Institution 1 1

Social Institutions I: Sociology of Family, Religion and Education
Haramaya Universit
College Social Science and Humanities
Department of Sociology
Social Institutions I Reading Material
1 Introduction
People are influenced by the norms and beliefs of society. This influence can
take a more personal and intimate level or a more general and widespread
Prepared By Mengistu A. 1
level that affects large numbers of people. Some sociologists focus on the
study the more expansive aspects of social structure, which refers to a
society's framework, consisting of the various relationships between people
and groups that direct and set limits on human behavior.
The major components of social structure include culture, social class, social
status, roles, groups, and social institutions. Social institutions are the
organized, usual, or standard ways by which society meets its basic
needs. In industrial and postindustrial societies, social institutions include
the family, religion, law, politics, economics, educati
on, science, medicine, the military, and mass media. Each of these
institutions has its own values, roles, and norm, and each of them has far-
reaching effects on our lives. Social institutions establish the context in
which we live, shape our behavior, and color our thoughts. The mass media,
for example, significantly shape public opinion, while economic institutions
define the amount of time people can devote to work and leisure.
Below we will see the major social institutions briefly.
1. Family: All societies must have a way of replacing their members;

reproduction is essential to the survival of society. Within the
institution of family, sexual relations among adults is regulated,
people are cared for, children are born and socialized, and newcomers
are provided an identity-a "lineage that gives them a sense of
belonging. Just how these activities are carried out varies from society
to society, but family, whatever its form, remains the hub of social life
in virtually all societies
2. Education: New members of a society need to be taught what it

means to be a member of that society and how to survive in it. In
small, simple societies the family is the primary institution responsible
for socializing new members into the culture. However, as societies
become more complex, it becomes exceedingly difficult for a family to
teach its members all they need to know to function within that
society. Hence most modern, complex societies have an elaborate
system of schools-primary, secondary, college, professional that not
only create and disseminate knowledge and information but also train
individuals for future careers and teach them their "place" in society.
3. Economy: From the beginning of human societies, the problems of

securing enough food and protecting people from the environment
have persisted (Turner, 1972). Today, modern societies have
systematic ways of gathering resources, converting them into goods
and commodities, and distributing them to members. In addition,
societies provide ways of coordinating and facilitating the operation of

this massive process. For instance, banks, insurance firms, stock
brokerages, data processing facilities, and accounting firms don't
produce goods themselves but provide services that make the gather-
ing, producing, and distributing of goods possible (Turner, 1972). To
facilitate the distribution of both goods and services, economic
institutions adopt a system of common currency and an identifiable
mode of exchange.
4. Politics and law: All societies face the problem of how to preserve
order and avoid chaos. The legal system provides explicit laws or rules
of conduct, mechanisms for enforcing those laws, mechanisms for
settling disputes, and mechanisms for changing laws that have
become outdated or for creating new ones (Turner, 197,2). These
activities take place within a larger system of governance in which
power, authority, and leadership are established and changed. In a
democracy the governance process includes the citizens, who have a
say in who leads them; in a monarchy kings or queens can claim that
their birthright entitles them to positions of leadership. In some
societies the transfer of power is efficient and mannerly; in others it is
violent. In any case, all societies establish ways to make important
societal decisions.
5. Religion: All societies also face the problem of providing their

members with a sense of purpose and meaning. Religion gives
individuals a belief system for understanding their existence as well as
a network of personal support in times of need. Although many
members of a given society-and, in fact, some entire societies may
actively reject religion, it remains one of the enduring and powerful
institutions in human societies. In some societies, it provides
enormous comfort to people; in others, it has created irreparable
divisions.
6. Military: To deal with the possibility of attack from outside, many

societies maintain an active military defense to protect its citizens
from this threat. However, militaries are used not only to defend
societies but also, at times, to aggress against others.
7. Health care: One of the profoundly universal facts of human life is

that people get sick. Most modern societies have established a
complex system of health care that disseminate medical treatments.
Doctors, nurses, hospital, pharmacies, drug and medical equipment
manufacturers, Patient and others all play an active role in the health
care institution.
Social institutions are highly interrelated. For instance, although much dis-
semination of information occurs in the schools, families, and churches still
play a major role in teaching societys members how to get along.
2 Family
2.1 Families in Global Perspective
For many years, the common sociological definition of family has been a
group of people who are related to one another by bonds of blood, marriage,
or adoption and who live together, form an economic unit, and bear and
raise children, (Benokraitis, 1993). However, others challenge this definition
because it simply does not match the reality of family life in contemporary
society (Lynn, 1996; Vanier Institute of the Family, 1994). Today's families
include many types of living arrangements and relationships, including
single-parent households, unmarried couples, lesbian and gay couples, and
multiple-generation families that include grandparents, parents, and
children, for example. To accurately reflect the reality of family life, we need
a more encompassing definition of what constitutes a family.
Accordingly, we will define families as relationships, in which people live

together with commitment, form an economic unit and care for any
young, and consider their identity to be significantly attached to the
group. Sexual expression and parent-children relationships are a part of
most, but not all, family relationships (based on Benokraitis, 1993; Lamanna
and Riedmann, 1994).
2.2 Family Structure and Characteristics
In pre-industrial societies, the primary form of social organization is through

kinship ties. Kinship refers to a social network of people based on common
ancestry, marriage, or adoption. Through kinship networks, people cooperate
so that they can acquire the basic necessities of life, including food and
shelter. Kinship systems also can serve as a means by which property is
transferred, goods are produced and distributed, and power is allocated.
In industrial societies, other social institutions fulfill some of the functions

previously taken care of by the kinship network. For example, political
systems provide a structure of social control and authority, and economic
systems are responsible for the production and distribution of goods and
services. Consequently, families in industrialized societies serve fewer and
more specialized purposes than do families in pre-industrial societies.
Contemporary families are responsible primarily for regulating sexual
activity, socializing children, and providing affection and companionship for

family members.
2.2.1 Families of Orientation and Procreation
During our lifetime, many of us will be members of two different types of

families—a family of orientation and a family of procreation. The
family of orientation is the family to which a person is born and in which
early socialization usul1y takes place. While most people are related to
members of their family of orientation by blood ties, those who are adopted
have a legal tie that is patterned after a blood relationship. The family of
procreation is the family a person forms by having or adopting children
(Benokraitis, 1993). Both legal and blood ties are found in most families of
procreation. The relationship between a husband and wife is based on legal
ties; however, the relationship between a parent and child may be based on
either blood ties or legal ties, depending on whether the child has been
adopted (Aulette, 1994).
2.2.2 Extended and Nuclear Families
Sociologists distinguish between extended and nuclear families based on the

number of generations that live within a household. An extended
family is a family unit that includes three or more generations. Normally,
that would include grandparents, their sons or daughters, and their children
who live close to the parents and children, making it possible for family
members to share resources. In horticultural and agricultural societies,
extended families are extremely important; having a large number of family
members participate in food production may be essential for survival. Today,
extended family patterns are found in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and some
parts of Eastern and Southern Europe (Busch, 1990).
Figure2.1Typical extended middle-class U.S., which includes great grand parents and their descendants.
A nuclear family is a family composed of one or two parents and their

dependent children, all of whom live apart from other relatives. A traditional
definition specifies that a nuclear family is made up of a "couple and their
dependent children; however, this definition became outdated as a
significant shift occurred in the family structure.
In many societies nuclear families are smaller than they were some years
ago; This decrease has been attributed to declining fertility rates, economic
factors (i.e., the cost of having children, an indicator of which is the
increased number of households in which both husband and wife work
outside of the home), and delayed childbearing.
2.3 2.3 Marriage and the Family
Traditional social norms viewed marriage as a sacred phenomenon;

considered it as a divine institution, created and maintained by God. In many
societies however, marriage is considered as a mechanism that provides for
the legitimation of children. As result children born with in a marriage are
considered to be legitimate (a legitimate child is a child who is born from a
socially approved marriage. It refers to a parent-child relationships), while
children born out of parents without marital arrangement are considered as
illegitimate.
Iro Reiss defines marriage as a socially accepted union of individuals in

husband and wife roles with the key function of legitimation of parenthood. It
is also an institutionalized arrangement.
Leach defines marriage as a bundle of rights (a bundle-marriage as a

collection that includes legal fatherhood, legal motherhood, and the
monopoly of sexual access between marriage partners, rights to domesticate
services, rights over property, and recognized relationship of affinity).
2.3.1 Marriage Patterns

Across cultures, families are characterized by different forms of marriage.
Marriage is a legally recognized and/or socially approved arrangement
between two or more individuals that carries certain rights and obligations
and usually involves sexual activity. In most societies, marriage involves a
mutual commitment by each partner, and linkages between two individuals

and families are publicly demonstrated.
2.3.2 Monogamy and Polygamy

2.3.2.1 Monogamy
In many places, the commonly legally sanctioned form of marriage is

monogamy-a marriage between two partners of the opposite sex. Through
a pattern of marriage, divorce, and remarriage, some people practice serial
monogamy-a succession of marriages in which a person has several
spouses over a lifetime but is legally married to only one person at a time.
2.3.2.2 Polygamy
Polygamy is the concurrent marriage of a person of one sex with two or

more members of the opposite sex (G. Marshall, 1994). Polygamy can take
the form of either Polygyny or Polyandry.
2.3.2.2.1 Polygyny
The most prevalent form of polygamy is polygyny-the concurrent marriage

of one man with two or more women. Polygyny has been practiced in a
number of societies, including by some in parts of Europe until the middle
Ages, and still is practiced in various parts of the world.
Sororal polygyny is a form of polygamous marriage in which two or more

sisters share one husband or more. It is practiced under the belief that there
is less likely to be rivalry between the wives as the sisters have been raised
together, have preexisting emotional bonds and are therefore less likely to
be jealous of each other.
More recently, some marriages in societies in Africa and Asia have been
polygynous; however, the cost of providing for multiple wives and numerous
children make the practice impossible for all but the wealthiest men. In
addition, because roughly equal numbers of women and men live in these
areas, this nearly balanced sex ratio tends to limit polygyny.
Some researchers assert that women also benefit from polygyny because
agricultural and domestic work can be shared among wives and educated
women can have children but remain independent from their husbands
(Mackintosh, 1979). Others argue that polygyny is an oppressive practice,
existing only for the purpose of men's sexual advantage and the ongoing
oppression of women.
2.3.2.2.2 Polyandry
The second type of polygamy is polyandrymarriage of one woman with

two or more men. Two forms have been recorded: fraternal polyandry in
which a group of brothers share a wife, and sexual access to the wife is
organized on the basis of age and seniority. Sometimes any children born of
the marriage are said to be descended from the elder or eldest brother only;
in other cases the children are said to belong to all the husbands equally.
For example, among the Nayar and Toda in South India in the late nineteenth
century, a woman who married a man also became the wife of his brothers
(even those born after the marriage). Everyone lived in the same household
and rotated sexual privileges. The oldest brother was considered to be the
legal father of the first two or three children; other brothers became the legal
fathers of subsequent children. Even after marriage, women were considered
members of their mother's household, and the children's lineage was traced
through the mother's side of the family (Cassidy and Lee, 1989).
The second type, non-fraternal polyandry is one in which a womans

husbands are not related. Fraternal forms are common in the mountainous
areas of Nepal and Tibet. Among the Tibetian Nyinba, brothers live together
throughout their lifetimes in large patrilineally constructed households. They
share a common estate and domestic responsibilities. They also share a
common wife with whom each maintains a sexual relationship. Generally,
each child of the marriage is acknowledged by and develops a special
relationship with one of the possible fathers, even where biological paternity
cannot be determined. This arrangement can partially be understood as a
response to a shortage of women due to a lower survival rate in comparison
to men. It also has important economic implications. Since brothers share a
wife, their joint estate remains intact from generation to generations and is
not subject to the fragmentary and inefficient divisions that might occur if
each belonged to a separate conjugal unit (Stone 1997:190-192)
Polyandry is generally found in areas where difficult physical environments

or high populations impose extreme pressures on agricultural systems. It is
said to work to limit population growth and to ensure the coherence of
agricultural estates. Some theorists suggest that this institution more often
occurs in societies in which women hold relatively high social status (Stone
1997:194).
Occurrence
Its occurrence is rare and assumes a specific concentration in the Himalayan
areas of South Asia. However, it is sporadically distributed in Africa, Oceania,
and Native America.
Figure 2.2 Fraternal Polyandry among Tibetans (Picture from Zanden 1990:369)
2.3.3 Rules of Exogamy and Endogamy
To this point, we have examined a variety of marriage and family patterns

found around the world. Even with the diversity of these patterns, most
people's behaviour is shaped by cultural rules pertaining to endogamy and
exogamy.
2.3.3.1 Endogamy
Endogamy refers to cultural norms prescribing that people marry within their
own social group or category, i.e. they marry people who come from the
same social class, racial-ethnic group, religious affiliation, and other
categories considered important within their own social group.
Four types of endogamous division have been widely observed:
1. Village Endogamy
Some societies reinforce this tendency to transform geographically

boundaries to less permeable social ones by encouraging or requiring
marriage within a village or other territorial unit. The Yanomamo of
Amazonia practice a marked endogamous system by forming settlements
composed of paired localized lineages, which are bound to exchange women
according to a specific cross cousin marriage rule. Village endogamy, though
widespread is far from universal. The Igbo of Nigeria, for example, follow the
opposite tradition of village exogamy, according to which inhabitants of the
same settlement, which are usually but not necessarily patrinlineally related
kin, are forbidden to marry.
2. Lineage Endogamy
While unilineal descent structures often entail the specification of lineages as

exogamous units, there are a few marked cases of preferential marriages
between fellow members of the same lineage. They are normally organized
though the practice of parallel cousin marriage, usually between the
children of two brothers, who are both members of their fathers'
patrilineage.
This practice is usually associated with the need to maintain property within
the family line and avoids dissipation of assets through affinal exchanges or
female inheritance. Lineage endogamy is most frequently found in pastoral
communities, in which the continuity of domestic herds forms a primary
concern.
3. Caste Endogamy
Castes are hereditary social divisions that are distinguished from one
another by property ownership, occupation, political position, and, often,
ritual status. Men and women are normally bound to marry within their
castes of birth to maintain the "purity" of hereditary lines and to enclose
affinal alliances and exchanges within group boundaries. The standard model
of caste is taken from traditional East Indian society, where membership in
heredity groups strictly determined occupation and ritual purity. Other
examples of caste endogamy include medieval Europe, where nobles were
prohibited from marrying commoners, and apartheid South Africa, where
interracial cohabitation was illegal.
4. Class Endogamy
Class, like caste, involves a stratification of the society according to wealth,

occupation, and related criteria. It differs insofar as its divisions are less rigid
and allow for mobility. Status is, therefore, not strictly inherited and
marriages between members of different strata are permissible. However,
they are usually much less frequent than those between members with
similar economic backgrounds and are often met with criticism and sanction.
2.3.3.2 Exogamy
Exogamy refers to cultural norms prescribing that people marry outside

their own social group or category. All societies have rules of exogamy,
closely related to incest taboos, which specify the ranges and categories of
relatives who are considered forbidden marriage and sexual partners. These
are always the most closely related biological kin, and prohibitions on sexual
relations and marriage between parents and children and brothers and
sisters are universally applied. Most societies also extend these restrictions
to other close relatives, but the ranges and categories included vary. Among
other functions, incest taboos and exogamous regulations force people to
extend their circle of contact, cooperation and alliance beyond their
immediate circle to link small kin groups into wider social constellations.
2.3.4 Cross Cousin Marriage
The presence of elaborate systems for arranging and regulating marriages in

widely different cultures suggests to anthropologists that marriage often
serves to create and maintain alliances and exchanges between groups More
extensive, stable, and permanent transgeneration ties among allies can be
developed by a widely instituted system of cross-cousin marriage. Relevant
rules specify a man must or should marry either:
 his mother's brother's daughter, matrilateral cross cousin,
 father's sister's daughter, patrilateral cross cousin, or
 under special circumstances, a relative who is simultaneously his
mother's brother's and father's sister's daughter, bilateral cross
cousin.
Each of these rules results in a unique system:
1. Bilateral cross cousin marriage results in a system of direct exchange

marriage between paired lineages.
2. Matrilateral cross cousin marriage results in a system of indirect
exchange marriage between an indefinite number of descent lines,
also called asymmetrical exchange.
3. Patrilateral cross cousin marriage results in a system which can be
viewed as a combination of both of the others systems.
2.3.5 Levirate marriage

The arrangement of marriages to promote exchanges and alliances among
lineages evident in cross cousin marriage is further illustrated by the
institution of the levirate. This practice specifies that a mans widow must
marry his surviving brother in order to continue the relationship between
their respective groups that was initiated in the original marriage. It is
represented in many contemporary societies, including the Igbo and the
Akan, and Yanomamo.
2.4 Marriage Payments and Transfers
In most societies, marriages are closely tied to the distribution of property

both within and between families and incur substantial and complex
transfers and exchanges with social and political as well as economic
implications. The main forms of marriage transfer are:
 Bride wealth: a substantial payment in good, cash, or both from the
groom or his family to his bride's family,
 Dowry: an endowment that the bride's parents vest in the family that
she establishes with her husband, often placed under his control.
Other forms of transaction include "groom price", bride service, and the
endowment of the bride by the groom. In general, property exchanges are
structured according to one or another of these systems but they sometimes
occur in combination.
2.4.1 Bride Wealth
This institution specifies that a prospective husband, usually with the help of
his relatives, must provide a substantial sum of money or highly valued
goods to his future wife's family before a marriage can be contracted. In
many patrilineal societies the payment is also made for the rights to assign
children to their father's family rather than to their mothers.
Bride payments have been interpreted in numerous ways. In many cases,

groups justify the practice by claiming that the wealth received compensates
them for time and trouble taken to raise a daughter who will be sent off to
live with another family. In others, it is viewed as compensation for the loss
of a daughter's economic services or for the children she adds to her new
family. For example, among the Dani of New Guinea three separate conjugal
assets are recognized in transactions that are separated in time. A man must
make gifts of special valuables, such as pigs, shells, or stones to his wifes
family when:
1. he first contracts a marriage and his bride starts working on his farm,
2. he acquires sexual rights in his wife and consummates the marriage,
and
3. his wife bears a child.
Among the Igbo, the bride price is more narrowly thought of as a payment
to acquire rights in the children of the marriage and must be returned if a
woman is barren or leaves the marriage before producing children.
The institutions of bride wealth present in many societies. They involve a

variety of wealth forms, including cattle, shells, and valuable and cash.
2.4.2 Dowry
As in the bride wealth system, dowry payments entail a transfer of wealth,

sometime a substantial amount, from one core social group to another.
Dowries are sometimes considered to be a reverse form of bride wealth,
since they are contributed by the brides family rather than the grooms.
However the assets transferred do not go to the affinal group per se, but are
vested in the marriage itself and usually are inherited by the children that
result.
2.4.3 Bride service

Another important system of marriage exchange entails a contribution of
labor rather than valuable goods. In the institution of bride-service, a new
husband is required to work for his father-in-law for a lengthy period of time
as form of compensation for various conjugal rights.
2.5 Kinship Patterns: To whom are we related?
Many of us can trace our roots by looking at a family tree or by listening to

elderly family members talk about their lives- and about the lives of
ancestors who died long before we were born. In every culture, children
encounter relatives to whom they are expected to show an emotional
attachment. The state of being related to others is called kinship. It is also a
social relationship based on family relatedness, as culturally defined on
marriage or on adoption.
Kinship is culturally learned, however, and is not totally determined by

biological or marital ties. For example adoption creates a kinship tie that is
legally acknowledged and socially accepted.
The family and the kin group are not necessarily one and the same. Whereas
the family is a house hold unit, kin do not always live to gather or function as
a collective body on a daily basis. How do we identify kinship group? The
principle of descent assigns people to kinship groups according to their
relationship to a mother or father. Kinship is a basis for a descent system.
Descent system is a pattern of organized relationship, which is used for the
transmission of duties, obligations, etc. All societies use the links of kinship
for their descent system.
2.5.1 Descent and Inheritance

Even though a variety of marital patterns exist across cultures, virtually all
forms of marriage establish a system of descent so that kinship can be
determined and inheritance rights established.
2.5.2 Unilineal Descent
In pre-industrial societies, kinship is usually traced through one parent

(unilieally). This can be either Patrilinealy or Matrilinealy.
2.5.2.1 Patrilineal Descent

The most common pattern of unilineal descent is patrilineal descenta
system of tracing descent through the father's side of the family. Patrilineal
systems are set up in such a manner that a legitimate son inherits his
father's property and sometimes his position upon the father's death.
Patrilineal, or agnatic, descent is established by tracing descent
exclusively through males from a founding male ancestor.
2.5.2.2 Matrilineal Descent
Matrilineal, or uterine, descent is established by tracing descent

exclusively through females from a founding female ancestor. Even with the
less common pattern of matrilineal descent-a system of tracing descent
through the mother's side of the family-women may not control property.
However, inheritance of property and position usually is traced from the
maternal uncle (mother's brother) to his nephew (mother's son). In some
cases, mothers may pass on their property to daughters.
2.5.2.3 Bilineal Descent
By contrast, in industrial societies, kinship usually is traced through both

parents (bilineally). The most common form is bilateral descenta system of
tracing descent through both the mother's and father's sides of the family.
Functions of the kinship group:

1. Mutual aid and security
In a kinship group there exists an implied obligation between members; you
should reach out for your relatives when they are in need of some
assistance.
2. Defines and regulated marriage and sexual relations
A kinship group (especially in traditional societies) defines the potential mate
for individual members and settles the issue of who should to marry and who
not to, and at what age.
3. Legal Function and Conflict Resolution
Particularly in traditional societies it is a kinship group that first handles
every conflict that arose between members of a family and between
families, with in the kin group, and between other members of the
community.
4. Economic Function
A kinship group usually settles the question of ownership and inheritance of
property with in kin groups.
5. Religious or ceremonial function
In traditional societies, specially, kinsmen usually worship together. It links
an individual to the past, present, and the future.
6. Continuity over generations
The kinship group provides a link between an older generation and the
younger generation.
2.6 Power and Authority in Families
Descent and inheritance rights are intricately linked with patterns of power
and authority in families. The most prevalent forms of familial power and
authority are patriarchy, matriarchy, and egalitarianism. A patriarchal
family is a family structure in which authority is held by the eldest male
(usually the father). The male authority figure acts as head of the household
and holds power and authority over the women and children as well as over
other males. A matriarchal family is a family structure in which authority is
held by the eldest female (usually the mother). In this case, the female
authority figure acts as head of the household.
The most prevalent pattern of power and authority in families is patriarchy.

Across cultures, men are the primary (and often sole) decision makers
regarding domestic, economic, and social concerns facing the family. The
existence of patriarchy may give men a sense of power over their own lives,
but it also can create an atmosphere in which some men feel greater
freedom to abuse women and children (Daly and Chesney-Lind, 1988).
An egalitarian family is a family structure in which both partners share

power and authority equally. Recently, a trend toward more egalitarian
relationships has been evident in a number of countries as women have
sought changes in their legal status and increased educational and
employment opportunities. Some degree of economic independence makes
it possible for women to delay marriage or to terminate a problematic
marriage (Richardson, 1996).
2.7 Residential Patterns
Residential patterns are interrelated with the authority structure and method
of tracing descent in families.
2.7.1 Patrilocal residence
Patrilocal residence refers to the custom of a married couple living in the

same household (or community) as the husband's family. Across cultures,
patrilocal residency is most common.
A patrilocal rule specifies that, upon marriage, a man remains in his father's
household while his wife leaves her family to move in with him. Daughters,
conversely, move out of their natal household when they marry. As children
are born, they are added to the paternal unit. The result is a patrilocal
extended family, in which three or more generations of related men live
together to form a shallow patrilineage. An alternate designation, virilocal,
refers to a simpler rule that a wife must move to her husband's residence.
2.7.2 Matrilocal Residence
Few societies have residential patterns known as matrilocal residence the

custom of a married couple living in the same household (or community) as
the wife's parents. A matrilocal rule specifies that, upon marriage, a woman
remains in her mother's household while her husband leaves his family to
move in with her. Sons, conversely, move out of their natal household after
marriage to join their wife's household. It can take on a number of forms,
some, but not all of which occur within matrilineal societies. An alternate
designation, uxorilocal, refers to a simpler rule that a husband must move
to his wife's residence.
2.7.3 Neolocal Residence
In various industrialized nations most couples hope to live in a neolocal

residencethe custom of a married couple living in their own residence
apart from both the husband's and the wife's parents. For many couples,
however, economic conditions, availability of housing, and other
considerations may make neolocal residency impossible, at least initially.
This system is determined by a rule that each spouse leaves his or her family
of origin and jointly forms a new household, which develops as nuclear
family. This is of course the basic pattern in modern industrial societies.
Upon marriage, each partner is expected to move out of his or her parents'
household and establish a new residence, thus forming the core of an
independent nuclear family.
2.8 Perspectives on Families
The sociology of family is the sub-discipline of sociology that attempts to

describe and explain patterns of family life and variations in family structure.
Functionalist perspectives emphasize that families perform at the macro
level of society, while conflict and feminist perspectives focus on families a
primary source of inequality. By contrast, interactionists examine micro-level
interactions that are integral to the roles of different family members.
2.8.1 Functionalist Perspectives

Functionalists emphasize the importance of the family in maintaining the
stability of society and the well-being of individuals. According to Emile
Durkheim, marriage is a microcosmic replica of the larger society; both
marriage and society involve a mental and moral fusion of physically distinct
individuals (Lehmann, 1994). Durkheim also believed that a division of labour
contributed to greater efficiency in all areas of life-including marriages and
families-even.
Talcott Parsons was a key figure in developing a functionalist model of the

family. According to Parsons (1955), the husband-father fulfils the
instrumental role (meeting the family's economic needs, making important
decisions, and providing leadership) while the wife/mother fulfils the
expressive role (running the household, caring for children, and meeting the
emotional needs of family members).
Contemporary functionalist perspectives on families derive their foundation

from Durkheim and Parsons. Division of labor makes it possible for families
to fulfill a number of functions that no other institution can perform as
effectively. In advanced industrial societies, families serve four key functions:
1. Sexual regulation: Families are expected to regulate the sexual

activity of their members and thus control reproduction so that it
occurs within specific boundaries. At the macro-level, incest taboos

prohibit sexual contact or marriage between certain relatives. For
example, virtually all societies prohibit sexual relations between
parents and their children and between brothers and sisters. However,
some societies exclude remotely related individuals such as second
and third cousins from such prohibitions.
2. Socialization: Parents and other relatives are responsible for teaching

children the necessary knowledge and skills to survive. The smallness
and intimacy of families makes them best suited for providing children
with the initial learning experiences they need.
3. Economic and psychological support: Families are responsible for

providing economic and psychological support for members. In pre-
industrial societies, families are economic production units; in
industrial societies, the economic security of families is tied to the
workplace and to macro-level economic systems. In recent years,
psychological support and emotional security have been increasingly
important functions of the family (Chafez, 1989).
4. Provision of social status: Families confer social status and

reputation on their members. These statuses include the ascribed
statuses with which individuals are such as race/ethnicity, nationality,
social class, and sometimes religion affiliation. One of the most
significant and compelling forms of social placement is the family's
class-Position and the opportunities (or lack thereof) resulting from
that position. Examples of class-related opportunities include access to
equality health Care, higher education, and a safe place to live.
Functionalist explanations of family problems examine the relationship

between family troubles and a decline in other social institutions.
Changes in the economy, in religion, in the educational system, in the
law, or in government programs all can contribute to family problems.
Functionalists assert that erosion of family values may occur when the
institution of religion becomes less important in everyday life. Likewise,
changes in law (such as recognition of "no fault" divorce) contribute to high
rates of divorce and dramatic increases in single-parent households.
According to some functionalists, children are the most affected by these
trends because they receive less nurturance and guidance from their
parents.
2.8.2 Conflict and Feminist Perspectives

Conflict and feminist analysts view the functionalist perspective on the role
of the family in society as idealized and inadequate. Rather than operating
harmoniously and for the benefit of all members, families are arenas of social
inequality and conflict over values, goals, and access to resources and power
(Benokraitis, 1993).
According to some conflict theorists, families in capitalist economies are

similar to workers in a factory. Women are dominated by men in the home in
the same manner that workers are dominated by capitalists and managers in
factories (Engels, 1972). While childbearing and care for family members in
the home contributes to capitalism, these activities also reinforce the
subordination of women through unpaid (and often devalued) labour. Other
conflict analysts are concerned with the effect that class conflict has on the
family. The exploitation of the lower classes by the upper classes contributes
to family problems such as high rates of divorce and overall family
instability.
Feminist perspectives on inequality in families focus on patriarchy rather

than class. From this viewpoint, men's domination over women existed long
before private ownership of property and capitalism (Mann, 1994). Women's
subordination, which consists of control over women's labour power (or
production) and reproduction, is rooted in patriarchy (Ursel, 1992).
Conflict and feminist perspectives on families primarily focus on the in

relationships of dominance and subordination. Specifically, feminist theorists
have developed explanations that take into account the unequal political
relationship between women and men in families and outside of families.
Some feminist analysts explain family violence as a conscious strategy used
by men to control women and perpetuate gender inequality.
To remedy problems such as wife battering, the subordination of women in

all areas of society would have to be eliminated. A starting point might be
the elimination of factors fostering violence, such as media images that
"convey strong messages that men are sexual predators and sexually
dominant in their relationships with women" (Johnson, 1996:7). These
messages serve to "glorify and romanticize assaults and other violent
behavior" (Aulette, 1994:329).
2.8.3 Interactionist Perspectives
Early interactionists viewed the communication process in families as

integral to the roles that different family members play. Interactionists
examine the roles of husbands, wives, and children as they act out their own
part and react to the actions of others. From this perspective, what people
think, as well as what they say and do, is very important in understanding
family dynamics.
According to sociologists Peter Berger and Hansfried Kellner (1964),

interaction between marital partners contributes to a shared reality.
Although newlyweds bring separate identities to a marriage, over time they
construct a shared reality as a couple. In the process, the partners redefine
their past identities to be consistent with new realities. Development of a
shared reality is a continuous process, taking place not only in the family but
in any group in which the couple participates together. Divorce is the reverse
of this process; couples may start with a shared reality and, in the process of
uncoupling, gradually develop separate realities (Vaughan, 1985).
Interactionists explain family relationships in terms of the subjective

meanings and everyday interpretations people give to their lives. As
sociologist Jessie Bernard (1982/1973) pointed out, women and men
experience marriage differently. While a husband may see his marriage very
positively, his wife may feel less positive about her marriage, and vice versa.
Researchers have found that husbands and wives may give very different
accounts of the same event, and their "two realities" frequently do not
coincide.
How do interactionists view problems within the family? Some focus on the
terminology used to describe these problems, examining the extent to which
words convey assumptions or "realities.
Theoretical perspectives on families

Perspective on family
Focus Key Points Problems
Functionali Role of families In modern societies, Family problems are related to
st In maintaining families serve the change in social institutions
stability of society functions of sexual such as the economy religion
and individual well regulation, socialization , education and law/government
being economic and
psychological support
and provision of social
status
Conflict/ Families as sources Families both mirror and Family problems reflect social
Feminist of conflict and social help to perpetuate social patterns of dominance and
inequality inequalities based on subordination
class and gender
Interactioni Family dynamics Interaction with in How family problems are
st including families create a shared perceived and defined
communication reality depends on patterns of
patterns communication, the meanings
and subjective people give to roles and
meaning people events and individuals
assign to events interpretation of family
interactions
Table 2:1 Theoretical perspectives on families

2.9 Transition and Problems in Family Life
2.9.1 Divorce
Various studies show that the rate of divorce has increased recently in many
societies. One reason that divorce is common among many modern societies
is that today parents and children work and play together less often; they
are more active individually in schools, workplaces, and various recreational
settings, also people have become more individualistic, seemingly more
concerned with personal happiness than committed to the wellbeing of
families. Second, many people today base marriage on romantic love.
Because sexual passion usually subsides with time, spouses may end a
marriage in favor of a relationship that renews excitement and romance.
Third, women's increasing participation in the labor force has reduced their
financial dependency on their husbands. Growing economic equality
between the sexes may strain conventional marriages and gives women
more choice about staying in such a marriage. Fourth, when both parents
work outside the home, childrearing is a considerable burden. Children do
stabilize some marriages (Waite, Haggstrom, & Kanouse, 1985), but divorce
is most common during the early years of marriage when many couples have
young children. Fifth, divorce no longer carries the powerful negative stigma
common a century ago. In today's geographically mobile society, both
extended family members and neighbors are less likely to discourage divorce
than they often did in the past (Thornton, 1985; Gerstel, 1987). Sixth,
divorces are also easier to obtain now. In the past, courts required divorcing
couples to demonstrate that one or both were guilty of behavior such as
adultery or physical abuse. Today most states allow divorce simply because
a couple believes their marriage has failed. Half of American adults now
think divorce is too easy to obtain (N. O. R. c., 1989:256). However, despite
these changes, the emotional and financial costs of ending a marriage
remain high.
2.9.1.1 Who Divorces?
1. Young spouses, especially teenagers, are the most likely to divorce,

because usually their courtship was brief and because they have less
financial stability and emotional maturity.
2. People in lower social classes, too, are more likely to divorce because
of financial strains.
3. Divorce is more likely when a couple marries in response to an
unexpected pregnancy.
4. Divorce is also likely when one or both have alcohol or other drug
problems.
5. Another factor related to divorce is dissimilar social backgrounds,
which may introduce tensions difficult to resolve.
6. Divorce also is more common among women who have successful

careers, partly because of the strains of a two-career marriage and
partly because such women are less constrained to remain in an
unhappy marriage.
7. People who divorce once also tend to divorce again, partly because
problems often follow them from one marriage to another.
8. Finally, people who move, weakening ties with family and friends, are
more likely to divorce.
2.9.1.2 Adjustments/Stages in Divorce
Divorce is not necessarily a problem; it may be a transition that benefits

each party. Even in the best case, however, ending a marriage brings as
much change as beginning one.
Paul Bohannan (1970) suggests that divorce involves six different

adjustments. First, there is the emotional divorce. A deteriorating marriage is
often fraught with disappointment and frustration, if not outright hostility.
Second is the formal, legal divorce, which may involve financial and further
emotional burdens. Bohannan describes a third transition as psychic divorce.
Divorced people may experience personal failure, loneliness, and a need for
personal repair. Fourth, community divorce points to the need to reorganize
friendships ("Were they really my friends or my spouse's?") and to adjust
relations with parents and other family members who had grown
accustomed to seeing someone as part of a couple.
A fifth problem, especially for women, is the economic divorce. Recent no-
fault divorce laws have reduced the amount of alimony and child support
paid by men to ex-wives. Divorce courts are now likely to require that homes
be sold so that marital assets can be evenly divided. These legal changes,
claims Lenore Weitzman (1985), have hurt women financially. Ex-wives often
lose other forms of financial security as well, such as insurance policies,
pension programs, and credit, all of which typically remain with ex-husbands.
Older women who have not been in the labor force suffer even more severe
economic problems, Weitzman observes, since they generally lack job skills.
A sixth and final adjustment noted by Bohannan is parental divorce, in which

parents must resolve the difficult issues surrounding custody of children.
'More than half of divorcing partners have children under eighteen, and
about half of children under eighteen experience the divorce of their parents
(Bumpass, 1984; Weitzman, 1985; Leslie & Korman, 1989). The practice of
awarding custody to mothers is based on the conventional view of women as
being better parents than men are. Recently, however, a growing number of
fathers have fought to gain custody of their children. There is a trend award
joint custody, whereby children have a primary home with one parent but
regularly spend time with the other, or they divide their lives more or less
evenly between the two parents. Although joint custody is difficult if the
divorced parents live far apart or do not get along, it does have the
advantage of keeping children n regular contact with both parents (Roman &
Haddad, 1978; Cheri in & Furstenberg, 1983).
Because mothers usually have custody of children but fathers typically earn
more income, the well-being of children often depends on fathers making
court-ordered child-support payments. Yet about half of children of divorced
parents do not receive the financial support to which they are legally
entitled. What has been called "an epidemic of nonsupport" has led to
federal legislation mandating that parents who fail to fulfill this obligation will
have the payments withheld from their earnings (Weitzman, 1985).
Conventional wisdom suggests that divorce is hardest on the children.

Divorce may tear children from familiar surroundings and confront them with
disturbing changes. Moreover, children may feel responsible for the divorce
of their parents. There is little doubt, however, that children who experience
family breakup fare better than those who remain in a family torn by tension
or violence (Goetting, 1981; Zill, 1984). Recognizing this fact, Americans now
express less support for the idea of staying together "for the sake of the
children": 70 percent now believe that divorce is preferable to maintaining
an intact family fraught with conflict (Black, 1984). Ideally, of course,
children fare best in the absence of both family conflict and divorce.
2.9.2 Remarriage
As the divorce rate has increased, so has the rate of remarriage. Four out of
five people who divorce remarry, most within five years. This is especially
true of older men: marrying younger and less economically successful
women. Because women are expected to "marry up," the more education a
woman has, and the better her job, the less likely she is to remarry due to
difficulty in finding' a suitable husband (Leslie & Korman, 1989).
Common sense suggests that what people learned from failed first marriages
should make their subsequent marriages more successful. Yet remarriages
are even more likely to end in divorce. One reason is that people who have
already been through a divorce will be prepared to end another
unsatisfactory marriage. Additionally, the first divorce may have been
caused by attitudes or behavior that will undermine a subsequent marriage.
The same transitions that Paul Bohannan links to divorce are present in
remarriage. According to Ann Goetting (I 982), emotional remarriage
involves reestablishing a bond based on attraction, commitment, and trust.
Legal remarriage follows, but does not complete the remarriage process.
Psychic remarriage suggests the need to regain personal identity as part of a
couple; often individuals must relinquish the autonomy and privacy gained
after an earlier divorce. Community remarriage involves altering
relationships with friends and family based on, once again, being married.
Economic remarriage generally increases a couple's standard of living, since
two incomes now maintain only one residence. When there are children, a
more complex issue is establishing and managing child-support payments,
which might flow both to and from the new household. As was noted earlier,
such payments are often sporadic, making economic planning difficult.
Where there are children, parental remarriage consists of establishing

relationships with the children of the spouse, a task that often demands skill
and patience. Remarriage often creates blended families, composed of
biological parents and stepparents, so various that children in one household
may have two, one, or no common parents. With one biological parent
typically living elsewhere, blended families may have to make some effort to
establish precisely who part of the child's nuclear family is. Blended families
also subject children to new relationships: an only child, for example, may
suddenly find she has two older brothers. Such factors explain why
remarriages involving children have more stress and conflict, contributing to
the likelihood of another divorce (Kalmuss & Seltzer, 1984).
2.9.3 Family Violence
The ideal family is a haven from the dangers of the larger world. The
disturbing reality of many real families, however, is family violence-
emotional, physical, or sexual abuse of one family member by another.
According to sociologist Richard J. Gelles: The family is the most violent
group in society with the exception of the police and the military. You are
more likely to get killed, injured, or physically attacked in your home by
someone you are related to than in any other social context. In fact, if
violence were a communicable disease, the government would consider it an
epidemic. (Cited in Roesch 1984:75)
Such facts are chilling, and in some cases, almost incredible. Public
awareness is the first step toward solving this problem, which victimizes
millions of adults and children.
2.9.3.1 Spouse Abuse

The common stereotype of a spouse abuser is a lower-class man who now
and then drinks too much, loses control, and beats up his wife. In reality,
spouse abuse exists among all social classes, races, and ethnic groups,
though financial problems and unemployment can make the problem worse.
Furthermore, in many families violence occurs without apparent explanation
and it often goes unreported to police. Some research suggests that women
are as likely to be violent toward men as men are toward women. But two
sex-based differences have been confirmed. First, the most serious injuries
affect women; second, violence against men often takes the form of
women's retaliation and self-defense (Straus & Gelles, 1986). Although
violence commonly involves both partners, then, the damage of spouse
abuse is mostly in the form of injury to women (Schwartz, 1987).
Marital rape is a type of spouse abuse that has attracted attention in recent
years. Historically, wives were considered the property of their husbands, so
a man could not be legally charged with raping his wife. By 1990, however,
all but ten states had outlawed rape by husbands, although in some states a
marital rape charge is permissible only under specific circumstances such as
after legal separation (Russell, 1982; O'Reilly, 1983; Margolick, 1984;
Goetting, 1989).
Physically abused women have traditionally had few options. They may want
to leave home, but many especially those with children and without much
money dont have anywhere to go. Most wives are also committed to their
marriages and believe (however unrealistically) that they can help abusive
husbands to change. Some, unable to understand their husbands' violence,
blame themselves. Others, raised in violent families, expect assault to be
part of family life. The trap of family violence is seen in a study finding that
one-fourth of women who had entered a metropolitan hospital after
attempting suicide had been reacting to family violence (Stark & Flitcraft,
1979).
In the past, the law regarded domestic violence as a private concern of

families. Now, even without separation or divorce, a woman can obtain court
protection to ensure that an abusive spouse will be punished. Medical
personnel are also more aware today of the telltale signs of spouse violence
and are likely to report such cases to police.
Communities across North America are establishing domestic shelters that

provide counseling as well as temporary housing for women and children
driven from their homes by domestic violence. The first one was established
in Pasadena, California, in 1964, and almost a thousand such shelters now
exist (although this number is fewer than the 3,000 animal shelters in the
United States). Some men and women who abuse their partners are also
joining self-help groups in an effort to understand and control their own
behavior.
2.9.3.2 Child Abuse

The vicious nature of child abuse lies in adults' use of power and trust to
victimize children. Child abuse is therefore both physical and emotional,
undermining the core of family life. As with spouse abuse, the full extent of
child abuse and neglect can only be estimated; it victimizes perhaps 2
million children each year, including several thousand who die as a result (U.
S. House of Representatives, 1987). Child abuse is more common among

young children-who are most vulnerable-than among teenagers (Straus &
Gelles, 1986). Domestic violence against children also causes tens of
thousands of them to run away from home every year.
Many abused children do not reveal their suffering to others and grow up
believing that they are to blame for their own victimization. The initial abuse,
coupled with years of guilt, can leave lasting emotional scars that prevent
people abused as children from forming healthy relationships as adults.
About 90 percent of child abusers are men, but they conform to no simple
stereotype. As one man who entered a therapy group reported, "I kept
waiting for all the guys with raincoats and greasy hair to show up. But
everyone looked like regular middle-class people" (Lubcnow, 1984). One
common trait of abusers, however, is having been abused themselves as
children. Researchers have found that violent behavior within close personal
relationships is learned (Gwartney-Gibbs, Stockard, & Bohmer, 1987).
Treatment programs, then, offer legal protection to victims, although their
effectiveness in assisting offenders remains unclear.
2.10 Alternative Family Forms
In recent decades, (Western) society has embraced greater freedom in

family living. While more traditional forms are still preferred by most,
marriage and the family now represent a range of legitimate lifestyles.
2.10.1 One-Parent Families

Statistic from the US reflects a rapid growth of one-parent families, which
now contain almost one-fifth of all American children. Single parenthood is
four times more common among women than among men-may result from
divorce, but increasingly it comes from the simple desire on the part of
mature women to have a child without marriage. Women's entering the labor
force has provided them with the financial independence to become single
parents, a choice many make either because they have not found a suitable
husband or because they do not wish to marry (Kantrowitz, 1985). Not all
single parents are financially secure, however. Estimates suggest that at
least one-third of the women in the United States become pregnant as
teenagers, and many decide to raise their children (Wallis, 1985).
The negative stigma attached to being born out of wedlock has certainly
declined. A majority of Americans still believe, however, that a woman
should not become pregnant if she does not plan to raise the child with its
biological father (Kelley, 1984).
Most research supports the conclusion that growing up in a one-parent

family can, but does not necessarily, have negative effects on children.
Divorce is stressful for children, and many reveal emotional scars many
years later (Wallerstein & Blakeslee, 1989). A more common problem among
families with one parent-especially if that parent is female-is poverty. This,
rather than the absence of a parent, probably results in such children being
more likely to become low-income adults, to divorce, and to have children
outside of marriage themselves (McLanahan, 1985; Weisner & Eiduson,
1986). Some research suggests, however, that growing up in a sing1eparent
family is linked to lower educational and occupational achievement
regardless of economic circumstances (Mueller & Cooper, 1984). Such
inconsistent results show the need for continuing research about this
emerging family form.
2.10.2 Cohabitation
Cohabitation is the sharing of a household by an unmarried couple. A
generation ago, terms such as "shacking up" and "living in sin" indicated that
cohabitation was widely viewed as deviant. Yet the number of cohabiting
couples in the United States has increased sharply in recent years.
The macro level impact of cohabiting is unclear. Although illegal in some

states, cohabitation is unquestionably gaining popularity as a way to test a
serious relationship while also saving the expense of maintaining a second
residence.
Cohabitation does not imply as much commitment as marriage, and for this
reason cohabiting couples rarely have children.
Long-term unmarried partners may have an uncertain level of commitment;

court decisions, however, suggest that they do gain a claim on each other's
property. In other words, as cohabitation has gained in popularity, the legal
distinction between this pattern and marriage is no longer as clear.
Finally, cohabitation takes various forms. Although this relational form is

most common among younger adults who are sexual partners, many elderly
people choose to live together with no sexual motives. For them,
cohabitation is a form of economic assistance or a source of companionship.
2.10.3 Gay Male and Lesbian Couples

In 1989, Denmark became the first country to legalize homosexual
marriages, thereby extending to gay and lesbian couples legal advantages in
inheritance, taxation, and joint property ownership. Danish law, however,
does not presently allow such couples to adopt children. In the United States,
recent laws in San Francisco, New York, and elsewhere confer some of the
legal benefits of marriage on gay male and lesbian couples.
Despite scorn rooted in the heterosexuality of American culture and barriers

to legal marriage, many gay men and lesbians form long-term, committed
partnerships they themselves honor as marriages and view as the basis of
families (Bell, Weinberg, & Kiefer-Hammersmith, 1981). This is especially
true of lesbian couples, who are more likely than gay male couples to remain
sexually exclusive (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983).
3 Religion
3.1 What is Religion?
1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The God
of Christianity is a supreme being, his word is the ultimate truth, his power is omnipotent. His
followers worship him and praise him and live by his commandments.
2. The Dugum Dani live in the Highlands of New Guinea. They have no god, but their world is
inhabited by a host of supernatural beings known as mogat. The mogat are the ghosts of the
dead. They cause illness and death and control the wind and the rain. The Dugum Dani are not
pious - they do not pray. Their rituals are not to honor or worship the mogat but to placate and
appease them.
3. The Teton Sioux lived on the northern prairies of the USA. The worlds of nature, on which they
were dependent, were controlled by the Wakan powers. The powers were stronger and more
mysterious than those of people. They caused the seasons to change, the rains to fall, the
plants to grow and the animals to multiply. In this way they cared for the Sioux. The Sioux did
not worship the Wakan powers but invoked their aid: they appealed to the powers for
assistance or protection.
Religious beliefs of one sort or another are present in every known society,
but their variety seems to be endless. Any definition of religion must
encompass this variety. However, it is difficult to produce a definition broad
enough to do so without incorporating phenomena that are not normally
thought of as religions. Two main approaches have been adopted in tackling
this issue: those that rely upon functional and those that use substantive
definitions.
3.1.1 Functional Definitions
One way of defining religion is to see it in terms of the functions it performs

for society or individuals. One such definition is provided by Yinger, who
defined religion as a system of beliefs and practices by means of which a
group of people struggles with the ultimate problems of human life (quoted
in Hamilton, 1995). However, Hamilton notes two main problems with such
a definition.
 First, it allows the inclusion of a wide variety of belief systems in the

category 'religion'. For example, by this definition communism could be
regarded as a religion even though it explicitly rejects religious beliefs.
 Second, it is based upon assumptions about the roles and purposes of
religion. However, these roles and purposes might vary between
societies and it should be the job of sociology to uncover them by
empirical investigation, not to assume what they are from the outset.
 Third, phrases such as 'the ultimate problems of human life' are open
to varied interpretations. Hamilton points out that for some people the
ultimate problems of life might be 'simply how to enjoy it as much as
possible, how to avoid pain and ensure pleasure'. It is clear that many
other aspects of social life, apart from religion, address such issues -
for example, medicine and leisure.
3.1.2 Substantive Definitions
Other approaches are based upon substantive definitions; that is, they are
concerned with the content of religion rather than its function or purpose.
Substantive definitions can take a number of forms.
Durkheim (1961) defined religion in terms of a distinction between the

sacred and the profane. Sacred objects produce a sense of awe, veneration
and respect, whereas profane objects do not. However, as critics have
pointed out, in some cases explicitly religious objects are not always treated
with respect.
A common approach to a substantive definition of religion is to define it in

terms of supernatural beliefs. Thus Roland Robertson (1970) states that
religion 'refers to the existence of supernatural beings that have a governing
effect on life'.
A supernatural element is combined with institutional aspects of religion in

Melford Spiro's (1965) definition of religion as 'an institution consisting of
culturally patterned interaction with culturally postulated superhuman
beings'. However, as Hamilton points out, such definitions run into problems
because certain belief systems which are commonly regarded as religions,
such as Buddhism, do not contain a belief in supernatural beings.
3.1.3 Polithetic Definitions

Both of the above definitions try to state what is common to all religions- to
specify attributes which a potential candidate must fulfill to be religion.
But these definitions as we have seen are problematic.
In an attempt to meet the problems faced by the above definitions, some

sociologists have come up with Polithetic rather than monothetic definitions.
A polithetic definition is one that designates a class of things that share

resemblance with one another but with no single or set of attributes is
common to every member of the class.
These family resemblances are such that while any particular instance will
have in common a number of attributes with some members of the class, it
may share no attribute at all with other. It thus a complex network of
overlapping instances such that while every instance overlaps with many
others, some do not overlap with one another at all
We call something X because it is very similar in some was to other

phenomenon that are properly called Xs . Xs form a single family held
together by the overlapping of many similarities and constituting, by virtue
of this unity, a concept.
The strategy consists is listing the attributes which define the class. The
requirement for inclusion is that an instance exhibits a number of these
attributes but no necessarily all.
Southwold (1978) offers the following as a tentative and probably

incomplete list
1. A central concern with godlike beings and mens relation with them
2. A dichotomization of elements of the world into sacred and profane ,
and a central concern with sacred
3. an orientation towards salvation from the ordinary conditions of
worldly existence
4. Ritual practices
5. Beliefs which are neither logically nor empirically demonstrable or
highly probable but must be held on the basis of faiths
6. An ethical code supported by such beliefs
7. Supernatural sanctions on infringements of that code
8. A mythology
9. A body of scripture or similarly exalted oral tradition
10. A priesthood or similar specialist religious elite
11. Association with a moral community, a church
12. Association with an ethnic or similar group
This approach draws no sharp boundaries demarcating what is religion and

what is not. Thus it is criticized that it causes ambiguity; for example how
many attribute would one need to be a religion? What are the bases to
include a criterion?
Recognizing these difficulties other people have came up with a different

strategy based up on family resemblance approach.
Saler proposes the prototype approach. The essential idea is that there is
some core set of prototypical attributes derived from our experience and
knowledge of familiar instancesin the case of religion, Christianity, Islam,
and Judaism form the basis.
We may thus base our conception of what religion is on these cases but not
in a constraining manner by insisting that other members of the class share
the essential attributes these three religions share. Only on the basis of the
similarities they have with the prototypical instances.
The problem with the prototypical definition is that there is a serious

danger of ethnocentric or other bias.
All definitions emphasize certain aspects of religion and exclude others.

Functional definitions tend to be too inclusive - it is too easy to qualify as a
religion; while substantive ones tend to be too exclusive - it is too difficult to
qualify as a religion. It should be borne in mind that these definitions tend to
reflect the theoretical assumptions and the specific arguments being
advanced by individual sociologists. This is particularly evident in the debate
on secularization (the question of whether religion has declined). Varying
definitions allow the advocates and critics of the theory to include evidence
that supports their case and exclude evidence that contradicts it.
The problems of definition should not, however, be exaggerated. The

disputes tend to occur over phenomena that can be considered to be on the
fringes of religion (such as New Age movements) and there is general
agreement that such belief systems as Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism,
Christianity, Buddhism and Judaism are religions.
3.2 Some Common Elements of Religion
One of the hallmarks of religion is a belief in supernatural beings and forces.

They can take a variety of forms, not all of which are found in every religion.
The beliefs usually fall into one of five categories: animatism, animism,
ancestral spirits, gods or goddesses, and minor supernatural beings.
3.2.1 Animatism
A belief in a supernatural power not part of supernatural beings is referred to

as animatism. For those who hold this belief, the power is usually
impersonal, unseen, and potentially everywhere. It is neither good nor evil,
but it is powerful and dangerous if misused. It is something like electricity or
"the force" in the Star Wars movies.
Animatism is a widespread belief, especially in small-scale societies. Among

the Polynesian cultures of the Southern Pacific, this power is commonly
known as "mana". For them it is a force that is inherent in all objects, plants,
and animals (including people) to different degrees. Some things or people
have more of it than others and are, therefore, potentially dangerous. For
instance, a chief may have so much of it that he must be carried around all
of the time. If he were to walk on the ground, sufficient residual amounts of
his mana might remain in his footprints to harm ordinary people if they later
stepped on them. Volcanoes and some other places were thought to have
concentrated mana and were, therefore, very dangerous.
3.2.2 Animism
A belief that natural objects are animated by spirits is animism. This belief
can take diverse forms. Things in nature may all have within them different
spirits each rock, tree, and cloud may have its own unique spirit. In
contrast, all things in nature may be thought of as having the same spirit.
This latter version of animism was characteristic of many Native American
cultures. In both forms of animism, the spirits are thought of as having
identifiable personalities and other characteristics such as gender. A belief
in a powerful, mature, protective "mother nature" is an example. The spirits
may be benevolent, malevolent, or neutral. They can be lovable, terrifying,
or even mischievous. They can interact with humans and can be pleased or
irritated by human actions. Therefore, people must be concerned about
them and will try to avoid displeasing them.
Initially, animatism and animism may seem to be the same thing. In fact
both beliefs are often found in the same culture. The difference, however, is
that the "power" of animatism does not have a personality--it is an
impersonal "it" rather than a "he" or "she" with human-like characteristics.
Spirits are individual supernatural beings with their own recognizable traits.
3.2.3 Ancestral Spirits

One special category of spirit found in the belief system of most cultures
consists of the souls or ghosts of ancestors. A belief in ancestral spirits is
consistent with the widespread belief that humans have at least two parts--a
physical body and some kind of non-physical spirit or soul. The spirit portion
is generally believed to be freed from the body by death and continues to
exist. Ancestral spirits are often seen as retaining an active interest and
even membership in their family and society. Like living people, they can
have emotions, feelings, and appetites. They must be treated well to assure
their continued good will and assistance to the living.
In China, ancestral spirits are often thought of as still being active family
members. They are treated warmly with respect and honor. Traditional
Chinese families in rural villages often set a place at feast tables for their
ancestors as if they are still living. If treated well, the ancestral spirits may
help their living descendants have bigger crops, do better in business, or
achieve other desirable goals because they are still interested in the well
being of the family.
In European cultures, the spirits of dead ancestors are usually not thought of
so kindly. The dead and their spirits have been seen historically as
dangerous by Europeansthey haunt the living and often do unpleasant,
frightening, and unpredictable things. Ghosts or spirits are feared and
avoided because of the danger inherent in encounters with them. This belief
that the dead more likely than not will be malevolent is one of the reasons
that Europeans have traditionally buried their relatives in cemeteries, which
are essentially cities of the dead physically separated from the living. In
contrast, those cultures that believe ancestral spirits are helpful usually bury
or store the remains of dead family members in or around the home to keep
them close. In some cultures, people eat parts of the body of dead relatives
or mix their cremated ashes in water and drink it. This mortuary cannibalism
is intended to allow the dead to remain part of their living family. For the
Yanomamö and some other lowland forest peoples of South America, not
consuming the ashes of their relatives would be extremely unkind and
insensitive.
3.2.4 Gods and Goddesses

Most religions maintain a belief in powerful supernatural beings with
individual identities and recognizable attributes. These beings are usually
thought of as gods or goddesses. Another term for them is deities. Like
spirits, they have individual identities and recognizable attributes. However,
gods and goddesses are more powerful than spirits and other lesser
supernatural beings--they can effectively alter all of nature and human
fortunes. As a result, they are commonly worshipped and requests are made
of them to help in times of need.
Religions differ in the number of gods that their followers believe exist. A
belief that there is only one god is referred to as monotheism. Judaism,
Christianity, and Islam are examples of monotheistic religions. In contrast, a
belief in more than one god is known as polytheism. Hinduism is a

polytheistic religion.
When there are many gods in a religion, they are typically ranked relative to
each other in terms of their powers and their interests. The supreme god is
often an otiose deity. That is, he or she established the order of the universe
and is now remote from earthly concerns ("otiose" is Greek for "at rest). As a
result, otiose deities may be almost ignored in favor of lesser gods who take
an interest in the everyday affairs of humans.
The simple distinction between monotheism and polytheism may be

deceptivethe truth can be much more complex. For instance, some
scholars have argued that monotheisms, such as Catholicism, are actually de
facto polytheisms for many of the faithful. From this perspective, Jesus, the
Virgin Mary, and the saints are prayed to for guidance and help as if they
were minor gods themselves. While the Christian God is considered all
powerful, he is often not the one who is turned to by Catholics during life
crises. Perhaps, this is because he is essentially an otiose deity.
Hinduism is also more complex than it may seem initially. In India and Bali,
Hindus can be observed fervently worshipping hundreds of different gods.
This fits the classic description of a polytheistic religion. However, since the
many gods are only different manifestations of the supreme god Shiva (or
Vishnu or Krishna), Hinduism can also be interpreted as a monotheism. It all
depends on whether you are talking to a rural peasant farmer or an educated
priest.
3.3 Types of Religious Organization
Religious groups vary widely in their organizational structure. While some

groups are large and somewhat bureaucratically organized, others are small
and have a relatively informal authority structure. Some require total
commitment of their members; others expect members to have only a
partial commitment. Sociologists have developed typologies or ideal types of
religious organization to enable them to study a wide variety of religious
groups. The most common categorization sets forth four types: ecclesia,
church, sect, and cult.
3.3.1 Ecclesia
Some countries have an official or state religion known as the ecclesia-a
religious organization that is so integrated into the dominant culture that it
claims as its membership all members of a society. Membership in the
ecclesia occurs as a result of being born into the society, rather than by any
conscious decision on the part of individual members. The linkages between
the social institutions of religion and government often are very strong in
such societies. Although no true ecclesia exists in the contemporary world,
the Anglican Church (the official church of England), the Lutheran church in
Sweden and Denmark, the Catholic church in Spain, and Islam in Iran and
Pakistan come fairly close.
3.3.2 Church
A church is a large, bureaucratically organized religious body that tends to
seek accommodation with the larger society in order to maintain some
degree of control over it. Church membership largely is based on birth;
children of church members typically are baptized as infants and become
lifelong members of the church. Older children and adults may choose to join
the church, but they are required go through an extensive training program
that culminates in a ceremony similar to the one that infants go through.
Leadership is hierarchically arranged, and clergy generally have many years
of formal education. Churches have very restrained services that appeal to
the intellect rather than the emotions (Stark, 1992). Religious services are
highly ritualized; they are led by clergy who wear robes, enter and exit in a
formal processional, administer sacraments, and read services from a prayer
book or other standardized liturgical format.
Midway between the church and the sect is a denomination-a large,

organized religious body characterized by accommodation to society but
frequently lacking the ability or intention to dominate society (Niebuhr,
1929). Denominations have a trained ministry, and while involvement by lay
members is encouraged more than in the church, their participation is
usually limited to particular activities, such as readings or prayers.
Denominations tend to be more tolerant and less likely than churches to
expel or excommunicate members. This form of organization is most likely to
thrive in societies characterized by religious pluralism-a situation in which
many religious groups exist because they have a special appeal to specific
segments of the population.
To help explain the different types of religious organizations found in

societies, Ernst Troeltsch (1960/1931) and his teacher, Max Weber
(1963/1922), developed a typology that distinguishes between the
characteristics of churches and sects (see Table). Unlike an ecclesia, a
church is not considered to be a state religion; however, it may still have a
powerful influence on political and economic arrangements in society.
Characteristic of churches and sects

Characteristic Church Sect
Organization Large bureaucratic Small faithful group , with
organization , led by a high degree of lay

professional clergy participation
Open to all ; members Closely guarded
usually form upper and membership usually from
Membership middle classes lower classes
Type of worship Formal/Orderly Informal, spontaneous
Granted by God, as
Salvation administered by the church Achieved by moral purity
Attitude towards
other religions and
institutions Tolerant Intolerant
3.3.3 Sect
A sect is a relatively small religious group that has broken away from
another religious organization to renew what it views as the original version
of the faith. Unlike churches, sects offer members a more personal religion
and an intimate relationship with a supreme being, depicted as taking an
active interest in the individual's everyday life. Whereas churches use
formalized prayers, often from a prayer book, sects have informal prayers
composed at the time they are given. Also, whereas churches typically
appeal to members of the upper classes, and denominations to members of
the middle and upper classes, sects seek to meet the needs of people who
are low in the stratification system-that is, the masses (Stark, 1992).
Sects have many beliefs and practices in common with the religion or party
that they have broken off from, but are differentiated by a number of
doctrinal differences.
Generally sects are loosely organized and small.
Sects offer a more personal salvation and an intimate relation ship with a
supreme being depicted as having an active interest in the individuals
everyday life.
According to the church-sect typology, as members of a sect become more

successful economically and socially, their religious organization also is likely
to focus more on this world and less on the next. If some members of the
sect do not achieve financial success, they may feel left behind as other
members and the ministers shift their priorities. Eventually, this process will
weaken some organizations, and people will split off to create new, less
worldly versions of the group, which will be more committed to "keeping the
faith." Those who defect to form a new religious organization may start
another sect or form a cult (Stark and Bainbridge, 1981).
3.3.4 Cults
A cult is a religious group with practices and teachings outside the dominant
cultural and religious traditions of a society. A cult is a cohesive group of
people (often a relatively small and recently founded religious movement)
devoted to beliefs or practices that the surrounding culture or society
considers being far outside the mainstream. Although many people view
cults negatively, some major religions (including Judaism, Islam, and
Christianity) and some denominations (such as the Mormons) started as
cults.
Cults are often met with rejection from society. Its message is considered
bizarre, or strange. Its members antagonize the majority. The cult demands
intense commitment and its followers, confronting a hostile world, form a
tight relation ship, separating themselves from nonbelievers. Most cults fail,
however, some cults may grow in to other forms of religious organization
overtime.
Cult leadership is based on charismatic characteristics of the individual,

including an unusual ability to form attachments with others. An example is
the religious movement started by Reverend Sun Myung Moon, a Korean
electrical engineer who believed that God had revealed to him that Judgment
Day was rapidly approaching. Out of this movement, the Unification church,
or "Moonies," grew and flourished, recruiting new members through their
personal attachments to present members (Stark, 1992). Some recent cult
leaders have not fared well, including Jim Jones, whose ill-fated cult ended up
committing mass suicide in Guyana, and David Koresh of the also ill-fated
Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas.
Over time, some cults undergo transformation into sects or denominations.

For example, cult leader Mary Baker Eddy's Christian Science church has
become an established denomination with mainstream methods of outreach,
such as a "Christian Science Reading Room" strategically placed in an office
building or shopping mall, where persons who otherwise might know nothing
of the organization learn of its beliefs during their routine activities.
3.4 Secularization
Secularization describes the process whereby religious thinking, practice,

and institutions lose their religious and/or social significance. The concept is
based on the theory, held by some sociologists, that as societies become
industrialized their religious morals, values, and institutions give way to

secular ones and some religious traits become common secular practices.
Secularization has a number of aspects/dimensions. One concerns the level

of membership of religious organizations, i.e., how many people belong to a
church or other religious body, and are active in attending services or other
ceremonials. In this respect, with the exception of USA, the industrial
countries have all experienced considerable secularization as measured in
this way.
A second dimension of secularization concerns how far churches and other

religious organizations maintain their social influence, wealth and prestige. In
earlier religious organizations usually wielded considerable influence over
governments, and social agencies, and commanded high respect in the
community. Nowadays religious organizations have progressively lost much
of their social and political influence and this trend is worldwide.
At present, secularization as understood in the West is being debated in the

sociology of religion. Some scholars have argued that levels of religiosity are
not declining, while other scholars have countered by introducing the idea of
neo-secularization, which broadens the definition of secularization to include
the decline of religious authority. In other words, rather than using the
proportion of irreligious apostates as the sole measure of secularity, neo-
secularization argues that individuals increasingly look outside of religion for
authoritative positions. Neo-secularizationists would argue that religion has
diminishing authority on issues such as birth control, and argue that
religion's authority is declining and secularization is taking place even if
religious affiliation may not be declining in the U.S.
3.5 Sociological Theories of Religion
3.5.1 The Functionalist Perspective
Functionalists examine the functions, dysfunctions, and functional

equivalents of religion. Let us look at some of their conclusions.
3.5.1.1 Functions of religion
In Durkheim's sense of religion-dividing the world into the sacred and

profane and establishing rituals around those beliefsreligion is universal
(Alpert 1939; Galanter t 1989; Caldwell et al. 1992; Nauta 1993). The reason
for its universality, say functionalists, is that religion meets the following
eight basic human needs.
1. Questions about Ultimate Meaning: Around the world, religions

provide answers to perplexing questions about ultimate meaning-such
as the purpose of life, why people suffer, and the existence of an after
life. Those answers give people a sense of purpose. Instead of seeing
themselves buffeted by random events in an aimless existence,
religious believers see their lives as fitting into a divine plan.
2. Emotional Comfort: The answers that religion provides about
ultimate meaning also comfort people by assuring them that there is a
purpose to their suffering. Similarly, religious rituals that enshroud
critical events as illness and death provide emotional comfort at such
times of crisis. The individual knows that others care and can find
consolation in following a familiar and prescribed pattern.
3. Social Solidarity: Religious teachings and practices unite believers

into a community t that shares values and perspectives ("we Jews,"
"we Christians," "we Muslims"). The ' religious rituals that surround
marriage, for example, link the bride and groom with a broader
community that wishes them well. So do other religious rituals, such as
those that celebrate birth and mourn death.
4. Guidelines for Everyday Life: The teachings of religion are not only
abstract. They also apply to people's everyday lives. For example, four
of the Ten Commandments delivered by Moses to the Israelites
concern God, but the other six contain instruction on how to live
everyday life, including how to get along with parents, employers, and
neighbors.
5. Social Control: Religion not only provides guidelines for everyday life,
but it also controls people's behaviors. Most norms of a religious group
apply only to its members, but some set limits on nonmembers also.
An example is religious teachings that are incorporated into criminal
law. In the United States, for example, blasphemy and adultery were
once statutory crimes for which offenders could be arrested, tried, and
sentenced. Laws that prohibit the sale of alcohol before noon on
Sunday-or even Sunday sales of "nonessential items" in some places-
are another example.
6. Adaptation: Religion can help people adapt to new environments. For

example, it is not easy for immigrants to adapt to the confusing
customs of a new land. By maintaining the native language and
familiar rituals and teachings, religion can provide continuity with an
immigrant's cultural past.
The handful of German immigrants who settled in Perry County, Missouri, in

the 1800s, for example, even brought their Lutheran minister with them.
Their sermons and hymns continued to be in German, and their children also
attended a school in which the minister conducted classes in German. Out of

this small group grew the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod, which, in spite of
its name, is an international denomination that numbers almost three million
people. Little by little, this group's descendants and converts entered
mainstream U.S. culture. Today, except for Luther's basic teachings and
some church practices, little remains of the past, for just as it helped the
immigrants adapt to a new environment, so the religion itself underwent
change.
7. Support for the Government: Most religions provide support for the
government. The U.S. flag so prominently displayed in many churches
represents this support. Governments reciprocate by supporting God
as witnessed in the inaugural speeches of U.S. presidents, which
invariably ask God to bless the nation.
In some instances, the government sponsors a particular religion, bans all

others, provides financial support for building churches and seminaries, and
may even pay salaries to the clergy. The religions so sponsored are known as
state religions. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Sweden,
the government sponsored Lutheranism; in Switzerland, Calvinism; and in
Italy, Roman Catholicism. In other instances, even though' no particular
religion is sponsored by the government, religious beliefs are so established
in a nation's life that the country's history and social institutions are
sanctified by being associated with God. For example, though U.S. officials
may not belong to any particular religion, they take office by swearing that
they will, in the name of God, fulfill their duty. Similarly, Congress is opened
with prayer by its own chaplain, schoolchildren recite daily the pledge of
allegiance (including the phrase "one nation under God"), and coins bear the
inscription "In God We Trust." Sociologist Robert Bellah (1970) referred to
this phenomenon as civil religion.
8. Social Change: Although religion is often so bound up with the

prevailing social order that it resists social change, there are occasions
when religion spearheads change.
In the 1960s, for example, the civil rights movement, which fought to
desegregate public facilities and reduce racial discrimination at southern
polls, was led by religious leaders, especially leaders of African-American
churches such as Martin Luther King, Jr .Churches also served as centers
which demonstrators were trained and rallies were organized (Jones 1992)
3.5.1.2 Functional Equivalents of Religion
The functions just described can also be fulfilled by other components of

society. If another component answers questions about ultimate meaning,
provides emotional comfort and guidelines for daily life, and so on,
sociologists call it a functional equivalent of religion. Thus, for some people,

Alcoholics Anonymous is a functional equivalent of religion (Chalfant 1992).
For others, psychotherapy, humanism, transcendental meditation, or even a
political party performs similar functions.
Some functional equivalents are difficult to distinguish from a religion

(Brinton 1965; Luke 1985). For example, c9mmunism had its' prophets (Marx
and Lenin), sacred writings (everything written by Marx, Engels, and Lenin,
but especially the Communist Manifesto), high priests (the heads of the
Communist party), sacred buildings (the Kremlin), shrines (Lenin's body on
display in Red Square), rituals (the annual May Day parade in Red Square),
and even martyrs (Cuba's Che Guevara). Soviet communism, which was
avowedly atheistic and tried to wipe out all traces of Christianity and Judaism
from its midst, even tried to replace baptisms and circumcisions with state-
sponsored rituals that dedicated the child to the state. The Communist party
also produced rituals for weddings and funerals.
As sociologist Ian Robertson (1987) pointed out, however, there is a

fundamental distinction between a religion and its functional equivalent.
Although the substitute may perform similar functions, its activities are not
directed toward God, gods, or the Supernatural.
3.5.1.3 Dysfunctions of Religion
Functionalists also examine ways in which religion can be dysfunctional, that

is, can bring harmful results. Two main dysfunctions are war and religious
persecution.
War: History is filled with wars based on religion-commingled with politics.

Between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries, for example, Christian
monarchs conducted nine Crusades in an attempt to wrest control of the
Holy Land from the Muslims. Unfortunately, such wars are not just a relic of
the past. Even in recent years we have seen Protestants and Catholics
fighting with one another in modern Ireland, while Jews and Muslims in Israel
and Christians and Muslims in Bosnia have done the same thing.
Religion as Justification for Persecution: Beginning in the 1200, and

continuing into the 1800s, in what has he come known a, the Inquisition,
Roman Catholic leader, burned convicted witches at the stake. In 1692,
Protestant leaders in Salem, Massachusetts, did the same thing. (The last
execution for witchcraft was in Sunland in 1722) Similarly, it seems fair to
say that the Aztec religion had its dysfunctionsat least for the virgins
offered to appease angry gods. In short, religion has been used to justify
oppression and any number of brutal acts.
3.5.2 The Symbolic Interactionist Perspective

As discussed in previous chapters, symbolic interactionists focus on the role
of meaning in people's lives, especially the ways in which people use
symbols. Let's apply this perspective to religious symbols, rituals, and beliefs
to see how they help to forge a community of like-minded people.
3.5.2.1 Religious Symbols
To see how significant religious symbols can be, suppose that it is about two
thousand years ago and you have just joined a new religion. You have come
to believe that a recently crucified Jew named Jesus is the Messiah, the Lamb
of God offered for your sins. The Roman leaders are persecuting the
followers of Jesus. They hate your religion because you and your fellow
believers will not .acknowledge Caesar as God.
Christians are few in number, and you are eager to have fellowship with
other believers. But how can you tell who is a believer? Spies are all over.
The government has sworn to destroy this new religion, and you do not relish
the thought of being fed to lions in the Coliseum. You use a simple
technique. While talking with a stranger, as though doodling absentmindedly
in the sand or dust, you casually trace out the outline of a fish. Only fellow
believers know the hidden symbolism-that, taken together, the first letters of
the words in the Greek sentence, "Jesus (is) Christ the Son of God" spell the
Greek word for fish. If the other person gives no response, you rub out the
outline and continue the interaction as normal. If there is a response, you
eagerly talk about your new faith.
All religions use symbols to provide identity and social solidarity for their
members. For Muslims, the primary symbol is the crescent moon and star,
for Jews the Star of David, for Christians the cross. For members, these are
not ordinary symbols, but sacred symbols that evoke feelings of awe and
reverence. In Durkheim's terms, religions use symbols to specify what is
sacred and to separate the sacred from the profane.
A symbol is a condensed way of communicating. Worn by a fundamentalist

Christian, for example, the cross says. "I am a follower of Jesus Christ. I
believe that He is the Messiah, the promised Son of God, that He loves me,
that He died to take away my sins, that He rose from the dead and is going
to return to earth, and that through Him I will receive eternal life."
That is a lot to pack into one symbol-and it is only part of what the symbol
means to a fundamentalist believer. To people in other traditions of
Christianity, the cross conveys somewhat different meanings-but to all
Christians, the cross is a shorthand way of expressing many meanings. So it
is also with the Star of David, the crescent moon and star, the cow
(expressing to Hindus the unity of all living things), and the various symbols
of the world's many other religions.
3.5.2.2 Rituals
Rituals, ceremonies or repetitive practices, are also symbols that help unite
people into a moral community. Some rituals, such as the bar mitzvah of
Jewish boys and Holy Communion of Christians, are designed to create in the
devout a feeling of closeness with God and unity with one another. Rituals
include kneeling and praying at set times, bowing, crossing oneself, singing,
lighting candles and incense, a liturgy, Scripture readings, processions,
baptisms, weddings, funerals, and so on.
3.5.2.3 Beliefs
Symbols, including rituals, develop from beliefs. The belief may be vague
("God is") or highly specific ("God wants us to prostrate ourselves and face
Mecca five times each day"). Religious beliefs not only include values (what
is considered good and desirable in life-how we ought to live) but also a
cosmology, a unified picture of the world. For example, the Jewish, Christian,
and Muslim belief that there is only one God, the Creator of the universe,
who is concerned about the actions of humans and who will hold us
accountable for what we do, is a cosmology. It presents a unifying picture of
the universe.
3.5.2.4 Religious Experience
The term religious experience refers to a sudden awareness of the

supernatural or a feeling of coming in contact with God. Some people
undergo a mild version, such as feeling closer to God when they look at a
mountain or listen to a certain piece of music. Others report a life-
transforming experience; for example, St. Francis of Assisi, who became
aware of God's presence in every living thing.
Some Protestants use the term born again to describe people who have
undergone such a life-transforming religious experience. These persons say
that they came to the realization that they had sinned, that Jesus had died
for their sins, and that God requires them to live a new life. Henceforth their
worlds become transformed, they look forward to the Resurrection and a
new life in heaven, and they see relationships with spouses, parents,
children, and even bosses in a new light. They also report a need to make
change, in how they interact with others, so that their lives reflect their new,
personal Commitment to Jesus as their "Savior and Lord." They describe a
feeling of beginning life again, hence the term "horn again."
3.5.2.5 Community
Finally, the shared meanings that come through symbols, rituals, and beliefs
(and for some, a religious experience) unite people into a moral community.
People in a moral community feel a bond with one another, for their beliefs
and rituals bind them together while at the same time separating them from
those who do not share their unique symbolic world. Mormons, for example,
feel a "kindred spirit" (as it is often known) with other Mormons. So do
Baptists, Jews, Jehovah's Witnesses, and Muslims with members of their
respective faiths.
As a symbol of their unity, members of some religious groups address one

another as "brother" or "sister." "Sister Dougherty, we are going to meet at
Brother and Sister Tedrick's on Wednesday" is a common way of expressing
a message. The terms "brother" and "sister" are intended to symbolize a
relationship so close that the individuals consider themselves members of
the same family.
Community is powerful, not only because it provides the basis for mutual
identity, but also because it establishes norms that govern the behavior of its
members. Members either conform, or they Jose their membership. In
Christian churches, for example, an individual whose adultery becomes
known, and who refuses to ask forgiveness, may be banned from the Church.
He or she may be formally excommunicated, as in the case of Catholics, or
more informally discharged, as is the usual Protestant practice.
The removal of community is a serious matter for people whose identity is

bound up in the community. Sociologists John Hostetler (1980), William
Kephart, and William Zellner (1994) describe the A mish practice shunning-
ignoring an offender in all situations. Persons who are shunned are treated
as though they do not exist (for if they do not repent by expressing sorrow
for their act they have ceased to exist as members of the community). The
shunning is so thorough that even family members, who themselves remain
in good standing in the congregation, are not allowed to talk to the person
being shunned.
3.5.3 The Conflict Perspective
The conflict perspective is quite different. Conflict theorists examine how

religion supports the status quo, and helps to maintain social inequalities.
3.5.3.1 Opium of the People
In general, conflict theorists are highly critical of religion. Karl Marx, an

avowed atheist who believed that the existence of God was impossibility, set
the tone for conflict theorists with his most famous statement on this
subject:
Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless

world.... It is the opium of the people" (Marx 1844/1964).
By this statement, Marx meant that oppressed workers, sighing for release
from their suffering, escape into religion. For them, religion is like a drug that
helps them forget their misery. By diverting their eyes to future happiness in
a coming world, religion takes their eyes off their suffering in this one,
thereby greatly reducing the possibility that they will rebel against their
oppressors.
3.5.3.2 A Reflection of Social Inequalities
Conflict theorists stress that religious teachings and practices are a mirror of
a society's inequalities. Gender inequality illustrates this point. When males
completely dominated U.S. society, U.S. churches and synagogues ordained
only men, limiting women to such activities as teaching children in Sunday
school or preparing meals for congregational get-togethers, which were
considered, appropriate "feminine" activities. As women's roles in the
broader society changed, however, religion reflected those changes. First,
many religious groups allowed women to vote. Then, as women attained
prominent positions in the business world and professions, some Protestant
and Jewish groups allowed women to be ordained. Similarly, just as women
still face barriers in secular society, so some congregations still refuse to
ordain women. In some congregations the barriers remain so high that
women are still not allowed to vote.
3.5.3.3 A Legitimation of Social Inequalities
Not only does religion mirror the social inequalities of the larger society,
conflict theorists say, but it also legitimates them. By this, they mean that
religion, reflecting the interests of those in power, teaches that the existing
social arrangements of a society represent what God desires. For example,
during the Middle Ages Christian theologians decreed the divine right of
kings" This doctrine meant that God determined who would become king and
set him on the throne. The king ruled in God's place, and it was the duty of a
king's subjects to be loyal to him (and to pay their taxes). To disobey the
king was to disobey God.
In what is perhaps the supreme technique of legitimating the social order,

going even a step further than the "divine right of kings," the religion of
ancient Egypt held that the Pharaoh was a god. The Emperor of Japan was
similarly declared divine. If this was so, who could even question his
decisions? How many of todays politicians would give their right arm for
such a religious teaching!
Conflict theorists point to many other examples of how religion legitimates

the social order. One of the more interesting took place in the decades
before the American Civil War. Southern ministers used scripture to defend
slavery, saying that it was God's will-while at the same time northern
ministers legitimated their regional social structure and used scripture to
denounce slavery as evil (Ernst 1988; Nauta 1993). In India, Hinduism
supports the caste system by teaching that an individual who tries to change
caste will Come back in the next life as a member of a lower caste-or even as
an animal.
4 Education
4.1 What is sociology of education?
The sociology of education is the scientific analysis of both formal and

informal learning in a society. When asking questions about the structure
and function of this learning process, one must examine the social
structure of a given society, its institutions for learning, and the
various interrelationships of people and institutions involved.
Because societies are viewed as systems, and their formal and informal
institutions are seen as part of this system, what occurs in the schools is
studied in an attempt to understand how culture is transmitted
(acculturation) and how appropriate attitudes are ingrained
(socialization).
The research areas for the sociologist of education include such relationships
as that of
1. the learning process to the institution;
2. the institution to the social structure;
3. individuals to each other, and
4. individuals to the particular institution and social structure.
The sociologist analyzes both overt and covert learning within formal
educational institutions. Informal learning, which takes place both within
institutions other than schoolssuch as the familyand in different aspects of
the culturesuch as news media and street cultureis also an important
subject for the sociologist of education.
Sociological questions concerning class, status, bureaucracy, and

power are central to these studies.
4.1.1 History
Sociology of education was formerly restricted largely to teacher-training

institutions. As educational sociology, it focused primarily on the school
and classroom and was often taught by educationiststhat is, people whose
concern was more likely to be school and classroom management and
instruction than sociology as an academic discipline.
Educational sociology in the early twentieth century (in the US) was
profoundly influenced by the dominant view of the mission of schooling. The
schools were seen as a major cultural tool for training the citizens as
agents of moral change in a potentially chaotic world. The fear of
moral declinecaused by immigration, urbanization, and
povertyencouraged people to view the school as an “Americanizer”.
Compulsory schooling led many to look to the school to inculcate (establish)
moral values, especially in the children of those who were seen as potentially
disruptive to the established social order. A pragmatic strand within this
approach brought educational sociologists to an effort to assist teachers to
cope with the immediate problems of the classroom. For example, the values
of hard work, orderliness, punctuality, and respect for authority were viewed
as necessary parts of the curriculum, both to maintain order in the classroom
and to prepare the pupil for later work. The result was often too impractical
for the educational practitioner and too unscientific for the academic
sociologist.
4.1.2 Contemporary trends

Sociology of education is now developing into a more general field that seeks
to relate the experience of the educational practitioner to the scientific
analysis of the sociologist. The development of a scientific approach has in

recent years characterized sociology of education as a theoretical discipline,
concentrating on the formal and informal structure and function of learning
situations. It uses empirical data from various learning situations to examine
social structure and function; underlying values and norms;
authority, status, and class patterns; and organizational and
bureaucratic structures.
4.2 The Development of Modern Education
Education in Earlier Societies
What was the structure of education in earlier societies?
In earlier societies there was no separate social institution called education.

Rather, as an integral part of growing up, children learned what was
necessary to get along in life. In some societies, when a sufficient surplus
developed, a separate institution developed. Some people then devoted
themselves to teaching, while those who had the leisurethe children of the
wealthybecame their students. Education, then, came to be something
quite distinct from informal acculturation as a groups formal system of
teaching knowledge, values, and skills. Such instruction stood in marked
contrast to the learning of traditional skills such as farming or hunting, for it
was clearly intended to develop the mind.
Before the 20th century, the main goal of formal education in most societies
was remarkably different from the goal that it has nowadays. Previously,
education was aimed at maintaining the established systems of political,
religious, military and economic leaders; it mainly served as a means of
propaganda for the ruling class. Since the emphasis was on the interests of
the influential and powerful social groups, formal education did not reach the
majority. Nevertheless, as societies advanced, a lot of changes have been
introduced into the educational system. Some of the changes include the
following.
 Modern societies are very complex; these increasingly complex

societies need the whole population to be literate and skillful in
order to accomplish the highly diversified tasks.
 The advancement of society has led to new desires (requirements)
and these in turn have brought about changes in the educational
goals.
 In earlier times, most people (the majority) were ignored by the
central government, and educational opportunities concentrated in
the hands of some individual members of the ruling class and their
close associates. Modern mass society is a participant society.
Unlike the previous traditional society, modern society consists of

actively participating people.
 As the family has shown certain changes in its functions, schools
have assumed more responsibilities to socialize children and
provide them with some forms of care and guidance.
 As the participation of women in the labour force increases, their
involvement in the socialization process (at family level) decrease;
because, they are no more full-time care-takers.
 Therefore, the role of education has been directed towards most
part of modern society, and consequently, the scope of education
has become wider and wider from time to time.
4.3 Sociological Theories of Education
4.3.1 Functionalist Perspective
Schools came into existence several thousand years ago in advanced

horticultural and agricultural societies to prepare a select few for leadership
and professional positions. Until the last century or so, no society could
afford more than a handful of educated people. With the emergence of large-
scale industrial and bureaucratic organizations, however, came a need for an
abundant supply of literate and educated people. The school system became
the primary vehicle by which a nation's citizens were taught the three Rs,
and higher education became the custodian of a nation's intellectual capital.
Education today is a crucial investment in the economy and a major
economic resource. It has also become a major military resource; today it is
the classrooms of higher education that give a nation its advantage in the
struggle for military preeminence. Throughout the world, schools are
increasingly being viewed as a branch of the state and as serving state
purposes (Carnoy and Levin, 1985; Ramirez and Boli, 1987). Functionalists
elaborate on this portrayal of the schools, depicting education as an
essential modern-day institution.
4.3.1.1 Completing socialization
Many preliterate and peasant societies lack schools. They socialize their
youngsters in the same "natural" way that parents teach their children to
walk or talk. Anthropologist Farley Mowat (1952) describes the process
among the Ihalmiut, an Eskimo people. If an Ihalmiut boy indicates he wishes
to become a hunter, a great hunter, all at once, his parents do not make him
feel foolish; nor do they condescend to his childish fancy. Instead, his father
sets to work to make a small bow that is an efficient weapon on a reduced
scale. The father then presents the boy with the bow and the boy
. . . sets out for his hunting grounds-a ridge, perhaps, a hundred yards
away, with the time-honored words of good luck ringing in his ears.
These are the same words which are spoken by the People to their
mightiest hunter when he starts on a two-month trip for musk ox. . . .
There is no distinction, and this lack of distinction is not a pretense; it
is perfectly real. The boy wants to be a hunter? Very well, he shall be a
hunter-not a boy with toy bow! . . . When he returns at last with hunger
gnawing at his stomach, he is greeted gravely as if he were his father.
The whole camp wishes to hear about his hunt. He can expect the
same ridicule at failure, or the same praise if he managed to kill a little
bird, which would come to a full-grown man. (Mowat, 1952:156157)
The content of culture among the Ihalmiut is quite similar for everyone, and
people acquire it mostly through daily living. Unlike the Ihalmiut, adults in
modern societies cannot afford to shape their children in their own image.
Too often parents find themselves with obsolete skills, trained for jobs that
are no longer needed. The knowledge and skills required by contemporary
living cannot be satisfied in a more or less automatic and "natural" way.
Instead, a specialized educational agency is needed to transmit to
the young the ways of thinking feeling, and acting required by a
rapidly changing urbanized and technologically based society.
4.3.1.2 Social integration
Functionalists say that the educational system functions to instill

(establsih)the dominant values of society and shape a common national
mind. Within the United States, students learn what it means to be an
American, become literate in the English language, gain a common heritage,
and acquire mainstream standards and rules. Youngsters from diverse
ethnic, religious, and racial backgrounds are immersed within the same
Anglo-American culture and prepared for "responsible" citizenship.
Historically, the nation's schools have played prominent part in
Americanizing the children of immigrants, helping to stamp out "alien" ways
and assimilate the youngsters within American life. Likewise, the schools are
geared to integrating the poor and disadvantaged within the fabric of
dominant, mainstream intuitions.
4.3.1.3 Screening and selecting
As you have probably seen in your Introduction to Sociology course, all

societies ascribe some statuses to people independent of their unique
qualities or abilities. Other statuses are achieved through choice and
competition. No society ignores individual differences or overlooks individual
accomplishment and failure. Modern societies in particular must select
certain youths for positions that require special talents. The educational
institution commonly performs this function, serving as an agency for

screening and selecting individuals for different types of jobs. By conferring
degrees, diplomas, and credentials that are prerequisites for many technical,
managerial, and professional positions, it determines which young people
will have access to scarce positions and offices of power, privilege, and
status.
4.3.1.4 Research and development
For the most part, schools are designed to produce people who fit into
society, not people who set out to change it. However, schools, particularly
universities, may not only transmit culture; they may add to the cultural
heritage. Contemporary society places a good deal of emphasis on the
development of new knowledge, especially in the physical and biological
sciences, medicine, and engineering.
4.3.1.5 Latent functions
Schools perform a good many latent functions, (consequences that may not
be recognized or intended). The educational institution performs a number of
these functions. First, it provides a custodial or babysitting service,
keeping youngsters from under the feet of adults and the wheels of
automobiles. Second, schools serve as a marriage market, providing
young people with opportunities to select mates of similar class and
social background. Third, schools provide settings in which students
develop a variety of interpersonal skills needed for entering into
friendships, participating in community affairs, and relating to
others in the workplace. Fourth, the age segregation of students in school
environments encourages the formation of youth subcultures. Finally,
formal compulsory education keeps children and adolescents out of the
labor market and so out of competition with adults for jobs.
4.3.2 The Conflict Perspective
Conflict theorists say the educational institution reproduces and legitimates

the current social order. By doing so, it serves some people at the expense
of others (Collins, 1977, 1979).
4.3.2.1 Reproducing the social relations of production
As portrayed by some conflict theorists, American schools promote capitalist

arrangements by popularizing the idea that private ownership and profit
are just and benefit the entire society. But the schools do even more for
the privileged it is contend the social relations of work find expression in the
social relations of the school-what they call the correspondence principle.
They say schools mirror the workplace and on a day-to-day basis prepare
children for adult roles in the job market. The authoritarian structure of the
school reproduces the bureaucratic hierarchy of the corporation by
rewarding diligence, submissiveness, and compliance; and the system of
grades employed to motivate students parallels the wage system for
motivating workers. The schools, then, socialize a compliant labor force for
the capitalist economy. And like their counterparts in industry, students
experience alienation, junior high students suffer boredom from having their
labor controlled by others yet are collectively unaware of the source of their
discontent.
4.3.2.2 The hidden curriculum
In the eyes of conflict theorists, the hidden curriculum of the schools also
serves the interests of economic elites. The hidden curriculum consists
of a set of unarticulated values, attitudes, and behaviors that subtly
(delicately) mold children in the image of the dominant institutions.
Teachers model and reinforce traits that embody middle-class standards-
industry, responsibility, conscientiousness, reliability, thoroughness, self-
control, and efficiency. Children learn to be quiet, to be punctual, to line up,
to wait their turn, to please their teachers, and to conform to group
pressures. In short, schools bridge the intimate and accepting structure
found in many families and the demanding, impersonal structure of the
larger society.
4.3.2.3 Control devices
Conflict theorists agree with functionalist theorists that schools are agencies
for drawing minorities and the disadvantaged into the dominant culture. But
they do not see the function in positive terms. Sociologist Randall Collins
(1976) contends that the educational system serves the interests of the
dominant group by defusing the threat posed by minority ethnic
groups. In large, conflict-ridden, multi-ethnic societies like the United States
and the Soviet Union, schools become instruments to "Americanize" or
"Sovietize" minority peoples. Compulsory education erodes ethnic
differences and loyalties and transmits to minorities and those at the bottom
of the social hierarchy the values and life-ways of the dominant group.
Schools, then, are viewed as control devices.
4.3.2.4 Productive capital
Conflict theorists see the research development function of the universities

quite differently than do functionalist theorists. For instance, Michael W.
Apple (1982) gives a Marxist tone to the functionalist argument by
contending that the educational institution produces the technical
and administrative knowledge necessary for running a capitalist
order. Viewed in this manner, education is part of the system of production.

It not only reproduces existing social arrangements but also develops the
know-how needed by capitalists to fuel the economy and gain a competitive
advantage in world markets.
4.3.2.5 Credentialism
Collins (1979, 1988b) also opposes the functionalist contention that schools
serve as mobility escalators. He cites evidence showing that students
acquire little technical knowledge in school and learn technical skills on the
job. Although employers demand more and more schooling from job
applicants, Collins says that this trend is not explained by the changing
technical requirements of work. The level of skill required by typists,
receptionists, salesclerks, teachers, assembly-line workers, and many others
differs little from that of a generation or so ago. Collins calls these
tendencies credentialismthe requirement that a worker have a
degree attesting to skills not dictated by the job. By virtue of
credentialism, education functions more as a certification of class
membership than of technical skills, and so it becomes a means of class
inheritance.
Whereas at one time a college degree brought an elite occupational status

with elite pay, today it brings a middle-class status with middle-class pay.
There has been a progressive reduction in the occupational and income
return for each year of education (Featherman and Hauser, 1978b; Jencks et
aI., 1979). Conflict theorists portray junior and community colleges as an
extension of the public school tracking system, keeping minority and
working-class youngsters at the same class level as their parents (Karabel,
1977). These youths are led to believe that a junior college or community
college education will increase their chances for upward mobility. Yet their
schooling does not typically bring opportunities for corporate or professional
careers (Dougherty, 1987). For instance, fewer than 10 percent of the
students who enroll at one of California's 106 two-year community colleges
(with 1.1 million students in 1985) complete a two-year program and move
on to a four-year college (Lindsey, 1985). Moreover, fewer black and Hispanic
transfer to four-year colleges than do white students (whereas 25 percent of
the nation's 4.75 million community college students are minority-group
members, minorities constitute barely 10 percent of the four-year college
population) (New York Times, May 14, 1987:18). In short, as the population
gains more education, the relative position of different groups in the
stratification system remains basically the same.
4.3.3 The Symbolic Interactionist Perspective: Teacher Expectations

and the SelfFulfilling Prophecy
Whereas functionalists look at how education functions to benefit society and

conflict
theorists examine how education perpetuates social inequality, symbolic
interactionists
study face-to-face interactions inside the classroom, They have
found that the expectations of teachers have profound
consequences for their students.
4.3.3.1 The Rist Research
In 1970, sociologist Ray Rist did participant observation in an African-

American school with an African-American faculty. Rist found that tracking
begins with the teachers perceptions. After only eight days in the
classroom, the KG teacher felt that she knew the childrens abilities well
enough to assign them to three separate worktables. To Table 1, the teacher
assigned those she considered to be fast learners. They sat at the front of
the room, closest to her. Those whom she saw as slow learners, she
assigned to Table 3, located at the back of the classroom. She placed
average students at Table 2, in between the other tables.
This pattern seemed strange to Rist. He knew that the children had not been
tested for ability, yet the teacher was certain that she could differentiate
between bright and slow children. Investigating further, Rist found that
social class was the underlying basis for assigning the children to the
different tables. Middle-class students were separated out for Table 1,
children from poorer homes to Tables 2 and 3. The teacher paid the most
attention to the children at Table 1, who were closest to her. As the year
went on, children from Table 1 perceived that they were treated better and
that they were better students. They became the leaders in class activities
and even ridiculed children at the other tables. Eventually, the children at
Table 3 disengaged themselves from many classroom activities. Not
surprisingly, at the end of the year only the children at Table 1 had
completed the lessons that prepared them for reading.
This early tracking stuck. When these students entered the first grade, their
new teacher looked at the work they had accomplished and placed students
from Table 1 at her Table 1. She treated her tables much as the kindergarten
teacher had, and the children at Table 1 again led the class. The childrens
reputations continued to follow them. The second-grade teacher reviewed
their scores and also divided her class into three groups. Rist concluded
that the childs journey through school was preordained from the
eighth day of kindergarten! What had occurred was a self-fulfilling
prophecy, a term coined by sociologist Robert Merton (1949) to refer to
an originally false assumption of what is going to happen that

comes true simply because it was predicted. Labels are powerful. They
have a tendency to set people on courses of action that affect the rest of
their lives. That, of course, is the significance of Rists observations of these
grade school children.
4.3.3.2 The Rosenthal-Jacobson Experiment
During the course of our education, most of us have seen teacher

expectations at work. On one level, we know that if a teacher expects higher
standards, then we must perform at a higher level to earn good grades.
Teacher expectations, however, also work in ways that we dont perceive, as
social psychologists Robert Rosenthal and Lenore Jacobson discovered.
In what has become a classic experiment, Rosenthal and Jacobson (1968)
tried out a new test in a San Francisco grade school. They tested the
childrens abilities and then told the teachers which students would probably
spurt ahead during the year. They instructed the teachers to watch these
students progress, but not to let the students or their parents know about
the test results. At the end of the year, they tested the students again and
found that the IQs of the predicted spurters had jumped ten to fifteen
points higher than those of the other children.
You might think that Rosenthal and Jacobson then became famous for
developing a very useful scholastic aptitude test. Actually, however, this
test was another of those covert experiments. Rosenthal and Jacobson had
simply given routine IQ tests to the children and had then randomly chosen
20 percent of the students as spurters. These students were no different
from the others in the classroom. A self-fulfilling prophecy had taken place:
The teachers expected more of those particular students, and the students
responded. In short, expect dumb and you get dumb. Expect smart,
and you get smart.
4.3.3.3 How Do Teacher Expectations Work?
How do teacher expectations actually work? Observations of classroom

interaction give
us some idea. The teachers own middle-class background comes into play,
for teachers are pleased when middle-class students ask probing questions.
They take these as a sign of intelligence. When lower-class students ask
similar questions, however, teachers are more likely to interpret those
questions negatively. In addition, lower-class children are more likely to
reflect subculture that puts down intellectual achievements, an attitude
that causes teachers react negatively.
Sociologist George Farkas led a team of researchers in probing how

teacher expectations affect grades. Using a stratified sample of students in a
large urban
school district in the Southwest and a survey of their teachers, the
researchers discovered students who scored similarly on tests over the
course materials did not necessarily receive the same grade for the course.
They found that females and Asian Americans avraged higher course grades
than males, African Americans, Latinos, and whiteseven though they all had
scored the same on the course work.
To explain this, the first conclusion most of us would jump to would be

discrimination.
In this case, however, such an explanation does not seem to work very well,
for most unlikely that the teachers would be prejudiced against males and
whites. Farkas used
symbolic interactionism to interpret these unexpected results. He noted that
some
students signal to their teachers that they are good students. The
teachers pick up
those signals and reward such persons with better grades. The signals
that communicate good student are not surprisinggreater docility
(eagerness to cooperate and accept what the teacher says) combined with
greater diligence (a show of effort and interest). In short, some students
signal that they are interested in what the teacher is teaching and that they
are trying hard. Females and Asian Americans, the researchers concluded,
are most likely to display these characteristics.
4.3.4 Inequalities and Differences in Education
Concern about gender and educational attainment focuses mainly on the

extent to which females and males perform differently in different subjects
and their tendency to study different subjects given the choice.
4.3.4.1 Explaining Gender Differences in Educational Achievement
Gender was investigated as a mainstream issue relatively late in the

sociology of education. Prior to the 1970s, sociological discussion focused
mainly upon class differences in attainment. However, with the impact of
feminist research during the 1970s and 1980s the educational experiences
of female students increasingly came to the fore.
A number of explanation have been put forward to account for the observed
variations in educational attainment and subject choice:
1. Genetic explanations
2. Outside School Factors, which emphasize childhood socialization
factors based upon external cultural and structural differences.
3. Inside school explanations, which look at the sexism inherent in the

hidden curriculum.
4.3.4.1.1 Genetic Explanations:
Genetic explanations of gender differences in attainment were influential in

psychology during the 1970s, though the biological determinist approach
has a long history. The crucial belief of biological theorists is that gender
differences are natural and therefore unalterable. Educationally, then, it
would be right and proper to treat boys and girls differently in schools,
because their natural inclination are towards different adult roles. Any
socially constructed differences between men and women were built upon
and constrained by these natural differences. For example, theories were
advanced that females excelled at language based subjects because of their
greater verbal and reasoning abilities, yet under-performed in Maths and
science based subjects because of lower levels of innate spatial ability, which
restricted their understanding of shape and form.
These biological theories of innate intelligence have been strongly

criticized. For instance its is argued that, genetic explanations cannot
adequately account for the narrowing of gender differences in Maths and
Science based subjects since the 1980s - if the differences were biologically
determined we would expect them to remain constant over time.
4.3.4.1.2 Childhood Socialization
Feminists such as Sharpe (1976) maintain that differences in child

socialization serve to generate masculine and feminine cultural identities.
Secondary agencies of socialization such as the media and peer groups are
said to reinforce gender identities established during primary socialization
within the family. For example many teenage magazines targeted at female
audiences present ideologies of beauty, marriage, domesticity, and
subordination that serve to strengthen the messages of femininity
families instill into their female members. Gender socialization of this
sort is significant because it helps us to understand why females have
traditionally latched onto subjects such as Home Economics, and the
Arts, which have a femininised image, rather than subjects such as
Technology and Science, which are packaged in a masculine way.
Therefore, sex role theorists, such as Bryne (1978) have argued that the
cycle of discrimination against women is created by parents and teachers
reinforce sex stereotypes, which then become the basis for discriminatory
practices.
4.3.4.1.3 The hidden curriculum
The hidden curriculum, which was discussed before also contributes to

gender differences in achievement. Teachers have socialized into gender
roles too, and there is evidence suggesting that teachers place more
emphasis on boys progress than girls, since boys are expected to be the
future breadwinners. Research into teachers attitudes and expectations
suggests that teachers:
 Have higher expectations of boys than girls.

 Ask boys more questions.
 Give boys more help and encouragement (especially in sciences and
computing).
 Allow boys to dominate discussions and let girls sit quietly.
 Are less likely to know girls names.
 Often under-estimate girls abilities and ambitions.
 Give boys more of their time.
 Are more tolerant of disruptive, unruly behaviour from boys than the
same behaviour from girls.
Girls soon learn that its a mans world in the classroom, with the
consequence of lower self-esteem, ambition, and motivation, and the self-
fulfilling prophecy may then come into effect.
This hidden curriculum is also found, for example, in science textbooks,

which often show more pictures of males doing physics or chemistry; by
contrast, home economics or childcare textbooks usually show females doing
these subjects. Such imagery helps to reinforce the masculinity or
femininity of different subjects.
4.3.4.2 Social Class and Education
It has been found out through a number of researches that there is a direct
relationship between social class and educational achievement. Lower class
students are more likely to get poorer results, drop out of school and never
make it to college.
What are the factors for this underachievement?
Sociologists have offered a number of explanations for these patterns,

including middle-class bias in schools, sub cultural differences among
students, and educational self-fulfilling prophecies.
4.3.4.2.1 Middle-class Bias
Most (American)teachers, regardless of social origin, fit into middle-class life

and share its outlook on such matters as ambition, cleanliness, punctuality,
respect for property and established authority, sexual morality, and
neatness. It is little wonder, then, that schools succeed reasonably well with
middle- and upper-class youngsters. In contrast, middle-class teachers,

without necessarily being aware of their prejudice, often see children from
other backgrounds as unacceptabledifferent and even depressing. Their
students frequently respond by taking the attitude If you dont like me, I
wont cooperate with you. And so many youngsters fail to acquire basic
reading, writing, and math skills.
4.3.4.2.2 Subcultural Differences
Subcultural differences also play a part. Middle- and upper-class parents

usually make it clear to their children that they are expected to apply
themselves to school tasks. Their children typically enter school already
possessing a variety of skills that children from other backgrounds lack,
including conceptions regarding books, crayons, pencils, drawing paper,
numbers, and the alphabet. Perhaps even more important, middle-class
children are much more likely than lower-class youngsters to have the
conviction that they can affect their environments and their futures
4.3.4.2.3 Educational self-fulfilling Prophecies
Finally, lower- class and minority children are often the victims of
educational self-fulfilling prophecies, or teacher-expectation effects. They
frequently fail to learn because those who are charged with teaching them
do not believe that they will learn, do not expect that they can learn, and do
not act toward them in ways that help them to learn. Researchers find that
teachers assessments of students are affected by the stereotypes the
teachers hold of racial groups and social classes. In general, white teachers
rate white students higher than either their black or their Hispanic
counterparts (Jensen and Rosenfeld, 1974).

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Social Institutions I: Sociology of Family, Religion and Education

College Social Science and Humanities

Social Institutions I Reading Material

Below we will see the major social institutions briefly.

1. Family: All societies must have a way of replacing their members;

2. Education: New members of a society need to be taught what it

3. Economy: From the beginning of human societies, the problems of

societies provide ways of coordinating and facilitating the operation of

5. Religion: All societies also face the problem of providing their

6. Military: To deal with the possibility of attack from outside, many

7. Health care: One of the profoundly universal facts of human life is

Accordingly, we will define families as relationships, in which people live

2.2 Family Structure and Characteristics

In pre-industrial societies, the primary form of social organization is through

In industrial societies, other social institutions fulfill some of the functions

activity, socializing children, and providing affection and companionship for

2.2.1 Families of Orientation and Procreation

During our lifetime, many of us will be members of two different types of

2.2.2 Extended and Nuclear Families

Sociologists distinguish between extended and nuclear families based on the

A nuclear family is a family composed of one or two parents and their

2.3 2.3 Marriage and the Family

Traditional social norms viewed marriage as a sacred phenomenon;

Iro Reiss defines marriage as a socially accepted union of individuals in

Leach defines marriage as a bundle of rights (a bundle-marriage as a

2.3.1 Marriage Patterns

mutual commitment by each partner, and linkages between two individuals

2.3.2 Monogamy and Polygamy

In many places, the commonly legally sanctioned form of marriage is

Polygamy is the concurrent marriage of a person of one sex with two or

The most prevalent form of polygamy is polygyny-the concurrent marriage

Sororal polygyny is a form of polygamous marriage in which two or more

The second type of polygamy is polyandrymarriage of one woman with

The second type, non-fraternal polyandry is one in which a womans

Polyandry is generally found in areas where difficult physical environments

2.3.3 Rules of Exogamy and Endogamy

To this point, we have examined a variety of marriage and family patterns

Some societies reinforce this tendency to transform geographically

While unilineal descent structures often entail the specification of lineages as

Class, like caste, involves a stratification of the society according to wealth,

Exogamy refers to cultural norms prescribing that people marry outside

2.3.4 Cross Cousin Marriage

The presence of elaborate systems for arranging and regulating marriages in

Each of these rules results in a unique system:

1. Bilateral cross cousin marriage results in a system of direct exchange

2.3.5 Levirate marriage

2.4 Marriage Payments and Transfers

In most societies, marriages are closely tied to the distribution of property

2.4.1 Bride Wealth

Bride payments have been interpreted in numerous ways. In many cases,

The institutions of bride wealth present in many societies. They involve a

As in the bride wealth system, dowry payments entail a transfer of wealth,

2.4.3 Bride service

2.5 Kinship Patterns: To whom are we related?

Many of us can trace our roots by looking at a family tree or by listening to

Kinship is culturally learned, however, and is not totally determined by

2.5.1 Descent and Inheritance

2.5.2 Unilineal Descent

In pre-industrial societies, kinship is usually traced through one parent

2.5.2.1 Patrilineal Descent

The second type of polygamy is polyandrymarriage of one woman with

The second type, non-fraternal polyandry is one in which a womans