MAHMUD, SULTAN OF RIAU AND LINGGA (1823-1864)

Virginia Matheson1

The Text

The life of Sultan Mahmud is described in the Tuhfat al-Nafis

(The Precious Gift), a Malay text which, according to its author,
Raja Hajji Ali, is intended to relate the stories of the Malay and
Bugis kings and their descendants. The work opens with a synopsis
of the Sejarah Melayu and continues in more detail with the history
of the kingdom of Johor. The dynamic figures in the Tuhfat are the
Bugis princes, whose military skill and hard-line diplomacy won them
high positions of state in Riau, Selangor, and the Borneo states of
Sambas and Matan-Sukadana. A recurring theme in the first half of
the Tuhfat, which covers the first half of the eighteenth century,
is the conflict between the Minangkabau of Siak and the allied Bugis
and Malay forces. These clashes occurred both in the Riau area and
in Kedah, Selangor, Siak, and Borneo. The second half, which covers
the mid-eighteenth century to 1864, portrays the developing hostility
between Bugis and Malays on Riau and two major, Bugis-led confronta­
tions with the Dutch at Malacca in 1756 and 1784. This last venture
ended when the Dutch made a treaty with Riau in which the Sultan
held his kingdom only as a fief of the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
After 1818 a Dutch Resident was permanently stationed at Tanjong
Pinang.2

The religious and cultural life of Riau, especially the island

of Penyengat (the seat of the Bugis rulers) and of Lingga (the seat
of the Malay rulers) did not seem to be at all influenced by the
Dutch. The main area of traditional life which the Tuhfat does por­
tray as having been subject to Dutch intervention was piracy. Both
diplomatic and financial pressures were exerted by the Dutch to
force the rulers to cooperate in its suppression.

The scope of the Tuhfat, chronologically, geographically, and

politically, is very broad. Its detailed narration of Johor history
from the early eighteenth century until 1864 is interwoven with
anecdotes from the history of Siak, Kedah, Selangor, Trengganu,
Kelantan, and the west coast of Borneo. Where encounters with
Europeans--mainly Dutch and British--are described, the accounts
tally most strikingly with contemporary European versions of the
same events.

1. I would like to acknowledge the help and advice I have received

from Professor C. Skinner and Drs. L. Brakel. I wish to thank
Dr. C. H. H. Wake, Department of History, University of Western
Australia, for permission to quote from his "Nineteenth Century
Johore: Ruler and Realm in Transition" (Ph.D. thesis, Australian
National University, 1966).

2. The Malay spelling of places and titles has been retained in this
article.

119
120

The Manuscripts

There are four currently known manuscripts of the Tuhfat al­

iaa fis . One of these has only recently been identified as a Tuhfat
text,34 and has not been incorporated into the translation which fol­
lows. Of the other three manuscripts, one presents a shorter Tuhfat
text, and two present a longer version. The shorter manuscript is
from the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde in
Leiden. The older of the two longer manuscripts which is catalogued
as the "Maxwell 2" manuscript,5 is from the Royal Asiatic Society in
London, and was copied in 1890. The last manuscript is a published
Jawi text, which was copied for R. 0. Winstedt some time after 1923.
It was published in the Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic
Society .6 The translation from the Tuhfat in this article is based
on the "Maxwell 2" text. This manuscript was preferred because it
presents a better text than Winstedt's. Because the longer version
of the Tuhfat represents an expansion of the basic Leiden manuscript,
the shorter work is preserved within the longer one.

The Author

It is important for an understanding of the Tuhfat to know a

little of the author's background and milieu. Raja Hajji Ali was
descended from the first Bugis princes who established themselves
in Riau. The princes had made the office of Yangdipertuan Muda an
hereditary Bugis position whereas the offices of Sultan, Bendahara,
and Temenggong were left to the Malays. The Yangdipertuan Muda,
holders of military power, soon held all commercial and effective
political strength as well. Thus, in an effort to maintain their
position in the face of the Bugis challenge, the Sultan and the
Malays turned to the Dutch, the leading European power in the area.
The Dutch found it in their inerests to support the Malays against
the Bugis, whose domination of the Peninsula tin trade posed a real
threat to Malacca. In the 1784 Dutch treaty with Riau, it was stipu­
lated that there should be no Bugis Yangdipertuan Muda. In the

3. This is a manuscript in the library of the Dewan Bahasa dan

Pustaka in Kuala Lumpur. It was identified by Moh'd. Khalid
Saidin and noted in his article, "Naskhah2 Lama Mengenai Sejarah
Negeri Johor," Dewan Bahasa, XV, No. 18 (August 1971), pp. 340-341.
From a sample of four pages which he kindly sent me, it seems that
this manuucript is very close to the "Maxwell 2" manuscript.

4. Catalogued by Ph. S. van Ronkel, under the title "Sjadjarah Radja2 -

Riouw," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, LX (1908),
p. 207. The manuscript was copied in 1896.

5. P. Voorhoeve, "List of Malay Manuscripts in the Library of the

Royal Asiatic Society, London," Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society (April 1963), p. 68.

6. Journal of the Malayan Branch Royal Asiatic Society, X, Part 2

(1932). A romanization of Winstedt's text was undertaken by Inche
Munir bin Ali (Singapore: Malaysia Publications, 1965). This
text was reviewed by C. Skinner, in the Journal of Southeast Asian
History, VIII, No. 2 (1967), p. 325 .
 121
early nineteenth century, however, a physical withdrawal of the Sultan
from Riau to Lingga forced the Dutch to carry out negotiations with
the Bugis, who were reinstated as Yangdipertuan Muda at Riau, the
center of Dutch activity in the area. During the nineteenth century
the traditional pattern of relationships changed. The Yangdipertuan
Muda chose, overtly at least, to cooperate with the Residents, while
the Sultans, separated and isolated from the center of administration,
became less involved in matters of policy and thus did not work close­
ly with the Dutch.

The author of the Tuhfat was related to all the Yangdipertuan Muda
who are mentioned in the translation. He was a Muslim scholar and was
on good terms with the Dutch officials of his time. Some of his other
works78 indicate that he stood strongly for Malay custom in matters of
dress, religion, and behavior. It would have been difficult for him
to respect a young Sultan like Mahmud, who refused to follow the ad­
vice of his elders, involved himself in Christian ritual (Freemasonry),
and followed the customs of Europeans rather than the dictates of
Islam.

Sultan Mahmud

We know very little about Mahmud before he became Sultan in

1841.® It was only then that he began to exert his influence and
to become a figure of note in the Riau-Lingga and Singapore world.
Of his early life, we know from the Tuhfat that he was born in
Trengganu. Mahmud's grandfather, Sultan Abd al-Rahman,9 offended
at not being officially installed as Sultan of Lingga, left Lingga
in 1821 and sailed to Trengganu with his son, Tengku Besar Muhammad.
The Sultan of Trengganu, Ahmad, settled the father and son in their
own kampong. Ahmad then married Sultan Abd al-Rahman to his sister
and Muhammad to his daughter. Abd al-Rahman's bride died a year
later, but in 1823 his son's wife, Tengku Teh, gave birth to Mahmud.
Shortly after his grandson's birth, Sultan Abd al-Rahman was brought
back from Trengganu to Lingga by a Dutch ship. The regalia was
restored to him in a formal installation ceremony in November 1823.
Sultan Abd al-Rahman was said to have been interested only in his
religious devotions,10 leaving the administration of his realm to
the Yangdipertuan Muda, and to his son Muhammad.

Sultan Abd al-Rahman died in August 1832 at the age of 55 or

56.11 He was succeeded by Mahmud's father, Sultan Muhammad who

7. See, for example, Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa (Singapore: Al-Ahmadiah

Press, 1928), which was intended to be a dictionary, but many of
the definitions were used as vehicles for the author's moral
percepts.

8. The passage chosen for translation from the Tuhfat begins with
Mahmud's succession to the full powers of the Sultanate, after
the death of his father.

9. He was the younger brother of Husain, whom Raffles and Farquhar

had installed as Sultan of Singapore in 1819.

10. C. van Angelbeek, "Korte Schets van het eiland Lingga en deszelfs
Bewoners," Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap, XI,
(1826), p. 45.
11. E. Netscher, "Beschrijving van een Gedeelte der Residentie Riouw,"
 123

became involved in Trengganu affairs. When his father-in-law died in

1826, there was a disputed succession in Trengganu and the loser,
Umar, retired to Lingga, where he stayed with Sultan Muhammad. When
a youth succeeded to the Trengganu throne in 1836, Umar returned,
ousted him, and became Sultan. Over twenty years later, Sultan Umar
was to return the favors he had received at Lingga by sheltering
Sultan Muhammad's son, Mahmud, at his court in Trengganu.

In about 1834 Sultan Muhammad had Mahmud circumcized and crowned

Sultan. For the rest of his life he acted as a regent to the child.
In 1837 Sultan Muhammad went to Singapore and brought back with him
Raja Maimunah, the granddaughter of Sultan Husain of Singapore. She
was married to her cousin, Mahmud, and received the title Tengku Empuan
(Royal Consort). They had one child, Fatimah, who in 1851 married
Yangdipertuan Muda Ali's son, Muhammad Yusuf. 2 Sultan Muhammad died
on July 20, 1841, at the age of 38, and Mahmud took over the kingdom
without a regent.

Before becoming Sultan, Mahmud's experience with the Dutch had

been very limited. He appears to have regarded them as clerks, who
handled the more trying aspects of the administration without inter­
fering with the internal workings of the Lingga court. In his experi­
ence the Dutch were required to show the Sultan all signs of defer­
ence. Unlike the Yangdipertuan Muda, he had had little opportunity
to gauge the extent of the Dutch Residents' power, which was backed
by the Governor-General in Batavia.

When Mahmud became Sultan and tried to act as an independent ruler,

he met opposition. Traditionally, opposition had come from the
Yangdipertuan Muda, the counterbalance to the Sultan's power. In
Mahmud's case, however, this check was not effective. As the trans­
lated passage shows, the Yangdipertuan Muda (or his representative)
could not persuade the Sultan to stay in Lingga when he insisted on
going to Singapore. But Mahmud met stiffer opposition from the Dutch.
In 1856 this took the form of a warning from the Dutch Governor-General.
The Sultan was not intimidated, and, possibly expecting support from
his British friends in Singapore, he ignored the Dutch censure. Having
made a threat, the Dutch were forced to execute it and had to resort
to deposition. This was a failure for Dutch diplomacy, and foretold
the ultimate breakdown of the Malay Sultanate, which within a genera­
tion passed to the Bugis.

Summary of the Remainder of Mahmud's Life

(subsequent to the translated extract)

On October 10, 1857 the Dutch installed Mahmud's uncle, Sulaiman,

as Sultan of Lingga. Shortly afterwards, Mahmud returned to Lingga,
but, on learning he had already been replaced, he went back to*
2
1

Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, II (1853),

p . 262 .

12. E. Netscher ("Beschrijving," p. 153) mentions a second marriage by

Mahmud, which is not recorded in the Tuhfat. This marriage was
to the daughter of Yangdipertuan Muda Abd al-Rahman. Unlike his
father and grandfather who had many children by concubines, Mahmud
had only one, to a woman called Sajah.
124

Singapore, where he stayed with the Temenggong. After six months in

Singapore, he moved on to Pahang. In May 1858 he wrote to the Dutch
Governor-General seeking pardon but was told this was possible only
if he would settle permanently in Java. In Pahang, Mahmud was the
guest of the Bendahara, Mutahir; however, he soon left the capital
and journeyed to the interior of the state to meet Maharaja Perba of
Jelai, the greatest chief in Pahang. During this time, both the
British and Bendahara Mutahir heard rumors of a plot to proclaim
Mahmud Sultan of Pahang. When Mahmud returned to the Pahang capital,
the Bendahara received him coldly, and in October 1858 he left with
Maharaja Perba to visit his uncle in Trengganu.

For some reason Mahmud returned to Pahang in 1859,13 where

Mutahir placed at his disposal the revenues of a district. The
situation changed, however, when Mutahir abdicated in favor of his
son, Koris, who refused to acknowledge Mahmud's status and assumed
for himself the position of independent sovereign of Pahang. There
had long been a dispute in Pahang over the Bendaharaship in which
the claimant to the title was Mutahir's half-brother, Ahmad. Ahmad's
previous attempts to gain control of Pahang had been unsuccessful,
but when Koris rejected Mahmud, the latter threw his support to
Ahmad. Because Ahmad's forays into Pahang had been made from Treng­
ganu, Mahmud returned there in 1860 to seek backing for Ahmad. The
British had previously warned Sultan Umar not to further Ahmad's
schemes in Pahang, so when his nephew returned, wanting support for
Ahmad's intended rebellion, Umar would not respond. This was a blow
to Mahmud, who now saw only one alternative source of aid--the
Siamese.

The Dynastic Chronicles Bangkok Era: The Fourth BeignXh record

many of Mahmud's official dealings with Siam. His first request for
assistance was in a letter dated December 18, 1860. The King of
Siam (Mongkut) replied that Pahang was a British Protectorate, and,
since Siam and Britain were on friendly terms, it would not be in
Siam's interests to interfere. The ex-Sultan would, however, be
very welcome to visit Bangkok. In June 1861, Mahmud did go to
Bangkok1
15 in a Siamese ship. Shortly after his departure, Siamese
4
1
3
ships reappeared off Trengganu,16 and rumors reached Singapore that
the Siamese had come to depose Sultan Umar and install Mahmud in his
stead. The British were afraid that this was the beginning of an
extension of Siamese influence over the entire Malay east coast, so
the Hooghly was hastily sent to Trengganu, and the Siamese ships left.
This incident led the British to strengthen their ties with Pahang
and Johor. In 1861 they drew up a treaty bringing the foreign rela­
tions of those two states under British control; thus, as a result
of moves made by Mahmud, the British were forced to become more in­
volved with Pahang and Johor.

13. Wake, "Nineteenth Century Johore," p. 140.

14. Chadin (Kanjanavanit) Flood (trans.), The Dynastic Chronicles

Bangkok Era: The Fourth Reign (Tokyo: ToyoBunko, Center for
East Asian Cultural Studies^ T965).

15. The Dynastic Chronicles, I, p. 242.

16. Wake, "Nineteenth Century Johore," p. 149.

 125

In June 1862 Mahmud returned to Trengganu as Siamese governor of

that state and Kelantan.17 He was now in a strong position to support
Ahmad's revolt in Pahang, which began in August 1862. The British
reacted strongly to what they regarded as Mahmud's interference, and
in November 1862 two gunboats were sent to Trengganu. An ultimatum
was delivered, ordering Mahmud to leave. When it had expired, the
fort and palace of Trengganu were bombarded for four hours.

A few months afterwards, the Siamese sent a boat to collect Mahmud,

and he arrived back in Bangkok in April 1863. He stayed until November,
when the Chronicles say18 he received letters from Pahang urging him
to leave Siam. Disguised as a sailor, he fled to Singapore and from
there secretly entered Pahang. Ahmad's revolt against Koris ended
triumphantly in June 1863. Mahmud reached Pahang, sick and exhausted
in December of that year, but Ahmad refused to acknowledge him as
Sultan. Nevertheless, he stayed there, stateless and powerless, until
his death six months later in July 1864 at the age of 41.

The Dutch decision to depose Mahmud in 1857 thus proved to have

been short-sighted. Deprived of the Sultanate, he was forced to find
a niche for his royal authority elsewhere. Mahmud did not cease to
exist as a Sultan merely because the Dutch had withdrawn their recogni­
tion of his position. In Malay tradition nothing could rob him of
a social status which was his by birth and he remained a powerful
figure. Despite extreme Dutch, and later British, opposition, this
Sultan of an isolated and dismembered kingdom managed to extend his
influence and activities throughout the east coast of Malaya and
ultimately to Bangkok.

THE TEXT IN TRANSLATION*

1

Before the seventh day of mourning, Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Abd

al-Rahman2 arrived from Riau, and went to attend the king, Sultan
Mahmud Muzaffar Shah. When they met, they both wept. Then the king
spoke: "Please see that the state is administered properly." So
the Yangdipertuan Muda did what was necessary and continued the
administration of [the king's] late father.

Some time later the Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman asked
leave of the king to return to Riau, to which the king agreed. When
he reached Riau he sent Raja Ali, the Engku Kelana,3 one of his

17. Ibid., p. 151.

18. The Dynastic Chronicles, II, p. 307.

1. Some lines of the Tuhfat have occasionally been omitted from the
translation, because they are not relevant to the story of Sultan
Mahmud. Where omissions occur, they have been indicated by dots,
and the content of the passage summarized in a footnote.

2. See the genealogy of Bugis Yangdipertuan Muda on p. 146.

3. The title "Engku Kelana" indicates that he is the Yangdipertuan

Muda's successor.
 127

brothers, to Lingga to be his representative there, and one of his

cousins, Engku Hajji Ali,1* went with Raja Ali to assist him in his
work. Raja Ali sailed for Lingga, and, when he arrived, he went to
attend the king, Sultan Mahmud Muzaffar Shah. Sultan Mahmud handed
over all Lingga's internal affairs to Raja Ali. So it was settled,
to put it briefly.

Let us now talk of Daheng Rongge', called by some Daheng Kechi'4

5
. . . who lived at Telok Belanga.6 Governor Bonham7 had consulted
the Dato' Bendahara of Pahang, Tun Ali, about appointing Daheng Kechi*
as Temenggong. Following the discussion, Daheng Kechi* was appointed
Temenggong Seri Maharaja. After that he left for Lingga to attend
Sultan Mahmud Muzaffar Shah8 and to meet Raja Ali, the husband of his
sister, Raja Che'. When he arrived in Lingga, he was received with
honor by Sultan Mahmud Muzaffar Shah and Raja Ali, and he stayed in
Lingga, being entertained and feasted by them, as is the custom among
kings when receiving their relatives. Then the Temenggong Seri
Maharaja asked leave of Sultan Mahmud and Raja Ali to return to
Singapore, and they agreed. When he reached Singapore, he stayed at
Telok Belanga.

4. Usually known as Raja Hajji Ali or Raja Ali Hajji (see the genealogy).
He is the author of the Tuhfat al-Nafis. European writers often
confuse him with his cousin Ali, who became Yangdipertuan Muda;
however, only the author bears the title "hajji." Raja Hajji Ali
served his royal cousins as a scholar and religious adviser.

5. The Tuhfat gives Daheng Rongge's genealogy, which has been omitted
from the translation. His distant forbears included one of the
first Bugis princes to settle in Riau, Daheng Perani, who married
a Malay princess. The title Daheng is Buginese and is reserved for
the nobility not of royal descent. Daheng Rongge', properly known
as Tun Ibrahim, was born on the island of Bulan, in the Riau
archipelago in 1811. He was taken to Singapore at the age of
eight, where he became familiar with European customs. In 1825
his father, Temenggong Abd al-Rahman, died and his elder brother
Abdullah became chief. Abdullah suffered periodic insanity and
was never installed as Temenggong. In 1833-1834 Ibrahim superseded
his brother as chief and was formally installed as Temenggong in
1841. His son, Abu Bakar, succeeded him as Temenggong and was
later confirmed Sultan of Johor. Ibrahim died in 1862. Wake,
"Nineteenth Century Johore," p. 62.

6. The Temenggong*s settlement on the central south coast of Singapore,

near the present-day Keppel Harbor (see map).

7. Sir Samuel George Bonham, born 1803, joined the government of Fort
Marlborough in 1818 and transferred to Singapore in 1823. He was
Singapore's Resident Councillor 1834-1836 and Acting Governor for
several months in the years 1834-1835. He was Governor of
Singapore from December 1836 to January 1843. Wake, "Nineteenth
Century Johore," p. 65.

8. Although living at Singapore with a British-installed Sultan, the

Temenggong gave his allegiance to his traditional overlord at
Lingga.
128

As for Sultan Mahmud, after the Temenggong Seri Maharaja had

returned, he wanted to leave for Singapore too. But this did not
seem right to the Yangdipertuan Muda's representative, Raja Ali, who
submitted to Sultan Mahmud that to go often across the border to
Singapore was not becoming to a king; it was far preferable to improve
one's own state and build it up. Sultan Mahmud would not listen to
Raja Ali's submission, but left for Singapore with his young attend­
ants.9 Raja Ali sent a message to his brother, the Yangdipertuan
Muda, informing the Temenggong Seri Maharaja and asking him to keep
an eye on Sultan Mahmud while he was in Singapore and on what he was
doing. The reader will know how it is with young people, and those
with him were all young and inexperienced.

When the Yangdipertuan Muda had heard his brother's message, he

was worried, and the Resident of Riau10 was also a little disturbed,
because Sultan Mahmud could not be restrained from his ill-considered
actions. The Tengku Temenggong of Singapore was continually giving
him good advice, persuading him to return to Lingga and to stay in his
own country. However, in this case too, the king paid no attention
but continued to enjoy himself in Singapore. He travelled about,
visiting suitable as well as unsuitable places--places to which no
king would properly go.

As a result, a messenger came from Mr. Bonham, the Governor of

Singapore, ordering Sultan Mahmud to return immediately to Lingga.
Only then did Sultan Mahmud leave. When he arrived in Lingga, he
lived as was his custom, spending his day with his young attendants
in idle amusements. Later, Sultan Mahmud wanted to return to
Singapore for a pleasure trip. Raja Ali did not approve, because he
had received many reports about the king; if he went to Singapore
[again], there could be a scandal which would damage his name. The
reader will understand; Sultan Mahmud was a young man, and those who
accompanied him were young servants and attendants, ill-versed in the
traditional customs, who could diminish the prestige of the state.
Nevertheless, Sultan Mahmud insisted on going, and Raja Ali could
restrain him no further, so he sent his relative, Raja Ali Hajji,
to inform the Yangdipertuan Muda. When Yangdipertuan Muda Raja
Abd al-Rahman and the Resident of Riau heard what Raja Ali Hajji had

9. Elisa Netscher, who visited Riau in 1849, 1856, and 1857 and be­
came Resident of Riau in 1861, records his personal impressions
of Sultan Mahmud in his monograph, "De Nederlanders in Djohor en
Siak, 1602 tot 1865," Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch
Genootschap, XXXV (1870"), p . 299. He had had official contact
with the Sultan several times and considered him intelligent
but without sufficient experience to look after his own interests
and those of his kingdom. In Singapore he fell prey to a group
of unscrupulous Europeans and the Parsee Cursetjee, who pandered
to his vanity and love of pleasure. They encouraged him to
spend his money on expensive trifles and gained for themselves
monopoly rights and exclusive privileges. Netscher blames these
"friends" for urging him to buy a steamship, whose engine was in
such disrepair that it had to be rowed to Lingga. These
Europeans were also responsible for persuading him to build his
European-style residence on Lingga, to fill it with costly
furnishings, and to keep horses and carriages.

10. A. L. Andriesse, Resident of Riau, 1839-1848.

 129
to say, they discussed it together. Then the Yangdipertuan Muda left
for Lingga.

When he arrived, he attended the king, Sultan Mahmud, and his

mother, Tengku Teh.11 He told her about her son always wanting to
go to Singapore without good cause; it was not proper for great kings
to act thus. On several occasions the Yangdipertuan Muda and the
Resident issued counsel and advice to his mother and to Sultan Mahmud
himself, with the result that he abandoned the idea of going to
Singapore.

The Yangdipertuan Muda stayed in Lingga and administered the

state. At that time Sultan Mahmud had many disagreements with the
Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman and the Resident of Riau
concerning administration, ideas, aims, and policies. The reader
will understand that the ideas of the young are opposed to the ideas
of their elders who are used to ruling, while the young are not yet
used to it. They do not welcome the advice and counsel of their
elders but follow their own inclinations with their young attend­
ants.12 This was the reason then, that disagreements arose. . . .13

The Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman had been in Lingga

for two or three months and had experienced many differences of
opinion with Sultan Mahmud. The Yangdipertuan Muda found difficulty
considering [the matter before him] and continually sent news to the
Resident and kept him informed [of the situation], seeking counsel
as to how to reform Sultan Mahmud so that he would remain in his
kingdom. The Resident of Riau, too, was constantly advising Sultan
Mahmud to stay in his kingdom and govern it well. Notwithstanding
this, Sultan Mahmud still had disagreements with Yangdipertuan Muda
Raja Abd al-Rahman. Then, at about this time, rumors were started
by the servants and attendants that Sultan Mahmud was going to attack
the Yangdipertuan Muda's house at night, and words were used to
malign the Yangdipertuan Muda's good name. The Yangdipertuan Muda
was furious and would have ordered that the attack on his house by
servants and attendants be resisted by force. But he accepted the
reasoning of one of his relatives, Raja Ali Hajji, and one of the
elders from the upper class, Enche Jawa, that there should be no
conflict, and he avoided creating a disturbance. The following day
the Yangdipertuan Muda sailed back to Riau, as though he had taken
offence at their behavior.

When he reached Riau, the Resident was aware that Sultan Mahmud
had treated the Yangdipertuan Muda improperly. The Yangdipertuan

11. Sister of Sultan Umar of Trengganu.

12. This is the first indication that Sultan Mahmud interested himself
in the administration of the kingdom. The author of the Tuhfat
ascribes Mahmud's clashes with the Yangdipertuan Muda and the
Resident to his youth and unwillingness to conform to the tradi­
tional pattern of following the advice of his seniors.

13. The passage omitted describes the return of the Yangdipertuan

Muda's brother, Abdullah, from a year's visit to Mecca. He brought
two Muslim scholars to teach Islam in Riau. When he heard that
his brother was in Lingga with the Sultan, he sailed there to
meet him.
130

Muda conferred with his family and with the Resident and reached the
decision to invite Sultan Mahmud to renew the pledge of loyalty,11*
which had existed of old between Bugis and Malays, i.e., between the
Yangdipertuan Muda and the Yangdipertuan Besar.

Following this, the Yangdipertuan Muda left with his family and
about thirty naval vessels, accompanied by the Resident of Riau in
his warship, which was commanded by Mr. Ferdokh.1
15 When they arrived,
4
the Yangdipertuan Muda's flotilla dropped anchor at Kuala Daik.16
In the evening Sultan Mahmud came out to the estuary to welcome
Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman, as though he regretted his
past actions. When he met the Yangdipertuan Muda, he invited him
to sail up the river. The Yangdipertuan Muda asked leave to wait,
and Sultan Mahmud waited with him so that they might sail up to­
gether in daylight. The following day the Yangdipertuan Muda sailed
upstream with Sultan Mahmud. When they arrived, the Yangdipertuan
Muda's vessel berthed at Pangkalan Dalam17 with the rest of the fleet
and the warship. Later, Ferdokh took a sea berth at Kelombo'.18

The Yangdipertuan Muda stayed in Lingga, governing Sultan

Mahmud' kingdom. Not long afterwards he invited Sultan Mahmud to
renew the traditional pledge of loyalty between the Yangdipertuan
Muda and the Yangdipertuan Besar--in other words, the pledge of the
Bugis rulers with the Malay rulers. So they both gave their pledge
in the balai-rong ,19 beneath the fringed umbrellas of state, both
holding the glorious Koran, as is the tradition when making a pledge.
Immediately afterwards, a cannon was fired to mark the safe conclu­
sion of the pledge.

14. This pledge was the legal basis for the existence of the Bugis
Yangdipertuan Muda. It was regarded as a pact between not only
the Sultan and the Yangdipertuan Muda but also between Malays
and Bugis. The first contract was made in 1722 and was renewed
by each new Sultan and Yangdipertuan Muda. The contract was
binding on the rulers' descendants in perpetuity and states that
the Buginese rulers and the Sultan of Johor shall regard each
other as brothers and regard the interests of their respective
lands as one. The history of the renewal of this pledge is pre­
served in von de Wall manuscript 621, Djakarta Museum.

15. P-r-d-w-kh. He has not yet been identified.

16. G. F. de Bruyn Kops gives a contemporary description of Daik in

"Sketch of the Rhio-Lingga Archipelago," Journal of the Indian
Archipelago, IX (i855) , pp. 99-100.

17. The landing stage for the Sultan's kampong.

18. The Eastern Archipelago Pilot (London: British Admiralty, 1953),

IV, p p . 217-218, says that Kelombo' is a hilly islet in the road­
stead of Lingga, surrounded by a reef. To its north, anchorage
can be obtained in a depth of about five fathoms (see map).

19. A pavilion, with different levels for various state officials,

the Sultan being at the top. It was used an audience hall and for
state ceremonies. The penghulu balai was responsible for the
preparation of the balai for ceremonial occasions when it was hung
with curtains and drapes. Hadji Ibrahim's Tjakap2 Rampai2 Bahasa
Malajoe Djohor (Batavia: Government Printer^ 1868), I , p . 241.
Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," p. 299) says
the pledge was made June 17, 1844.
 131
The Yangdipertuan Muda stayed in Lingga and discussed measures
to wipe out piracy.20 As for the Dutch warship, it returned to Riau
when the Yangdipertuan Muda had concluded his pledge of loyalty with
Sultan Mahmud. After that, the Yangdipertuan Muda also went back
to Riau. On his return he built a residence and a mosque. . . .21

Not long after this, Sultan Mahmud came to Riau and asked that
a boat22 be purchased, worth 36,000 silver rupia, so the Yangdipertuan
Muda purchased it. Soon afterwards the Yangdipertuan Muda became ill,
and by the decree of Almighty God, after a few days he died, on Wednes­
day, June 19, 1844,23 at 10:00 p.m., returning to the mercy of Almighty
God. Verily we belong to God and to Him we return. There was a com­
motion at Penyengat and Riau with the princes, the people of the
palace, and the populace weeping and wailing. He was buried by Sultan
Mahmud and his family, according to the ritual followed when great
rulers die. About one month later, Engku Puteri212* also died, on
5
Monday, August 5 , 1855,2 5 at 3:00 p.m. She was buried by her brother,
Engku Hajji Ahmad, and his family in her own kota ,26 and Ahmad had
a vault made.

20. Piracy had been a serious problem in the Riau-Lingga archipelago,

especially throughout the 1830's, when Dutch and British author­
ities had combined in an effort to destroy some pirate hideouts.
See N. Tarling's Piracy and Politics in the Malay World (Melbourne:
Cheshire, 1963).

21. The passage omitted describes Yangdipertuan Muda Abd al-

Rahman.'s religious studies and his encouragement of foreign
Muslim scholars to visit Riau.

22. The vessel was probably the schooner Young Queen, which is men­
tioned in C . B. Buckley's An Anecdotal History of Old Times in
Singapore (Kuala Lumpur and Singapore: University of Malaya Press,
1969) , PP» 520-521. The Sultan used his boat to transport some
Masons to the Raffles Lighthouse for the laying of the foundation
stone in 1854.

23. The Muslim date is 2 Jumad al-akhir, malam senen, 1260. All con­
versions of dates have followed the Wustenfeld-Mahler'sche,
Vergleichungs-Tabellen (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH,
1961). However, the "Wednesday" of the converted date does not
correspond with the Tuhfat's eve of Monday, i.e., Sunday night.
Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," p. 299) dates the
Yangdipertuan Muda's death as June 17, which would be a Monday.
The Tuhfat probably gave the correct day but the incorrect date.

24. Engku (or Tengku) Puteri, wife of an earlier Sultan Mahmud, who
gave her the island of Penyengat as a home for herself and her
family (see the genealogy). She became an international figure in
the early 1820's, when she refused to surrender the Johor regalia.

25. The Muslim date is 20 Rajab, malam senen, 1260.

26. Kota usually indicates a fortified area but can also mean a
settlement. Tengku Puteri's residence was known as Kota
Ranteng.
132
As for Sultan Mahmud, after the death of the Yangdipertuan Muda
Raja Abd al-Rahman, the representative of the Dutch government, the
Resident of Riau, asked who would succeed the late Yangdipertuan
Muda.27 Sultan Mahmud requested time to consider28 and to confer
with the princes of Penyengat, but he could not reach an agreement
with the princes and the elders of Penyengat. Meanwhile the Resident
was pressing for the appointment of a successor to Yangdipertuan
Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman, but Sultan Mahmud did not want to make the
appointment.

Finally, Sultan Mahmud proposed three candiates to await [his]

decision as to which was to become the Yangdipertuan Muda: first,
the brother of the late Yangdipertuan Muda, Raja Ali; second, his
brother, Raja Hajji Abdullah; and third, Raja Idris, son of the
deceased. After having appointed his representatives, Sultan Mahmud
departed for Singapore.

When the Resident learned what Sultan Madmud had done, he was
far from pleased, because he had nothing definite to inform the
Governor-General in Batavia.29 The Resident then consulted the
princes and the elders on Penyengat as to whether Sultan Mahmud's
actions had any precedent. The princes, high officials, and elders
replied that nothing like that had ever happened before. Then the
Resident indicated that he wished the princes to come to an agreement
as to who was fit to become the Raja Muda.30 The majority of the
princes suggested Engku Hajji Raja Abdullah, brother of the late
Yangdipertuan Muda. Then Raja Hajji Abdullah spoke to his kinsmen:
"The Resident of Riau is asking for our collective opinion about who
should become Raja Muda. I, myself, am out of it, so long as my
elder brother Ali is here. I do not wish to take precedence over
him." Raja Juma'at, also a brother of the late Raja Abd al-Rahman
and the eldest of Raja Ja'afar's sons but of a different mother to
the late Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman, replied: "As far as

27. The contract which the Dutch Residents refer to throughout the
translation is that of October 29, 1830. Netscher gives the text
in full ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," pp. 290-291). The
contract replaced all earlier ones between the Dutch government
and Riau-Lingga. Under article 7, the Sultan was required to
nominate Yangdipertuan Muda who met with the approval of the
Dutch and who were descended from the line of Raja Ja'afar (see
the genealogy).

28. Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," p. 299) gives a

slightly different interpretation of the Sultan's behavior. He
says that the Sultan delayed naming a successor because he wished
to take the opportunity to abolish the Bugis Yangdipertuan
Mudaship and draw their share of the revenues for himself.
Netscher says that Resident Andriesse had considerable difficulty
trying to make the Sultan understand that this would be contra­
dictory to the 1830 contract and would be impossible to realize.

29. Either Pieter Merkus (1841-1844) or Joan C. Reijnst (1844-1845).

30. In nineteenth-century Riau, a synonym for Yangdipertuan Muda.

The heir to the Sultan (or Yangdipertuan Besar) bore the title
Tengku Besar.
 133
I am concerned, it doesn’t seem right that it should be anyone else
but my younger brother, Ali.” Then all his relatives and the princes
answered: MWe all feel the same way; if it were anyone else but
Raja Ali, it would seem less than proper.” Raja Ali Hajji then
spoke: ” If you are really speaking sincerely, you should each put
your signature on paper to our agreement.” All the princes replied:
”So be it.” Then Raja Ali Hajji took ink and paper, and each of
the princes signed. So the matter was agreed, at 9:00, Wednesday,
June 26, 1844, 1 in the balai-rong of the late Yangdipertuan Muda
Raja Abd al-Rahman.

When the deliberations had concluded, Engku Hajji Abdullah sent

Hajji Ibrahim,3
32 son of DatoT Shahbandar Abdullah, to the Resident
1
with the letter [containing] the decision of the princes. When the
Resident of Riau received the letter, he was pleased and said:
”Hajji Ibrahim, the princes’ decision is in accord with my own and
with that of the Dutch government.” Then he continued:

Of the Sultan’s three candidates the only one I could

accept was Raja Ali; but Raja Abdullah must not feel
slighted because of this incident with the Sultan.
There were two matters which were not at all according
to our statues.333
4 [First] we requested that only one
[person] be chosen to become Yangdipertuan Muda; the
Sultan proposed three as if to ridicule the govern­
ment. Second, the Sultan selected three candidates
who were all worthy of becoming Yangdipertuan [Muda],
and all three were left with the authority of Raja
Muda, the Sultan deliberately seeing to it that the
Riau princes would quarrel and that there would be
dissension within the state. It was as well that the
princes of Penyengat had the good sense to come to an
agreement, because if they had not the Sultan would
certainly have [succeeded in] creating contention.
One further matter, when the late Yangdipertuan Muda
Raja Abd al-Rahman was still alive, he had already
appointed his brother Raja Ali as Kelana31* in his
administration. It is only proper that he should
succeed him in the realm. Why wasn’t the Sultan con­
tent to follow the principles and ways of his for­
bears?

31. The Muslim date is 9 Jumad al-akhir, Rabu, 1260.

32. Ibrahim appears in the Tuhfat as confidant, courier, and special

agent of the Yangdipertuan Muda; e.g. in the 1830’s he was sent
on several diplomatic missions.

33. Probably refers to the treaty of 1830.

34. Hadji Ibrahim (Tjakap2 Rampai2 Bahasa Malajoe Djohor, I, p p . 319-

321) stated that whoever was going- to succeed the Yangdipertuan
Muda bore the title Engku Kelana. His duties were to participate
in discussions, to execute the orders of the Yangdipertuan Muda,
and to punish those who disobey the Yangdipertuan Muda’s com­
mands, even to the point of waging war on them.
134
Hajji Ibrahim replied: "That is something about which I dare not
speak because Your Excellency knows best."

Then Hajji Ibrahim returned and reported the Resident’s words

to Engku Hajji Raja Abdullah and to all the princes. So it was
definitely settled that Raja Ali should be appointed Yangdipertuan
Muda of Riau because he was the choice of the princes as well as
pleasing to the Dutch government.

While Sultan Mahmud was having a holiday in Singapore, he met

the Temenggong, Tun Ibrahim, Yangdipertuan Muda Raja A l i ’s brother-
in-law. Sultan Mahmud told him how he had nominated three candidates
for the Yangdipertuan Mudaship, because he wished for [time] to
consider [the matter]. Temenggong Ibrahim replied: "In my opinion,
if the way is still open for it,3
363
5 7 Raja Ali should succeed the late
Yangdipertuan Muda. Indeed, there is no one else suitable or even
willing." After hearing Dato’Temenggong Ibrahim’s opinion, Sultan
Mahmud was silent. He later returned to Lingga escorted by the
Temenggong.

Not long after his arrival in Lingga, [the Temenggong] asked

leave to return to Singapore, wishing also to stop at Riau to meet
Raja Ali. Sultan Mahmud then composed a letter, inviting Raja Ali
to Lingga for the presentation of his regalia, making him Yangdipertuan
Muda of Riau. He gave the letter to Dato’Temenggong Ibrahim and
further requested him to urge Raja Ali to come to Lingga within the
month. So the Temenggong left Lingga for Riau, and, when he arrived,
went ashore to meet Raja Ali. He gave him Sultan Mahmud’s letter
and said: "Sultan Mahmud commanded me to ask you to hasten to Lingga
within the month." Raja Ali replied: "I will obey his command, but
I wish to assemble my relatives, wherever they are, because I am
going to be appointed [their] leader.36 If I can’t ask my own
family, whom can I invite to participate in my coronation?" The
Temenggong replied that this was so. When he had finished his con­
versation with Raja Ali, the Temenggong asked leave to return. So
he went back to Singapore, where he stayed at Telok Belanga.

As for Raja Ali, after Temenggong Ibrahim had returned to

Singapore, he assembled all his relatives from among the princes
and then conferred with them about travelling to Lingga to attend
Sultan Mahmud. After consulting with them, Raja Ali sailed for
Lingga. When he arrived there, he attended Sultan Mahmud and con­
cluded a document of loyalty. Afterwards Sultan Mahmud installed
Raja Ali and bestowed the regalia on him, making him Yangdipertuan
Muda of Riau-Lingga and dependencies and following the time honored
ritual for the installation. The ceremonies began on July 22 and
continued until Wednesday, August 27 , 1845,37 and thus his title
was ratified.

35. The Malay is: jika lain daripada itu. The Temenggong is saying
that he knows the Sultan had given his decision, but if the way
is still open for an alternative, Raja Ali should be nominated.

36. The Malay is: tua, probably an abbreviation for ketua (elder or
leader).

37. The Muslim dates are 17 Rajab and 23 Sha’aban, 1261. Netscher
("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," p. 299) says that the two
rulers sealed the pledge of loyalty on July 19, 1845. Further
 135
When Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali had completed his business, he
asked leave of Sultan Mahmud to return to Riau. The Sultan granted
it, and the Yangdipertuan Muda set sail. When he arrived, he was
respectfully received by the Resident of Riau with a cannon salute
from the Hill383
2 and with salvoes from Penyengat. All the Chinese
1
0
4
9
put to sea in scores of fishing boats with gongs and cymbals to wel­
come the Yangdipertuan Muda. Then he came ashore to pay his respects
to his uncle, Engku Hajji Ahmad, and to his mother, Raja Lebar.38
Afterwards he returned to his residence to entertain all his relatives.

In the course of his reign, Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali instituted

some important things which brought glory to the name of the realm
and strengthened the religion.80 His brother, Engku Hajji Raja
Abdullah, generally called Engku Hajji Muda, was the one who imple­
mented them for him. It began with the organization and arrangement
of food for his relatives from the Riau revenues,81 wherever the late
Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman had not been able to do it.
Where it was appropriate and possible, he updated their allowances.
He did the same with the regulations concerning the tenure of all
official state positions held by his relatives, and he held frequent
consultations before delegating responsibility [to those] who did not
seem unsuitable or unworthy in the estimation of the elders and in
the eyes of people of intelligence and discernment. Moreover, he
delighted in close discussions on matters of state, and he liked
asking the elders and high officials for their ideas and opinions
and personally sought out in their homes people like Shahbandar
Abdullah and Ponggawa82 Ahmad, not to mention his senior relatives.

information about the installation date is given at the end of a

manuscript of the Hikayat Negeri Johor (Kuala Lumpur, 24. A),
which says that Sultan Mahmua gave Raj"a Ali the Yangdipertuan
Muda’s seal and pledge of loyalty on July 20, 1845.

38. This refers to the Dutch garrison, Fort Kroonprins, at Tanjong

Pinang. G. F. de Bruyn Kops ("Sketch," p. 73) describes this
fort.

39. They were the Yangdipertuan Muda’s last surviving forbears.

40. By eulogizing the Yangdipertuan Muda, the author of the Tuhfat is

tacitly censuring the Sultan. It is interesting that his praise
is centered on those policies in which he had a personal interest,
e.g. the promotion of Islam and the welfare of relatives.

41. Netscher ("Beschrijving," p. 158) lists Yangdipertuan Muda Ali's

revenues. He stresses that the minimum total was f. 105,000.
The bulk of the income came from f. 72,000 paid to him by the
Dutch as compensation for cessation of the revenues of Riau. It
was probably this sum that the Sultan later felt was his.

42. Hadji Ibrahim, (Tjakap2 Rampai2 Bahasa Malajoe Djohor, I, p. 237)

says the ponggawa is the laksamana’s equivalent on land, i.e. he
is the chief of the army. If a Malay, his title is panglima
perang besar, if a Bugis, ponggawa. Ibrahim (p. 339) says that in
Sanskrit the title means lembu jantan (bull).
136

Before he had become Raja the late Raja Muda Abd al-Rahman had
had him made Kelana to improve the outer territories.1*3 He went
alike to the houses of the elders and the high officials to ask their
advice and guidance, only then setting out on his travels. Further­
more, he was fond [of the company] of learned men, both respecting and
honoring them; when he was the [Yangdipertuan Muda's] representative
in Lingga, there was a learned Bandjarese, Hajji Hamin, whom, on the
advice of his cousin Raja Ali Hajji, he brought back with him, and
paid him an allowance. He revered the learned hajji and would not
walk before him. He never missed the Friday service, being humble
before Muslim scholars, and so it was with his uncles, like Raja
Ismail and Raja Ja'afar [to whom] he was very polite and courteous.
In the same spirit he was not comfortable sitting in a chair if his
seniors were on the ground or if tuan aayyidhh were present.

It was his custom to enjoy entertaining those relatives who

would come to him on a certain day, and likewise he too would visit
them in their houses. During his reign he upheld the Islamic faith,
attending the mosque on Fridays and ordering women to be veiled. He
completed the construction of the mosque,1*5 which the late Yangdi­
pertuan Muda Raja Abd al-Rahman had left unfinished because of his
death. He later had a bridge constructed of wood and stone, so that
the faithful could comfortably get about when the tide was down.1*6

In the time of Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali, many religious

scholars came. After consultation with his relative, Raja Ali Hajji,
he paid their expenses and ordered all state officials to study
religion, recite religious works, and to improve their recitation of
the glorious Koran. He himself loved the quest for knowledge. His
relative, Raja Ali Hajji, selected several learned men, like Sayyid
Abdullah Bahrain and others, to settle and teach in Penyengat for a
year. When they left they were given 400 to 500 ringgit .**'

Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali prohibited the wearing of gold and

silk. He exiled all malefactors and forbad [recreations] like4
7
6
5
3

43. The outer territories were considered to be the smaller islands

of the Riau-Lingga archipelago and the settlements on the adja­
cent Sumatran coast, especially those around Amphitrite Bay.

44. Traditionally sayyid are the descendants of the Prophet through

his grandson Husain. In the Malay world, however, the term is
also applied to Arabs who were not descended from the Prophet
but were nevertheless accorded great respect.

45. G. F. de Bruyn Kops ("Sketch," p. 98) describes the mosque.

46. De Bruyn Kops ("Sketch," p. 98) talks of "a capital stone jetty,
with a landing place built on piles," which was built 1848-1849,
and so would have been constructed on Yangdipertuan Muda Ali's
orders. But other bridges were necessary, because the people
of the archipelago used boats as the main means of transport.
When the tide was down and they could not use their boats, they
either had to walk in the mud or to cross by bridges.

47. A ringgit is a dollar. Spanish dollars were in currency in Riau

and Lingga, at this time valued at approximately 5/-sterling.
 137
gambling and cockfighting; these pastimes were no longer tolerated.
If a Muslim was discovered gambling or cockfighting he was punished
accordingly. Even when celebrating his own son's wedding, he would
not allow any gambling or cockfighting. Pirates were punished, some­
times with exile and sometimes with death by beheading. This was
done several times and acted as a deterrent to others. Furthermore
Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali abhorred those who indulged in pleasures
which lead to loose behavior between men and women and those who sang
and crooned pantunha with veiled invitations to adultery. Sometimes
he ordered the instruments of those who serenaded near the houses of
decent people to be confiscated, so that their young girls would not
be corrupted and so that there was nothing unseemly in the state.

He was like this because he enjoyed the company of learned men,

liked to hear their moral instruction and advice, and enjoyed having
religious works recited to him. It was Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali
who received a gift from the government of about 40,000 rupia because
of his wise counsel and cooperation with the Resident. From the
Governor-General1*9 in Batavia he received a valuable silver tea and
coffee set, and he received as a gift from the King of Prussia450 a
9
4
8
clock, which chimed automatically and was ornamented with a mechanical
golden singing bird. He also received a beautiful crown and some
gold and silver cloth. He wore the crown in the mosque at Penyengat.
Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali also received a gift from a Dutch prince
called Hertokh51 a pistol chased with silver (the pistol had been
given to Hertokh by a Pasha). Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali received
an increase [in his share] of the Riau revenues from the government,
bringing the total to 6,000 rupia, in recognition of the good counsel
and courtesy which the Resident had received from him and his
family. . . ,52

48. Pantun are quatrains, which traditionally have two parts. The
first couplet has a hidden meaning, and the second couplet ex­
plains the first.

49. Jacob Rochussen, 1845-1851.

50. The reigning king of Prussia was Frederick William IV, ruling
1840-1861. There is no record, however, that he visited or was
even interested in Southeast Asia.

51. H-r-t-w-kh. Since the Tuhfat specifies that this was a Dutch
prince, it is unlikely that this is the surname "Hartog" but
rather the Dutch hertog (duke). The only Dutch prince who
visited Indonesia in tne nineteenth century was Prins Hendrik,
"de Zeevaarder," who was in Java for eight months in 1837. Al­
though he returned to Holland via Riau, on chronological grounds
it is unlikely that this is the "Hertog" of the Tuhfat. I am
indebted to Drs. Brakel for bringing to my attention a more likely
candidate, Hertog Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar (1792-1862). From 1847
until some time after 1850, he was Commander of the Netherlands-
Indies army in Java, and it would therefore be appropriate for
him to send a gift of a pistol to the Yangdipertuan Muda of Riau.

52. The passage omitted tells how Sultan Mahmud had his daughter,
Fatimah, married to the Yangdipertuan Muda's son, Muhammad Yusuf,
in 1851. The Nakshabandiyyah tarekat (mystical group) was intro­
duced to Penyengat, and the Yangdipertuan Muda became a member.
He also visited Singapore with the Resident of Riau, possibly
138
Let us talk now of Sultan Mahmud in Lingga, who conceived the
idea of wanting to go to Trengganu with his mother. When the time was
propitious he sailed for Trengganu. On his arrival the Yangdipertuan
of Trengganu53 honored both his sister, Tengku Teh, and his nephew,
Yangdipertuan Besar Sultan Mahmud Muzaffar Shah, so he stayed in
Trengganu, being regaled and entertained as is customary among royalty
newly reunited with their relatives.

After some time in Trengganu, he returned to Lingga, stopping

at Riau for a short time before going on to Lingga. Later he set
out again for a pleasure trip to Singapore. He joined a Christian

to consult the British authorities about Sultan Mahmud. In 1851

and 1852, Tengku Ali, would-be Sultan of Singapore and Johor, had
visited Lingga and offered to transfer his Peninsula inheritance
to Sultan Mahmud. The Dutch had informed the British of this
offer, and Ali was ordered to return. In 1852 Mahmud had visited
Singapore, ostensibly to discuss the development of coal desposits
on Lingga. Wake, "Nineteenth Century Johore," p. 127. In 1853,
Wake says (p. 129) that Mahmud was in communication with W. H.
Read, Tengku Ali's adviser. Read did not become Dutch consul in
Singapore until 1857, so the Sultan would hardly have consulted
him about domestic affairs. Read was a Mason of high standing in
Singapore, and it was probably through him that Mahmud became
involved with the Brethren of Lodge Zetland in Singapore. It is
likely that the Sultan was trying to persuade Read to use his
influence over Tengku Ali to prevent him from transferring his
rights over Johor to the Temenggong. Wake says (pp. 125 and 127)
that Mahmud and Ali were probably trying to retain their authority
"in the face of the upstart pretensions of the Bendahara and the
Temenggong, who being of royal descent, appeared now to aspire to
royal pretensions."

53. This was Sultan Umar, whose sister, Tengku Teh, was Sultan
Mahmud's mother. In 1853, Mahmud had strengthened his family
ties with Trengganu by marrying one of his sisters to Sultan
Umar's son (Wake, "Nineteenth Century Johore," p. 127). On this
visit to Trengganu in 1854 which the Tuhfat describes, both Wake
(p. 128), and Netscher ("De Nederlanders In Djohor en Siak,"
p. 301), say that Mahmud was encouraging his uncle to extend his
influence over his neighbors. Umar even wrote officially to the
Governor of the Straits Settlements, saying that he recognized
the Sultan of Lingga as the rightful sovereign of Johor and
Pahang. The British became fearful that Mahmud would start
hostilities which could jeopardize their trade on the east coast..
Butterworth, the Governor, informed the Dutch of Mahmud's actions,
saying that he was a bad influence on Tengku Ali and that he was
fostering misunderstandings between the Sultan of Trengganu and
the rulers of Pahang and Kelantan. The Dutch Governor-General
responded by sending Mahmud a letter (dated April 2, 1854), ex­
horting him to give up his visits to Singapore and to the Penin­
sula and to return to Lingga as quickly as possible. Mahmud did
return, but made demands of the Dutch Government--an advance of
f. 70,000 and a Dutch civil servant at Lingga whom he could treat
as a subordinate. The Dutch gave nothing despite the Sultan's
threat that he could get a European for the job from Singapore.
 139
religious society called Freemasons,54 and became friends with a
Parsee called Cursetjee.55

When he returned to Lingga he built a residence in European

style,56 which was spacious and beautifully constructed. Never had
the Riau-Lingga kings had such a residence built, complete with fine
and beautiful furnishings and stocked with various European foods
and drinks, and with paintings on the walls. When Europeans came,
like the Resident of Riau and others, they were received and enter­
tained in this residence, He also kept some large dogs and cared for
them as would a European. There is nothing wrong with having a
European house as long as this does not entail a change in
religion. . . ,575
8

Raja Abdullah, Engku Hajji Muda, conferred with his relatives on

Penyengat and with worthy elders* then he sent a letter to Sultan
Mahmud on Lingga with keepsakes, 8 and he also sent keepsakes to
Singapore with a letter. The messengers set sail. When the Lingga
messenger arrived, there was a commotion when it was learned that
the Yangdipertuan Muda Raja Ali had died. His wife wept with all
those who were in his Lingga residence, and they held a funeral
feast as is customary on the death of a great king. When Sultan
Mahmud received the letter from Riau, he wanted to go there. A
iperahu was sent from Riau to fetch him, and he set sail.

54. He was a member of the Brethren of Lodge Zetland in the East,

from C. B. Buckley, An Anecdotal History of Old Times in Singapore
(Kuala Lumpur and Singapore: University of Malaya Press, 1965),
pp. 520-521.

55. Buckley (An Anecdotal History, p. 350) mentions Cursetjee. He

was a Singapore merchant who took over the business of John
Martin Little in 1845. ’’Cursetjee was the son of Frommurzjee
Sorabjee, a Parsee merchant, who established his firm in Singapore
in 1840 and died on February 17, 1849. Cursetjee afterwards did
business on his own account and was very popular in Singapore.
He had an English wife. He died here in 1881.”

56. G. F. de Bruyn Kops (’’Sketch,” p. 100) describes this house.

A contemporary Malay account of the construction of this residence
is to be found in sha’ir form in Shafir Sultan Mahmud di Lingga
(Ms. in Djakarta Museum, von de Wall 274).

57. The passage omitted describes the death of Yangdipertuan Muda Raja
Ali at the age of about 47 in June 1857. His illness and death
are described in a manuscript (Djakarta Museum, Bataviaasch
Genootschap 159) which is wrongly entitled Sha'ir Sultan Mahmud
Raja Muda. His brother, Raja Abdullah, the Engku Hajji Muda,
took his place as senior Bugis on Penyengat.

58. These could have been small personal belongings of the deceased,
but there is a more specific kind of keepsake in this context.
W. W. Skeat, Malay Magic (New York: Dover Publications, 1967),
p. 406, says that just before burial the bands tying the shroud
are removed. They are then handed to the next of kin, who tear
them up and plait the strips into a rough kind of bracelet,
which they wear as long as it lasts in memory of the deceased.
140
On his arrival, the Engku Muda, Raja Hajji Abdullah, and Engku
Hajji were in attendance and invited him to come ashore to the palace
at Kampong Bulang. There all the princes on Penyengat came to attend
him and awaited his announcement as to who would succeed the late
[ruler]. But no announcement of a decision was forthcoming, and the
princes were disappointed because their leader had not yet been deter­
mined. The person whom Sultan Mahmud had decided was to succeed the
late Raja Ali was his [Raja Ali’s] son, Raja Muhammad Yusuf, who was
his [own] son-in-law. But Raja Muhammad Yusuf was unwilling to suc­
ceed his father as long as his uncle, the Engku Hajji Muda [was alive].
He was even willing to be estranged from Sultan Mahmud and risk his
displeasure rather than be alienated from his uncle, the Engku Hajji
Muda. This had the effect of frustrating Sultan MahmudTs wishes and
prevented his deciding on a successor to the Yangdipertuan Muda. The
Resident, too, was pressing for a decision on a successor.

Sultan Mahmud had no desire to settle it because the princes and

elders on Penyengat had already decided for several reasons that the
only fitting successor to the late Raja Ali could be the Engku Hajji
Muda. Firstly, the Engku Hajji Muda was already acquainted with the
ways of government. Secondly, he was versed in both religious and
traditional law.59 Thirdly, as long as he was present, there was no
one from among the princes, young or old, who wished to become
Yangdipertuan Muda, providing that the person favored by Sultan Mahmud
did not wish to be so. Fourthly, the government representative ap­
proved the decision of the people of Riau, and he upheld article 7
of the contract, which dealt with the conditions for the appointment
of the Raja Muda: if the Dutch government did not approve of the
Sultan of Riau and Lingga!s choice, there could be no appointment, un­
less Sultan Mahmud followed the government’s directions. For these
four reasons, the Resident held Engku Hajji Muda Raja Abdullah as a
suitable successor to his brother, the late Raja Ali, and requested
that Sultan Mahmud appoint him forthwith, lest affairs of state be
further impeded. But Sultan Mahmud paid no attention to the advice
of the Resident and the people but still wanted his own way. This
was the root of the conflict between Sultan Mahmud and the Resident
of Riau, and all the princes, high officials, and elders on Penyengat.

In the meantime, there was much he said and did which neither
met with the approval of the Dutch government nor the people. Sultan
Mahmud wished to go to Singapore and leave the matter undecided. The
Resident tried to persuade him not to go60 before settling such a

59. The Malay is: hukum shari’at dan adat istiadat. Al-shari’at
is the revealed or canonical law of Islam. FL Wehr, A Dictionary
of Modern Written Arabic (Wiesbaden: Otto H a r r a s s o w i t 1966) . -

60. Although after his 1854 trip, Mahmud had been warned not to re­
turn to Trengganu, in August 1856 the Sultan informed the Resident
that he was going to Singapore to begin a journey to Trengganu.
This was ostensibly to collect his mother. Netscher (MDe
Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak,,T p. 302) says Mahmud had the
guile not to inform the Singapore authorities of his intended
destination. However, after his departure Cursetjee informed the
British Resident, who sent a ship to collect Mahmud and returned
him to Lingga in October 1856. The Dutch had to pacify the British
with assurance that stronger measures would be taken against the
Sultan. Resident Nieuwenhuijzen and A. A. de Vries went to Lingga
with a letter from the Governor-General dated December 14, 1856.
 141

grave matter which was weighing heavily on the state of Riau-Lingga.

Sultan Mahmud, however, paid no heed to the Resident's advice but
still strongly insisted on going to Singapore. All this caused much
concern to the Engku Hajji Muda, Raja Abdullah, lest there be a
breach between Sultan Mahmud and the Dutch government. So he ven­
tured to offer a letter of advice which read:

About the matter of the Raja Mudaship; we are [now] com­

pletely at your disposal to do as you wish, as if indeed
we have not already done your will for generations past.
I beg you, do not quarrel with the Dutch government and
do not break the contract which your forbears entered
into and which you [yourself] have ratified.

But Sultan Mahmud paid no heed to the Engku Hajji Muda's request and
still wanted to leave for Singapore the next day. Engku Hajji Muda
was silent, being at his wits end.

Meanwhile Sultan Mahmud had sent a messenger to the Resident of

Riau asking for the Riau revenue money. The Resident replied: "The
Riau revenues had already been pledged in the contract; under
article 16,61 the money belongs to the Raja Muda. So now, quickly
appoint a Raja Muda, so that we may hand the money over to him as
[stipulated] in the contract." When Sultan Mahmud heard the
Resident's reply, his fury increased, and there were many improper
words which I will not record in this history. Suffice it for those
with intelligence to imagine the words of two people disagreeing.

The Riau revenues were withheld for about two months, and the
princes and elders of Penyengat suffered hardship because they were
all accustomed to receiving their monthly allowance regularly. Now
it was withheld because of Sultan Mahmud's behavior in not appointing
a successor to the Yangdipertuan Muda. The result was that many who
were penniless came to pester the Engku Hajji Muda, who distributed
about 1,700 ringgit to his distressed relatives. Where he was short
he borrowed a sum of about 1,000 ringgit from the Chinese.

The Sultan was told he had violated article 3 of the 1830 contract
(the Sultan owed allegiance to the Governor-General, and they
shared common enemies), and that it was only as a great favor
that the Governor-General was not exercising his right (article 6
of the contract) to deny him government protection. The Sultan
was now forbidden to move outside his territory without the
Governor-General's permission. If he was disobedient or dis­
respectful to the government again, he would lose his kingdom.
A letter was also sent to the Yangdipertuan Muda warning him not
to provide the Sultan with vessels for his travels. Apparently
the Yangdipertuan Muda had complained to Batavia about Resident
Nieuwenhuijzen because in the letter the Governor-General ex­
pressed his complete confidence in his Resident and said he
would not be replaced. This suggests that in Riau Nieuwenhuijzen
was not very diplomatic, and it is possible that his attidue and
actions aggravated the Dutch position with Sultan Mahmud. However,
here he is obviously reminding the Sultan of the Governor-General's
ultimatum that he was not to leave Riau-Lingga without permission.

61. Actually the article concerning the Yangdipertuan Muda's revenues

is number 17. It deals with the compensation of the Yangdipertuan
Muda for the loss of the revenues of Riau.
142

Sultan Mahmud wished to leave for Singapore the next day. The
Resident detained him, asking who was to be appointed because the
people on Penyengat were in difficulties, especially the Engku Hajji
Muda, Raja Abdullah. He was at the mercy of his relatives because he
had been nominated in the late Raja Ali's will [to care for] all his
family. Sultan Mahmud took no notice of the Resident's restraints
but sailed to Singapore in his schooner.62 The Engku Hajji Muda sent
for his son, Raja Muhammad Yusuf. He said: "Try to follow Sultan
Mahmud; I'll send you a small perahu and as much money as I can for
expenses." So Raja Muhammad Yusuf set out to follow the Sultan as
envoy from his father, the Engku Hajji Muda.

When Sultan Mahmud set sail, the Resident of Riau felt humili­
ated because [his orders for] Sultan Mahmud to stay had been disre­
garded and so the code of the high officials had been dishonored.
If the Resident was dishonored, this reflected onto the Dutch govern­
ment. Moreover, the Dutch government had had a plan for Sultan Mahmud
a certain government decree636
4 which would not have harmed his kingship
But even this, Sultan Mahmud did not want to accept, and this also
offended and caused embarrassment to the Dutch government. This
matter and Sultan Mahmud's actions were to have far-reaching con­
sequences .

When Sultan Mahmud reached Singapore, he stayed with his non-

Muslim friend Cursetjee, the Parsee, who was a Zoroastrian. Several
times Cursetjee tried to coax Raja Muhammad Yusuf into wanting to
succeed his late father, Raja Ali, but at this he became angry and
said: "Don't speak to me like this again. My uncle in Riau will suc­
ceed my late father. I have no wish to succeed my father as long as
my uncle is alive." Cursetjee was silent.

Meanwhile the Resident had also sent a message to Singapore

inviting Sultan Mahmud to return to Riau and requesting him to appoint
his representative, the future Raja Muda. But still Sultan Mahmud did
not wish to appoint a representative from the Riau princes. In
actual fact he was conferring with a prince called Raja Ahmad. . . .6<t
This was the Raja Ahmad who had been put forward as a candidate by
Sultan Mahmud when discussing the matter of the Raja Muda. The
Resident's messenger returned to Riau without a directive.

62. Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," p. 303) dates his

departure as August 30, 1857.

63. Netscher makes no mention of a special government decree other

than the Governor-General's warning of 1856.

64. The passage omitted describes Raja Ahmad's forbears. He was a

descendant of a Bugis Raja Tua, who betrayed the Bugis in one
of the periods of Malay-Bugis conflict on Riau in the early
1760's. Yangdipertuan Muda Kamboja exiled the Raja Tua to
Palembang. Obviously the Bugis on Penyengat would never support
such a candidate. The choice of Raja Ahmad also violated article
7 of the 1830 contract.
 143
On Monday, October 5,65 a steam warship called the Celebes came
from Batavia to Riau and berthed at Tanjong Pinang, bringing a com­
missary, Tuan Mejor.66 He conferred with the Resident of Riau about
Sultan Mahmud. On Tuesday, October 6,67 a boat which Sultan Mahmud
had borrowed from his friend Cursetjee came from Singapore, bringing
Raja Ahmad Tengku Long to Riau to be his representative there. Raja
Ahmad was competent to be his representative because he would stand
up to the Resident. Even if the dispute went as far as Batavia, he
would handle it; Sultan Mahmud was not to worry.

When he reached Riau he went ashore to Tanjong Pinang to meet

the Resident. Raja Ahmad announced that he was Sultan Mahmud's repre­
sentative for Riau affairs and gave him a letter from the Sultan.
When the Resident had read it, he understood its purport. Then Raja
Ahmad Tengku Long returned to his vessel to await the Resident's
reply to the letter.

After Raja Ahmad had gone, the Resident sent for Raja Abdullah
Engku Hajji Muda. When he came, the Resident said: "Have you met
Raja Ahmad Tengku Long?" Raja Abdullah said, "No." So [the Resident]
said: "Perhaps you should come and meet him." Then he showed him
the letter from Sultan Mahmud which Raja Ahmad had brought. Raja
Abdullah read as follows:

We wish to inform our honorable friend that when we

were in Lingga, you called us to Riau to discuss a
successor to the Raja Muda. When we arrived in Riau,
you broached the matter of the government decree.
This came at a time when the late Yangdipertuan Muda
Raja Ali was no longer capable of receiving it, let
alone ourselves. Furthermore you have requested [that
we name] our representative in Riau, so we have sent
Raja Ahmad Tengku Long to be our representative there.
We desire that you hand over the Riau revenues and
the [taxes of the] orang laut68 to him.

65. The Muslim date is Ahad, (Sunday) 15 Safar. As the 15 Safar fell
on a Monday, either the day or the date in the Tuhfat is incor­
rect. Evidence from Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en
Siak," p. 305) suggests that the Tuhfat's day is correct, but
that the date is incorrect. All further dates in the translation
have been adjusted in view of this discrepancy.

66. He has not yet been identified. It appears that "Mejor" is a

title and not a surname. Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor
en Siak," pp. 305-306) gives a full account of Dutch proceedings
at this time, and only mentions that Resident Nieuwenhuijzen and
Assistant Resident von de Wall were concerned with the action
taken against Sultan Mahmud.

67. The Muslim date is thalatha, 17 Safar.

68. G. F. de Bruyn Kops ("Sketch," p. 108) describes the orang laut:

"There are two distinct classes to be distinguished amongst the
Malays, the orang darat and the orang laut. . . . The first
named reside on land, are traders, agriculturalists, handicrafts­
men and the like. The second class have their residence in
prahus, in which they constantly live with their families."
Netscher ("Beschrijving,"'p. 127) estimates their number as
144

These were the words of Sultan Mahmud's letter to the Resident of

Riau. It is approximately the text, but I could not vouch for it,
because I had it from Raja Abdullah, the Engku Hajji Muda, by word
of mouth; I did not copy it from the document.

Then the Resident said to Raja Abdullah: "This is our commis­

sary, sent by the government to divest the Sultan of his realm because
of his misdeeds. There are nine matters which implied disrespect for
the government and its representative. Tomorrow the proclamation will
go out." Raja Abdullah was shocked when he heard this and fell silent.
Then he asked the Resident's leave to return to Penyqngat.

When he arrived he assembled his relatives and told them that

Sultan Mahmud was going to be deposed by the Dutch government. This
plunged them all into thought because nothing like it had ever
happened before. Then they discussed it and [decided to] send a
letter containing three points to the Resident of Riau. Firstly,
"that our good name and institutions should never be allowed to dis­
appear; secondly, that the government support Raja Abdullah and his
successors in any future difficulty; thirdly, that our names be
expunged from what is an affair of the Dutch government so that we
cannot be accused of treason." The Resident accepted all their re­
quests. The letter was written amidst extreme turmoil on Tuesday,
October 6, at 3:00 p.m.

The following day, Wednesday, at 7:00 a.m., the commissary set

sail with one other European called von de Wall,69 who was an expert
in the Malay language. They sailed to Singapore70 in the steamship
Celebes, and, when they arrived, they both called on the Govenor of
Singapore.71 Then they set out to find Sultan Mahmud, going every­
where, even to the Temenggong's house, but without success. Finally
they found him in Cursetjee's house on the hill. The commissary then
read the proclamation deposing Sultan Mahmud from his kingdom.72 The

15,000, but this figure probably includes the orang laut around
the eastern coast of Sumatra as well as in the Riau-Lingga
archipelago. Netscher (p. 155] says the Sultan kept his revenues
from lands and subjects confidential, but that he estimates the
amount to be 40,000 Spanish dollars per annum.

69. Hermann von de Wall was sent to Riau in 1855 as Assistant Resident
to compile a Malay-Dutch Dictionary. He was later made Resident
of Riau, where he died in 1873.

70. Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," p. 305) says they

arrived in Singapore on October 7, 1857. It is quite possible
to make a return journey from Riau to Singapore in one day by
steamship.

71. Edmund A. Blundell, Governor of Singapore, 1855-1859.

72. Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," pp. 304-305) gives

the full text of the manifesto, which was dated September 23,
1857 and signed by Governor-General Pahud. The reasons for the
deposition were that: 1) the Sultan had repeatedly overlooked
his obligations as a vassal of the government; 2) despite the
exhortations of the Resident and Governor-General, he had meddled
in the affairs of rulers on the Malay Peninsula, who were under
British protection; 3) he had even gone to Trengganu with an armed
 145
Sultan’s expression altered only slightly73 when he heard it. Then
the commissary returned to Riau, leaving a copy of the proclamation
with Sultan Mahmud. They reached Riau that night.

The following day, Thurday, at 8:00, the Resident and the com­
missary invited Raja Abdullah, the Engku Hajji Muda, to come to
Tanjong Pinang, and the Resident honored him as befitted a Yangdipertuan
Muda. Then he said: MThe Sultan had already been deposed, and now
Lingga and Riau are without both a Yangdipertuan Besar and a Yangdi­
pertuan Muda. So the government now appoints you as the Yangdipertuan
Muda to rule the realm of Riau-Lingga and dependencies according to
custom.” Then the letter of his appointment was read so that all
might hear it, and the cannon in the fort was fired.

GENEALOGIES

1. Nineteenth Century Riau-Lingga Sultans

---- 1
|
Sultan Mahmud, 1761-1812

Husain of Abd al-Rahman, 1822-1852_____

--------------- f
Singapore, * j
1819-1837
Sultan Muhammad, Sulaiman 5 other children
1832-1841
" 7 “

Sultan Mahmud, ^ ^ Safiah ildi

7 other children
1841-1857 ' (m. Mongkut
„x of Siam)

Sultan Sulaiman,
1857-1883

Abd al-Rahman,
son of YPTM Muhammad Yusuf
and Fatimah, daughter of ex-Sultan Mahmud

force and hostile intentions, misleading the British authorities

in Singapore about the object of his journey.

73. Netscher ("De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak," p. 305) confirms

this: the Sultan received the news "zonder de minste blijkbare
aandoening.” In this respect, at least, the Sultan conformed
to the behavior that tradition demanded.
 146
2. Bugis Yangdipertuan Muda and Author of Tuhfat

Raja Hajji (5th YPTM, killed by the Dutch, 1784)

Raja Ja'afar, Raja Ahmad Raja Hamidah 4 others

1805-1831 (Tengku Puteri
(6th YPTM) m. Sultan
Mahmud,

l i
1761-1812)

Abd al-Rahman Ali Abdullah Raja Hajji Ali many others

1831-1844 1845-1857 1857-1858 ca. 1809-ca. 1870
(7th YPTM) (8th YPTM) (9th YPTM) (author of
Tuhfat)

Muhammad Yusuf at least 15 children

(10th YPTM)

Abd al-Rahman,
1884, Sultan of
Riau and Lingga