4
In 1326 they conquered Bursa, which they made their
still fresh, and the image of the Latins had not only set them apart from others but capital. In 1331 they took Nicaea, and in 1337–38
Nikomedeia. See ODB, s.v. “Ottomans” (∂.A.
taken on threatening dimensions. From that above all demonstrated their Zachariadou).
that time until the fifteenth century, the superiority. 5
On the commercial activities of the Byzantines, see
debate between those who supported The diversity and hence ambiguity of Laiou-Thomadakis 1980–81, 177–222 and Laiou-
Thomadakis 1982, 96–132.
union and those against it was reflected in Byzantine dress illustrates most vividly the 6
Kiousopoulou 2011, 27–38. See also Necipoğ lu 2009,
the writings of scholars whose arguments place of Byzantium during the Palaiologan 184ff.
7
On the formation of Byzantine society and opposition
demonstrate that the union was a crucial period and the attitude of the ruling between social groups within it, see Matschke and
political issue. Beyond the fact that they classes, which were endeavoring to define Tinnefeld 2001.
were a means of exercising foreign policy, new collective identities both political and 8
Gill 1979.
9
Gounaridis 2001, 107–29; Gounaridis 2004, 177–85;
relations between the two Churches cultural in order to survive. The dilemma Gounaridis 2005, 133–45. On the anti-unionist
fuelled discussion about how the posed in the fifteenth century was whether movement in particular during the fifteenth century,
Byzantine learned class itself viewed its they would continue to form part of an 10
see Blanchet 2008.
Gregoras observed in horror: “Â᾿ ˜ ·῞ ·Ó . . . Ì῀ÈÁÌ· Î·È̀
evolving identity. Anti-unionists, in empire even under a Turkish ruler or Û˘ÌÊfiÚËÌ·.” (Gregoras 1829–55, vol. III: 55). For
response to arguments by unionists who form a new type of “national” and commentary, see Kiousopoulou 2004, 187–96.
supported a unified Christian world on

11
Kiousopoulou 2011, 167ff.
territorially defined state. The landowners
the basis of its common education and and the officials of the patriarchate chose
| 299 |
The Morea
SHARON E. J. GERSTEL
topography. In the late Middle Ages
T
he Peloponnese, literally the Constantinople, southeastern France.
“island of Pelops,” is connected the peninsula’s high mountains Any consideration of the region’s
to the Greek mainland by a provided natural barriers between surviving art and architecture needs
narrow isthmus. With its deeply divergent populations, served as rocky to account for the populations that
indented coasts and jutting foundations of fortified settlements, inhabited the region’s coasts and
peninsulas (Elis, Messenia, Mani, Cape and functioned as sites of retreat for mountains—Orthodox villagers,
Malea, and the Argolid), the shape of monastic communities and for ethnic Crusader (Frankish) settlers, Italian
the land is evocative of a five-lobed tribes, including the Slavic Melingoi.1 merchants and soldiers. The
leaf. Indeed, the imaginative At the same time, the region’s coasts interaction and intermingling of these
association of plant and land may were marked by maritime centers that populations played a crucial role in
account for the common use of the were among the most famous of their the creation of art forms that were
name Morea, derived from the Greek day—Modon (modern Methone), characteristic of the region, and they
word for mulberry tree, for the region. Monemvasia, Glarentza (modern link the art of the late medieval Morea
One cannot fully understand the Killini), etc. These centers connected to broader theoretical considerations
Morea and its medieval population the peninsula to distant lands washed of an artistic style that has been called
without a consideration of its by the same sea—Venice, “Crusader.”2
Fig. 125 | Sculpted tomb slab of Madame Agnes, 1286,

Chlemoutsi Castle. Photo: 6th Ephorate of Byzantine
Antiquities, Patras.
| 300 |
The story of the conquest of the Morea to house their communities.8 The immured Byzantine epistyle and chancel
in 1205 and the subsequent establishment monastery at Zaraka, located on the shores fragments.13
of a feudal state comprised of twelve of Lake Stymphalia, was founded between Examples of painting within Crusader-
baronies is recounted in an anonymous circa 1225 and 1236/7 by Cistercian sponsored buildings in the Morea have
fourteenth-century chronicle that survives monks from Morimond Abbey in increased in recent years, providing a larger
in French, Greek, Italian, and Aragonese.3 Burgundy.9 Its architectural plan (a picture of monumental decoration in the
Beginning with the conquest of the Morea basilica covered with rib vaults), flat region.14 Representations of the popular
by Geoffrey I of Villehardouin and eastern end, two-story elevation, and crisp Western saints James of Compostela,
William of Champlitte, the chronicle sculptural ornamentation are characteristic Christopher, and Anthony in a gatehouse
tracks the political vicissitudes of the of Cistercian buildings in the West. The in Akronauplion are painted in a
principality. At the center of the tale is the “Green Man,” a foliate mask that once Byzantine style, but inscribed in Latin (fig.
story of the Villehardouin rulers who formed a keystone of one of the church’s 126).15 Within the same chamber, an
presided over a court where, according to vaults (cat. no. 162), is an early example of equestrian Saint George is marked with a
Ramfin Muntaner, a Catalan soldier and a type that would become popular in Crusader coat of arms; heraldic emblems
writer, “they speak as beautiful French as Gothic France and elsewhere in Europe.10 associated with the Western families that
in Paris.”4 The family’s coat of arms, the Our Lady of Isova, north of the village of ruled the region are painted on the interior
cross moline, has been found on sculpture Trypiti in Elis, may also have belonged to wall above the portal. An equestrian saint
and painting in Andravida, Glarentza, and a Cistercian community, although the in the Church of Saint Francis in
Akronauplion.5 Symbols of power, the Benedictines have also been proposed as Glarentza is also painted in a Byzantine
heraldic symbols also manifest political potential builders.11 Castles like Clermont style but labeled in Latin. Found adjacent
alliances when paired or clustered with (Chloumoutsi) and cathedrals like Saint to the saint was the partially preserved
others.6 One crucial alliance forged through Sophia at Andreville (Andravida) portrait of a deceased man, whose identity
marriage is recorded on the partially introduced Romanesque and early Gothic as a Western knight is revealed in his
preserved grave slab of Anna Komnene French building forms to the Greek costume—tight-fitting hose, spurs at his
Doukaina, the daughter of Michael II landscape.
Komnenos Doukas, ruler of the despotate Common elements in these early
of Epiros. Anna, called Agnes in French, Crusader churches and others in the
married William II Villehardouin in 1259. region suggest that sculptors at work in
Likely deriving from the Villehardouin the Morea may have been trained in
burial church of Saint James in Andravida, France. In some cases, however, it appears
the central composition, carved in a that local (Greek) builders may have
Byzantine style, is framed by a French collaborated with Crusader patrons and
inscription that reads in translation: “Here artisans, often using materials at hand in
lies Madame Agnes, in former times the innovative ways. This collaborative
daughter of the despot lord Michael” (fig. approach to construction, which fused
125). The missing, lower part of the Byzantine building techniques with
inscription would have undoubtedly Western architectural plans and decorative
included a reference to her husband. motifs, may account for the development
Elis, the verdant lowland at the of a local style in the thirteenth century.12
northwest corner of the Morea, was the Emblematic is the katholikon of the
center of Villehardouin power.7 A number Blachernai Monastery, a thirteenth-
of thirteenth-century buildings in this century basilica close to Glarentza; the
region can be attributed to Western church’s exterior is adorned with Gothic-
patrons, including monastic orders that style corbel heads and crisply carved Fig. 126 | Saints Anthony and James, Frankish Gatehouse,
required the construction of new churches crocket capitals, but is also decorated with Akronauplion. Photo: Courtesy of Monika Hirschbichler.
| 301 |
dated between 1262 and 1270, serves as a
material witness to the region’s reconquest
from 1262, when the sebastokrator
Constantine Palaiologos, half-brother of
Michael VIII, recovered the southeastern
part of the Peloponnese, including Mistra
and Monemvasia.18 Dozens of churches in
the southern Peloponnese, contain
monumental paintings that can be
attributed to the second half of the
thirteenth century, suggesting that the
florescense of art and architecture in this
region was stimulated by the return of the
land to Byzantine rule and the
concomitant assurance of economic and
political stability.19
From the mid fourteenth century, the
southern Peloponnese, was placed under a
despotes who ruled from Mistra. Although
the Crusaders had constructed a fortress at
its pinnacle, Mistra was principally
developed by the Byzantines, whose
monasteries, chapels, houses, and palace
attest to the importance of the city and its
wealth. Church construction, building
dedications, and high-style monumental
Fig. 127 | Chamber of the Chrysobulls, northwest chapel. Church of the Virgin Hodegetria (Aphendiko), Brontocheion painting linked the site to distant
Monastery, Mistra, 1312/13–1322. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas. Constantinople (cat. no. 163).20 Within
one the most important churches of the
heels, and a leather scabbard terminating routes of communication. The presence of city, the Virgin Hodegetria, painted
in a metal chape. The stone ribs in Saint such fortresses across the Peloponnese representations of imperial chrysobulls
Francis at Glarentza and in the Blachernai brought Orthodox residents into close record the numerous gifts bestowed by the
Monastery are painted with brightly contact with their Crusader overlords. The reigning emperors on this monastic
colored foliate decoration, which observation of Western costume and community (fig. 127). Churches in Mistra
simultaneously recalls the carved foliate military equipment may have played a served as models for new construction in
decoration of Gothic portals, but also the role, for example, in the representation of the region, and painters from the site took
internal decoration of Byzantine churches soldiers and military saints in Orthodox on commissions in other parts of the
where painters used elements drawn from painting in this period.17 Western Morea. At its height, Mistra was a center
nature to create borders for narrative hegemony over the Morea, commonly for Byzantium’s intellectuals and for many
scenes, cover tie beams, and fill the known as the Frankokratia (Frankish rule), high-ranking officials (cat. no. 157). The
intrados of arches. was short-lived. By 1262 the southern works of Plutarch, Herodotus, Aristotle,
The hilltop fortresses (kastra) that once Peloponnese, including the important Isocrates, Xenophon, and others were
enclosed towers, houses, cisterns, public fortress of Mistra, had been ceded by copied here in the late fourteenth and
buildings, and small chapels are also an treaty to the Byzantines. By 1432 the fifteenth centuries, as well as service books
abundant source of information on Byzantine despot of the Morea had gained for the city’s many churches, many of
Crusader settlement in the Morea. The control over the remaining lands. them bearing colophons mentioning
construction of strategically sited fortresses A large number of settlement remains scribes and donors.21
like Geraki in Lakonia, Matagrifon and standing churches bear witness to the The construction of fortresses like
(Akova) in Arkadia, and Calandrice enduring faith of an Orthodox population Methone, the “right eye of Venice,” and the
(Chalandritsa) in Achaia,16 and the that claimed the Morea as its own and stationing of archers and other soldiers in
renovation of older Byzantine fortifications pledged its allegiance to the Byzantine fortified settlements along the coast and on
for new lords asserted political authority, ruler. An inscription in the small church the high ground protecting agricultural and
protected landholdings, and controlled of Hagioi Theodoroi in Kaphiona, Mani, commercial interests demonstrate an
| 302 |
important Italian presence in the Morea.
Venice’s commercial power in the region
and more broadly in the Mediterranean is
documented through the circulation of
torneselli and soldini; these coins are
attested archaeologically throughout the
Morea.22 Land ownership and
intermarriage brought other members of
the Italian elite and other foreign tastes to
the region. The discovery of majolica
pottery at numerous sites throughout the
Morea demonstrates close connections to
Italy and maps the penetration of decorated
wares and goods into the region.23 Italian
influences on monumental decoration and
building are more difficult to detect, but are
clearly present. The paintings of the small
Church of the Archangels at Gkoritsa,
close to Geraki, reveal Italian influence in
the elongated figures, the facial features, the
embossed haloes, and the color palette.24
Other buildings in the region of Messenia
exhibit Italianate features in their painting,
and the influence of Italian medieval
architecture can be found at Mistra and
elsewhere.
Looking at the populations that shared
the Morea in the later Middle Ages raises
important issues about identity and
culture—the retention of Byzantine
painting styles in Orthodox village
churches, the quotation of Gothic building Fig. 128 | Carved screen. Church of Saint George, Geraki Castle. Photo: Velissarios Voutsas.
styles in Latin monasteries, etc. In order to
investigate these questions, the Morea is
being analyzed regionally and with careful is inspired by the Gothic forms of 4
Muntaner 1921, 524.
attention to distinct and mixed Crusader buildings in Elis, yet maintains
5
G. Sotiriou 1956, 437.
6
Bon 1964–65, 90.
populations. Moving beyond these an Orthodox church plan.26 A manuscript 7
Athanasoulis 2013a, 110–51.
questions, however, scholars are now that recounts the story of Job (Paris, 8
Kitsiki-Panagopoulos 1979.
9
Salzer 1991, 297–324.
looking with interest at monuments and Bibliothèque Nationale, gr. 135), written 10
Paris 2010a.
works of art which, like the paintings of by the scribe Manuel Tzikandeles in 11
Moutsopoulos 1956, 76–94.
Gkoritsa, cross over boundaries that have Mistra, is illustrated in a style that has 12
Grossman 2013.
13
Orlandos 1923, 5–34; Papalexandrou 2013, 23–54.
traditionally divided the area’s populations. been linked to the West but contains 14
Kalopissi-Verti 2007, 63–104.
These works are usually linked to messages that may be anti-Latin.27 What 15
Hirschbichler 2005, 13–30.
individuals who, through travel, marriage, these works and buildings tell us is that 16
17
Bon 1969.
Gerstel 2001, 263–85.
or other interactions, were agents of artistic the art of the Morea, interwoven from 18
Foskolou 2006, 455–62; Drandakis 1984, 163–75.
change. An ornately carved screen in the many cultural strands and created from 19
Drandakis 1996, 167–236.
Church of Saint George, Geraki, has been diverse histories, is still in the process of
20
Papamastorakis 2013, 370–95.
21
Lambros 1907, 152–87, 303–57.
identified recently as a funerary disentanglement. 22
Baker and Stahl 2013, 153–84.
monument for a knight of Saint John of 23
Yangaki 2006, 435–43; Sanders 1989, 189–99.
24
Giaouri 1978, 105.
Jerusalem who died in the Morea in the 25
Louvi-Kizis 2004, 111–26.
late fourteenth century (fig. 128).25 The 1
26
Athanasoulis 2003, 63–77.
Gerstel 2013b, 335–68; Kougeas 1950, 1–34.
church of Panagia Katholike in Elis, built 2
Folda 2005, 513–27.
27
Linardou 2011, 169–84.
in 1278/79 by the Kallegopoulos brothers, 3

Chronicle of the Morea 1904; Shawcross 2009.
| 303 |
Crete under Venetian Rule:
Between Byzantine Past and Venetian Reality
CHRYSSA MALTEZOU
V
enice’s conquest of Crete in of Venetian interests became a place metropolis. The Cretan element,
the early thirteenth century for the meeting and confluence of demonstrating its intellectual vigor,
was the result of political, Byzantine traditions with artistic and simultaneously succeeded in
commercial, and maritime expansion intellectual movements of western absorbing new ideas coming from
by the “city of marshes” into the Europe. Despite the undeniably the West and in developing a fruitful
eastern Mediterranean. During the painful aspect of foreign domination cultural dialogue with the Venetians
period of Venetian domination, from that emerges in dark colors from that resulted in remarkable artistic
1211 to 1669, Crete’s history became contemporary sources, particularly in and literary productions. The social
intertwined with the fortunes of the early Venetian period to which atmosphere that prevailed on Crete
Venice, since the island held a most of the conflicts between during the Venetian period was not
premier position in the chain of Cretans and the foreign settlers date, greatly different from that of
possessions forming the Venetian the fact is that the local population comparable western European
Stato da Mar.1 Over the long period took full advantage of the societies. Cretan society was primarily
of Venetian rule the former Byzantine opportunities afforded them by the urban, and its economy was based
province now annexed to the sphere economic mechanisms of the first and foremost on commerce.
Fig. 129 | Map of Candia (Chandax, mod.

Heraklion) by Francesco Basilicata, 1618.
Photo: after Basilicata 1994.
| 304 |
For a state such as Venice, which owed Cristoforo Buondelmonti wrote, had others) closely monitored from home, for
its prosperity to trade and shipping, Cretan evolved into melting pots for different throughout the period local administration
ports were major stepping-stones along the nationalities and representatives of different was controlled by Venice itself.4 As for
sea routes uniting its own markets with social strata.3 Such social mobility helped social structure, it can be generally noted
the East. Crete therefore played an to foster the introduction and spread of that the population was differentiated into
important role in the expansion of new habits and ways of thinking on the classes, each with clear distinguishing
Venice’s commercial activity. The island island. The local population quickly features. Venetian nobles and feudatories
gradually developed into a channel for adopted the modern forms of exchange (nobili veneti, feudati) formed the upper class,
commercial communication between East (maritime loans, business associations) the second social level consisted of the
and West. In Venetian documents Candia employed by Western merchants among bourgeoisie (cittadini) and finally at the
(Chandax), a transit station for Venetian themselves, and collaborated harmoniously lowest social level were the peasants and the
trade as well as a port from which various with foreigners. people of the cities (plebe, populari, villani,
products were exported, was characterized In addition to changes in Crete’s contadini). Entrapped in this administrative
as Venice’s “anima” (soul), and even more economic life, which primarily influenced and social system, Cretans not only had no
aptly as “alia civitas Venetiarum apud the lives of the inhabitants of the towns, the right to take part in the administration of
Levantem” (other city of Venice in the Venetian occupation also brought major their island, they were simultaneously
Levant).2 (fig. 129) Boats loaded with a changes in the island’s administration and excluded from the upper social stratum.
range of products from Egypt, Syria, social structure, which were patterned Even Cretan nobles were demoted to the
Cyprus, Armenia, Rhodes, Chios, other after those of the metropolis. The local second category of aristocracy (nobili
Venetian-ruled regions, and the Latin- government was made up of Venetian cretensi).5 On the other hand, another major
ruled islands of the Aegean arrived and officials (a duke [duca], councillors, rectors, change with negative repercussions for
departed from Cretan ports, chiefly Candia higher functionaries [provedditori], and Cretans was created for the island’s
and Chania. (fig. 130) Cretans also
penetrated these trading networks,
transporting local products such as wine,
oil, and cheese to foreign markets. The
renowned Cretan wines arrived in places
as distant as Flanders, Portugal, England,
Alexandria, and the Black Sea; cheese, oil,
and other Mediterranean products (cotton,
honey, wax, and raisins) were circulated
throughout the Greek world. Among the
activities developed by the island’s
inhabitants we may distinguish barrel-
making (cooperage) by virtue of the export
of large quantities of wine and oil, tanning,
wood-carving, and the painting of portable
icons sold in impressive numbers in both
local and foreign markets. The Cretan
ports, through the presence of merchants
and ships arriving “from all parts of the
world,” as the fifteenth-century traveler Fig. 130 | The shipyard (arsanas) of Candia in a drawing of 1598. Photo: after Bevillacqua 1997.
| 305 |
ecclesiastical status by Venetian religious
policy. Fearing that the population’s
relationship to the head of the Orthodox
Church in Constantinople might endanger
their sovereignty, the Venetians hastened
to isolate the local hierarchy from the
patriarchate in Constantinople by making
Orthodoxy subject to the Latin Church.
Catholics were installed in place of
Orthodox bishops, while priests and
preceptors (protopapadhes and protopsaltes)
who declared allegiance to the Venetian
state (which paid their salaries) were
appointed to head the Orthodox clergy.
However, the Venetians’ religious program
did not have the anticipated results. The
Cretans reacted fanatically to the strict
measures taken by Venice against the
natives’ spiritual freedom and to the
propagandistic efforts by the Latin Church
to win over Orthodox Christians. They
refused to fall in line with the preaching of
Catholics and insisted on maintaining the
same religious climate as the one prevailing
in Byzantine territory.6
The changes to the administrative,
social, and ecclesiastical situation of Crete
as a result of the Venetian conquest
determinated to a considerable extent the
ideological attitude of the island’s
inhabitants. There were two spheres of
influence to which Cretans turned, at least
down to the dissolution of the Byzantine
Empire by the Turks.7 The first was that
of Venice, the new political power to
which Crete had been annexed, the second
that of Constantinople, the capital of the
Byzantine state from which Crete had
been severed. Forced to deal realistically
with the new situation, the Cretans
naturally shifted their allegiance to Venice,
while at the same time remaining
ideologically attached to the world of the
Byzantine Empire, whose language,
religion, and cultural traditions they
shared. It is well known that the legend of
Fig. 131 | Coat of arms of the Kallergis family, probably 15th century, Church of Hagios Georgios in Kamariotis. the twelve nobles (archondopoula) who had
Photo: Institute of Mediterranean Studies/Efi Moraitaki, after Gratziou 2010. come to the island from Constantinople
remained alive in the island’s collective
memory for centuries, and that founders’
inscriptions in churches built or rebuilt in
rural Crete continued to mention the
names of Byzantine emperors, evidence of
| 306 |
Fig. 132 | Michael Damaskinos, Icon of the Virgin Hodegetria, late 16th century. Fig. 133 | Icon of the Virgin Mesopantitissa, Church of Santa Maria della Salute,
Museum of Icons, Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine studies in Venice. Venice. Photo: ©Cameraphoto/Scala, Florence.
the preservation of the idea of Byzantium Venetian government and the rebels, intellectuals, the cittadini or the Cretan
among the populace. Furthermore, local Kallergis swore loyalty and obedience to nobles formed the most robust social
aristocrats continued for a long period of Venice, which in turn recognized his element in Cretan cities, particularly in the
time to act in close connection with beliefs hegemonic place in the Venetian social capital of Candia. Employing the Greek
that characterized the Byzantine Empire’s system.9 The separatist tendencies of local language, which persisted despite the fact
local nobles. lords, Kallergis in particular, were not that Italian, indeed the Venetian dialect,
In the face of the numerous rebellions unrelated to the centrifugal movements was the language of government and daily
that erupted each time Venice sent that developed in Byzantine provinces on transactions,11 Cretan literature was
Venetian settlers to the island,8 the the eve of the Fourth Crusade, and that cultivated and developed with impressive
Serenissima was obliged to treat with the resulted in the creation of autonomous results,12 and a flourishing painting activity
Cretan rebels, thus securing peace in its states detached from the power of was part of the island’s cultural life (fig. 132).
possession at least temporarily. Local Constantinople. The nature of such Cretan archontes and bourgeois studied at
archontes swore loyalty to Venice on the uprisings and the causes behind them can Italian universities, chiefly the University
basis of these treaties, and in exchange only be understood in connection with of Padua, and thanks to their bicultural
were incorporated into the Venetian feudal both the religious faith of Crete’s education they found themselves in
hierarchy, thereby extracting privileges that inhabitants, in conflict with the Latin continuous contact with prevailing
gave them economic equality with the element, and to the revolutionary spirit intellectual movements in western Europe.
Venetian feudatories. Going even further, which characterises all levels of society Furthermore, Cretan painters, particularly
the powerful and ambitious rebel archon (landowners, bourgeoisie, and peasants).10 numerous in the capital city, managed
Alexios Kallergis, leader of the longest Cretan The population’s ideological with admirable skill to adapt the
uprising against the Venetians, hoped to indebtedness to two cultural traditions, Byzantine tradition to the modern ideas
create an autonomous state. (fig. 131) those of Byzantium and the West, left that were entering their native country.13
In a 1299 agreement between the distinct marks on literature and art. The While the Cretans had accepted the
| 307 |
Venetian lifestyle and Western habits, 6
Manoussakas 1960–61, 85–144; Manoussakas 1961,
149–233; Maltezou 1988, 131–32.
conversely, the Venetians who had come 7
On the ideological attitude of the Cretans, see
to Crete as settlers and put down roots, Maltezou 1998a, 3–21. Also, Maltezou 1995, 269–80.
8
On the uprisings, see the classic study by Xanthoudidis
accepted, as time went on, the influence of
1939, as well as Manoussakas 1960, Papadia-Lala
the physical and human environment. 1983, Svoronos 1989, and McKee 1995.
Integrated into a society in which they 9
On the movement of Alexios Kallergis, see
Xanthoudidis 1939, 55–72; Maltezou 1988, 122–25;
were outweighed by the Greek element, Maltezou 2001, 195–98.
many were strongly influenced by Cretan 10
Svoronos (1989, 11–13) has offered pertinent
society, and their descendents even reached observations on this subject.
11
See Gasparis 1994, 141–56.
the point of forgetting their origins, beliefs, 12
Holton 1991; Mavromatis 2010, 651–74.
and language. In their reports to the 13
On the development of painting, in particular during
metropolis, higher Venetian officials confirm the later centuries of Venetian rule, see
Constantoudaki 1975, 35–136.
the phenomenon of the Hellenization of 14
Maltezou 1988, 151–52.
the old settlers, especially during the later 15
Maltezou 1998b, 10–12; Maltezou 2007, 424–26.
period of Venetian rule.14 In the eyes of

many Venetians settled on the island,
Crete had progressively been transformed
into another homeland. A consequence of
this ideological process was that in 1669,
when Crete surrendered to the Turks, the
Cretans’ most important religious symbols
were shipped from Candia to the
metropolis of Venice: the skull of Saint
Titus, patron saint of Crete during the
Byzantine period, and the miraculous
Panagia Mesopantitissa icon (fig. 133),
which according to the tradition had been
sent from Constantinople to Crete to be
protected from persecution by
Iconoclasts.15 Under the influence of local
religious practices, the Venetians had
appropriated the local population’s
religious symbols to such an extent that
they took care upon their final departure
from the island to carry with them these
sacred Cretan relics, which by that time
had become part of their own cultural
heritage.
1
The bibliography on the history of Crete during the
period of Venetian rule is very rich. In this introductory
text reference is made only to the indispensable
documentary works. For an overall picture of the
history of Crete during the period, see Maltezou 1988;
Ortalli 1998. For collected bibliography on the history
of Greek regions during the Venetocracy, see
Maltezou 2010.
2
Maltezou 1988, 139.
3
On trade and the economy generally, see Maltezou
1988, 139–43, and Jacoby 1998, 73–106. On Cretan
cheese and wine in particular, see Jacoby 1999, 49–
68, and Tsiknakis 2005, respectively.
4
Papadaki 1986, 99–136, Maltezou 1988, 110–14.
5
Lambrinos 1996, 206–24; Gasparis 1997; Papadaki
1998, 305–18; Papadia-Lala 1998, 37–50; Papadaki
2000, 2.2:143–53; Papadia-Lala 2004.
| 308 |
158. Closure Slab with Lion
and Pseudo-Kufic
Inscription
Unknown workshop, circa 1000

White marble with low relief and
champlevé carving
35 x 22 ⅞ x 3 ½ in. (89 cm x 58 cm x 9 cm)
Condition: almost complete, chips on corners
of right side
Provenance: ancient Corinth
Ancient Corinth, Archaeological Museum,
inv. no. ∞ª 391
n this rectangular closure slab of gray-

O veined white marble a plain band
and a bead-and-reel ornament (the latter
on three sides) frame the main motif: a
lion and a tree beneath an arch. The arch,
which bears a pseudo-Kufic inscription
consisting of groups of alternating angular
and bifurcated characters, rests on a pair of
colonnettes with three-sided faces and
trapezoidal capitals decorated with lotus
buds. The spandrels are ornamented with
rosettes. The inscription was carved in
champlevé against a slightly rough 158
background, which was originally inlaid.

The lion is depicted in profile, climbing
a vine and eating bunches of grapes. It is
robust and highly animated, with wavy by the Byzantines in Crete, in 961.4 3
4
Underwood 1950, 97–101; L. Bouras 1982a, 66–67.
Ettinghausen 1976, 43–45; L. Bouras 1980, 121; cf.
locks forming its rich mane, engraved Some of the slab’s iconographic and Kalopissi-Verti 2006, 108–9.
anatomical details, long claws, and a tail stylistic features recall other works with 5
A. Grabar 1951b; ODB, s. v. “Islamic influence on
Byzantine Art” (O. Grabar); Cutler 1999.
with lance-shaped tip that curls between Arabic influences, attested in Byzantine art 6
L. Bouras 1980, 20–21, 98–104.
the legs and stands up straight at the back. since the ninth century.5 The pseudo- 7
Pazaras 1977, nos. 35, 36, 45.
Bands twist around the vine’s thick trunk. Kufic decoration, established and gradually 8
Miles 1964, 31, fig. 88; Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 111,
114–15; Theocharis 2003–4, 31, no. 31; Sodini 2008,
Probably part of a templon, this closure stylized in Greece after its appearance in 13; A. Grabar (1976, 110, no. 100) dates the slab to
slab symbolizes the borderline between the the Panagia church at Hosios Loukas,6 the twelfth-thirteenth century, and E. Manolessou
heavenly and earthly worlds.1 The lion, the and similarities with other sculpture from (Thessaloniki 2011b, 168, no. 82) to the twelfth
century.
guardian animal par excellence according to this period,7 date the Corinth slab to the
the Physiologos (a Greek bestiary of a poetic late tenth–early eleventh century.8
and symbolic nature), is often depicted on
closure slabs, and generally near a church’s ANTONIS GEORGIOU
most sacred spaces.2 The vine/Tree of Life
brings salvation and eternal life to those
who taste its fruit.3 From the tenth century Literature: G. Sotiriou 1933, 69–70, fig. 16; Scranton
1957, 106, no. 19, pl. 22; A. Grabar 1976, 110, no.
on, Kufic decoration, deriving from the 100, pl. LXXXIVc; Thessaloniki 2011b, 168, no. 82 (E.
angular Arabic script, acquired in Byzantine Manolessou).
art a decorative character with triumphant 1
Frazer 1973; Spieser 1995; Walter 1993, 208–10.
and apotropaic connotations, especially 2
Physiologos 1936, 5; DACL 9,1 (1930), “Lion” (H.
following the military defeat of the Arabs Leclercq); LCI 3 (1971), s. v. “Lowe” (P. Bloch).
| 309 |
159
159. Closure Slab with a Lion carved in the same workshop.1 The decorate openings, such as arches,
presence of the same subject on another doorways, windows, and chancel screens.
Killing a Deer slab incorporated into the façade of the The present example may have come from
church of Panagia Gorgoepikoos in a chancel screen, or it could have been
Attic workshop, late 10th–first half of
Athens in the late twelfth century2 built into a church façade, as suggested by
11th century
demonstrates its longevity in the repertoire comparable examples in the katholikon of
Pentelic marble
of Attic Middle Byzantine sculpture. Hosios Loukas (11th century) and the
39 ¾ x 26 ¾ x 4 ¾ in. (101 x 68 x 12 cm)
Probably inspired by the iconography Gorgoepikoos (late 12th century).
Condition: very good of Persian textiles produced under the Whatever its place in the church,
Provenance: from the Theseion Collection Sassanian dynasty (226–650), such motifs whether at the chancel screen or on the
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, became particularly popular in Byzantine façade, this slab exerted its apotropaic and
inv. no. BXM 974 art from the seventh century on. A similar protective powers.
representation of a lion and its prey is
depicted on a ninth-century Byzantine ANNA PIANALTO
he plaque depicts a hunting scene,
T with a lion killing a deer. A vegetal
textile.3
According to written sources of the
Literature: Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 109; Brussels 1982,
motif is repeated on the slab’s four corners. tenth to fifteenth centuries, the Byzantines 82, no. Sc.8 (L. Bouras).
The stylistic similarities between this believed that predatory animals had
plaque and another from the island of magical properties, which could ward off 1
2
Sodini 2008, 13, 25–26.
Ch. Bouras 2010, 163–65.
Andros (late 10th–first half of the 11th evil and provide protection.4 Scenes of 3
Soucek 1997, 405–7.
century) suggest that both marbles were predators and their prey were often used to 4
E. Maguire and H. Maguire 2007, 67–73, 90–96.
| 310 |
160. Part of a Hinged Bracelet
with a Pseudo-Kufic
Inscription
11th century
Silver sheet, traces of gilding, repoussé,
engraved, niello inlay
W. 1 ¼ in. (3.2 cm), Diam. 2 ⅝ in. (6.6 cm)
Condition: one oblique crack, restored
160
he bracelet belongs to a known group

T of middle Byzantine jewelry (cat. no. be assigned to Islamic workshops.5 Now 161. Hinged Bracelet with
161). It is decorated with a nielloed in the Khalili Collection of Islamic Art in
pseudo-Arabic inscription on a gilded London, this group differs significantly in
Griffins
ground, framed by scrolls and a notched the construction of the hoop (in one piece)
border. The inscription has a horizontal 11th century
and the fastening with a pin clasp. Most of
baseline characteristic of ninth–tenth- the inscriptions on this group are readable Silver sheet, engraved, lightly punched
century Kufic, whereas some letters feature ground, niello inlay
and contain good wishes. Some are Kufic
the foliate termination typical of floriated W. 1 in. (2.6 cm), Diam. 2 ⅜ in. (6.2 cm)
in a style not earlier than twelfth-century
Kufic, which flourished in the Fatimid and probably Iranian, but most are cursive Condition: two restored vertical cracks across
world from the second half of the tenth one section of the bracelet
in a later style. The Byzantine group is
century onward.1 The first and last groups probably earlier, but precedence depends Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. nos. 11454–
of three letters follow the pattern of the so- 55
on chance finds and what really remains is
called “tall-short-tall syndrome,” two the wide circulation of objects and fashions
vertical uprights with a shorter unit, club- in areas as distant as Eastern Iran and the
his bracelet consists of two wide
like, trefoil, or other, between them. Some
letters can be identified as a lam, ‘ayn or
Mediterranean.
T semicylindrical halves joined by a
mim, and alif; their combination can be ANNA BALLIAN hinge and fastened with a pin. This type
interpreted as a debased form of the word of bracelet, which developed from the Late
Allah, which dominated pseudo-Arabic Antique wristband,1 is represented in the
inscriptions in the East and West.2 In Literature: Athens 1986, 190, no. 200 (L. Bouras); Middle Byzantine period by the famous
Georgoula 1999, 339–40, fig. 256 (A. Ballian).
Byzantium it occurs on several marble gold enameled bracelets from Thessaloniki
reliefs, on brick decoration, and in other 1
Miles 1956, 341–42; Blair 1998, 56–59. (cat. no. 138) and a group of less luxurious
mediums, primarily in the region of 2
Ettinghausen 1976. bracelets like this one, decorated with
3
ªiles 1964, 24, fig. I, figs. 19, 42–44, 47, 48, 50, 53,
Athens and mainland Greece, from as 57, 85; Cutler 1999; Thessaloniki 2011b, 166–67, no.
niello and gilding. They are characterized
early as the late tenth century, but 81 (Y. Theocharis). by their mixed Byzantine-Islamic
especially in the eleventh–twelfth 4
5
Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 116. decoration, which includes real and
Ogden et. al. forthcoming. My warmest thanks to
centuries.3 The phenomenon should be Rebecca Foote and also to Michael Spink for letting
imaginary animals, nielloed scrollwork, and
associated with what happened in Egypt me read a draft of his study of the nine Khalili pseudo-Kufic inscriptions (cat. no. 160).2
during the same period where the Fatimid bracelets.
These bracelets are dated from the late
regime made Kufic inscriptions the tenth to the late twelfth or early thirteenth
dominant visual program on buildings and centuries, a date supported by two hoards
portable objects. containing numismatic and other evidence.
Wide bracelets made of two hinged The bracelet with nielloed scrollwork from
halves were still made after the twelfth Sayram Su in Kazakhstan was found
century in the lands of Kievan Rus’ and together with Islamic coins dating to
the Balkans.4 Another group of wide silver 969–1040,3 whereas the three bracelets
bracelets, which feature engraved birds, now in the Louvre and dated to the
quadrupeds, scrolls, and inscriptions, as twelfth century were part of the Izgirli
well as niello decoration and gilding, can Δreasure from Bulgaria.4
| 311 |
162. Groin Vault Keystone
with Face Composed of
Leaves
Circa 1225–36
Sedimentary rock, possibly sandstone
14 ⅝ x 20 ⅛ x 17 ¾ in. (37 x 51 x 45 cm)
Condition: minor damage and losses on part
of a leaf, the nose, and upper lip
Provenance: Cistercian Abbey of Zarakas
161 (Stymphalia), Corinthia
6th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities,
Chloumoutsi (Clermont) Castle Museum,
inv. no. ∏§ 585 [ª™ 3606]
his keystone depicts a male face

T composed of leaves in relief within a
disk. The leaves sprout from the nose and
chin and spread radially. The integral ends
of the groin vault’s four converging
cylindrical ribs are preserved behind the
disk. Guide lines and the mason’s mark
“+” are visible on the mating surfaces.
The Benaki Museum bracelet and an Literature: L. Bouras 1983, 48, no. 53; Athens 1986, The keystone comes from the church
190, no. 199 (L. Bouras).
example in the Virginia Museum of Fine of the Cistercian abbey at Zarakas
Arts5 feature square panels with griffins, a 1
London 2008, 412–13, nos. 135–36 (A. Ballian). (Stymphalia) in Corinthia.1 It probably
2
The group includes four bracelets in the Benaki
motif that occurs in the architectural decorated one of the groin vaults of the
Museum while several others are in the Kanellopoulos
decoration of Middle Byzantine churches Museum, Athens (the only gold example); the three-nave Gothic basilica’s porch. The
and on luxurious Byzantine and Islamic Dumbarton Oaks Collection, Washington D.C.; the abbey was founded between 1225 and
Walters Art Museum, Baltimore; the Boston Museum
textiles.6 Framed by scrollwork, the griffins of Fine Arts; the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in
1236 and functioned until 1275–80 as part
(three on each semicylindrical section) are Richmond; the Louvre; and a private collection; all are of the organized infiltration of the Latin
shown striding, the central griffin lifting its now published in Bosselmann-Ruickbie 2011, 114–17, Church into the territory of the Orthodox
400–402, figs. 149–63.
front paw as in earlier Sasanian examples 3
Allan 1986, 12, fig. 40; Marschak 1986, fig. 147.
empire of Romania, or Eastern Roman
and in contemporary luster painted 4
Ballian and Drandaki 2003, 58–65. Empire, following the fall of Constantinople
Fatimid ceramics.7 The griffin, a winged 5
6
Gonosova’ and Kondoleon 1994, no. 18. to the Crusaders in 1204 and the
New York 1997, 36, no. 2 (Δh. Pazaras), 319, no. 219
lion with the head of a bird of prey, is one (O. Z. Pevny), 412, no. 269B (D. Walker); Bonn 2010, establishment in the Peloponnese of the
of the East’s benevolent imaginary 172–73, no. 61 (A. Stauffer); Thessaloniki 2011b, 164– Crusader principality of Achaia, which
65, no. 80 (A. Tzitzibassi). See also the tile revetment
creatures; it is often depicted fighting other reached its apogee in the mid-thirteenth
with the animal frieze in the Louvre; Gerstel and
animals, as the guardian of shrines, in Lauffenburger 2001, 283, B5. century under the rule of William II
heroization scenes such as the Ascension 7
Paris 2006, 111, no. 50; Paris 1998, 115–16, nos. 39– Villehardouin and survived until 1430.
43.
of Alexander (cat. nos. 96, 156), and, 8
Hoffman 2007, 318–25; Contadini et. al. 2002.
The mask of leaves (green man,2 tête de
consequently, as a symbol of power. It is feuilles or masque feuillu3) was a popular
one of the exotic motifs shared by motif in Western medieval art and in
Christian and Muslim courts from particular in the so-called “art marginal” of
Central Asia to Spain, widely accepted and Gothic architectural sculpture.4 It is
highly adaptable, as demonstrated by the thought to reflect two important referents
Islamic griffin that adorned the cathedral of thirteenth-century Gothic art, namely
at Pisa for centuries.8 antiquity and nature. The mask recalls
similar pagan representations from the
ANNA BALLIAN imperial Roman tradition,5 which survived
into the Early Christian period, for
| 312 |
163. Proskynetarion with
Christ Pantokrator
Enthroned
Mistra, second half of the 14th century

Marble inlaid with wax mastic, color, and
gold
H. 38 ⅛ x 29 ⅛ x 5 ⅛ in. (97 x 74 x 13 cm)
Condition: damage to the semicircular arch,
on Christ’s face, and in the inlay
Provenance: reused in the later south
narthex of the Peribleptos
5th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities,
Mistra Museum, inv. no. 1166
he castle of Mistra was founded by the

T Franks in the foothills of Mount
Taygetos in the mid-thirteenth century. In
1262, after the Franks’ defeat at the battle
of Pelagonia, Mistra was ceded to the
162
Byzantines and quickly developed into a
dynamic urban center with intense
intellectual and artistic activity. Under the
rule of the imperial families of
Constantinople, the Kantakouzenoi and
example on Constantinopolitan capitals context, the artistic interplay that resulted the Palaiologoi, Mistra became the capital
and imposts.6 The motif has been from the collaboration of Frankish and of the despotate of Morea, which
variously interpreted as a symbol of local masons contributed to the renewal of embraced the entire Peloponnese in the
fertility and nature’s perpetual rebirth. Late Byzantine art and architecture in fifteenth century until it fell to the
Secondarily, leaf masks are considered to southern Greece.10 Ottomans on May 30, 1460 (see Sh. E. J.
have apotropaic properties. Gerstel above, 300–303).1
The repertoire and style of the DEMETRIOS ATHANASOULIS This relief of the enthroned Christ on a
architectural sculpture of the Cistercian marble proskynetarion, executed in
abbey of Zarakas were entirely foreign to champlevé and engraving, is a unique
the local Byzantine tradition and should Literature: Nicosia 2004, 68–69, no. 2 (D. Athanasoulis).
representation of a holy figure among the
be attributed to a Western workshop, 1
Orlandos 1957; Bon 1969; Kitsiki-Panagopoulos 1979, sculptures of Mistra. By removing the
possibly from Burgundy or Campania.7 It 27-42; Salzer 1991; Campbell 1997. background and adding wax mastic, gold,
2
Raglan 1939.
is also possible that the monks themselves 3
and the colors blue and red, the relief was
Dectot 2010.
carved the sculptures, since the Cistercians 4
Le Pogam 2007. combined with painting, an eclectic mix
were known as the mason-monks.8 At the 5
See for example Mouriki 1980–81, 313–14. characteristic of the art of the Palaiologan
6
FÈratlÈ 1990, 118–20 (nos. 218–20, 223–25).
building site the Franks collaborated with 7
Grossman 2005, 67, 69.
period.
Greek crews, as indicated by the abbey’s 8
Dimier 1964, 108–11. Christ sits beneath an arch on an
masonry. 9
10
Athanasoulis 2013a, 142–51. elaborate throne, holding a closed book
On the origin of the mask motif in Late Byzantine
The Crusaders’ Gothic “implants” in painting, see Mouriki 1980–81, 329–30, 334–38.
and making a gesture of blessing with his
the Byzantine cultural territory of the raised right hand in a rare iconographic
Peloponnese, of which the Zarakas abbey particular deriving from the Ascension.
with its sculptures is a typical example, The local artist obviously followed
acted as a catalyst in shaping the models from monumental painting such as
architectural idiom of the Crusader Christ Polyeleos from the wall paintings in
principality of Achaia in the thirteenth the diakonikon of the Metropolis (c. 1270–
and fourteenth centuries.9 Within this 85)2 and Christ of the Ascension in the
| 313 |
Peribleptos (second half of 14th century)3 on Christ’s wrist or the trefoil and Literature: Millet 1910, 7, pl. 51.11; Mystras 2001, 178–
80, no. 27 (Aimilia Bakourou); Ancona 1999, 62–63.
at Mistra. quatrefoil motifs, which occur in other
“Imperial” examples of the enthroned churches of Mistra, reflects the eclectic 1
Zakythinos 1932; Zakythinos 1953; Runciman 1980;
Sinos 2005; M. Chatzidakis 2005.
Christ are preserved at Constantinople in tastes of the Kantakouzenoi and suggest a 2
Millet 1910, pl. 65.1; M. Chatzidakis 2001, 31.
the Palaiologan Pammakaristos4 and date after the mid-fourteenth century. 3
M. Chatzidakis 2001, 81; Aspra-Vardavakis and
Chora5 mosaics from the first half of the In Byzantium stone icons, mostly Emmanuel 2005, 300–301, pl. 140.
4
Belting et al. 1978, 54–57, pl. ππ, figs. 12–14.
fourteenth century, which would have made of marble, often inlaid with a variety 5
Underwood 1966, vol. 1, 42–43, vol. 2, pl. 3.
served as models for the art of the next few of materials including wax mastic, occur 6
M. Chatzidakis 2001, 71, fig. 42.
decades. The larger-than-life enthroned from the Early Christian period to the
Christ represented twice in the apse and fifteenth century. Their relief
southeast chapel of Hagia Sophia at representations recall those on wooden
Mistra might reflect earlier models,6 since icons and in monumental painting.
the church is identified with the Marble icons were often built into city
Monastery of Christ Zoodotes, erected in walls for protection or placed in public
the mid-fourteenth century by the first spaces such as water fountains. In
despot of Mistra, Manuel Kantakouzenos, churches similar icons of Christ and the 164. The “Virgin of the
son of Emperor John Kantakouzenos, who Virgin and Child were prominently placed Catalans”
resided at Mistra for some time. for veneration.
This relief icon with its inlays of Mid-15th century
different substances and colors and its AIMILIA BAKOUROU Wall painting (fresco?)
Western influences, such as the fleur-de-lys 43 ⅞ x 60 ¼ in. (111.5 x 153 cm)
Provenance: Church of the Prophet Elijah,
Athens
inv. no. BXM 1111
his wall painting comes from the

TMiddle Byzantine Church of the
Prophet Elijah in Athens’s Staropazaro
(wheat market), which was demolished in
1849 along with several other churches in
the city center. Originally located under an
arch, probably in a lunette above a
doorway, the painting was detached and
preserved on the initiative of Lyssandros
Kautantzoglou in one of the mid-
nineteenth century’s earliest attempts to
rescue Byzantine monuments.1
At the center of the composition the
Virgin, in the type of the Hodegetria,
gazes straight into the viewer’s eyes. She
sits on a large cushion holding in her arms
the young Christ, who, while turning
toward the Virgin, blesses with his right
hand and holds a scroll in his left.
The influence of Western art is evident
in the lush vegetation with trees and
stylized bushes that form the dark blue
background, and in the inclusion of two
escutcheons, one with a lion, the other
with a checkerboard pattern, flanking the
163
main composition. The escutcheon with
| 314 |
164
lion, on the left, is accompanied by the principles of Late Gothic art.5 165. Icon of Saint George
initials F A, and the one on the right by The name “Virgin of the Catalans,” by
the Polivariotis.
the initials L S. These were identified in which this wall painting is known to
[Los Angeles only]
1886 as the initials of the Florentine scholarship, derives from an earlier
Franco/Francesco Acciajuoli, last duke of erroneous identification of the two pairs of
Probably Cyprus, circa mid-14th century
Athens (1455–56), and the Genoese initials as belonging to the fourteenth-
Wood, textile primed with plaster
Lorenzo/Leonardo Spinola.2 The latter century Catalan rulers of Athens
32 ¼ x 20 ½ x 1 ¹⁄₁₆ in. (82 x 52 x 3 cm)
(died 1453) is thought to have rebuilt or (1311–88).
refurbished the Church of the Prophet Inscriptions: ¶√§πμ∞ƒπ√Δ∏™ (Polivariotis)
Elijah in the Staropazaro,3 probably for the ANASTASIA LAZARIDOU Condition: good, wood skewed, woodworm
Genoese community of Athens, which damage in spots, paint chipped in places
had settled in the area of the ancient Patmos, Chora, Church of the Hypapante or
Hypakoe and Hagioi Saranta
agora.4 Literature: Kampouroglou 1922, 144–46; Seville 1992,
no. 178 (M. Acheimastou-Potamianou); Athens 2006a,
In its shape and composition this wall [Loan still uncertain at press time]
144–45 (A. Bekiaris), 145–46 (A. Katselaki).
painting recalls the decoration of the
1
Athens 2006a, 145–46.
sanctuary apses of Byzantine churches. 2
Kampouroglou 1922, 144–46.
aint George the Polivariotis is shown
However, iconographic and stylistic details,
such as the background decoration and the
3
5
Sinos, 1971, 361.
Seville 1992, no. 178.
S slaying the dragon while riding an
opulent garments, highly stylized drapery, elaborately caparisoned horse.1 Several
softly modeled faces, and oddly iconographic details suggest that the icon
proportioned bodies, relate this work to was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean:
Late Gothic art. Either the donor Spinola the saint’s garments (a short chiton and
was charmed by and wished to imitate cloak without the other military equipment),
Byzantine art, or the Greek artist chose to which may recall representations of
adapt the Byzantine model to the Western tourkopouloi;2 the faintly marked scales
tastes of the Genoese by using the new covering the horse’s body, which render
| 315 |
The inscription Polivariotis, with letters
of different sizes that are too large for the
composition, suggests that the painter was
not acquainted with the Greek language.
The epithet is probably a corruption of the
correct Perivoli[a]tis, which is preserved on
an icon of Saint George from Paphos
(sixteenth century)10 and should be
associated with the similar-sounding
perivogitis attributed to Saint Prokopios on
a diptych at Saint Catherine’s Monastery
on Mount Sinai.11
In conclusion, the icon’s features and
iconographic details, which are common in
the art produced in the Eastern
Mediterranean, suggest that it was painted
by a non-Greek artist, possibly a Syrian
Christian, who had come into contact
with Western art but was also familiar
with the Byzantine heritage12 and was
active in an environment of intense artistic
interaction such as Cyprus.
ANGELIKI KATSIOTI
1
Katsioti forthcoming.
2
Folda 2005, 340–41, n. 815, notes that the
representation of tourkopouloi in the art of this period
is not certain. On the tourkopouloi, the lightly armed
165 cavalry in the service of the Byzantine army and the
Crusader kingdoms, see Savvides 1993, 129.
3
Aristeidou 1995, 359–60; Muthesius 2001, vol. ππ, 369–
384; Bacci 2000, 343–86, particularly 370–74. For an
example of the adaptation of iconographic details to
the chainmail breastplates of the horses in highlights cover the saint’s broad face.
the donor’s requests, see Zachariadou 1998, 689–93.
the Crusader armies; the Western-style A band of dark color renders the shadow 4
On this type of shield, see Parani 2003, 127–28.
back of the saddle with its embroidered of his nose. The icon is lacking in spirituality 5
For an overview of this phenomenon in Greek lands, see
Gerstel 2001, 263–85. See also Folda 2007, 87–107;
red textile, which recalls those from but is powerfully expressive. The awkward Immerzeel 2003, 265–86; Immerzeel 2004, 29–60.
Cyprus;3 the almond-shaped shield with proportions and interest in decorative 6
Nicosia 2002, 270–71, no. 13 (Ch. Chatzichristodoulou).
white cross;4 the blue background with its details associate the work with Cypriot 7
The icon was correctly, in our opinion, identified as
having Syro-Palestinian origins, Nicosia 2002, 254–55,
yellow stars; the disproportionate bodies of icons of the thirteenth century and later, no. 6 (K. Gerasimou); Nicosia 2011, 56–57 (Ch.
the horse and beast. Depictions of saints such as the vita icon of Saint George in the Chatzichristodoulou).
on horseback were particularly abundant Byzantine Museum of Pedoulas.6 On the
8
This icon is not fully studied (publications are limited to
short catalogue entries), and is dated to the
in those areas associated with the other hand, the two-dimentional rendering thirteenth–fourteenth centuries, see Nicosia 1995, fig.
Crusaders,5 who adopted narratives of and the lighting recall the Kykotissa icon p. 139; Thessaloniki 1998, 114, no. 52.
9
The medium length of the spur’s shaft is characteristic;
Saint George’s miraculous interventions in at Peristeronas,7 whereas the melancholic,
see Barbaritsa 2013. See, for example, the depiction of
the battles they fought in the East. distant gaze, the broad surfaces on the a knight on a funerary plaque dating to 1350, now in
Moreover, the saint’s triumphant slaying cheeks, the small mouth, the shadows the Nicosia castle: Imhaus 2004, vol. 1, 153–54, no.
11, fiche 284, pl. 132.
of the dragon promoted the Crusader ideal. around the nose, and the linear rendering 10
Papageorgiou 1991, 143, fig. 98, from the church of
The style is distinguished by of the drapery closely resemble those of the Hagios Kendeas.
contrasting colors, a decorative approach, Glykophilousa at the church of Saints 11
On the different opinions, see Aspra-Vardavakis 2002,
89–104.
and calligraphic lines in the rendering of Sergios and Bakchos at Kalopanagiotis.8 12
See Zeitler 2000, 221–42; Cormack 2002, 163–69.
the drapery and shading. Dense parallel The shape of the saint’s spur indicates a
brushstrokes and radially diffused mid-fourteenth-century date.9
| 316 |
is a miniature depiction of the icon’s before the emperor, (e) (left) the saint
166. Two-Sided Icon
donor, prostrated, her garments indicating praying and (right) a soldier preparing to
her noble descent. Above, two angels flank behead him, (f) the saint’s burial. The
Side A: Saint George and Scenes from His Life
the Apocalyptic throne with the Gospel, three scenes on the bottom left are too
Side B: Female Saints
Christ being implicitly present though worn to be identified (the last one is
Probably from a workshop in Arta, 13th invisible. The scenes from the saint’s life completely obscured).
century
(not all of them preserved) are arranged in The saint’s iconography is influenced
Egg tempera on wood groups of six along the vertical sides. The by Western art, as indicated by his
43 ⅛ x 28 ⅜ in. (109.7 x 72 cm) narrative begins top left with the saint hairstyle and, especially, by the shape of his
Condition: exterior frame half preserved; distributing his belongings for the relief of military harness, his long boots, and the
later restorations visible on the left and on the poor and ends bottom right with his relief triangular “heater” shield with its
the icon’s base.
burial. The preserved scenes include: (left, decorative Kufic inscription. By contrast,
Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, top to bottom) (a) the saint distributing the peripheral scenes reflect the art of the
inv. no. BXM 1108
his belongings to the poor, (b) the saint Palaiologan Renaissance.
before Emperor Diocletian, (c) the saint
tortured with lit torches; (right, top to SIDE B
bottom) (a) the saint tortured with a wo female saints, turned toward the
T
SIDE A
he figure of Saint George is carved in
T relief on the wooden panel and framed
sword, (b) the saint tortured with a
burning helmet and pliers, (c) (left) the
center, pray to Christ, who blesses
them from a semicircle above. The saint
by scenes from his life painted along the saint conversing with Queen Alexandra, on the left is identified by inscription as
panel’s sides. The standing saint turns who converts to Christianity, and (right) Saint Marina, whereas the crowned saint
toward the right, praying to Christ. He the fall of the idols from the temple, where on the right recalls Saint Irene or Saint
wears a knee-length military chiton and George was called upon to offer sacrifice to Catherine.
metal breastplate, his shield resting on the Apollo, (d) the saint and Queen The icon’s complex construction and
ground. Below left, behind the saint’s legs, Alexandra professing their Christian faith high artistic quality have fueled several
166
| 317 |
hypotheses concerning its place of
manufacture and date, connecting it with
various artistic centers.1 Similar icons occur
in the area of Kastoria,2 which belonged to
the despotate of Epiros for a long time in
the thirteenth century.3 Arta, the
despotate’s capital, with a high level of
artistic production,4 could have been where
the work was created.5
The theme of prayer, which is boldly
presented on both sides of the icon,
suggests that the icon was commissioned
for a particular occasion and created by a
gifted artist who introduced special
messages on the request of distinguished
donors. Chryssanthi Baltoyanni identified
the crowned saint on the reverse as Saint
Irene and the icon’s donor on the obverse
as the tsarina Irene Doukaina Angelina
Komnene, daughter of Theodore Angelos
Komnenos of Epiros and wife of the
Bulgarian ruler John Asen II, who prays
after the loss of her two sons Kallimanos
and Michael.6 If this hypothesis is correct,
the icon was probably produced between
1246 and 1253.
This icon was used in processions, as
indicated by the notch on the lower side 167
of the frame.
ANASTASIA LAZARIDOU composition is surrounded by a frame

167. Icon with the Virgin and
divided into twenty rectangular
Child, Church Feasts, compartments. In these ten apostles’ busts
Literature: Vocotopoulos 1995, no. 64; London 1998, and Saints alternate with ten Church feasts
48–55, no. 4 (Ch. Baltoyanni); Acheimastou-Potamianou
1998, 26–31, no. 5. (Dodekaorton). Three of the apostles’ busts
Artist unknown, mid-14th century and four of the Church feasts are missing.
1
Weitzmann et al. 1982, 68–69; Acheimastou-
Egg tempera on wood, stucco, gold glass The uniqueness of this panel lies in its
Potamianou 1998, 27–28.
2
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1998, 28; Petkos 1992.
(verre églomisé) combination of different techniques on a
3
Magdalino 1992. 16 ½ x 11 ¹³⁄₁₆ x ⁷⁄₁₆ in. (42 x 30 x 1 cm) single wooden surface: egg tempera for the
4
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1992, 179ff.
5
Pallas 2007, 200–01.
Condition: the icon is in a poor state of central representation of the Virgin and
6
London 1998, 48–50. preservation; some of the Church feasts and Child and the busts of the apostles in the
the apostles’ busts are missing on the frame compartments of the frame, gold glass
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 2972 (verre églomisé) for the two evangelists and
the acanthus leaves in the spandrels, and
relief stucco for the great feasts. Gold glass
his panel shows the Virgin Eleousa and relief stucco were in use in Italy at the
T holding the Christ child in the center time, while egg tempera has always been
the traditional medium in icon painting.
beneath an arch resting on thin, spiral
semi-columns. The spandrels of the arch The mingling of Western, mainly
are covered with gold glass (verre églomisé) Venetian, and Byzantine traditions is also
with two medallions containing busts of apparent in some of the icon’s
the evangelists Luke and Matthew and iconographic and stylistic features. The
acanthus leaves at the edges. The entire rendering of the Virgin’s face is closer to
| 318 |
the work of the fourteenth-century
Venetian painter Paolo Veneziano1 than
to Byzantine fourteenth-century icons. The
relation of the panel to Venetian painting
is further emphasized by the use of gesso
grosso and gesso sottile for its priming,2 as was
common in central and northern Italy but
not in Byzantium.
There are elements in the panel that are
genuinely Byzantine, however, such as the
posture of the Christ child, which has a
parallel on an icon of the Virgin and Child
in the Philotheou Monastery on Mount
Athos,3 and the iconography of all the great
feasts on the frame, which is identical to
that on the silver revetment of an icon of
the Virgin Hodegetria in the Vatopedi
Monastery on Mount Athos, dated to the
first decades of the fourteenth century.4
Most of the technical evidence of the
panel suggests that it was produced in a
Venetian workshop, but the stylistic
evidence points in the direction of a
Byzantine painter better acquainted with
Byzantine than with Venetian painting. 168
The icon’s small dimensions and its
subject matter suggest that this was a
private commission by an individual
familiar with fourteenth-century art in shape of the rock in the center serves to
both Byzantium and Venice. Could this
168. Icon with the Nativity structure and separate the subsidiary
be a Byzantine with a taste for Venetian episodes. It forms an unobtrusive frontier
Constantinopolitan painter, first quarter
art, or a Venetian with a taste for between heaven and earth, the angels above
of 15th century
Byzantine art? Some of the materials and and mankind below. Depicted in between,
Egg tempera and gold leaf on wood,
the techniques employed were substitutes the newborn Christ belongs doctrinally and
priming on textile
for more expensive ones: relief stucco pictorially to both worlds. The recent
25 ⅞ x 25 x 1 ⅝ in. (65.7 x 63.4 x 4 cm)
instead of steatite, verre églomisé instead of restoration of the icon in the Benaki
enamel. This may suggest that the Condition: the surface of the wooden support
Museum Laboratories revealed several
is uneven because of several vertical cracks
commissioner had pretensions beyond his original details of the composition that had
that have also caused loss of the painting
financial means. surface; the icon shows traces of several later
been covered by later overpaintings,
renovations and infillings, the most important including a much-damaged angel flying
MARIA VASSILAKI of which are on the inscribed azure band, the above the three mounted Magi on the left.
gold background, and the brownish His figure, though not visible nowadays,
mountain on the panel’s left side. creates a perfect compositional balance with
Literature: Xyngopoulos 1936, 1–4, pls. 1–4; Athens
Provenance: Volpi Collection (Venice); the single angel depicted between the rock
1994, 222, no. 43 (M. Vassilaki); Baltoyanni 1994, 86, Peratikos Collection (London); Andreadis formations on the right. Despite the
no. 20, pls. 39–40; Athens 2000a, 448–49, no. 73 (M. Collection (Athens) brilliant chromatic palette that celebrates
Vassilaki); Papastavrou 2000; Papastavrou 2005, 267–
Athens, Benaki Museum, inv. no. 48714 the joyous event of the Nativity, the black
68, fig. 14; M. Vassilaki 2002a; Gordon 2002; Kouzeli
Gift of Petros Andreadis in memory of Rena
2002; Milanou 2002; New York 2004, 502–3, no. 305 cave and the sarcophagus-like cradle make a
(M. Vassilaki); London 2008, 444, no. 251 (M. Vassilaki). Andreadis
clear allusion to the future burial of the
1
Muraro 1970, 116–17, pls. 120–21. incarnate Word, which is also echoed in
2
3
Milanou 2002. the contemplative expression of the Virgin,
Tsigaridas 1992, 654, pl. 355.
he composition focuses on the reclining
4
Tsigaridas and Loverdou-Tsigarida 2006, 307–17,
240–47, figs. 234–36. T Virgin and the Child behind her. The
who stares directly at the viewer.1 The link
between the tender and humane episodes
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from Christ’s infancy and his future 3
Lazarev 1967, 381–82; M. Chatzidakis 1981, 77–89, maphoria—in contrast to the geometric
fig. 47; Mouriki 1991, 220–21, fig. 10; Aspra-
Passion is a common feature in Byzantine Vardavakis and Emmanuel 2005, 98–103. shapes of the gold striations on Christ’s
religious art, and expresses pictorially the 4
Drandaki 2002a, 33–34 draperies, the gently graduated luminosity
5
Laiou 1972, 57–76, 101–14, 260–77, and passim;
content of a host of ecclesiastical hymns of the green earth in the scene of Christ
Origone 1992.
and sermons (cat. nos. 52, 55).2 with the Myrrophores, and the care given
This Nativity closely resembles two to the realistic depiction of details on the
wall paintings of the same subject in the ship. This icon is closely related to the
churches of Peribleptos (c. 1370–80) and works of Angelos, the most famous Cretan
Pantanassa (c. 1430) in Mistra.3 Similar painter of the first half of the fifteenth
stylistic features are also found in Cretan 169. Two-tier Icon with Christ century, to whom it has been attributed.2
wall paintings of the early fifteenth century and the Myrrophores Whereas the artist used a well-known
and in a series of portable icons of the and a Miracle of Saint and established Byzantine model for the
same period, all of which are generally Phanourios Chairete,3 he appears to have created the
attributed to Constantinopolitan painters.4 main scene ad hoc in order to represent a
Despite the icon’s indisputable dependence Attributed to the painter Angelos miracle closely associated with Crete and
on Byzantine models, strong affiliations Candia (modern Heraklion), first half of the establishment of the worship of Saint
with contemporary Italian art are evident 15th century Phanourios on the island:4 Phanourios’s
in certain details, as for example in the Egg tempera on wood, priming on textile. miraculous intervention and rescue of
naturalistic rendering of the animals. Their 45 ¼ x 24 ¾ in. (115 x 63 cm)
Cretan priests on their return journey
secure and harmonious inclusion in a from Kythera, where they had gone to be
Condition: good, with occasional abrasions
Byzantine image is impressive but not and losses to the paint surface
ordained by dictate of Crete’s Venetian
surprising. Similar features characterize Provenance: from the Hodegetria Monastery,
rulers.5 An identical scene of the
several exceptional works of art of the Late District of Kainourgio, Crete Phanourios’ nautical miracle appears on
Byzantine period. This artistic osmosis can Foundation of Communications and
the saint’s vita icon signed by Angelos,
be explained in the light of historical Education of the Holy Archdiocese of Crete, from Crete’s Valsamonero Monastery.6 By
circumstances and the social structure of Heraklion. Department: Museum of Holy combining the two scenes in what was
Late Byzantine society, where Icons and Relics, inv. no. 042 probably a commission from a
communities of Western merchants had theologically educated and sensitive patron,
been living for centuries and mixed the artist has highlighted the icon’s
his icon is divided into two unequal
marriages between court circles and
members of Western aristocracies were T registers. The upper tier depicts the
soteriological meaning. With the miracle
of Saint Phanourios’s placed directly below
common.5 The painting’s quality suggests Chairete, or Christ Meeting the the message of the Salvation delivered to
that it was commissioned by a demanding Myrrophores, in a symmetrical humanity by the resurrected Christ, the
and artistically sensitive patron who was composition with the standing Christ saint emerges next to the Theotokos, the
both alert to the theological niceties of occupying the central axis and flanked by intermediary par excellence, as a succesful
iconography and knowledgeable about and the kneeling Virgin and Mary Magdalene. intercessor on behalf of the faithful. The
receptive to the incorporation of features The taller lower register depicts a miracle theological intention that inspired this
from contemporary Western painting. An of Saint Phanourios. The saint and the composition becomes clearer if one takes
icon of this particular square shape would Virgin Mary stand on the bow and stern, into account that the icon was
have been intended either as an object of respectively, of a ship sailing on rough commissioned at a time when the cult of
veneration on the feast day of the Nativity, seas. Three priests and a lay person are Saint Phanourios was being established.
or for private devotional use. pictured inside the ship. Against the gold The Hodegetria Monastery, the source of
background, above the ship, two demons the icon, was among Crete’s earliest and
ANASTASIA DRANDAKI are in retreat after causing the storm, most important centers for the cult.
chased away by the two holy figures.
The modeling of the faces, the ANASTASIA DRANDAKI
Literature: Garrison 1949, 114, no. 293; Lazarev 1967,
407–8, fig. 574; Charleroi 1982, no. 10; London 1987b, rendering of the natural environment, the
166–67, no. 30 (N. Chatzidakis); Baltoyanni 1994, 226– handling of the colors, and the skilful
28, no. 62; London 1994, 213–15, no. 228 (M. Literature: Vassilakes-Mavrakakes 1980–81; Heraklion
Vassilaki); Drandaki 2002a, 24–35; New York 2004, 180,
drawing are all typical of early Cretan icon 1993, 447–48, no. 94 (M. Borboudakis); New York
no. 100 (A. Drandaki). painting.1 Of particular interest is the 2009, 50, no. 7 (A. Drandaki); Athens 2010, 142–43,
1
juxtaposition of features from Palaiologan no. 20 (M. Borboudakis).
Kötzsche-Breitenbruch 1986, 185–87.
2
H. Maguire 1977, 138–39, nos. 85–86; Baltoyanni
art with Late Gothic elements, such as the 1
On the technical features of early Cretan icons, see
1994, 227. soft drapery folds on the two women’s Milanou et al. 2008.
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170. Icon with the Dormition
of Saint Sabas
Cretan workshop, 15th century

Egg tempera on wood
22 ⅝ x 26 ½ in. (57.6 x 67.2 cm)
Inscription: centered along the top edge: ∏
∫√πª∏CIC Δ√À √Cπ√À ¶[∞]Δƒ[√]C ∏ª[ø]¡
C∞μ[μ]∞ Δ√À ∏°π∞Cª∂¡√À (The Dormition of
our Blessed Father Sabas the Sanctified)
Condition: The icon has been preserved
intact, but with somewhat abraded details
and highlights. The colors have been worn
away on the main part of the paint surface
around the depiction of the saint and the
mourning figures standing over him. This is
probably the result of the faithful touching
the icon, kissing it, or even deliberately
removing the paint
Provenance: from the Church of the
Pantokrator, Lefkada
Lefkada, Public Library Collection
he composition focuses on the center

T of the lower part of the panel, where
the saint’s bier is pictured surrounded by a
bishop and the monastic community.
Behind them another monk is beating a
simantron (wooden gong) to summon
from their caves other monks seen still
occupied with practical and spiritual tasks.
The emphasis is on the ways in which
aged and infirm monks, having responded
to the summons, are making their way to
the funeral. In the sky, an angel carries the
soul of the deceased toward Christ who
appears in an eight-rayed blue mandorla.
The painting follows the iconographic
type of the dormition of hermit saints, the
majority of which depict that of Ephraim
the Syrian. Some of the icon’s individual
motifs can be identified as early as the
eleventh century in manuscripts of the
169
Heavenly Ladder of Saint John Klimax.1
However, organized as part of a
composition with the death of a holy man
as its central theme, they appear for the
2
M. Vassilaki 2009a, 81-110. known in the Byzantine repertoire from the nautical
first time in a Byzantine icon
3
Zarras 2000–1. miracles of Saint Nicholas (N. Š evčenko 1983), while (unfortunately very damaged) and on an
Italian panel in the thirteenth century.2
4
On the life of Saint Phanourios and the establishment similar representations of the nautical miracle of Saint
of his cult on Crete in the fifteenth century, see Mark are also known in Venetian art (Muraro 1970, pl.
Vassilakes-Mavrakakes 1980–81. 59). Apart from these, the subject is depicted in
5
However, the structure of the composition is well 6
∞thens 2010, no. 21 (M. Borboudakis). wall paintings of the fourteenth century in
| 321 |
170
Crete, and on icons from Cretan number of iconographic motifs with the
171. J H S Icon
workshops dating from the mid-fifteenth Starnina Tebaide in the Uffizi.
century and later.3 However, in Italy, in a
Andreas Ritzos, second half of 15th
wall painting in the Camposanto in Pisa, TASOS TANOULAS
century
dated around 1430, the subject of the
Egg tempera on wood
desert fathers (Tebaidi in Italian) emerges.
25 x 17 ½ in. (63.5 x 44.5 cm)
In this, episodes from the lives of these Literature: M. Chatzidakis 1974, 190; Athens 1986,
126–29, pl. 130 (N. Tselenti); Florence 1986, 134, 136, Inscription: (bottom band) ECTAYPø£HC
Christian hermits are assembled, some of pl. 86; London 1987b, 115, pl. 47, 180 (N. Tselenti);
ANAMAPTHTE KAI EN MNHMEIø KATATE£HC
which come straight from the iconography Tanoulas 1998, 317–34; New York 2009, 54–55, no. 11
(T. Tanoulas).
EKøN. A§§’ E•ANECTHC øC £(EO)C |
of the Dormition of Ephraim the Syrian.4 CYNE°EIPAC TON ¶PO¶ATOPA. MNHC£HTI
The best-known example among the 1
Martin 1951, 220–22; Martin 1954, 124–27. MOY KPAZONTA OTAN E§£HC EN TH BACI§EIA
Tebaidi, following the one in the 2
Tanoulas 1998, with earlier bibliography. COY (Thou wast crucified without sin and
3
Bougrat 1982, 147–74; Andrianakis and Yapitzoglou
Camposanto, is in the Uffizi, attributed to 2012, 221; Drandaki 2002a, 114–19.
placed willingly in the tomb. But thou arose
Gherardo Starnina or, according to some, 4
as god, rousing the ancestor. Remember me
Baracchini and Castelnuovo 1996, esp. 22 ff., and pls.
as I call upon thee when thou enterest upon
to the workshop of Fra Angelico, and 50–80, 168, 171, 176, figs. 32, 41–42, 44, 56, 81,
91–92. thy kingdom); (bottom right corner) XEIP |
dated to the early fifteenth century.5 5
Strehlke 1994, 26–27, n. 8, fig. 16. AN¢PEOY PITZOY (Hand [of] Andreas Ritzos)
The icon of the Dormition of Saint
Sabas from Lefkada belongs to a group of
seven well-known icons dated to the
inv. no. μÃª 1549
second half of the fifteenth century, all of
which copy, with slight variations, a
common pattern. No doubt, it is the most
Italicizing of them all, as it shares a
| 322 |
171
epresentations of the Crucifixion, the the wound in his chest, the right one painting. It demonstrates the painter’s
R Resurrection, and the Anastasis are averting his gaze. Shown in the letter S are familiarity with Western iconography,
painted inside the letters of the abbreviated two scenes relating to the Resurrection: which is hardly surprising given that Crete
Latin inscription J(esus) H(ominum) the Byzantine-style Anastasis, with Christ was under Venetian rule in the fifteenth
S(alvator) (Jesus the Savior of Men), the raising the dead, and the Western-style century. Elements of the International
emblem of the Franciscan order, which Christ emerging triumphant from the Gothic style are harmoniously combined
was established by Saint Bernardino of tomb. with Byzantine features, providing an
Siena.1 Flowering shoots decorate the gold Close examination of the icon for the indication of the variety of themes and
background. The sun and moon appear purposes of conservation at the Byzantine models available to artists on the island.
inside lozenges on the left and right. A and Christian Museum showed that the Notary documents regarding the orders for
hymn from the Parakletike, which is chant and painter’s signature in the lower portable icons in Candia (Heraklion)
chanted in the Sunday matins and right corner belong to a later paint layer, provide information on artistic activity in
explains the episodes depicted, is inscribed from when various parts of the icon were Crete during this period.3 The stylistic and
in gold letters on a black band along repainted. They copy the original iconographic influence of Western art was
bottom of the panel. inscription, however, which is preserved in strong, and painters were informed about
Presented in the first two letters, the white letters underneath.2 both Byzantine and Italian traditions.4
Crucifixion features its three main Previously unknown in both This awareness probably reflects the artists’
characters, Christ, the Virgin, and John, Byzantine and Western iconography, this mixed clientele, which included Greek
but is particularly noteworthy for the rare composition must be a creation of the Orthodox Cretans and Catholics of all
depiction of Adam in front of a cave. important Cretan painter Andreas Ritzos social classes and professions living on
Angels hover above the figures of the (1421–92/before 1503). An original and Crete and elsewhere.5
Virgin and John, the one on the left unique composition, J H S is one of the This icon is possibly the one referred to
collecting the Lord’s blood pouring from most important examples of Cretan-Italian as “cose pretiose, per pittura greca” ([a]
| 323 |
valuable object for Greek painting) in the 172. Icon with the Crucifixion both the Byzantine and Western style,
1611 will of the nobleman Andreas following Venetian models of the
Kornaros, member of a Veneto-Cretan fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Pavias is
Andreas Pavias (c. 1440–between 1504
family.6 An important man of letters in first mentioned in archival documents in
and 1512)
sixteenth and seventeenth-century Crete, 1470 as an art teacher with a select
Candia (mod. Heraklion), second half of
Kornaros greatly valued this icon, which the 15th century
Orthodox and Catholic clientele.
decorated his house and which he Painted in the Byzantine technique of
Egg tempera on wood
bequeathed to an important person in egg tempera, this multifigured icon of the
32 ⅞ x 23 ¼ in. (83.5 x 59 cm)
Venice. Crucifixion combines Byzantine and
Signed bottom right in white cartouche:
Western features in an imaginative
ANDREAS PAVIAS | PINXIT DE CANDIA
KALLIOPI-PHAEDRA KALAFATI manner, reflecting the eclectic style
prevalent in contemporary Cretan art. The
Athens, National Gallery – Alexandros
shallow space lacks perspective and the
Soutzos Museum, inv. no. 144 (Alexandros
Literature: Acheimastou-Potamianou 1989–90, 110–17;
rocky landscape is rendered in an
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1998, no. 37; New York Soutzos bequest, 1901)
2002, no. 7; New York 2004, no. 295 (∫.-P. Kalafati). antirealistic way as in Byzantine painting,
whereas the gold background, denoting the
1
Acheimastou-Potamianou 1989–90, 110.
2
sky, recalls both the transcendental,
Ibid., 113.
he composition, the central axis of idealistic character of Byzantine art and
T
3
Cattapan 1972, 202–35.
4
M. Chatzidakis 1987, 79, 80. which is occupied by the cross and the the International Gothic style. On the
5
Constantoudaki 1975, 35–60.
6
Spanakis 1955, 176.
crucified Christ, is organized into three other hand, the icon draws from a
superimposed horizontal registers. In the Western iconographic model with mostly
upper register mourning angels fly around Italian influences,1 popular in Crete. The
the figure of Christ, collecting the blood agitation, tension, and variety of
pouring from his palms and side. Below psychological expressions relate also to
them, two soldiers crush the legs of the Western art. Moreover, the white
two crucified thieves with sticks. cartouche (cartolino) in the lower right
Jerusalem’s Temple, split in two, is corner, which bears the Latin inscription
depicted on the left, and the hanging body with the painter’s signature and place of
of Judas on the right. A multicolored, origin, indicates that this “Italo-Cretan”
agitated crowd, on foot and on horseback, icon was created for a Catholic client.
wearing garments indicating different
origins and status, forms the middle MARIA KATSANAKI
register. The fainting Virgin is supported
by the holy women and John, while the
sorrowful Mary Magdalene embraces the Literature: M. Chatzidakis 1974, 194–95, pl. 21, figs. 1–
2; Charleroi 1982, no. 18; Athens 1983, 11, 14, 31–32,
cross. In the lower register, the earth is no. 20; Kalligas 1984, 40–48, figs. 5, 10; Athens 1994,
shaken, the dead are rising from their 308–9, no. 156 (E. Agathonikou); Lausanne 2004, 137–
38, no. 3 (E. Agathonikou); New York 2009, 64–65, no.
tombs, while soldiers cast dice for Christ’s 17 (M. Kazanaki-Lappa).
robe. This narrative scene of high artistic http://www.nationalgallery.gr/site/content.php?sel=247
quality abounds with details and episodes &artwork_id=64349 (M. Lambraki-Plaka).
from the Gospels and with the powerful 1

It has been associated with a portable icon by the
symbols of Christ’s sacrifice. “Painter of the Pesaro Crucifixion“ in the Petit Palais
The icon is signed by Andreas Pavias, Museum at Avignon (Lausanne 2004, 138) and with a
fresco painting by the Trecento Florentine painter
one of the most important painters active Giusto de’ Menabuoi in the Duomo Baptistery in
in Candia (modern Heraklion) in the Padua (Kalligas 1984, 41).
second half of the fifteenth century.

During this period, Crete, then under
Venetian rule, was the most important of
the artistic centers that continued the
Byzantine tradition after the Fall of
Constantinople. Among its numerous
painters many were artistically
“bilingual”—that is, capable of painting in
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172
| 325 |
BYZANTINE ART IN THE ITALIAN
RENAISSANCE
ROBERT S. NELSON
V
ictors, survivors, and above all those invested in recording the past
write history. When it comes to the art of Byzantium and the Italian
Renaissance, one civilization fell, one survived, and one was strongly
motivated to develop something that centuries later become the history of
art and the museum of art. Byzantium fell to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, when
Italian humanism was only reaching full stride and would continue in one
form or another through the Enlightenment. The Byzantines had written
history, to be sure, but not of their visual arts, although they did describe and
extol works of architecture, painting and sculpture. Using rhetorical models
from antiquity, authors of the Italian Renaissance composed histories of art
Fig. 134 | Madonna and Child, ca. 1275–1300.

and artists, the chief of which was The Lives of the Most Eminent Painters,
National Gallery of Art Washington, D.C.,
Sculptors and Architects by Giorgio Vasari. Published in two editions, the last
Andrew W. Mellon Collection, 1937.I.I.[I]/PA.
Photo: Courtesy National Gallery of Art Washington, D.C. appearing in 1568, it contrasted Byzantine and Italian art to the decided
benefit of the latter. Vasari’s characterization was foundational and governed
Western responses to Byzantine art until the later nineteenth and twentieth
centuries—and still prevails in some quarters. It is not sufficient, therefore, to
label his pejorative attitudes outdated and dismiss them. They must be
engaged and explored as to the “cultural work” they perform for Western
narratives, because they are one aspect of the complex period that this essay
seeks to explore in order to understand the Italian reception of Byzantine art.1
| 327 |
ccording to Vasari, art declined from the reign of Post-Byzantine icons, but in recent years it transferred these to the
A Constantine the Great in the early fourth century A.D. to its British Museum, the encyclopedic collection of world art. The
revival in Italy during late thirteenth and early fourteenth Louvre, the principal French museum, begins its painting history
centuries. The waning began even before Constantine founded in late medieval France, introduces the standard early Italian artists,
Constantinople on the site of ancient Byzantion and launched and then presents a canonical history of Western painting down
what sixteenth-century humanists would call the Byzantine the length of its famed Grande Galerie. In recent years a small
Empire, their term for the Roman Empire in the east during the room adjacent to an eighteenth-century gallery has been devoted to
Middle Ages. This notion of decline was the lens through which a group of Post-Byzantine and Russian icons, but Byzantine art
Vasari viewed earlier art. The Arch of Constantine in Rome, for proper, including a handsome mosaic icon of the Transfiguration,
example, was proof of artistic inferiority, because it reused reliefs belongs to distant medieval sections of the museum. Similarly, at
from older Roman monuments, as Raphael had reported to Pope the Metropolitan Museum of Art its Byzantine collection occupies
Leo X in 1519. Building upon Raphael’s commentary, Vasari ground-floor rooms next to the medieval galleries and behind and
claimed that the reuse of earlier work was due to “lack of good underneath the grand staircase that leads to the European painting
masters” in Constantinian Rome, whereas present-day historians above. In the museum’s architectural model, an Italian palace, the
propose instead programmatic or ideological explanations for the upper story is the piano nobile, the floor for the aristocrats, and
evocations of these past imperial regimes and stress that the arch accordingly, this level is reserved for the history of Western
should be seen in the context of other nearby Constantinian painting without Byzantine art.
projects.2 Vasari’s reaction to the work of Greek artists closer in These examples could be multiplied, which makes the case of
date, whom he called “old, but not ancient” (vecchi e non antichi) the National Gallery of Art in Washington, the first venue of this
was similarly dismissive. He had been to Venice and had seen the exhibition, all the more exceptional. While it too exhibits medieval
mosaics in the church of San Marco. From this and other art on a lower level, its first gallery on the principal floor initiates
monuments, he concluded that Greek artists “could only trace the history of Western painting with early Italian painting and
outlines on a field of color . . . they made figures in the same style, includes the Mellon Madonna, a panel here attributed to a
with eyes of the possessed, with outstretched hands, [standing] on “Byzantine Master” (fig. 134).5 Bought as a Byzantine object for
the tips of their toes.”3 what became the National Gallery, the panel was given the
According to him, the artistic revival began with the Tuscan acquisition number 1937.1.1 and installed in Gallery One. When
artist Cimabue in the last quarter of the thirteenth century under the museum opened in 1941, two other paintings were initially
the initial inspiration, as contradictory as it might appear, of displayed in this location, numbers 1937.1.2 and 1937.1.3, then
Byzantine painters. Cimabue’s father apprenticed his son to these credited to Cimabue and Giotto, respectively.6 Like the first room
painters and soon, thanks to Cimabue’s innate talent, he surpassed of the Uffizi Museum, Gallery One was arranged according to the
his teachers “both in drawing and coloring. As for them, they were order of Vasari’s Lives, with the exception that an example of the
unambitious men and the work they executed in Florence was, as Byzantine manner has been included.
we can see today, carried out in the awkward contemporary style Vasari credits the Florentine authorities with inviting
of that period, not in the fine antique style of Greece.”4 Byzantine painters to Florence to revive painting, surely an
Cimabue then taught Giotto, and the great history of Italian exaggeration. Evidence of those artists, if they ever existed, is not
painting and Vasari’s Lives of the Artists was launched. My concern extant in Florence, but Byzantine frescoes do survive up the coast
here is less the specific details of this account—which has more in the port city of Genoa, which had a major trading colony in
than a small measure of myth in it—and more with its larger Constantinople. On the inner west wall of the cathedral of San
frame, whereby Byzantine painting is regarded as a predecessor Lorenzo, a semicircle of apostles, Jesus, and Mary surrounds the
but not of fine art proper, which begins with Cimabue. Thus central lunette with Christ enthroned and displaying his wounds
Byzantine art is excluded from the history of painting. (fig. 135). The composition over the arch follows the iconography
Give or take this or that artist, this is the great divide that fine of the Byzantine Pentecost. Common to both is the continuous
art museums encode to this day. The sequence of artists at the high-backed bench upon which the apostles are seated. In the
Uffizi gallery in Florence starts with Cimabue, Duccio, and Giotto. Genoa fresco, the men display books inscribed with their
In London, the National Gallery once had a few Byzantine or abbreviated names in Greek, leaving no doubt as to the identity of
| 328 |
Fig. 135 | Last Judgment and Virgin in Glory, west wall, Cathedral of San Lorenzo Genoa, ca. 1312. Photo: ©Photo Scala/Florence.
their creator. This detail was unobtrusive, since it can only be seen interactions of Byzantine and Italian art through Genoa, the
from below with the aid of binoculars, and would not have principal trading power on the northwestern corner of the Italian
interfered with the Latin conception of the general composition, a peninsula in the late Middle Ages, complement the better-known
Coronation of the Virgin, a typically Gothic, non-Byzantine case of Venice in the northeast. There, in the fourteenth century
theme. In 1296 a fire damaged the cathedral, and prominent Doge Andrea Dandolo sponsored sophisticated confections of
inscriptions record the completion of the restoration in 1312; hence Byzantine and Venetian art for local political purposes.10
the approximate date of the Byzantine frescoes. Thus it is In referring to mosaics that Vasari regarded as Byzantine, he
tempting to associate the work with a Greek master by the name declared that “they all resemble grotesques rather than what they
of Mark from Constantinople, who is attested in a Genoese are meant to represent.”11 The question of representation is a
archival document in 1313.7 charged one, and centuries later modernists, for example, in
Just as Byzantine painters worked in Genoa, Italian artists writing of their admiration for Byzantine art would be as
collaborated with Byzantine artists in Constantinople in the later dismissive of Renaissance art as Vasari was of Byzantine art.
Middle Ages. The case of the Crusader-style frescoes at the However, since this issue is crucial to the sixteenth century’s
Kalenderhane Camii is well known,8 but more relevant for the aesthetic response to Byzantine painting, it is useful to look more
present context are the discoveries of fourteenth-century frescoes in closely at the differences by turning not to a Florentine but to a
the church of Saint Dominic in the Genoese quarter of Pera, now Venetian painter, Paris Bordone, for Venice remained more
the Arab Camii, located across the Golden Horn from the main sympathetic to Byzantine art for centuries. Paris Bordone’s canvas
city of Constantinople. The language of the inscriptions is Latin, as in the National Gallery in London (fig. 136) depicts a half-length
are some of the Church Fathers, but the painting style and the figure of Jesus blessing with his right hand and holding in his left
iconography of the Gospel scenes is Greek.9 Presumably the hand a banderole inscribed in Latin with the words, “I am the
Genoese community commissioned a Byzantine painter to decorate light of the world” (John 8:1).12 This icon-like pose resembles
their church toward the middle of the fourteenth century. These Byzantine icons of Christ, such as one in our exhibition (cat. no. 54),
| 329 |
and was known in Renaissance Venice.13 In the icon on display,
Jesus holds a book open to a passage from the Gospel of Matthew
(6:14-15), but in Byzantine art in this context, it is more common
for Christ’s book to proclaim that he is the light of the world, as
in the case of a miniature mosaic icon from the twelfth century in
Florence’s Bargello (not the Uffizi) Museum (fig. 137).14
Iconographically the same, the Renaissance canvas and the
Byzantine mosaic could hardly be more dissimilar visually. In
Vasari’s terms, the former depicts what it is “meant to represent,”
that is Christ, whereas the latter presents what Vasari would
regard as a “grotesque” figure with a flat, two-dimensional face and
possessed eyes.15 The Renaissance painting depicts Jesus turning
and gesturing gracefully in actual space. The faint gold stippling at
the cardinal points of his head represents the last vestiges of what
on the Byzantine Christ is a clearly defined cross nimbus. The
gold ground of the latter shuts off space behind Christ, projects
him foreword, and reflects the light that falls on the icon back to
the beholder, especially the light of candles that worshippers would
set before the icon. There Jesus’s text is more legible and complete;
the book is shown upright and frontal so that it can be easily read,
as if it were a signboard. The visual equality of the frontal man
and book demonstrates what the text states, “I am the light of the
world.” The light of the world is also the light of the mosaic, the
light reflected off the gold ground, as it is in other physical Fig. 136 | Paris Bordone, Christ as the Light of the World, ca. 1550. National Gallery
of Art, London. Photo: ©2013. The National Gallery, London/Scala, Florence.
illustrations of this text in wall mosaics in which Christ displays
the same passage. All may derive from earlier and deeper
associations of Christ with light that are inscribed on early Medici. Among the new additions to Lorenzo’s collection were
Byzantine lamps from the Holy Land.16 Whereas Paris Bordone two bust portraits of Christ, described as large and small. We are
has created the illusion of a man in a room holding a scroll with informed about both thanks to the fundamental research of Laurie
an important message, the Byzantine artist, using no less Fusco and Gino Corti on Lorenzo’s collection. Following
sophisticated aesthetic devices, has made an icon of the Light of Lorenzo’s death and the dispersal of the Medici collections, the
the World that is light and “Light.” With the advent of the small icon appears in documents as a diplomatic gift from the
illusionism and representation that Vasari so prized, something Florentine government, but cannot be linked with any extant
was gained and something was lost. object today.20 The larger icon, deemed significant enough to be
From the perspective of Giorgio Vasari in the sixteenth repurchased by a Medici heir, can be traced because of a mention
century, Byzantine art was a product of a distant and discredited of an ebony frame that corresponds to that on the panel in the
past, but his was not the only view.17 Certain forms of Byzantine Bargello Museum (fig. 137).21 Lorenzo took a personal interest in
art were appreciated and collected during the Italian Renaissance, mosaics generally, and sought to revive the craft in Florence.22 He
especially miniature mosaic icons, such as the one presently in the also regarded his Byzantine mosaics highly. According to the
Bargello Museum (fig. 137). While still a cardinal, the Venetian Medici inventory of 1492, the two icons of Christ were kept and
Pope Paul II had already amassed a collection of twenty-five presumably displayed in the Sala Grande of the Medici palace in
mosaics, according to an inventory of 1457.18 Presumably he was Florence, together with Renaissance mosaics.23 Lorenzo’s other
aided in his acquisitions by his Venetian connections and by the Byzantine mosaics were in his private study.24 The first room
dispersal of artifacts from Constantinople after the Ottoman visitors reached after ascending to the piano nobile, the Sala Grande,
conquest in 1453. For some time Venice had been and would appropriately named, was twenty meters long and occupied five of
continue to be the principle port of entry into the West for the ten windows on the building’s entrance façade. A Renaissance
Byzantine artifacts, from manuscripts to icons and relics. At the palace served many purposes, but one of the more important ones
death of Paul II, his collection of antiquities was broken up, and was to impress visitors coming to conduct business with its
other humanists strove to secure choice items that included the owner.25 Art, architecture, and furnishings provided the necessary
Tazza Farnese, a Hellenistic hardstone carving purchased by ambience for these and other occasions. The owner’s social position,
Lorenzo de’ Medici.19 in turn, redounded to the status of the art objects in the palace, a
Lorenzo also had a collection of Byzantine mosaic icons, some circular process to be sure, but an effective one, because all elements
of which were inherited from his father Piero di Cosimo de’ were bound up in a common network of associations. Placing the
| 330 |
Byzantine icons in the front room on the main floor of the Medici
palace gave them a prestigious location they would not regain when
modern museums were installed in actual or re-created palaces.
Lorenzo’s Byzantine mosaics were valued between 20 and 80
florins in the 1492 inventory, and the larger icon of Christ at 100
florins. These valuations equal those of ancient sculpture,
according to Fusco and Corti, but far less than those of ancient
gems or the most precious hardstone carving. In contrast, the
Tazza Farnese at various times was said to be worth 5,000 to
10,000 florins.26 Nonetheless, 100 florins was a respectable sum for
a small panel (54 x 41 cm) and approximates, for example, the 115
florins that Domenico Ghirlandaio received in 1488 for a much
larger altarpiece (285 x 240 cm) of the Adoration of the Magi.27
Thus whether or not Vasari would have valued the Byzantine
icon as art a half-century earlier, it had been highly regarded by
one of the principal Florentine collectors and the predecessor of
the Medici duke to whom Vasari dedicated his Lives of the Artists.
Another way that Byzantine imagery entered Italian collections
was through the acquisition of illuminated Greek manuscripts. In a
sustained manner that process began when the Florentine
chancellor Coluccio Salutati lured the first successful teacher of
Greek in the West, the Byzantine diplomat Manuel Chrysoloras,
to teach in Florence from 1396 to 1400. Thanks to his innovative
instructional methods, Chrysoloras’s pupils acquired both a love for Fig. 137 | Miniature mosaic icon of Christ Pantokrator, 12th century.
Bargello Museum, Florence. Photo: ©Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence,
and knowledge of the Greek language and with it a desire to
Italy/Alinari/The Bridgeman Art Library.
acquire Greek manuscripts.28 Scholarly entrepreneurs quickly arose
to satisfy the demand. Giovanni Aurispa, for example, made several
trips to the East, beginning in 1413. He returned in 1423 with 238 Chrysoloras’s manuscript is an early representative of one of
manuscripts of classical texts, an astonishing haul.29 Thus was the two versions of the Geography, Recension A, denoted by the
launched the great humanist hunt for manuscripts in the Eastern number of maps, twenty-seven, that it contains. One of the more
Mediterranean, and at a fortunate time. If a Greek teacher had important Italian members of this recension is a Geography
come to Florence after the fall of Constantinople a half century manuscript in Venice, Bibl. Marc. Z 388, made for Bessarion, the
later, the supply of available Greek manuscripts and copyists back most significant Byzantine scholar in the Italian Renaissance.
East would have been decimated, and the losses from the sack of Born in Trebizond, educated in Constantinople and Mistra,
Constantinople correspondingly greater. Bessarion became a monk, deacon, priest, and then bishop. He
When Chrysoloras arrived in Florence to begin his teaching, joined the Byzantine delegation to the church council at Ferrara
he must have brought Greek manuscripts with him for his and Florence in 1438–39. The conclave’s purpose was to
instruction. One of these has been identified, a codex on a grand promulgate the union of the Greek and Latin Churches, and
scale of the Geography of Ptolemy, now in the Vatican Library, Bessarion’s arguments in favor of the union attracted the attention
Vat. Urb. gr. 82, a book produced in Byzantium about 1300 (fig. of the pope, who offered him a position in the Latin Church and
106).30 Essential to the text are its many maps, and these fanned later a cardinal’s hat. Bessarion moved to Italy and became a
an interest in such world atlases that only increased with a leading churchman and a prominent humanist. As cardinal, he
subsequent Latin translation of the Geography, then a printed had the means to amass a personal library of manuscripts through
edition, and at the end of the century other geographical works the purchase and copying of texts, which he did with particular
inspired by it. As a result, an illustrated copy of Ptolemy’s zeal after the fall of Constantinople and what he saw as a dire
Geography became a common feature of an aristocratic library.31 threat to Greek culture.33
Chrysoloras’s own manuscript of the Geography passed to the Bessarion concentrated on assembling the central works of
wealthy Florentine humanist Palla Strozzi, who willed it to his Greek literature, ancient and medieval, and sought out early copies.
sons with the stipulation that it should never leave the family’s In Crete he had a scribe on retainer, Michael Apostolis, who copied
possession, a provision that was soon broken. The manuscript manuscripts for him and made trips about the island and to
ended up in the collection of Federigo da Montefeltro, Duke of Constantinople in search of manuscripts.34 The cardinal donated his
Urbino. His son Guidubaldo had an elaborate tooled binding library to the Republic of Venice in 1468, and as a result the
made for the manuscript, a sign of the high value accorded it.32 Biblioteca Marciana today has a major collection of Greek
| 331 |
epigram is from the Greek Anthology, a collection of poems from
various centuries that was redacted by Maximos Planoudes in
Constantinople: “Ptolemy/I know that [I] am mortal, a creature
of a day; but when I search into the multitudinous revolving
spirals of the stars my feet no longer rest on the earth, but,
standing by Zeus himself, I take my fill of ambrosia, the food of
the Gods.”40 Bessarion owned the autograph copy of the Anthology,
which Planoudes had finished writing in September 1299. This
manuscript was among a group that Giovanni Aurispa had
brought to Italy earlier in the fifteenth century. Bessarion acquired
it some years later, and hence it is now in Venice, Bibl. Marc. Z.
481.38 Planoudes copied the poem in question on folio llv of
Bessarion’s manuscript, and inscribed beside it the name Ptolemy
in the margin. Beneath the Greek verses on the portrait of
Ptolemy is a Latin translation, prepared by Bessarion’s learned
secretary, Niccolò Perotti.42
Well educated in Greek and Latin, Perotti had come to Rome
in 1447 at the start of the pontificate of the humanist Pope
Nicholas V, who launched the Vatican Library on a sustained
period of acquiring Greek manuscripts and generally supported
humanistic endeavors. Perotti attached himself to the entourage of
Cardinal Bessarion and remained with him until Bessarion’s death
in 1472, while also fulfilling papal duties and leading an active
Fig. 138 | Miniature with the portrait of Ptolemy from Ptolemy's Geography, scholarly life.43 Perhaps on his own or through his patron, Perotti
ca. 1453. Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice, Gr. Z.388 [=333], fol. 6v. Photo: The Art obtained a handsome Byzantine miniature mosaic of Saint
Archive/Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana Venice/Gianni Dagli Orti, Ref: AA361043.
Demetrios of the fourteenth century (fig. 139).44 Bessarion also had
a collection of mosaics, some of which he donated to St. Peter’s in
manuscripts that includes a number of fine illuminated Byzantine
codices that Bessarion owned, such as the early eleventh-century
Psalter of Basil II.35 His primary goal, however, was the preservation
of ancient Greek culture, not the re-creation of Byzantine art.
Thus when it came to having a copy of Ptolemy’s Geography
made for his library about 1453, he commissioned a deluxe
manuscript from the Cretan émigré priest and scribe Ioannes
Rhosos. This is among the first extant manuscripts that Rhosos
made in Italy. He would go on to copy scores of Greek
manuscripts for humanists across Italy, but Bessarion was his first
patron and probably the one who facilitated his entry into the
rarified world of Greek manuscript collectors.36 Bessarion wrote
some of the labels in the Ptolemy manuscript himself, an indication
of the importance that he placed on the project.37 Like
Chrysoloras’s copy, the Ptolemy that Bessarion ordered is in large
format (585 x 435 mm), so that its initial author portrait (fig. 138)
is the size of a small panel painting (370 x 320 mm). Although the
manuscript is Greek, nothing about this miniature is Byzantine,
and it has been attributed to a painter from Ferrara.38 Similarly the
white vine ornament elsewhere is standard for Renaissance
illumination associated with Florence, but also other regions.39
While the author portrait of Ptolemy is therefore Renaissance
in character and depicts an array of scientific instruments in the
study of a fifteenth-century scholar, the Greek verses that Rhosos
copied below turn the whole into another example of Bessarion’s Fig. 139 | Miniature mosaic icon of Saint Demetrios, 14th century,
larger aspiration to transplant Byzantine culture to Italy. The Museo Civico, Sassoferrato, Italy.
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Fig. 140 | Homer, Iliad, ca. 1477.
Vatican City, Vatican Library, Vat. gr.
1626, fols. 1v–2r. Photo: ©2013
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Rome, but his mosaics, like those of Paul II, cannot be identified.45 15, 1477 (fig. 140). The Latin sections have been convincingly
The Saint Demetrios mosaic is thus a rare documented example of attributed to one of the best-studied Renaissance scribes in recent
this genre of Byzantine art in fifteenth-century Rome. decades, Bartolomeo San Vito, who copied manuscripts in an
After Pope Paul II died, in 1471 his successor Sixtus IV elegant italic hand for the humanist elite.50 San Vito was originally
appointed three cardinals—Bessarion, Angelo Capranica, and from Padua, and may have come to Rome with Paul II at the
Francesco Gonzaga—to deal with Paul II’s large debts. The latter beginning of his pontificate in 1464. Later he established himself
(born 1444) was much younger than Bessarion (born circa 1400), in the household or familia of Cardinal Gonzaga. The attribution
and would always be in his intellectual shadow.46 Nevertheless, of the illumination of the Vatican Homer, though vexed, has been
thanks to the wealth of his family in Mantua, Cardinal Francesco resolved through the discovery of a document linking the book
Gonzaga had already acquired a reputation as an expert on objets with Gaspare da Padova, who, like San Vito, is documented as
d’art. Much is known about his collections, thanks to inventories working for the cardinal.51
after his death that have been carefully studied by D. S. Chambers. Although the Homer manuscripts were never completed—
They indicate that the cardinal possessed two small old Greek only the Greek text is finished and many frontispieces were never
religious paintings (anchonette grece vechie) of the Crucifixion and the attempted—what was finished is of the highest order, and they
Virgin, presumably Byzantine.47 Were these icons from Paul II’s constitute of one the finest achievements of Italian Renaissance
collection for which the cardinal was a type of co-executor? What is manuscript illumination. More particularly for the purposes of
more certain is that from his first days in Rome, Cardinal Gonzaga this essay, the project is a singular monument to the regard paid
developed a relationship with Bessarion and his Greek circle. In to Byzantine art, because, as has been noted elsewhere, the
1462 Francesco’s father wrote his son seeking his help in having a decorated frame of the Greek frontispieces imitates the ornament
Greek Bible copied. The request led Francesco to Bessarion, who and presentation of Byzantine manuscripts of the tenth and
offered him manuscripts and invited him to dinner.48 eleventh centuries.52 The architectural frontispiece of the Latin
Cardinal Gonzaga’s interests in matters Greek continued after page, in contrast, displays piles of Roman arms and classicizing
Bessarion’s death in 1472. A few years later Francesco architecture that are typical of Gaspare’s book decoration and of
commissioned one of the most unusual creations of the Greco- Venetian illumination more generally. At the top of each
Roman humanism of Renaissance Rome, a bilingual copy of the frontispiece are three narrow panels with the same vignette from
Iliad and the Odyssey, now in the Vatican Library (Vat. Gr. Book I of the Iliad. Excepting minor compositional variations, the
1626–7).49 Rhosos, the scribe whom Bessarion had used for his only significant difference between the Greek and Latin narrative
Ptolemy manuscript, copied the Greek sections of both volumes, scenes is that the Greek versions replace the standard Renaissance
finishing the Iliad on May 31, 1477, and the Odyssey on September landscape with medieval gold backgrounds in the two lateral
| 333 |
important to him as they are to us today? These questions cannot
be answered with the information available, but the fact of the
appreciation of Byzantine illumination is not to be denied.
In 1478 Cardinal Gonzaga engaged Rhosos to copy a Greek
Gospel book for him, probably not because he wanted to read the
scriptures in the original Greek, a language he did not command,
but because like many humanist bibliophiles he enjoyed the
prestige of owning Greek books. If the cardinal’s library had an
illustrated Homer in Greek, then it was appropriate for it also to
include the four Gospels, now London, Brit. Lib. Harley 5790 (fig.
141). In this case, the illuminator has not been identified, but the
model for the Byzantine illumination can be specified, an eleventh-
century Gospel, presently, but not then, in the Vatican Library,
Ross. 135–138 (fig. 142). Its whereabouts in the fifteenth century
are not known, other than it must have been available to the
Fig. 141 | The Four Gospels, 1478. British Library, London, Ms. Harley 5790, fols. 232v–233r. illuminator of the Gonzaga manuscript about 1478. The decorative
Photo: ©The British Library Board. program at the beginning of each of the four Gospels conforms to
the Byzantine model with certain revealing exceptions. While the
iconography of the headpiece and marginal decoration follows the
medieval model, the cardinal’s illuminator depicted the evangelist in
a wholly Renaissance style, much as Paris Bordone had
transformed the Byzantine iconic image of Christ (figs. 136–137).
In the Renaissance miniature (fig. 141) John turns his back to
the facing page and copies his text on a sturdy desk, as his symbol,
the eagle, hovers majestically above. The Byzantine evangelist (fig.
142), as is typical, has no symbol. Instead he is inspired directly by
the hand of God in the upper right corner of the frame. John looks
to the right and gestures with that hand toward the opposite page,
where a medallion of Christ, the Logos (Word), is positioned
above that word in John 1:1, “In the Beginning was the Word.” In
the margin, the figure of John the Baptist stands next to verse 6:
Fig. 142 | Gospel, 11th century. Vatican City, Vatican Library, Vat. Ross. 138, fols. 3r–4r. “There was a man sent from God, whose name was John. He
Photo: ©2013 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. came for testimony to bear witness.” John’s raised hand visually
indicates that witness, as does the evangelist’s gesture on the facing
panels. Only the Latin frontispiece has delicate purple shading page. Word and image are thereby fused. The Byzantine
around the frame, enhancing the illusionism of the architecture. miniaturist has conceived of both pages as a unified space for a
Without that shading, three-dimensional structures, and divine drama that is performed on, across, and before the pages of
landscapes, the Greek page appears flatter, but as a result, its text this small book that the pious beholder could easily hold. Much of
block is better integrated into the total design than Latin side, all this subtlety was lost in the Renaissance translation and
characteristics of Byzantine illumination generally. enlargement. The Byzantine book is a personal devotional text (195
By these differences, Gaspare da Padova distinguished between x 140 mm [7 ⅔ x 5 ½ in.]). The cardinal’s manuscript (310 x 215
a Greek and Latin antiquity. For the latter, he employed the well- mm [12 ¼ x 8 ½ in]) is three times larger, so that the book is less
established visual vocabulary of Renaissance art; for the former, he intimate and more for show, an object to be displayed on a desk.
resorted to the only Greek antiquity available to him—old Greek The collecting of Greek manuscripts continued past the
manuscripts in Roman collections. Since Cardinal Bessarion’s fifteenth century. These manuscripts were treasured, sometimes
manuscripts had already been sent to Venice, the largest Greek restored for better or worse, and from the seventeenth century they
library then in Rome was at the Vatican. Its holdings increased became the subjects of scholarly study. The appreciation of the
rapidly during the period, and could be consulted by appropriate larger category of Byzantine art, however, did not extend long past
individuals, such as a cardinal, so models would have been available the end of the Byzantine Empire, with the exception of certain
to Cardinal Gonzaga’s illuminator. Did Gaspare know that he was icons. Byzantine icons had had a major impact in the West in the
copying not ancient but Byzantine manuscripts and confuse the later Middle Ages, and in certain areas, especially Venice, they
ancient and the medieval, an example of what has lately been called continued to influence religious painting (fig. 136) into the
the “Anachronic Renaissance?”53 Or were such distinctions as sixteenth century and to play important devotional roles much
| 334 |
8
Striker and Hawkins 1997, 128–42.
9
Westphalen 2007, 51–62; Akyürek 2011, 327–41. More frescoes have been
discovered since these publications. See Tarih 39 (2012), 34–46. I thank Robert
Ousterhout for this reference.
10
Belting 2006, 138–53.
11
Vasari 1966, 2:30; Vasari 1977, 46.
12
Gould 1975, 38.
13
This is not to say that the direct model was necessarily a Byzantine icon, for this
general composition was known earlier in Renaissance Venice, appearing, for
example, in the wooden ceiling of the Sala dell’Albergo of the former Scuola Grande
di Santa Maria della Carità, now the Gallerie dell’Accademia, in Venice. See Rosand
1997, fig. 61. I thank David Rosand for this reference.
14
Demus 1991, 133–34; Bacci, in Florence 1992, 133–34. See Marcucci 1958, 79, for
its exhibition history. Formerly displayed in the Uffizi, the panel was sent to the
Bargello in 1865.
15
See notes 2 and 3.
16
See the example of the lunette mosaic of a half-figure of Christ blessing and holding
a book open to this text at Hosios Loukas, discussed in Nelson 1989, 147. For lamps,
see Loffreda 2001.
17
Paul Hetherington (1992, 203–11) surveys the Vasarian perspective for central Italy,
and thus the negative judgment of Byzantine art, and contrasts this with the
contemporary regard for ancient Greek literature. While his conclusions apply to the
evidence he deduces, the frame of my essay is larger and the material studied
different.
18
Müntz 1879, 143.
19
Fulton 2006, 54–55; Fusco and Corti 2006, 6, 128.
20
Fusco and Corti 2006, 74, 164.
21
Ibid., 74.
22
Nagel and Wood 2010, 130–33.
23
On the one Renaissance mosaic that had been identified, see Marco Collareta in
Fig. 143 | Madonna Nicopea, possibly 12th century. North transept of San Marco, Florence 1992, 135.
24
Venice. Photo: ©2013. Photo Scala, Florence. Fusco and Corti 2006, 110, 379
25
Preyer 1998, 361–62, fig. 2.
26
Fusco and Corti 2006, 121–28.
later, as in the case of the Madonna Nicopea (fig. 143), which 27
28
Baxandall 1972, 6, fig. 2.
Wilson 1992, 8–12.
remains in religious use in the north chapel of San Marco to this 29
Ibid., 25–27.
day. Yet in the process such an icon became so thoroughly 30
Swerdlow 1993, 158; Nelson 1995, 219. More recently Patrick Gautier Dalché has
incorporated into the rituals and music of its locality that it was as cast doubt on the association of Urb. Gr. 82 with Chrysoloras and Palla Strozzi, thus
doubting the latter’s will, to which I give greater credence: Dalché 2007, 287–89.
much or more Venetian than Byzantine.54 In the same way, 31
See Roberts 2013, 41–43.
Cardinal Bessarion’s great collection of Greek manuscripts came to 32
De Marinis 1960, 1:87, pl. XXXII.
33
Labowsky 1967, 686–96; Venice 1994, 229–40. A recent study on Bessarion is
be installed at the civic center of Venice in the splendid library that
Monfasani 2011. In a manuscript of the Horologium (Venice, Marc. Gr. 14), he
the Venetian Senate commissioned Jacopo Sansovino to erect. recorded with dates his curriculum vitae, the religious offices he held up to cardinal.
Byzantine objects that came to Italy during the Renaissance See Saffrey 1964, 270–72.
34
Geanakoplos 1962, 73–110.
survived because they became part of that Renaissance in some 35
Venice 1968, 33–34; Cutler 1984, 115–19.
way or another, though much of their former religious character 36
Vogel and Gardthausen 1909, 187–93; Gamillscheg and Harlfinger 1989, 2A:101–2.
was lost. In contrast, the Byzantine objects from Greece in our 37
38
Venice 1968, 52
Ferrari 1938, 23–37.
exhibition were preserved by different communities after 1453 that 39
Ibid., fig. 2.
allowed them to remain closer to their medieval status until they 40
Translated in the entry in Washington D. C. 1991, 227.
too became artworks in a “museum,” a word of ancient Greek
41
Turyn 1972, 1:90–96; Venice 1968, 60; Labowsky 1979, 8.
42
Mercati 1925, 22.
origin but an institution of the Enlightenment and Romanticism 43
D’Amico 1983, 13–14.
that nourishes our world. 44
New York 2004, 231–33, no. 139 (J. Durand), with further bibliography.
45
Müntz 1879, 298; Cutler 1995, 252.
46
Chambers 1992, 46–47. On Bessarion’s birthdate, see Saffrey 1964, 273–75.
47
Chambers 1992, 88, 164. The word anchonette or anconetta is the diminuative of
1
For the phrase quoted and recent work in post-colonial studies that is in the ancona, the latter referring to a large religious painting, such as an altarpiece. The
background of this part of the essay, see Trautmann 2012, 174–205. For an earlier word derives from the Byzantine Greek for icon. See Battaglia 1961, 447. I thank my
discussion of Byzantine art’s relation to the larger discipline see Nelson 1996, 3–11. colleague Giuseppe Mazzotta for aid in this matter.
48
After this essay was completed, there has appeared Lymberopoulou and Duits 2013, Chambers 1992, 57.
49
with relevant articles. On the Vatican Homer, see most recently Mantua 2006, 256–59 (Antonio Iacobini
2
Vasari 1966, 2:14; Vasari 1977, 32; Elsner 2000, 149–84; Marlowe 2006, 223–42. and Gennaro Toscano), with further bibliography.
50
3
Vasari 1966, 2:29; Vasari 1977, 46. De La Mare and Nuvoloni 2009.
51
4
Vasari 1966, 2:36; Vasari 1977, 50. Toscano 2006, 103–9.
52
5
In the scholarly literature that attribution is still debated between Byzantine, Crusader, That point is made in Nelson 2004, 522–23, and reaffirmed by Iacobini and Toscano
or Italian. See most recently New York 2004, 476–77 (R. Corrie). 2006, 258–59.
53
6
Nelson forthcoming. Nagel and Wood 2010, 144.
54
7
Nelson 1985, 548–66; Nelson 2007a, 79–92; Di Fabio 1998, 275–79. Moore 1984, 299–355; Schulz 1998, 475–501.
| 335 |
Abbreviations
AAA Archaiologika Analekta ex Athenon

AASS Acta Sanctorum
ABME Archeion ton Byzantinon Mnemeion tes Hellados
ADelt Archaiologikon Deltion
AE Archaiologike Ephemeris
AJA American Journal of Archaeology
AntTard Antiquité tardive
ArtB Art Bulletin
BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellénique
BICS Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, University of London
BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CahArch Cahiers archéologiques
CEMyR Centro de Estudios Medievales y Renacentistas
CIETA Centre International d’Etudes des Textiles Anciens
Corinth Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens
DACL Dictionnaire d’Archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie
DChAE Deltion tes Christianikes Archaiologikes Hetaireias
DIEE Deltion tes Historikes kai Ethnologikes Hetaireias tes Hellados
DOC Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore
Collection, I–V. Washington, D.C., 1966–99
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers
EEBS Epeteris Hetaireias Byzantinon Spoudon
EEPhSPA Epistemonike Epeteris tes Philosophikes Scholes tou Panepistemiou Athenon
EEPhSPTh Epistemonike Epeteris tes Philosophikes Scholes tou Panepistemiou Thessalonikes
FD Fouilles de Delphes, III. Épigraphie. Paris, 1929
IG Inscriptiones graecae
JbAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum
JDAI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts
JÖB Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik
JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
LCI Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie
LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae
LRC Catalogue of Late Roman Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore
Collection: from Arcadius and Honorius to the Accession of Anastasius. Washington, D.C., 1992
MIB Moneta Imperii Byzantini
MonPiot Monuments et mémoires publiés par l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres: Fondation Eugène Piot
ODB Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium
PAA Praktika tes Akademias Athenon
PAE Praktika tes en Athenais Archaeologikes Hetaireias
PraktikaChAE Praktika tes Christianikes Archaiologikes Hetaireias
PG Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Graeca
RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum
RbK Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst
REB Revue des études byzantines
Römische Quartalschrift Römische Quartalschrift für Christliche Alterthumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte
Saggi e Memorie Saggi e Memorie di Storia dell’Arte
TIB Tabula Imperii Byzantini
| 336 |
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Glossary
Acheiropoietos (Gr., “Not made by hands”): Great Taxiarch or Taxiarch: a title for the Panagia Gorgoepikoos (Gr., “Quick Hearing Thebaid: a Greek term for Upper Egypt,
miraculous icons attributed to an archangel Michael, referring to his role as a All Holy Lady”): an appellation of the which became a monastic center in Late
apparition of Christ, the Virgin Mary, or a commander of angels. Virgin Mary and name for churches as well. Antiquity.
saint and the self-transfer of their own Groin vault: two intersecting barrel vaults. Pantokrator (Gr., “All-ruler”): an Thorakion: type of garment; a finely
image onto a material object. iconographic type depicting Christ, trimmed cloak, possibly with openings for
Acroteria: architectural ornaments affixed to Heater shield: a small combat shield with a bearded, frontal, holding a book in his left the arms, dyed in imperial colors.
the upper corners of a roof or lid. flat top and sides curving into a single hand and his right raised in a gesture of Titulus: 1. a Roman sign or inscription posted
Arcosolium: arched recess usually for a point, so called because its shape blessing. on a public structure; 2. a label included in
tomb, carved out of or built in front of a resembles that of the device used for Parakletike: a liturgical book containing a work of art.
wall. pressing cloth. variable hymns for all seven days of the Tourkopouloi: Turkish Byzantine cavalrymen.
Heraldic: an adjective for heraldry, a design week. Triclinium (-a): dining room.
Basse-taille: an application of transparent with symbols signifying the identity of a Parekklesion: a small chapel adjacent to a Trisagion (Gr., “Thrice-Holy”): a short hymn
enamel to a metal surface with carved nobleperson. The term is also applied to larger church. recited in the liturgy and prayers: “Holy
designs. the symbolic and stylized depiction of Patriarchal cross: a form of the cross with God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, have
Bullion: pure precious metal melted into bars animals in various art forms. two horizontal arms. The short upper one mercy on us.”
or ingots for reuse, such as in currency or Hermaic stele: a stele with a bust of the god signifies the name card hung above
jewelry. Hermes placed in a public space. Christ’s head. Virgin Atheniotissa: an appellation of the
Himation: outer garment worn by men and Peplos: a long feminine Greek garment, Virgin Mary as the patron of the Christian
Cameo: carved precious or semiprecious women in Classical and Late Antiquity. folded and attached at the shoulders. church established in the Parthenon in
stone, on which the representation is in Histamenon: a term applied in the eleventh Polyeleos (Gr.”All-merciful”): an epithet for Athens.
relief. century to the full-weight, standard gold Jesus Christ. Virgin Blachernitissa: an appellation of the
Chiton: tunic in various materials and length, coin, with concave faces in contrast to the Prependulia (or pendulia): ornaments Virgin Mary deriving from her cult images
worn by men and women in Byzantium. tetarteron. suspended from crowns on either side. held at the Blachernae Monastery in
Chrysobull: an imperial document sealed by Hypatos: a title for a consul in Classical and Presanctified gifts: the Eucharist, Constantinople.
a gold bulla with the Emperor’s label or Late Roman imperial contexts. consecrated during the Sunday liturgy and Virgin Eleousa (Gr., “of compassion”): an
monogram. Hyperpyron: a standard gold coin of 4.55g set aside for services during the weekdays appellation accompanying different
Clavus (-i): vertical stripe decorating tunics. but only 20.5 carats issued by Alexios I in iconographic types of the Virgin often
of Great Lent.
Cloisonné: enamel technique in which the 1092 and continued by his successors. showing her holding the Christ Child in a
Propylon: a columned, monumental
colors are separated by thin strips of metal. tender embrace.
entryway.
Colobium: a tunic, with or without sleeves, Impluvium: a basin for collecting rainwater Virgin Glykofilousa (Gr. “who kisses
Proskynetarion: a cult image displayed either
ampler than the chiton. in an atrium. sweetly”): also Virgin of Tenderness; an
on a church’s walls or within a templon.
Cornucopia: a horn-shaped container with iconographic type depicting the Virgin
Prothesis: the space, north of the sanctuary,
an abundance of fruits, grains, and Kantharos: a drinking vessel with a stemmed Mary holding and kissing the Christ Child.
containing the preparation table for the
vegetables. round base and two large handles. Virgin Portaitissa (Gr., “Gate Keeper”): a
bread and wine offered for Eucharistic
Cross-in-square church: the most popular Katholikon: the primary church of a name given to a miraculous icon of the
consecration.
church plan type from the Middle monastery. Virgin Hodegetria housed at the Iveron
Protospatharios: first sword-bearer; a title
Byzantine period onward. Keystone: the final stone placed into the monastery’s gate on Mount Athos.
used for high military commanders, also
center of an arch. Virgin Hodegetria: an iconographic type
conferred on other imperial dignitaries and
Despot (Gr., “Master, Lord”): a court title Kymation (Gr., “Wave”): architectural depicting the Virgin Mary holding the
officers.
used for the highest-ranking imperial molding. Christ Child on her left arm while she
Protonotarios tou Dromou: chief of
officials, the emperor, and the family of gestures toward him with her right hand.
notaries, who acted as a representative for
the emperor. Lozenge: a diamond shape used in Named after the miraculous icon housed in
the imperial post’s supervisor.
Diatreta: pierced openwork technique. The ornament. the Hodegon Monastery in
Psychopomp: a supernatural spirit
term applies to jewelry and glass vessels. Lyre: a handheld, U-shaped string instrument Constantinople.
associating with the dead soon after
Dodekaorton: the Twelve Great Feasts of played like a harp.
the Orthodox liturgical cycle. death. Zeuxippos Ware: a category of sgraffito
Megas Logothetis (Gr., “Great Administrator”): pottery named after the place where it
Enkomion: a speech written in praise of a a high official supervising primarily but not Repoussé: the technique of hammering low- was first found, the Zeuxippos Baths in
person’s attributes or accomplishments. exclusively those working in fiscal offices. relief designs from the back side of a metal Constantinople, characterized by a
Epistyle: beam of the Byzantine templon Menologion: a text containing the lives of sheet. distinguished quality and fine ornamental
screen. Christian saints organized according to or figural designs.
Escutcheon: a shield embellished with a coat their feast days in the church calendar. Sella curulis: a portable Roman folding chair
of arms. Myrrophores (Gr., “Myrrh-bearers”): the with a cushion and two curved legs.
Eucharist: the portion of the liturgy involving holy women bearing perfumed oils who Solidus: the standard Byzantine gold coin,
the consecration of bread and wine into came to Christ’s tomb after his Crucifixion. weighting 24 carats or 4,55g, also called
the body and blood of Christ. nomisma. In the late tenth century it
Eulogia (Gr. “Blessing”): blessed objects Narthex: the entrance room of a church, began to split in two separate
distributed to pilgrims. originally for baptisms and catechumens denominations, histamenon and
hearing the liturgy. tetarteron. From 1092 onward the coin is
Filigree: an ornamental design, usually in Niello: a metallic sulfide mixture used for generally called hyperpyron.
wires of precious metal, attached to an decorating metals. Suppedaneum: a footrest.
object’s surface. Nilotic iconography: scenes or motifs
inspired by Nile‘s landscape. Templon: a barrier erected between the nave
Gesso grosso: a coarse gypsum paste applied Nimbus cruciger: a halo containing a cross and sanctuary, developing from a low
as the first layer of a painting surface. extending from Christ’s head. fence in Late Antiquity into a large
Gesso sottile: a fine gypsum paste applied as iconostasis.
the final gesso layer of a painting surface. Officina (Lat., “workshop”): a mint’s Tetarteron: the gold nomisma about 2 carats
Great Entrance: part of the Divine Liturgy individual sections of currency production. lighter than the standard, in circulation
during which the prepared Eucharistic Orans: a gesture of prayer in which the arms from about 965 to 1092, or a copper coin
elements are brought to the alter in a are held up at an angle with outstretched in circulation from 1092 to the second half
ritual procession. hands. of the thirteenth century.
| 359 |
Index
Abbey of Saint-Denis, 279 Antinoë, Egypt, 256 Baghdad, 30, 41, 281, 285–86, 292; Christ, 32–33, 35, 46, 62, 76–77, 80–84,
Abd al-Malik, 32 Antioch (Antakya), 29, 30, 36–41, 49, 77, House of Wisdom, 286 88–90, 92–93, 98, 100, 105, 109–10,
Abdera (see Polystylon) 80, 109, 203, 206, 228, 232, 258 Bakchos, Saint, 173 147, 157, 159, 268, 269, 289, 317,
Abegg Stiftung, 154 Antiochos the Monk 235 Balkans, 81, 99, 116–17, 130, 214, 321, 331; the Amnos, 156; Emmanuel,
Abgar, King, 109–10 Apamea, 36, 39–42, Cardo Maximus, 42 297, 311 140; enthroned, 88–91, 150, 159, 314,
Academy of Plato, 30, 43, 58, Aphrodisias, 34, 53, 57 Balli kilise, Soǧ anli, 235 328; as Good Shepherd, 62–64; as High
Acciajuoli, Franco/Francesco, duke of Aphrodite, 60, 173–75, 208–9, 231; of Balsamon, Theodore, 209 Priest, 150; Jesus Hominum Salvator,
Athens, 315 Knidos 45, 46; of Aspremont- Baptism of Christ, 106, 161–62 322–23; as Just Judge, 139; in Majesty,
Achaia, 51, 251 Lynden/Arles, 60 Basil I, 82, 88, 153, 176 49; Last Judgment, 329; Man of Sorrows,
Acheiropoietos, 109 Apocalypse, 49, 188 Basil II, 82, 89–90, 185, 214, 283 131–32; Pantokrator, 86, 88–91, 106,
Achilles, 68–69 Apokaukos, Alexios, 298 Basil, Saint, 141, 147, 150, 152 110, 134, 152, 270–71, 313, 331;
Adam, 206, 323 Apolausis, 38, 203 Basra, Iraq, 293 Passion of, 137; Polyeleos, 313;
Adonis, 208–9 Apollo, 47, 70, 317 Bel, Temple of, 40 Presenting the Law, 118; Second
Adoration of the Magi, 331 Apollonius of Tyana, 35 Bellerophon, 62, 64–65, 174 Coming, 48, 50; Wisdom of God, 110,
Adrianople (Edirne, Turkey), 152, 297 Aquinas, Thomas, 280 Benjamin of Tudela, 204–5 134–35;
Adriatic Sea, 214 Ararat, Mount 214 Bernardino of Siena, Saint, 323 Christogram, 221
Aegean Sea, 100, 214 Ares, 173, 209 Beroea, Syria, 40 Christopher, Saint, 301
Aeschylus, 181, 193, 232 Arethas of Caesarea, 177 Beryozovo, Russia, 206 Chrysoloras, Manuel, 168, 331–32
Aetios, 188 Argolid, 300 Bessarion, Cardinal, 331–35 Chrysopolis (see Üsküdar, Turkey)
Agamemnon, 170 Argos, 228, 240 Bet She’an, Israel, 243 Cilicia, 77
Agathias, 223 Aristophanes, 181 Beth Misona Hoard, Syria, 149 Cilician Armenia, 150
Aigina, 61–62 Aristotle, 30, 172, 181, 194–96, 284, Bethlehem, 107 Circe, 166
Akova, Arcadia, 302 286, 302 Betrayal of Christ, 137 Cleitophon, 46
Akrini, Kozani, triconch martyrion, 96 Aristoxenus, 193–94 Birth of Saint John the Baptist, 219 Clement of Alexandria, 258
Akrites, 237 Arius, 76 Bithynia, Asia Minor, 289, 298 Cleonides, 194
Akronauplion, 301 Ark of the Covenant, 171 Black Sea, 84, 214 Codex Purpureus, 183–84
Alcaeus, 66 Arkadios, 59, 84, 168 Boethius, 196 Commodus, 36
Alcibiades, 66 Armenia, 305 Boniface of Montferrat, 272 Communion of the Apostles and
Alcman, 66 Arta, 317–18 Bordone, Paris, painter, 329–30, 334 Transmission, 127, 156, 157
Alexander of Aphrodisias, 34–35 Artabasdos, 98 Boreas, Leo 153 Constans II , 86, 87
Alexander the Great, 29–30, 40, 198; Artemis, 51, 54, 173–75 Boris, Saint, 291 Constantine I, 31, 45, 59, 75–77, 79, 81,
Ascension of, 199, 274–75, 312 Ascension of Christ, 107, 130, 161–62, Bosporos, 214, 279 87, 88, 95, 103, 126, 153, 170, 282
Alexandra, Queen, 317 313 Bryas, Bosporus Coast, palace of, 292 Constantine III Leichoudis, 178
Alexandria, 77, 80, 142, 253, 295, 305 Asia, 191; diocese, 77 Bubastis, Egypt, 232–34 Constantine IV, 87, 282
Alexios I Komnenos, 79, 89, 90, 219, 275 Asia Minor, 45, 56–57, 63–65, 81, 100, Bucephalus, Alexander’s horse, 198 Constantine V, 79, 81, 87, 98, 100, 284
Alexios III Angelos, 272 182, 214, 260, 272, 295, 297–98 Bulgaria, 81, 243, 287, 290, 311 Constantine VI, 88, 98, 100
Alexios III Komnenos of Trebizond, 198 Asklepieia, 95 Buondelmonti, Cristoforo, 305 Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, 82,
Alexios, megas stratopedarches, 116 Asklepios, 51–52, 55 Burgundy, 313 87–89, 177, 195, 264, 283, 288
Algeria hoard, 258 Atalanta, 174 Byzantion (see Constantinople) Constantine VIII, 90
al-Ma’mun, caliph, 292 Athanasios of Alexandria Saint 76, 116, Constantine IX Monomachos, 90, 178,
Alonnisos, Sporades, 205, 236, 295 142, 150 Caesarea (Kayseri, Turkey), 177, 183–84 207
al-Radi, Abbasid caliph, 285 Athanasios the Athonite, Saint 115, 117, Cairo, 292–93, 295 Constantine, bishop of Preslav, 291
Alyki, Thasos, 96 176 Calandrice (or Chalandritsa), Achaia, 302 Constantine the Philosopher (see Cyril,
Alypius, 193–94 Athaulf, King, 286 Callistratus, 232 Saint)
Amalfi, 115 Athena, 45, 61, 70, 173; Parthenos, 53 Calvary cross, 84, 87 Constantine Palaiologos, sebastokrator, 302
Amazons, 172; shield of, 257 Athens, 46, 59, 65, 68, 70, 97, 212–13, Campania, 313 Constantinople, 45, 77–79, 103;
Ammonios, 234 240, 311, 315; Academy of, 96; Camposanto, Pisa, 322 Augustaion, 168, 211; Baths of
Amphipolis, 96–97, 121; church (possibly Acropolis, 58, 60, 61, 67–68, 97; Candia (see Heraklion) Zeuxippos, 45, 211; Blachernae, Church
of Saint Mokios), 97 Agora, 94; Areopagus, 58, 212; Capranica, Angelo, 333 of the Theotokos, 78; Blachernae
Anacreon, 66 Asklepieion, 95; Basilica of Leonides, 94; Caričin Grad (see Justiniana Prima) imperial bath, 269; Blachernae palace,
Anakeion, 67 Church of Hagioi Theodoroi, 293; Cassander, King, 30 78; Chalke Gate, 98; Chora Monastery
Anastasios I, Emperor, 231 Church of Hagios Ioannis Mangoutis, Castell’Arquato, 157 (Kariye Camii), 140–41, 188, 299, 314;
Anastasios the Persian, Saint, 107–8 123; Erechtheion, 97; Library of Castelseprio, Santa Maria foris Portas, 101 Constantine Lips Monastery, 244;
Anastasioupolis (see Peritheorion) Hadrian, 59–60; Megale Panagia, Castor (see Dioskouroi) Church of the Pharos, 109; Great
Anastasis, 147, 152, 156, 161–62, 323 church, 60; Monastiraki, 59; Panagia Catherine, Saint, 128, 317 Palace, 78, 82, 169, 212, 245; Hagia
Andravida (Andreville), 301; Saint Sophia, Gorgoepikoos, church, 172–73, 310; Caucasus, 116 Irene, 99–100, 155; Hagia Sophia, 78–79,
301; Saint James, 301 Parthenon, 47, 61, 94, 97; Prophet Celestial Liturgy, 150 82–83, 89, 90–92, 96–97, 100, 103–4,
Andrew, Apostle, 126–27, 129, 131 Elijah, Staropazaro (?), church, 314–15; Cephalonia, 194, 251 107–8, 126, 211, 245, 286;
Andrew of Constantinople, Saint (Andreas Sanctuary of Aphrodite and Eros, 60; Chaldia, 115 Hippodrome, 45, 168, 170, 204, 207,
Salos), 292 tetraconch church, 94; Virgin Chalkis, 199 212, 252; Hodegon Monastery, 137,
Andronikos I Komnenos, 87 Atheniotissa, church, 61 Chandax (see Heraklion) 155, 190; Holy Apostles, church of, 76,
Andronikos II Palaiologos, 92, 297–98 Athos (see Mount Athos) Chania, 56–57, 305 137; Kalenderhane Camii, 329;
Andronikos III Palaiologos, 92, 297–98 Atman (Osman), Turkish ruler, 298 Charlemagne, 280, 284 Magnaura, 78, 177, 285; Mese, 211,
Andros, 310 Attis, 34 Chazars, 283 213; Milion, marker, 211; Obelisk of
Angelos, painter, 162, 320 Augustus, 31, 40, 76 Cherubim, 156 Theodosios I, 59; Palace of Antiochos,
Anicius Faustus Albinus, Basilius, consul, 92 Aurispa, Giovanni, 331–32 Chimera, 64–65 212; Pammakaristos, 314; Pantokrator
Anna Komnene Doukaina (Madame Azariah (see Three Youths in the Furnace) Chios, 195, 217, 305 Monastery, 91; Pera, church of St.
Agnes), 300–301 Azov Sea, 283 Chiragan, France, 56 Dominic (Arab Camii), 329; Petriou
Anna, prophetess, 160 Chiron, 68 Monastery, 92; Prodromos Petras
Anna of Savoy, 92, 298 Babiotis Monastery, Dormition of the Choniates, Niketas, 168, 170 Monastery, 187–88, 197; Scutari,
Annunciation, 106–7, 161–62, 181 Virgin, 251 Chosroes, 41, 282 Monastery of the Theotokos, 185;
Antakya, Turkey (see Antioch) Babylon, 198 Cimabue, 328 Stoudios Monastery, 115, 126, 176;
Anthemios of Tralles, 97 Bačkovo, Bulgaria, Petritzos Monastery, 245 Chlemoutsi (Chloumoutsi), Clermont Synaxarion of, 76; Virgin Therapiotissa,
Anthony, Saint, 35, 162–63, 176, 301 Bagaš, Anthony, 116 Castle, 301, 312 church of, 155
| 360 |
Contarini, Andrea, 251 Dousikou Monastery, 185 George, Saint, 65, 87, 112, 140, 152–53, Holy Trinity, 143
Cordova, Spain, 292 Dubrovnik, Croatia (see Ragusa) 162, 301, 315–17 Homer, 45, 170, 181, 192, 333–34
Corfu, 162 Duccio, 328 George the Polivariotis, Saint, 315 Honorius, 173, 286
Corinth, 51, 212–13, 293–96; Dura-Europos, Syria, 243 Georgios, icon painter, 116 Hosios Dionysios of Trebizond, 116
Forum/Agora, 51; Julian basilica, 94; Dušan, Stefan, 298 Geraki, Laconia, 212, 302; Church of Hosios Loukas Monastery, 106, 309–10
Kraneion basilica, 119–20; Lechaion Saint George, 303 Hosios Pavlos of Xeropotamou, 116
basilica, 61, 97; Panagia Field, 51, East Anglia, 246 Germanos I, patriarch, 105, 171 Hosios Petros the Athonite, 115
212–13; South basilica, 94, 240; South Edessa (see Urfa, Turkey) Germanos Sporgitis, 124 Hospitality of Abraham, 143
Stoa, 212; Temple E, 53 Egypt, 30–31, 35, 45, 77, 80, 172, 191, Gerontas, Georgios Antoniou, 187 House of Flanders, 93
Coronation of David, 169–70 198, 243, 254, 248, 250, 254, 258, Geza I, King, 284 Humbert, Cardinal, 83
Cosmas, Saint, 152–53 283, 293–96, 311 Ghirlandaio, Domenico, 331 Hungary, 284–85, 290
Councils, ecumenical, 77, 79, 80–83, Eleutherna, Crete, 68–69 Giotto, 328 Hypapante (see Presentation of Christ)
98–99, 119, 142; of Ferrara and Elijah, prophet, 132–33, 144 Gironde, France, Saint-Georges-de-
Florence, 331; of Lyons, 116, 117, 299 Elis, 300–301; Church of Panagia Montagne, 54 Iamblichos, 33, 35, 40–41
Crete, 51, 57, 68, 100, 116, 121, 162, Katholike, 303 Gkoritsa, Church of the Archangels, 303 Icaria, 47
191, 196, 198, 217, 264–66, 296, Elkomenos (see Road to Calvary) Glarentza (Killini) 300–301; Blachernai Ignatios, patriarch, 82
304–9, 320, 322–24, 331 Elysian Fields, 48 Monastery, 301–2, Church of Saint Ilium, 45
Crimea, 170, 289 Entombment of Christ, 132, 156 Francis, 301–2 Illyricum, 57, 77–78
Croatia, 287 Entry into Jerusalem, 161–62 Gleb, Saint, 291 Incredulity of Thomas, 138
Crucifixion of Christ, 100, 132, 136–37, Ephesus, 80, 213, 243 Golden Gate, 168 Indian Ocean, 84
147, 161–62, 323–24, 333 Ephraim the Syrian, monk, 185; Dormition Gonzaga, Francesco, 333–34 Indikopleustes, Kosmas, 76, 104–5, 281
Ctesiphon, 41 of 322 Good Shepherd, 62–64 Ino, 232–33
Cybele, 34 Epicurus, 33 Göreme, Cappadocia, Tokali kilise, 235 Ioannes Rhosos, 332–34
Cynegius Maternus, 40 Epidaurus, 52–53 Gortyna, Saint Titus, 96 Ioannidis, Artemios, 146
Cyprus, 100, 150, 296, 305, 316; Basilica Epiphany, 49 Goudeles, 271 Ioannina, 150–51, 152
A at Saint George (Pegeia), 96; Church Epiros, 142, 298, Despotate of, 301, 318 Gousidis, Ioannis, 146 Ionian Sea, 214
of Saint Neophytos, 132; Church of Episkopi, Evrytania, 100 Granicus River, 198 Iran, 36, 292–94
Timios Stavros (Pelendri), 221; Cyprus Episkopi, Kissamos, Church of the Greece, 45, 122, 135, 152, 162, 168, Iraq, 293
hoard, 256–58; Kykkos Monastery, 112; Archangel Michael, 97 182, 191, 214, 232, 237–38, 240, Irene, Saint, 317–18
Lamboussa, 233, 234; Lampsakos Episteme, 46 293–95, 296, 309, 311, 313, 328, 335 Irene of Athens, 81, 88, 98, 100, 148
hoard, 232, 234, 235; Virgin (Panagia) Eros, 173, 175, 209, 233–34 Gregoras, Nikephoros, 127, 299 Irene, wife of John II Komnenos, 91
tou Arakos, 133, 179 Erythron, Cyrenaica (see El Atrun) Gregorios of Chios, monk, 195 Irene Doukaina Angelina Komnene, 318
Cyrenaica, 121, 191 Ethiopia, 77, 191 Gregory of Nazianzos, Saint, 141; Irene Komnene, wife of John III Vatatzes,
Cyril, Saint, 150, 289–91 Euclid, 193–94, 286 Homilies, 75, 80, 145, 173, 175, 180, 91, 93
Eudokia Doukaina, 240 205–6, 216 Isaac I Komnenos, 87
Damascus, Syria, 31, 292 Eudokia, Empress 159 Gregory of Sinai, Saint, 117 Isaac II Angelos, 272
Damaskinos, Michael, 307 Euhemeros of Messene, 30 Gregory Thaumaturgos, Saint, 153 Isaiah, prophet, 49
Damaskios, 58 Eunapios of Sardis, 40 Guidubaldo, 331 Isidore of Miletus, 97
Damian, Saint, 152–53 Euphrasian basilica, Poreč, Croatia, 121 Isis, 32
Dandolo, Andrea, Doge, 329 Euphrates River, 122 Hades, 118 Isocrates, 302
Daniel, prophet, 71, 118 Euripides, 181, 197, 232 Halberstadt, 157 Isova, Our Lady of, 301
Danube Bulgaria, 99 Europa, 51 Halicarnassus, Turkey, 243 Istanbul (see Constantinople)
Danube River, 214 Europe, 191, 279 Hama, 294 Isvardia, 56
Daphne, Antioch, 29, 36–37, 39 Eusebios of Caesarea, 31, 39, 45, 76, Hananiah (see Three Youths in the Italy, 78, 100–101, 114, 116, 145, 149,
Daphni Monastery, 106, 168 185, 187 Furnace) 184, 195–96, 204, 243, 247, 258, 289,
Dar al-Amn, 286 Eustathios of Thessaloniki, 192–93 Heavenly Ladder of Saint John Klimax, 303, 318, 319, 322, 331–32, 335
Dar al-Harb, 286 Eustratios, monk, 112 181–82 Iustinianus, Flavius Petrus Sabbatius (see
Dar al-Hudna, 286 Eutropios of Ephesus, 58 Hector, 68 Justinian I)
Dar al-Islam, 286 Eutychides, 36 Helen, sister of Castor and Pollux, 67
Darius, king, 198 Evangelists, 26, 100, 146, 156, 169, 180, Helena, Saint, 40, 75, 152–53 Jacopo Sansovino, 335
David, biblical king, 169, 170, 181, 225 185, 187–89, 190 Heliodoros, 46 James, Apostle, 189
Death of Hezekiah, 170 Eve (biblical), 206 Helios, 35 James of Compostela, Saint, 301
Decius, 46 Hell, 48, 50 Jason and the Argonauts, 47
Deesis, 126, 138, 152–53, Great 140 Flagellation of Christ, 137 Hellespont, 214 Jerusalem, 32, 77, 94, 107, 136, 161–62;
Delphi, 45, 170 Flanders, 114, 305 Helloteia, 51 Heavenly 49
Demetrios, Saint, 97, 154, 162, 332–33 Florence, 328, 330–32 Hera, 232, 256 Johannes Teutonicus, 281
Demetrios Triclinios, 197 Fra Angelico, workshop of, 322 Herakleia, Thrace, 78 John II Asen, Bulgarian ruler, 318
Demosthenes, 181 France, 258, 284, 300–301, 328 Herakleios Constantine, 31 John II Komnenos, Kaloioannis, 91, 178
Descent from the Cross, 151 Frederick II, 281 Herakleios, Emperor (610–41), 30–31, 78, John III Doukas Vatatzes, 91, 93, 272, 281
Diana (see Artemis) Fustat, Egypt, 293 79, 80, 87, 89, 230–32, 234, 281 John V Palaiologos, 92, 298–99
Didymoteichon, 97, 248, 297 Herakles, 69, 168, 174 John VI Kantakouzenos, 83, 92, 138,
Digenes Akritas, 174, 209, 240 Gabriel, Archangel, 107, 136, 138, 152, Heraklion, Crete, 114, 144, 162–63, 259, 143–44, 150, 297–99, 314
Dinaric Alps, 214 158, 161–62 265, 304–5, 320, 323–24; Hodegetria John VIII Palaiologos, 168
Diocletian, Emperor, 317 Galaction, 46 Monastery, 320 John XIV Kalekas, 298
Diodorus Siculus, 195 Galatia, Monastery of Saint Nicholas, 189 Hermes (mythological), 166, 172–74 John, megas primikerios, 116
Dionysos, 54–55, 172, 174, 207, 232 Galla Placidia, 49, 286 (see also Ravenna) Hermes Kriophoros, 64 John, monk and synkellos, 185
Dionysios, Master, 189 Gallunianu Treasure, 149 Herodotus, 302 John Chrysostom, Saint, 38–39, 109, 133,
Dionysios the Areopagite, 104, 279, 290 Ganos, 217 Hesychios, 196 141, 147, 150, 152, 171, 207–8, 223
Dioskouroi, 67–68 Ganymede, 37 Hezekiah, 169–70 John Geometres, 126
Dodekaorton, 162, 318 Gaudentius the Philosopher, 194 Hinton St. Mary, Dorset, 33 John Klimax, Saint, 181–82, 206, 321
Dodoni, Epiros, 96 Genizah, Cairo, 295 Hippolytus, prince, 204 John Malalas, 46
Dome of the Rock, 32 Genoa, 295; Cathedral of San Lorenzo, Hohenstaufen, Frederick II, 204 John Scholastikos, 79
Domitian Temple (Ephesus), 46 328–29 Holy Land, 95, 260, 283, 290, 330 John Synkellos, 292
Doukas, Georgios, 197 Geon River, 122 Holy Mountain (see Mount Athos) John Tzetzes, 192–93
| 361 |
John Tzimiskes, 115 Last Supper, 131, 137, 206, 215 Melikertes, 232–33 Nea Paphos, Cyprus, 172, 174
John Uglješa, 116 Lausos, 45 Mellon Madonna, 327–28 Nereid, 254
John Uro Doukas Palaiologos (Joasaph, Lazarus, 131 Mesonisi, Crete, 265–67 Nestorius, 80
monk), 152 Leda, 67–68 Mesopotamia, 77, 246 Nicaea, Church of the Dormition of the
John of Antioch, 148 Lefkada, Church of the Pantokrator, 321–22 Messenia, 213, 300, 303 Virgin, 100
John of Damascus, 81, 87 Leo III, Emperor, 78, 81, 87, 98 Meteora, 152, 154; Monastery of the Nicholas II, Tsar, 184
John of Jerusalem, Saint, 303 Leo IV, Emperor, 88, Transfiguration, 138; Great Meteoron Nicholas V, Pope, 332
John the Baptist, 100, 124, 140, 152–53, Leo V, Emperor, 99 Monastery, 152 Nicholas, Saint, 152–53, 162, 179
171, 323 Leo VI, Emperor, 82, 86–87, 89, 177 Methodios, Saint, 289–91 Nicholas Mystikos, patriarch, 82, 282
John the Evangelist, 49, 146, 155, 187–90, Leo X, Pope, 328 Methone, 300, 302 Nicomachus of Gerasa the Pythagorean,
324, 334 Leo the calligrapher, 176 Metochites, Theodoros, 299 194
John the Theologian, 161–63 Leo the Mathematician, 177, 292 Michael I Keroularios, patriarch, 83 Nike, 84
Joseph Kalothetos, 116 Leo the protospatharios, 172 Michael II, 88, 264, 284 Nikephoros, 177
Joseph, patriarch, 190 Leontios, 87 Michael III, 89, 92, 289 Nikephoros, monk, 116
Joseph, Saint, 160 Leucippe, 46 Michael VI Stratiotikos, 92–93 Nikephoros III Botaneiatis, 223
Judas, 324 Libanios, 36–41 Michael VII Doukas, 166, 284 Nikephoros Phokas, 87, 89, 90, 115,
Judas, Saint, 189 Libya, 191 Michael VIII Palaiologos, 92, 111, 116, 266, 284
Julian, Emperor, 31, 38–40, 59 Licinius, 75 297, 299 Nikomedeia, 62–63
Justin II, 100, 230 Lindos, 45 Michael IX, 92 Nikopolis, 53, 96
Justinian I, Emperor, 30, 41, 46, 78–79, Louloudies Kitrous, Episcopal complex, 50 Michael, Archangel, 136, 138–40, 159–60, Nile River, 122
85–86, 103, 126, 168, 211, 286–87 Loutra Ypatis, Phthiotis, 229 162, 223 Nîmes, France, 243
Justinian II, Emperor, 31–32, 89, 282 Luke the Evangelist, 112, 146, 155, 160, Michael, son of Irene Komnene, 318 Nishapur, 293
Justiniana Prima, 78 185, 187, 189, 318 Michael Apostolis, scribe 331 North Africa, 120, 208, 228; Carthage
de Lusignan, Guy, 150; Isabel, 150, 275; Middle East, 216, 219, 221, 281–83 Treasure, 256
Kallegopoulos brothers, 303 Peter I, 150 Milan, 170–71, 196 Novgorod, 154
Kallergis, Alexios, 307 Lysimachos, 168 Military Saints (see Demetrios, George, Novo Brdo, Serbia, 116
Kallion baths, Phokis, 229 Lysippos (sculptor), 168 Theodore), 271 Nubia, 77
Kallimanos, 318 Milvius, bridge, 75–76
Kallisthenes of Olynthos, 198 Macedonia, 97, 100, 116–17, 121, 142, Mishael (see Three Youths in the Furnace) Oblou Monastery, 251–52
Kalopanagiotis, Cyprus, Church of Saints 298 Mistra, 150, 155, 275, 302–3, 313–14, Oceanus, 231
Sergios and Bakchos, 316 Macedonius, 39 331; Brontocheion Monastery, 226, Odysseus, 44, 46, 166; and the Cyclops,
Kalyvia Kouvara, Church of Hagios Petros, Madaba, Jordan, 204 302; Church of Peribleptos Monastery, 168
128 Madinat al-Salam (see Baghdad) 144, 150, 275, 313–14, 320; Church of Ohrid, 156; Saint Sophia, 158
Kantakouzenos, family, 313 Madonna Nicopea (see Virgin Nikopoios) the Virgin Hodegetria (Aphendiko), Olympia, 45
Kaper Koraon Treasure, 149 Magi, 319 Monastery of Christ Zoodotes, 314; Olympias, king, 198
Kaphiona, Mani, Church of Hagioi Magnesia, 91 Hagia Sophia, 314; Metropolis, 313; Orontes, 30
Theodoroi, 302 Malalas, John, 46 Pantanassa, 320 Orpheus, 61–62, 174
Karanis, Egypt, 218 Malea, cape, 214, 300 Mithras, 34 Osman (see Atman)
Karneios, 51 Malesina, Phthiotis, Monastery of Saint Modon (see Methone) Otto I, 284
Karpianos, 185, 187 George, 189 Monastery of Nossiai, 187–88 Otto II, 285
Karyes, 116 Maltese cross, 262 Monemvasia, 275, 300, 302 Otto III, 284
Kastoria, 110, 131–32, 142, 298, 318; Man of Sorrows, 110, 131–32, 151 Monopoli, Apulia, San Stefano, 162 Ovaakçe, 244
Church of Hagioi Anargyroi, 132–33; Manasses, Constantine, 204, 291 da Montefeltro, Federigo, Duke of Urbino,
Church of Hagioi Treis, 142; Church of Mandylion of Edessa, 82, 109–10 331 Pachymeres, George, 298
Hagios Stephanos, 133; Church of Mani, 100, 214, 300; Church of Hagios Moravia, 81, 287; Great, 289-290 da Padova, Gaspare, 333–34
Panagia Eleousa, 132; Church of Saint Prokopios, 100 Morea, 300–303; Despotate of, 250, 275, Padua, Italy, 176, 333; inkwell 170, 174;
Nicholas Kasnitzes, 133; Hagios Manoussis, Theodore, 168 313 University of, 307
Athanasios, Mouzakes, 142; Saint John Mantua, 333 Morimond Abbey, Burgundy, France, 301 Pakourianos, Gregory, 245
the Baptist, 142 Manuel I Komnenos, 178, 204 Moschopoulos, Manuel, 193, 197 Palace of Hieria, 98
Katapoliani, Paros, basilica, 96 Manuel II Palaiologos, 279, 285 Moses, 118, 133, 144, 171 Palaiologoi, 313
Kato Paphos, Cyprus, 241 Manuel Kantakouzenos, despot, 275, 314 Mother and Child (see Virgin) Palamas, Gregory, 117, 129
Kayseri, Turkey, Saint Nicholas, 183 Manuel Kantakouzenos Palaiologos, 149–50 Mother of God (see Virgin) Palermo, Sicily, 292
Kerch, Crimea, 170 Manuel Philes, 271 Mount Athos, 93, 115–17, 131, 154, 156; Palestine, 77, 80, 246, 283, 296
Kerkeme (Gergeme), Monastery of the Marcellus, bishop, 40 Amalfitan Monastery, 115; Docheiariou Pamenios, 234
Dormition of the Virgin, 184 Maria Angelina Doukaina Palaiologina, Monastery, 199; Esphigmenou Pamphili, Eusebios (see Eusebios of
Khirbet el-Mukhayyat, Jordan, Church of despot of Thessaly, 151–52 Monastery, 116; Great Lavra, 115, 120, Caesarea)
the Priest John, 206 Maria Palaiologina, 143 151, 153, 176, 188; Hagiou Pavlou Pan, 52, 70, 207
Kibyrraioton, province, 214 Marina, Saint, 317 Monastery, 116; Hilandar Monastery, Panagia Hodegetria (see Virgin
Kiev, 272, 274, 290–91; Hagia Sophia, Mark the Evangelist, 77, 146, 155, 183, 116, 129, 156, 290; Hosiou Gregoriou Hodegetria)
291 185, 187–90 Monastery, 116; Iviron Monastery, 115; Pannonia, 286, 290
Kievan Rus’, 81, 272, 283, 311 Mark, master painter, 329 Kastamonitou Monastery, 116; Papathomas, Ioannis, 146
Killini, see Glarentza Marmara Adasi, 61, 63, 121 Koutloumousiou Monastery, 116; Paphlagonia, 116
Klausi, Evrytania, Basilica of Martyr Marmara Sea, 48, 63, 65, 214 Panteleimon Monastery, 146; Paphos, Cyprus, 241, 316
Leonides, 229 Maroneia, Synaxis, 96 Pantokrator Monastery, 116; Philotheou Parabiago plate, Italy, 34, 170
Klimis, monk, 116 Maroutsi family, 198 Monastery, 319; Simonopetra Paradise, 48, 50
Knidos, 45 Marriage at Cana, 166, 169, 217 Monastery, 116; Vatopedi Monastery, Paramythia, Epiros, 96
Knossos, basilica, 96 Mars Gravidus, 170 115, 120, 136, 138, 149–50, 152, Parapotamos, Thesprotia, Greece, 267
Komnene, Anna, 192 Martha, sister of Lazarus, 131 160–61, 191, 215, 319; Xenophontos Paris Psalter, 169–70, 172
Komnenos Family, 199, 270 Mary, sister of Lazarus, 131 Monastery, 116, 129; Zographou Paroukianos, Gregory, 245
Kore, 240 Mary Magdalene, 320 Monastery, 116 Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the
Kornaros, Andreas (Cornaro Andrea), 324 Marys at the Tomb, 162 Mount Nysa, 172 Theologian, 145, 163, 181, 183–84,
Kos, 229; Church of Saint John, 97 Mastichari, Chios, baptistery 96 Mount of Olives, 130 188, 195, 196, 197
Kozani, ∏agia Paraskevi, 96 Matagrifon (see Akova) Mount Tabor, 117, 144 Patras, 250–51; siege of, 97
Kraneion, 51 Matakis, Panagiotis, priest from Mount Taygetos, 313 Paul, Apostle, 48, 95, 118, 147, 158, 162,
Krategos (see Mytilene, Lesvos) Cephalonia, 194 Muhammad, Prophet, 36, 286 171, 189
Kumluca, Lycia, 244 Matthew, monk, 190 Muses, 66 Paul II, Pope, 330, 333
Kurbinovo, Church of Saint George, 106 Matthew the Evangelist, 146, 155, 180, Myrrophores meeting Christ, 320 Paul Silentarios, 245
Kydonia (see Chania) 185, 187, 318 Mytilene, Lesvos, 219–20, 230–32, 256, Paulinus, Decius, consul, 86
Kyros, monk, 187 Mauritania, 191 260–62 Pausanias, 52, 55, 232
Kythera, 320 Mavdis, Konstantinos 250 Pavias, Andreas, 324
Kyzicos, 47 Maximian, Archbishop, 218 Nafpaktos, 264 Pegasus, 64–65, 121
Maximo, Amazon, 209, 240 Nativity of Christ, 106, 152, 161–62, 171, Pelagonnisos, Sporades, 236
Lagoudera, Cyprus, Panagia tou Arakos, Maximos the Confessor, 80–81 319–20 Peloponnese, 100, 150, 191, 214, 298,
179 Maximus, 40 Naukratios, 100 300, 302, 312–13
Lamentation, 132, 150 de’ Medici, Lorenzo, 330; Piero di Cosimo, Naxos, 100, 195; Angidia, Hagios Pentecost, 129, 161–62, 328
Laodicea, 36 330; Palace, Florence, 330-331 Stephanos Basilica, 119 Penteli Cave, Attica, 128
Larisa, 237 Megalopsychia, 39 Nea Chora, Chania, 57 Pepin, King, 284
Last Judgment, 49 Meletios, Saint, 109, 111 Nea Heraklia, Chalkidike, 118 Pergamon, 212–13
| 362 |
Peripatos, the, 30 Rhodopi Mountains, 214 Svjatopolk, 291 Trigleia, Bithynia, 135; Church of Panagia
Peristeronas, 316 Ritzos, Andreas, 162, 322–23 Sylvester, Pope, 81 Pantobasilissa, 135
Peritheorion, 97 Ritzos, Nikolaos, 162 Symeon, priest, 160 Triton, 254
Pero Tafur, traveler, 137 Rivers of Paradise, 122 Symeon the New Theologian, 177 Triumph of Orthodoxy, 143
Perotti, Niccolò, 332 Road to Calvary, 137 Symeon the Stylite, 35, 39 Trojan War, 195, 211
Persia, 45, 272, 292 Roma (see personification of Rome) Synaxis, Maroneia, 96 Troy, 45, 68
Personification of: Autumn, 228; Romania, 282 Syrgiannes Palaiologos Philanthropenos, True Cross, 75, 82, 152–53, 269–70, 284
Constantinople, 85, 253; Day, 66; Romania, Fortress of Dinogetia, 107 297–98 Tryphe, 38
Earth, 206, 208, 228; Moon, 66; Night, Romanos, 234 Syria, 30, 31, 36, 40–42, 45, 77, 80, 82, Tryphon, patriarch, 176
66; River Styx, 68; Rome (Roma), 51, Romanos I Lekapenos, 82, 89, 153, 285 119, 149, 172, 183, 204, 232, 243, Tunisia, 258
53, 85, 253; Sun, 66–67; Twelve Romanos II, 89, 159 248–49, 258, 283, 293–95, 305 Tyana, Cappadocia, 140
Months, 206; Victoria, 84–87 Romanos III Argyros, 91, 185 Tyche (Fortune) of Antioch, 36
Peter, Apostle, 77, 118, 131, 147, 159, Rome, 34, 45, 77, 79, 80, 81–82, 95, 118, Taormina, Sicily, 195 Tzafouris, Nikolaos 162–63
162, 189 245, 256, 282, 332–34; Arch of Tarasios, patriarch, 81 Tzykandeles, Manuel 303
Peter, Tsar, 283 Constantine, 328; Aventine, Sanctuary Tatius, Achilles, 46
Petit-Corbin, Roman villa, 54 of Jupiter Doliochenus, 54; Catacombs Taurus Mountains, 214, 282 Ugium, France, 243
Petrus Damianus, Saint, 235 of 62, 64; Crypt of San Clemente, 289; Tegea, Arkadia, 206; Basilica of Thyrsos, Urfa, Turkey, 109; Hagia Sophia, 104
Phanes-Aion, 33 Esquiline, 56; Saint Peter’s basilica, 122 Üsküdar, Turkey, 185
Phanourios, Saint, 320 332–33; Santa Maria Antiqua, 101 Telesphoros, 55
Pheidias, 45, 168 Rus’ (see Kievan Rus’) Ten Commandments, 118, 144 Valentinian II, 57
Philip, King, 198 Russia, 117, 198, 283, 287, 290–91 Tetrapolis, the, 36 Valentinian III, 49
Philippi, 94–97, 213; Basilica A, 94, 96; Thasos, 94, 96, 213 Valsamonero Monastery, Crete, 320
Basilica B, 94–96, 213; Basilica C, 96; Saba, Saint, 116, 162–63, Dormition of, Thaumakos, Phthiotis, 121–22 Varangopoulos, Georgios, 270
Octagon, 94–95 321–22 Thaumasios, 70 Vasari, Giorgio, 327–31
Philippopolis, 298 Sahara, 279 Thebes, 94, 96, 148, 212, 295 Vatican, 334; Library, 280, 291, 331–34
Philotheos, 245 Saint Petersburg, Russia, 183–84 Theodora, Empress (wife of Justinian I), Veneziano, Paolo, 319
Philotimos, 234 Sakha, Egypt, 247 255–56, 258 Venice, 150, 197, 235, 249, 295–96, 300,
Phokas, Emperor, 87, 230, 256 Salutati, Coluccio, 331 Theodora, Empress (wife of Theophilos), 302–8, 319, 324, 328–32, 334; Basilica
Photios, 82–83, 177, 282–83 Samarkand, 293 99 of San Marco, 113, 199, 328, 335;
Phrasikleia, stele of, 60 San Vito, Bartolomeo, 333 Theodora Porphyrogennete, 90, 208 Church of Saint George of the Greeks,
Phryne, 60 Sappho, 66 Theodore I Laskaris, 79, 168 198; Treasury of San Marco, 104, 170–71
Physon River, 122 Sarapeia, 95 Theodore, Saint, 87, 112, 152–54, 162; Venier, Antonio, 250
Pindar, 173 Saravaris, Georgios, 112–14 Bathysryax, 154 Venus (see Aphrodite)
Pindos Mountains, 214 Sardis, 213 Theodore Angelos Komnenos of Epiros, Vermion, Theotokos Dovras Monastery,
Pisa, 295, 312 Sarimsakli, Asia Minor (see Kayseri, Turkey) 318 147, 148.
Planoudes, Maximos 191, 197, 280, 332 Sava river, 214 Theodore Komnenos Doukas, 272 Veroia, 130, 135, 298; Church of Saint
Plato, 30, 33, 35, 40, 58 Sava Nemanja, 290–91 Theodore Synadenos, 297 Photeine (Photida), 130
Plotinos, 32, 58, 109 Sayram Su, Kazakhstan, 311 Theodore of Stoudios, 126, 176 Veroli Casket, 170–72, 174, 209–10
Plutarch, 302 Scandinavia, 287 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, 39–40
Villehardouin, Geoffrey I, 301
Poganovo, 136 Scutari, (see Üsküdar, Turkey) Theodosios I, 40, 59, 75, 77, 80, 95, 118,
Villehardouin, William II, 301, 312
Polis Chrysochous (ancient Marion), Scythia, 279 168, 207
Virgin, 60, 84, 91–93, 100, 126, 147,
Paphos, Cyprus, 254 Second Coming of Christ, 48–50, 108, Theodosios II, 57, 85–86, 286
150, 179, 257, 333; Birth of, 218;
Pollux (see Dioskouroi) 118, 130, 139–40 Theogonia, 172
Blachernitissa, 89, 269; “of the
Polystylon, 97 Seleuceia, 36 Theokritos, 173
Catalans,” 315; Coronation of, 329;
Pontic Mountains, 214 Seleucus Nicator, 36 Theoktistos, scribe, 180
Dormition of, 155, 161–62, 297;
Pontis, diocese, 77 Seraphim, 157 Theophanes the Cretan, 144
Eleousa, 134, 136, 318; enthroned,
Porphyry, 181, 196 Serbia, 116, 287, 290 Theophano, 285, 287
106–7, 111, 150, 162; the Episkepsis
Portugal, 305 Serçe Limani, 295 Theophilos, bishop, 100
(tes Episkepseos), 89, 135; in Glory,
Prayer at Gethsemane, 137 Sergios, Saint, 173 Theophilos, Emperor, 99, 292
329; Glykophiloussa, 112, 135, 316;
Praxilla of Sikyon, lyric poet, 51 Serres, 126–27, 190, 298; Metropolitan Theotokos (see Virgin)
Hodegetria, 89, 111, 131–32, 136–37,
Praxiteles, 45–46 Church of Hagioi Theodoroi, 126–27; Theoupolis, 36, 41
141, 155, 302, 307; Iphianassa, 172; He
Preparation of the Throne, 49 Prodromos Monastery, 190 Theseus, King of Athens, 67
Kataphyge, 136; Kykkotissa, 112, 316;
Presentation of Christ in the Temple, 126, Servia, 97 Thessaloniki, 94–97, 152, 212–13, 221,
Mesopantitissa, 307–8; Mother and
160–62 Seven Sages of Antiquity (Seven Wise 249, 263; Acheiropoietos, 96, 124–25;
Child, 99, 106, 110, 112, 114, 136,
Preslav, Bulgaria, 213; hoard of 264, 275 Men), 234 Agora, 94; Basilica of Saint Demetrios,
Priscus, 40 Sicily, 116, 145, 191, 272, 286 94–95, 97, 121, 123, 125; bath, 213; 160, 162, 314, 318–19; Nikopoios
Prizren, 154 Sidi Ghrib, Tunisia, 208 Hagia Sophia, 95, 100, 110, 134; Hagioi (Nikopea), 89, 113, 335; Orans, 152,
Prochoros, 188–90 Simeon Nemanja, Serbian monk-king, 116 Apostoloi, 141; Hagios Athanasios, 146; 269; He Portaitisa, 136; of Tenderness,
Prodromos Theodore, 178 Simeon Uroš Palaiologos, despot of Hoard 272–73; Hosios David, Monastery 110; Therapiotissa, 155
Proklos, 35, 58, 70 Thessaly, 151 of Latomou, 48–50, 95, 122, 125, 133; Vladimir, prince of Kiev , 290-291
Prokonnesos (see Marmara Adasi) Simmias of Rhodes, 173 Kassandreotike Gate, 213; Panagia ton Vlates, Dorotheos, 129
Prokopios, historian, 104 Sinai, Egypt, Monastery of Saint Chalkeon, 50, 269; Rotunda/Saint Vodena, Edessa, Greece, Church of the
Prokopios, Saint, 152–53, 316 Catherine, 35, 105, 110–11, 136–37, George, 48–49, 95, 125, 257; Saint Virgin Gavaliotissa, 151
Prometheus, 35 154, 316; Mount, 118, 290 Nicholas Orphanos, 141, 129, 177;
Propontis (see Marmara Sea) Sirkeci, Istanbul, 240 Vlatadon Monastery, 113, 129, 137–38,
Psellos, Michael, 90, 166–68, 171, 178, Sisinnios, Saint, 152–53 248 Wallachia, 116
208, 215 Sixtus IV, Pope, 333 Thetis, 68 Washing of the Feet, 129, 137
Pseudo-Kallisthenes, 198–99, 275 Skripou (Orchomenos), 172 Thomas Komnenos Preloumbos William of Champlitte, 301
Pseudo-Kodinos, 85 Skylitzes, John, 178 (Preljubovic’), 143, 150–52
Ptochoprodromos, 215 Smyrna, 56 Thomas Magistros, 197 Xenophon, 302
Ptolemy, 191, 280, 331–33 Socrates, 41 Thrace, 78, 97, 116, 214, 240, 283, 297–98;
Pythagoras, 35, 40, 194 Sol Invictus, 31 diocese of, 77 Yaroslav (1019–54), 290
Sophocles, 181, 193, 197, 232 Thrakesion, province, 214
Radič, grand čelnik, 116 Sougia, Crete, 120; capital, 120–21 Thrasymedes of Paros, 52 Zadar, 151
Radonja, Gerasim, monk, 116 Spain, 246, 286, 312 Three Hierarchs, 141 Zakynthos, 162
Ragusa, 151–52 Sparta, 66–67, 238–40, 267; bath 213; Three Youths in the Furnace, 118 Zarakas Monastery (Cistercian Abbey),
Raising of Lazarus, 131 Saint Nikon, 96 Thucydides, 181, 288 301, 312–13
Ramfin Muntaner, 301 Spinola, Lorenzo/Leonardo, 315 Tiberios II, 86 Zeno, 33
Rape of Europa, 170–71, 209 Star of Bethlehem, 152 Tigris River, 122 Zeus, 37, 45–46, 67–68, 168, 170,
Raphael, painter, 328 Starnina, Gherardo, 322 Timander of Corinth, King, 51 173, 232
Rastislav, ruler of Great Moravia, 289 Staro Nagoričino, 112 Timarion, 213 Zeus-Bel complex 40
Ravenna, 84, 218; Mausoleum of Galla Statius, 69 Titus, Emperor, 46 Zoe, empress, 92, 208
Placidia, 95, 104; San Vitale, 86, Stephen of Hungary, crown of, 284–85 Titus, Saint, 308 Zygou Monastery, 251
255–56, 258; sarcofagi 122 Stephen of Novgorod, pilgrim, 155 Tornikios family of Georgia, 115
Reggio, Calabria, Italy, 145 Strabo, geographer, 191, 280 Touna el-Gebel, Egypt, 234
Rethymno, Crete, 68–69, 265–67 Strozzi, Palla, 331 Transfiguration of Christ, 106, 131, 144,
Rhodes, 207, 213, 248, 305; Archangelos, Strymon, theme of, 127 147, 161–62, 328
Church of Hagioi Theodoroi, 249–50 Susanna and the Elders, 71 Trebizond, 116, 176, 197–98, 213, 331
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Heaven & Earth

HELLENIC REPUBLIC BENAKI

J. PAUL GETTY MUSEUM

ISBN 978-960-476-130-2 (HC)

e knew not whether we were in heaven or on earth. For on earth there is no

E organization of an exhibition of Classical Greek sculptures titled “The Greek Miracle:

T in Washington, D.C. in 2010 by then-Minister of Culture Pavlos Àeroulanos and

F have to thank a whole host of people, whose strenuous

T Greece for Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek

SOPHIA GEROGIORGI DIMITRIS NALPANTIS ANASTASIA TOURTA

T centuries, lacking wide-scale recognition. This may be due

[I] THE LONG HELLENISTIC AGE

Under the influence of the “divine” Iamblichos (c. 245–c. 325),

[IV] THE HOLY MAN AND THE HOLY BOOK

The repository of Truth—at once spiritual guide and defender

we do now (in fact at that time there were no books as we know

Alexander’s offhand remark that the book held a key position

philosopher” of the great Roman households, as he has been

[V] THE VELVET REVOLUTION:

Antioch and its hinterland

to begin with, far less one built up

Fig. 21 | Aphrodite of Knidos, Roman marble

Literature: Ridgway 1970, 65–67; Sanders 2005, 420–29;

1D. Statuette of Roma

Athenian workshop, mid-3rd century

he statuette presents a seated female

down the top, the central crest higher

of the Rospigliosi type, similar to a smaller H. 13 ⅜ in. (34.1 cm)

hair and topknot burned. All skin surfaces

roughly one-third life-size head of a

fragment of the statuette

he woman in this bust with an From an Asia Minor workshop, possibly in

make his gaze seem ecstatic. The irises are

hese four fragments of a curved frieze

Literature: Strzygowsky 1890, 98; G. Sotiriou 1915, 42,

he Good Shepherd of the Byzantine

of the support, which was not visible, is

Late 3rd–early 4th century

hese two fragments came from a

12. Portrait of Alcibiades

Eastern Mediterranean, possibly Egypt,

he plaque’s obverse depicts one of the

mother in the sixth century has been seen 1

Fig 29 | Hagia Sophia, Istanbul. Photo: Marie-France Auzépy.

seated on an imperial throne. Later emperors were thus reminded

Ottoman Turks in 1453, the empire was alternately broken up 1

Virgin praying within the walls of

VIII (1259–82) after the recovery of Inscription: (fragmentary in columns) ∞¡¡∞

Literature: Zacos and Veglery 1972, 109–10, 119a;

In parallel with the weakening of Athens and the Basilica of Saint

The possibility of depicting divine exceptional soldiers and politicians13 who

the most representative expression of its 4

On the Athos of small monasteries, by those of the Stoudios Monastery in

Thessaloniki workshop, late 4th century

he reliquary has the form of a

40. Sigma Tabletop with

made of precious materials with the relics, Late 6th century

First half of 6th century

wide relief band divides the capital