Conflict Studies Quarterly

Ethiopia:
Abegar Indigenous Conflict Resolution System
—Community Based Reconciliation

Benyam Lake YIMER

Abstract: Reconciliation is inevitable for restoring harmony among a society and making peaceful
interaction between those who are at variance. The main objective of this study is to investigate
the Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system based on community reconciliation in Haberu
Woreda, North Wollo. This study employs a qualitative research design and descriptive nature.
The study collected primary data from different informants by employing such qualitative data
collection techniques as the interview, focus group discussions and observation. The finding of
the study revealed that Abegars indigenous conflict resolution system aims at the restoration of
order and harmony of the community. The types of conflicts presented and resolved in the com-
munity are inter-personal, homicide, inter-group in nature which stemmed from abduction of
girls and women, violation of social values, theft, conflict over claims of a girl, competition over
ownership of land, and drunkenness. The findings further show that family reconciliation, blood
reconciliation (demmaderk) and compensation performance are the major community reconcili-
ation procedures (methods) of conflict management used by the studied community depending
on the nature and types of conflicts. Moreover, the ritual ceremony has symbolic and practical
significance to established trust between conflicting parties that their relationship is restored.
Keywords: Conflict Resolution, Indigenous, Reconciliation, Community.

Introduction Benyam Lake YIMER

College of Education
Conflict is two or more parties enter into and Behavioural Sciences,
disputes by their goal or values when Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia
there are interacting to each other (Fisher Email: yokibiniam@gmail.com
et al., 2000). Similarly, Mesfin (1999) stat-
ed that conflict is a practice of disagree- Conflict Studies Quarterly
ment on public issues that affect the lives Issue 36, July 2021, pp. 54–65
of groups, essentially about means and
ends regarding their mutual relationships, DOI: 10.24193/csq.36.4
their diverse interests, their different val- Published First Online: 05 July /2021

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 Issue 36, July 2021

ues, their institutions and organizations. Generally, based on the above arguments,
conflict could be conceptualized as contradiction or disagreement between two or more
parties arising from misunderstandings, competition for resource, power and prestige.
Communities, as well as individuals, were passing through conflicts for different rea-
sons in a human being’s life (Burtone, 1996). Currently, the main issue is not about the
causes or happenings of conflict, but how to prevent the conflict and resolve it (Bokari,
2013). Pankhurstand Getachew (2008) noted the importance for societies to arrive at
a solution for the conflicts, by using different conflict resolution management methods.

Indigenous conflict resolution methods

Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms are solving a conflict depending on soci-
ety’s norms, neighbour relationship or organizational practice (Mapara, 2009). An eth-
nic group in Ethiopia has its own way of resolving conflicts. Pankhurstand Getachew
(2008) results shows that in Ethiopia indigenous conflict resolution management are
the main methods of preventing and resolving conflict in their locality, rather than the
justice system in the country. The habitual practice of a society is the main sources for
indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms, and it is tying the societies for a long period
time, accepted by communities administration system, to imply their social reaction
(Dagne & Bapu, 2013).
In the Ethiopian context as well, Mellese (2008) states that as a multicultural society,
there are various social groups that live together in harmony, cooperation and some-
times in conflict. On the circumstance, when a conflict arises within or between social
groups, Abera (2000) notes that various types of conflict resolution methods were
applied in different parts of the country and among different sections of the popula-
tion. According to Enyew (2014), his study shows that Ethiopia has different ethnic
groupsand, because of this, the indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms were vary
among each group. For instance, Gadaa is a traditional system of governance used by the
Oromo people in Ethiopia. The system regulates political, economic, social and religious
activities of the community dealing with issues such as conflict resolution, reparation
and protecting women’s rights. It serves as a mechanism for enforcing moral conduct,
building social cohesion, and expressing forms of community culture. Shimagelle is
another conflict resolution method in Ethiopia, practiced by the Amhara people; it uses
people appointed on an ad-hoc basis, to settle particular disputes that have arisen ei-
ther in matrimonial cases or between communities (Gowok, 2008) and Abegar conflict
resolution mechanisms around Northern Wollo (Uthman, 2008).

Community based reconciliation

Community-based approaches seek to empower local community groups and insti-
tutions by giving the community direct control over investment decisions, project

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planning, execution and monitoring, through a process that emphasizes inclusive par-
ticipation and management. The community-based approach has been adopted in fragile
and conflict-affected societies. It can be an effective approach to peace building, defined
as the range of measures necessary to transform conflict towards sustainable, peaceful
relations and outcomes (Lederach, 1995).
Traditional approaches to justice and reconciliation are one of the community based
approaches for peace building; it focuses on the psycho-social and spiritual dimen-
sions of violent conflicts. Traditional approaches are also often inclusive, with the aim
of reintegrating parties on both sides of the conflict into the community. An important
component is public cleansing ceremonies, undertaken as an integral step in healing
community relationships.
Reconciliation is central to the creation of a healthier society, one which values all its
members as equally deserving of life, dignity, liberty and opportunity. As people begin
to reach out to one another, getting to know each other better and laying the ground-
work to resolve bitterness, prejudices, misconceptions and disagreements of the past,
the future will be cleared for new relationships and partnerships.

Conceptual framework
Reconciliation is a complex concept because of its multidimensional nature: one can ap-
proach it through a variety of disciplines (Torrent, 2011). Reconciliation as an outcome
is a state in which parties have changed their relationship and are mutually recognizing
each other’s goals and interests in a peaceful environment.
Conceived as a process, reconciliation places weight not only on ending violence or
conflict, but also on the steps that lead to the construction of new relationships in
which both victims and perpetrators benefit from the new environment. The process
takes place in efforts and activities that are deliberately meant to address unresolved
conflict. Our understanding is that as long as people previously involved in conflict
do not undergo this process, the conflict persists and the potential for relapse is ever
present. The objective of this process, then, is to understand the context in order to
encourage people to get together in conditions that encourage long-term peace. If such
long-term peace based on mutual assurance for living together is indeed attained, it
becomes the outcome of a successful process. Treating reconciliation as both a process
and an outcome entails that building relationships is key, since conflicts occur when
relationships are disrupted, and they end when relationships are mended.
Reconciliation has not received the special attention it deserves in Ethiopia’s political
transition. The experienced political divisions necessitate healing that result from genu-
ine national dialogue on inclusive platforms. Otherwise, efforts of democratic consolida-
tion and socioeconomic progress will fail to be adequately addressed (Gadisa, 2021).

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Ethiopia remains politically and socially unstable; reconciliation, in my view, is a specific

area of inquiry which urgently needs to be further investigated in order to turn the coun-
try into a place where citizens live in conditions of peace. Currently, so much division,
suspicion and alienation exists between and within most every group in Ethiopia that
it has created a huge barrier to the new Ethiopia for which most of us hope and dream.
Genuine reconciliation, that is embraced and promoted by top Ethiopian leadership
and which penetrates through Ethiopian institutions into the everyday life of people
at the grass roots level, will be necessary if the country is to survive and flourish as a
people and as a society.
The North Wollo people have also developed different institutions to manipulate the
day to day activities of its members. Among these institutions, Abegar conflict resolu-
tion mechanisms are employed by the society in order to resolve conflicts based on
reconciliation. Abegar indigenous dispute settlement among the North Wollo is a crucial
research theme that requires thorough investigation. Moreover, indigenous conflict
management of Ethiopian ethnic groups was not documented;it is mostly oral and not
systematically organized to be used in the development process. Hence, the current
study will be of significance to fill the limitation of the above studies,to investigate the
Abegar indigenous mechanisms of conflict management in terms of community-based
reconciliation system.

General objective
The general objective of this research is to investigate the Abegar indigenous mecha-
nisms of conflict management based on community reconciliation system in North
Wollo.

Specific objectives
–– To identify the root causes of conflict among Haberu Woreda, North Wollo community.
–– To explore the types of conflict mostly arising within Haberu Woreda, North Wollo
community members.
–– Explore community based reconciliation procedures and processes to resolve con-
flicts.
–– To investigate the relationship between Abegar indigenous mechanisms of conflict
management and the formal court system.

Method
The study employed qualitative design and descriptive nature. Qualitative inquiry is
best suited for a type of question which is best understood through a detailed account
of several individual common or shared experiences of a phenomenon (Creswell, 2009).

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The present study was conducted in Haberu Woreda North Wollo, Ethiopia. Purposive
sampling technique was used for selecting elders, religious leaders and influential
people as participants of the study. To secure the objective of the study, the data were
collected by using semi-structured in-depth interview, focus-group discussions and
observation. The primary data were collected from 11 selected key informants (com-
munity elders, religious leaders, formal court judges, Police officers and Abegar judge
members) from semi-structured in-depth interviews. A focus group discussion (FGD)
was conducted with two groups of community elders, religious leaders, formal court
judges, Police officers and Abegar judge members. Each FGD comprised six participants.
The focus group discussion (FGD) was employed to cross check and supplement the
information that was collected through interviews regarding conflict and its manage-
ment within the community.
In order to get reliable data for the successful accomplishment of the research, observa-
tion was another major method of data gathering system to get valuable information
because what peoples say and do may sometimes contradict with each other. Thus,
direct observation was the best solution. By using this method, the researcher observed
the place where conflict resolution processes were taking place in different parts of
the district, what is called Meresa. Besides, during the process, the researcher observed
how indigenous mechanisms play a role in maintaining peace and security based on
their customs, traditions and worldview of the people under study.
All the interviews were tape recorded and field notes were taken during the interviews.
Then the data were classified as per the research question of the study. After that, the
data were transcribed and translated into English as the interviews and FGD conducted
in Amharic. The data were categorized or coded into manageable and meaningful sets
of themes based on the objectives of the study. Finally, responses were categorized as
sources and types of conflicts, conflict handling mechanisms, procedures of conflict
management, and the relationship of the ‘indigenous system’ with the formal state law.
Ethical considerations are as essential as other aspects in the process of conducting
research, for they significantly affect the success of the study. In this regard, a researcher
needs to consider ethical standards of the host community on which the research will be
conducted. Therefore, I considered the social and cultural norms of the host community
on whom the research was carried out. Confidentiality and anonymity were ensured
and therefore it was impossible to know who said what. The interest of participants
was given due place in the process and the participants were not harmed physically,
socially or psychologically.

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Result and discussion

Nature and Structure of Abegar Conflict Resolution System
The Haberu Woreda is part of the Zonal administration of North Wollo, within the
Amhara Regional State of Ethiopia. Habru is located 491 Km from Addis Abeba to North,
it is bordered on the South by the Mille River, which separates it from the South Wollo
Zone, on the West by Guba Lafto, on the North by the Alewuha River which separates
it from Kobo, and on the East by the Afar Region.
The Abegar conflict resolution mechanism is the most known in North East parts of
Ethiopia. Abegar is commonly practiced in North and South Wollo Zone, Ethiopia. The
people living here are called Abegars. Abegars always care about the security of the
society. They teach about peace and love for their people and they pray for the good
of the society. Based on this, they are considered as the fathers of peace, the ears and
eyes of God. The community does not want to interrupt the Abegar conflict resolution
system. Everybody is subject to Abegar rule and the rule is strictly respected, because
they believe that if the people interrupt the system, something bad will happen in the
community. If somebody disappointed Abegar, God will curse the people. For these
reasons, no one object the proposal of Abegar, as well as because they are supposed
to be fair.
Their jurisdiction comes from generation to generation, and the people respect them.
Abegars have their own territory jurisdiction to adjudicate their law. In Northern Wollo,
in Haberu Worda, there are four well known Abegars hierarchical structure, i.e. the main
Abegar, secretariat, Dereta (messenger) and Kadami (servants at the ceremony). When
the system made the conflict resolution process, it uses religious institutions (mosque),
shadow of a big tree and green field. It is the symbolization of purity, justice and truth.
This helps the negotiation process and trustworthiness.

Causes and types of conflicts

The participants of this study have viewed conflict as inevitable and natural which
prevails in any society. The main causes of the conflict in the study area are abduction
of girls and women, violation of social values (insult), theft, conflict over claims of a
girl, competition over ownership of land, and extramarital relationship with married
woman and unmarried girls. Moreover, drunkenness is also the most potent sources
of conflict, especially for youths.
In relation to the types of conflicts, according to the informants, the majority of the
conflicts that have been observed among the community of Haberu Worda are inter-
personal and inter-group (family). Similarly, a research carried out by Uthman (2008)
indicated that the Abegar institutions utilize a great variety of schemes and approaches
for inter-personal or inter-group compromise for sustainable solutions. Abegars are

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most effective in resolving violent and hidden conflicts, restoration of disputants’ rela-
tionships, marriage and divorce, stilling, preventing future revenge actions and ensuring
peace and security of the local community. The highly observed conflict is homicide; the
killing of one person by another, whether premeditated or unintentional. That means
homicide is killing or murder a person in the cause of previous conflict with that person,
and families, for example, a person who kills someone, on the reason of the previous
revenge (i.e. that person killed his brother previously). There are two major causes for
the action of homicide: first, Key dem (red blood)—murder causes by sudden event of
conflict—a fight for example that was sparked suddenly by an insult. This type of con-
flict is easy to resolve with the Abegar system because the conflict parties do not rise to
revenge. The second is Tekurdem (black blood): vengeful murder, motivated by revenge
of previous conflicts. The action is planned by the killer—when, how and where attack
the victim. Because of this, black bloodshed is difficult to resolve.

Community based reconciliation processes and procedures

on Abegar conflict management system
The participants of the study described that the call for negotiation done for three times
with greater patience and understanding the emotion of the victim’s family. The execu-
tive (dereta) sent a message to the victim’s family for calling of to resolve the conflict.
It is symbolically done by pivoting a spire on the get of the victim’s family. If the family
accepts the call, they put butter on the spire of the dereta. In return, it is believed that
they get blessing from the Abegar sprite.
Abegars have a meeting place in religious institutions (mosque), shadow of a big tree
and green field, when they are requested to do so. Abegars have a symbolic sitting ar-
rangement too. The Abegars set on a higher place in between the victim’s family and
the perpetrator’s family. This is meant to symbolize their authority and charisma. On
the right stands the victim, and perpetrators are set to the left to symbolize the wrong,
their shame and their badness. The preparatory family up to three generations needs
to demonize them. All of the family of perpetrator needs to wear old clothes; they carry
a stone until the family of the victim is willing to forgive the perpetrator family. All is
done to control and reduce the emotional feeling of the victim’s family. The partici-
pants on reconciliation processes might be praying for God and singing religious song
(Menzuma), and even begging for mercy. In this arrangement the negotiation continues.
Conflict resolution management begins by a free conversation between the two parties.
Dialogue and negotiations are important to get the facts and reasons of conflicts, and
to make a decision about the truth. After negotiation, the offender has to apologize and
the victim will forgive.
The Abegars collecting the data from disputing parties, society members and police, is
essential for managing the discussion between conflicting parties. Hence, the Abegars

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are bringing back order and harmony in the community. Reconciliation is inevitable
for restoring harmony among a society and making peaceful interaction between those
who are at variance. Reconciliation will not be easy. It requires taking a risk in being
the first to extend oneself to another.
What is needed to stop the pain and bleeding? Forgiveness and apology are, both of
which are different from formalized methods of justice and can provide healing and
the freedom to move on, both for the victim and for the offender, even when justice
is flawed or incomplete. Forgiveness and apology is not the same as forgetting, but it
can re-frame past offenses and our own failures in such a way that it takes the nega-
tive power from the past that can consume and control us and transforms it into new
understandings, motivation for change and in some cases, the ability to enter into new
mutually beneficial relationships.
When a perpetrator genuinely asks for forgiveness for what he or she has done, it can
profoundly relieve the victim or the families of the victims from being swallowed up in
anger, resentment or retaliation, finally providing closure to painful events. Apologies
will make us more accountable to be different in the future. Only then can we put in
place workable relational or societal structures that will best protect us as people who
will sometimes fail each other; however, we cannot establish such new safeguards if we
refuse to admit we even need them. Yet, we must also learn to forgive when offenders
lack remorse or deny responsibility; for otherwise, we give control of our futures to
such offenders.
Based on the data obtained from FGD participants, interview, there are three major
conflict resolution procedures within Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system:
the case of the homicide Key dem (red blood) or Tikurdem (black blood).

Family reconciliation
When a person kills/murder/ someone, he and his family would be going far from
your home to another place because of the fear of the revenge from a relative of the
deceased. After a time, the perpetrator relatives go to Abegar and they want to resolve
the conflict peacefully with a relative of the deceased. Then, Abegar send a message
by executive (dereta) to relatives of the deceased that says “the perpetrators families
want to reconcile with you. Therefore, in this time, come and resolve the conflict with
us peacefully”. Mostly, the perpetrator’s family accepted the message because they do
not want to interrupt with the Abegar system and society. If the family accepts the call,
they put butter on the spire of the dereta (the messenger). In that time family recon-
ciliation process is made with both families, without the presence of the perpetrator.

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Blood reconciliation (Dem Maderk)

Participants on focus group discussion explained that when a perpetrator who ab-
sconds from the locality or is after under arrest legally wants to return and to live
peacefully within their community, he is afraid the revenge of the relatives of the de-
ceased. Therefore, he will ask Abegar to make a peace with relatives of the deceased.
Abegar would be resolving the conflict between the perpetrator and relatives of the
deceased. This reconciliation system is known as blood reconciliation. To support fam-
ily reconciliation process, it is important to minimize or remove the revenges from
the relatives of the deceased. The processes have some participants like community
elders, religious fathers, the perpetrator’s relatives and relatives of the deceased, com-
munities and religious materials. Ritual ceremony is the last step in resolving process
after the two conflicting parties were building consensus. Mellese (2008) noted how
ritual performance at the end of conflict resolution has a significant symbol, mainly
in homicide case. The ritual process of conflict resolution is made with the belief to
further strengthen the terms of reconciliation and to limit its reoccurrence. The ritual
performance implies the successful completion of the reconciliation and symbolizes
the integration of the disputing parties.
The ritual ceremony must be prepared by the families of the perpetrator. Every ritual
practices have their own symbols and spiritual meaning to transforming disputes in
peaceful relationship. Property exchange, prayers, jumping a gun, drinking and eating
together, and animal sacrificing are the main practices in rituals. This practice is final
process, and the trust between conflicting parties and their relationship is restored.

Compensation performance
When the perpetrator reconcile with the relatives of the decedents, he should satisfy
the claims. This compensation system is fair and considering of his current economi-
cal level, accepted by community elders. Depending on his murder type, using mate-
rial, and time, the compensation is banned. For example, if the perpetrator kills the
person intentionally, the punishment is strong. The action is called tikurdem—black
blood. Unintentional murder is called key dem—red blood. For an unintentional act,
the punishment is considerate. For this act, the blood money is half of tikurdem. The so
called “basabascha” compensation must be paid within a given time. In line with this,
the study of Mellese (2008) at Wolayta of Sothern Ethiopia stated that based on the
nature and type of conflict, the elder may decide on compensation, payment in kind or
cash or simply warn the offender not to repeat the act in the future. After the victim’s
family became willing to accept negotiation and compensation, they eat together from
one dish and everything is concluded by the blessing of the Abegar.
If the perpetrator did not complete the compensation within a given time, a conflict
with Abegar appears. If this happens, they have to stop their work officially. This is

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called “qotitesebrol”. In this period, the society would isolate perpetrator and his family
from every social setting, and push him to complete it, or the community tells Abegar
to replace the compensation type by other materials like caw, got, camel, etc. The aim
of compensation is to prevent the occurrences of revenge.

Relationship between Abegar indigenous conflict management

and the formal state law
The study noted that the relationship between formal courts and the indigenous conflict
management in Haberu Woreda is healthy and smooth, as they complement each other.
Currently, the court system and the indigenous conflict management work together with
full overt support or recognition of each other. The formal state law officially recognizes
the existence of the customary dispute resolution systems in Article 34.5 of the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) constitution.
According to the data obtained from elders and FGD participants, there is a relation
between Abegar institution and the formal court system, and they work together in
collaboration. It was argued by the informants that one of the institutions cannot
be successful without the other, because the formal mechanism has their own legal
means (police force, military) to maintain order in the area, but the indigenous one
has the experience and traditional authority to harmonize the relation of the people
and strengthen social cohesion.
As observed in the study area, formal courts in Haberu Woreda are usually cooperat-
ing and give assistance to the elders’ council (Abegar) so as to settle the case through
the indigenous conflict management mechanisms. For example, when two individuals
enter into conflict and submit their case to the court, it is usual to ask the community
elders to the plaintiff to withdraw his/her charge formally whenever possible before
the police prove the allegation through witness. Based on the Ethiopian penal code, the
court frames the charge and allows them to resort to their indigenous mechanisms.
Furthermore, the community elders are required to submit their verdict and the fines
and compensations given to the victim.

Conclusions
In the present study, it was clearly mentioned that conflict is inevitable and natural,
and it prevails in any society. Abegars are considered as the father of peace, the ears
and eyes of God. They teach about peace and love for their people; and they pray for
the good of the society.
Based on the data obtained from interviews, observation and focus group discussion
show that, the causes of the conflict in the study area are abduction of girls and women,
violation of social values (insult), theft, conflict over claims of a girl, competition over
ownership of land, and extramarital relationship with married woman and unmarried

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girls. Drunkenness is also the most potent sources of conflict, especially for youths.
Moreover, interpersonal and inter-group (family) conflicts are the observed types of
conflict. The highly observed conflict is homicide; the killing of one person by another,
whether premeditated or unintentional. There are two types of homicide. The first is
Key dem (red blood). The second is Tekurdem (black blood): vengefully killing someone,
motivated by revenge, in the cause of conflict on farming lands/border conflict/, con-
flict on having relations or wanting another man’s wife, conflict on case of inheritance
between families and so on.
In this study, Abegar indigenous conflict resolution system uses community based rec-
onciliation processes and procedures. Reconciliation is inevitable for restoring harmony
among a society and making peaceful interaction between those who are at variance.
Based on the data obtained from FGD participants interviews, Abegar indigenous con-
flict resolution system has three major community based reconciliation procedures:
Family reconciliation—reconciliation process is made with both the deceased’s family
and perpetrator’s family, without the presence of the perpetrator,
Blood reconciliation (Dem Maderk)—resolving the conflict between the perpetrator
and relatives of the deceased.
The processes have participants such as community elders, religious fathers, the per-
petrator’s relatives and relatives of the deceased, communities and religious materi-
als with ritual ceremony. Finally, Compensation performance—when the perpetrator
reconciliates with the relatives of the decedents, he should be satisfy the claims. This
compensation system is fair and considering of his current economical level, accepted
by community elders depending on his crime.
The study noted that, there is a relation between Abegar institution and the formal
court system and they work together in collaboration.

Recommendations
In a New Ethiopia, victims, offenders, victim-offenders (victims first who then become
offenders), offender-victims (offenders first who then become victims), those complicit
with such offenses and bystanders must all find ways to become a nation of people who
can live, work and flourish in harmony. This will not happen unless we face ourselves
and each other with openness to reconciliation and the rebuilding of a new vision for
a shared future.
This is the work of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia is about. It is about not
being passive about our future, but instead, helping to set in motion the kind of unity
and solidarity that can bring about a more sustainable democracy, greater accountability
under a strengthened system of fair and impartial justice, robust freedoms, a vibrant

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economy and greater opportunity for all. In unity and in solidarity, a new, better and
more just Ethiopia will be possible.
Furthermore,the curriculum of the educational system should be require indigenous
conflict resolution systems to be taught in peace and justice programs. Government and
policy makers should give attention to develop the framework of indigenous conflict
resolution mechanisms and its relevance for the local community. Such a strategy should
be spread, to become useful for the development of local communities.

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