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Stewart
Linton Kwesi Johnson : poetry down a reggae wire
Study of the life and work of Linton Kwesi Johnson (1952). Author concludes that Johnson's
writing has developed spirally: his sensibilities and technique have matured yet he constantly
returns to revise characteristic qualities of his earlier style.
In: New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 67 (1993), no: 1/2, Leiden, 69-89
Linton Kwesi Johnson had been writing seriously for about four years when
his first published poem appeared in 1973. There had been nothing partic-
ularly propitious in his experience up to then to indicate that within a rela-
tively short period of time he would become an internationally recognized
writer and performer. Now, at forty years of age, he has published four
books of poetry, has recorded seven collections of his poems set to music,
and has appeared in public readings and performances of his work in at least
twenty-one countries outside of England. H e has also pursued a parallel
career as a politica1 activist and journalist.
Johnson was born in Chapelton in the parish of Clarendon on the island
of Jamaica in August 1952. His parents had moved down from the moun-
tains to try for a financially better life in the town. They moved to Kingston
when Johnson was about seven years old, leaving him with his grandmother
at Sandy River, at the foot of the Bull Head Mountains. He was moved from
Chapelton All-Age School to Staceyville All-Age, near Sandy River. His
mother soon left Kingston for England, and in 1963, at the age of eleven,
Linton emigrated to join her on Acre Lane in Brixton, South London (Mor-
ris 1987:17).
The images of black and white Britain immediately impressed the young
Johnson. On one hand, the Caribbean spirit of Brixton market, the sounds
of his own Jamaican nation language, and the similar experiences of his
young black schoolmates, also recent immigrants, provided something of a
welcoming milieu. Simultaneously, he was jolted by the ugliness of the
urban chimney-scapes, by the vision of white men sweeping the streets, and,
The poem is also a homage to the living elders of the literary tradition in
which Johnson would soon take his place; its opening epigraph, significantly,
are these lines from Martin Carter (Johnson 1974:l):
Now from the mourning vanguard,
moving,
dear Comrade,
I salute you,
and I say death wil1 not find US thinking that we die.
Linton Kwesi Johnson was already finding his voice, but it was heard more
in the final poem of the book Voices than in the title poem:
Those lines, from the poem Five Nights of Bleeding, represent the voice that
would become most familiar to his worldwide audience.
The reggae that had been produced in Britain up to the early 1970s was a
thin distillation of the heavy molasses of the music as it was being played
and recorded on the island of Jamaica, where the hot musical form known as
ska had simmered into rock steady, which then bubbled into reggae. The
lyrics of the Wailers and other groups reported and protested the social
conditions that produced the brutalizing poverty of the Kingston ghettoes.
Rastafari-inspired tunes such as Niney's "Blood and Fire" called down
judgement on the Babylonian captivity that produced such conditions. Disc
jockeys who carried their increasingly elaborate sound systems to yard par-
ties and street dances added their improvisatory versifying to the dub tracks
of popular tunes. Stripped down to the basics of percussion and bass guitar,
with added electronic effects of echo and reverb, the dub form was devel-
oped by ranking disc jockeys such as Hugh Roy and Big Youth in the late
1960s and early 1970s int0 a new popular art form that Johnson was to cal1
"dub poetry" (Morris 1987:22). West Indians in Britain were kept informed
of these musical developments in Jamaica by record imports, played by
black Britain's own growing number of disc jockeys and sound systems, in
clubs and at "blues dances." Johnson himself had his own sound system for a
while. He listened to the music not only with a love for its island roots but
also with an analytica1 appreciation that its lyrics and rhythmic changes
signaled social, cultural, and politica1 developments in Jamaican culture.
His own thinking about the music was supported by an important critica1
document from the West Indies that appeared in 1972. Gordon Rohlehr, in
the department of English of the University of the West Indies at the St.
Augustine campus in Trinidad, published a two part article in the Barbadian
journal Bim in 1972. In that article, and in one called "Afterthoughts" in
Bim in 1972, Rohlehr analyzed the social and cultural significance of the
latest developments in Jamaican music in terms similar to those in which
Johnson had been thinking.2 Included in Rohlehr's discussion were the ska
trombonist Don Drummond, the Rastafari group the Abyssinians, the
sound system disc jockeys, and the rebel lyrics of Bob Marley. He linked
them al1 (1972:134,139) with the Rastafari attitude and concept of "dread"
- "the impending doom and silence of the brooding locksman"; a "mythical
sense of Apocalypse"; a "fierce energy, resolve and an underlying sense of
the tragic"; the "historic tension between slaver and slave"; an "introspec-
tive menace."
Rohlehr's article was not mainly about musical developments, however.
It was primarily a review, and a review of a review, of a watershed anthology
of new writing, published in Jamaica in 1971 as a special issue of Savacou,
the journal of the Caribbean Artists Movement. Edited by Edward Brath-
waite, Kenneth Ramchand, and Andrew Salkey, the anthology contained
the prose and poetry of some writers who had already established a crit-
ically accepted place for themselves in Caribbean literature, such as John
Hearne, Derek Walcott, and Martin Carter. The editors chose, however, not
only writing already accepted for its excellence, but "as broad a cross-sec-
tion of what is actually being written, good or bad, so as to indicate as many
trends as are current in the feeling, sensibility and creative effort of the
period," as Rohlehr (1972:81) put it.
The shock of the new in this special issue of Savacou that resulted from
this editorial decision had two effects. The first was a derisive critica1
response from those Caribbean writers who were seeking to establish their
legitimacy in what they perceived as the tradition of a British or European
esthetic. A major section of of Rohlehr's article is a response to one nega-
tive review of the anthology by the poet Eric Roach in the Trinidad Guard-
ian of July 14, 1971. The other effect was that of a literary liberation for
young writers who had been stifled by the difficulties involved in seeking to
express Caribbean experiences and sensibilities in the standard English
forms and the stilted or archaic diction which they had been taught in the
schools as proper poetry. Several of the poets in the anthology broke the
vessels of standard form, as it were, discarded the alien diction, and experi-
mented with poetry consciously based in Caribbean imagery, language, and
rhythms. The most dramatic examples of this breakthrough in Savacou
were four poems by the Rastafari poet Bongo Jerry (Jerry Small), especially
his Mabrak.
Johnson read Rohlehr's article with great interest. It came to him not so
much as a revelation but as a vindication of his own thinking on the social
significance of Jamaican music and of the style of poetry he had already
begun to write. Rohlehr's encouragement of the experiments of the younger
writers strengthened Johnson's confidence in his own efforts. His reggae-
based poetry would give an answer to Rohlehr's anticipation (1972:83):
I cannot but wonder what forms wil1 grow from these roots [the sensibilities which
produce reggae in Jamaica and kaiso in Trinidad], and welcome every sincere struggle
to make abstracts of the language and rhythms which constitute the thews and sinews,
the inner ground of our sensibility.
Johnson had als0 been reading the special edition of Savacou and the new
poetry in the anthology had both encouraged him and confirmed his convic-
tion that he was not writing in metropolitan isolation. His sense of belonging
to a writing community had already been nourished by his association with
some of the founding members of the Caribbean Artists Movement in Lon-
don, especially the PanamanianIJamaican writer Andrew Salkey and John
LaRose, Trinidadian activist, writer, and publisher of New Beacon books in
London (Walmsley 1992:317).
Johnson's first published poem was Five Nights of Bleeding in the journal
Race Today (1973), which was later included in Voices of the Living and the
Dead and in his second book, Dread Beat and Blood. It was written for
Leroy Harris, a black youth stabbed at a party in South London. The poem
was transitional. Its focus on the local, on the particulars of black life and
struggle in London, would become typical of the poetry that his audience
would read and hear in his books, performances, and recordings. And the
rhythm is strongly that of the sound-system reggae that is the imaginative
sound track for the events that occur in the poem's narrative, much in the
way that the actual music would become an integral part of Johnson's per-
DOWNA REGGAEWIRE
POETRY 75
formances. Yet the carefully chosen diction in the poem and the straight-
forward syntax were those of standard English, and there was no attempt at
the Jamaican orthography which, as Mervyn Morris (1990:22) has noted,
became fairly consistent in Johnson's later work. Five Nights clearly exhibits
what Johnson himself described as "the tension between Jamaican Creole
and Jamaican English and between those and English English" (Johnson
1975:8), and in some lines of the poem the Creole strains to emerge:
This linguistic tension posed a choice for Johnson, and in 1973, in addition to
standard English, he began using a Creole phonemic system of his own
devising. Yout Scene, the opening poem of his "Notes on Brixton" (unpub-
lished) manuscript sequence, and his first to be written entirely in Creole,
provides a clear example. A comparison of the first stanza of the poem in
manuscript (in the left column) with the revised published version (right
column) illustrates Johnson's concern to find a satisfactory rendering of the
sound of the Creole:
The poet conveys an ambivalence toward the music in which his rhythm is
based. On the one hand, the dread throbbing of the dub-style reggae is not
cathartic but compounds the inner rage of marginalized and alienated
youth. On the other, the music is seen as an actual and metaphorical source
of vindication and identity - renewing, enabling, and strengthening, as in
Street 66:
The poem Yout Rebels gives narrative movement to the section. A sub-
merged politica1 consciousness begins to appear among youth who decide
to abandon the scanking and to reject the cautionary wisdom of their
accommodationist elders, the "shallow councilinl of the soot-brainedl sage
in chain;l wreckin thin-shelled words ..." And the final three poems of the
section point a way out from the self-destructive responses revealed in the
opening ones. "Fratricide is onlyl the first phase," announces the poet in
Doun De Road. And while the fratricidal violence "is a room full of fact you
cant walk out," the nature of the conflict begins to be clarified as Enoch
Powell, the fascist National Front, and the fire-bombing of immigrant resi-
dences and businesses capture headlines and galvanize the defensive mil-
itancy of black Britain.
In the second section, "Time to explode," the poet turns temporarily into
himself to meditate on the subterranean pain and rage that need to be con-
fronted for identity and authenticity to be achieved. In Two Sides of Silence,
he poignantly counterposes the desire for the silence of tranquility with the
outer silence of public indifference to the turmoil that makes individual and
domestic tranquility elusive. Ending with the poem Time to Explode, the
second section erupts into the third, "Song of blood."
The first piece in the "Song of blood" section is John De Crow, a prose
poem narrative of colonial rebellion, in which the Jamaican johncrow, the
despised but necessary carrion bird, becomes a symbol of the slave laborer
who overthrows the corrupting master/slave relationship by killing the
plantation master and his family. After the poet's reminder of that bitter
history, the following three poems, Come Wi Goh Dung Deh, Problems, and
Song of Blood, focus on the contemporary neo-colony of Jamaica, although
neither Jamaica nor any other West Indian island is identified, which allows
application to any island of similar historica1 experience, or even to the
colonial experience in the metropole itself. The colonial black finds no sol-
ace, neither in the return home nor in exile.
The fourth section, "Bass culture," comprises the strongest tribute in the
book to the reggae music that provides the subsistent rhythm throughout.
Two of the poems are dedicated to the reggae performers and recording
artists, Big Youth and the Upsetters. The poem Reggae Sounds is one of the
purest examples of Johnson's reggae poetry, and, together with Bass Cul-
ture, provide an apt poetic illustration of his theory of socio-politica1 real-
ities affecting and being affected by the shifts in Jamaican music:
Song of Rising raises the vision of a condition or an era of peace and love
that wil1 succeed the conflicts explored to that point, and in so doing leads to
the final section.
"One love" consists of four poems in Rastafari style. The first. Peacr n r i
Love, is patterned on the prayer chant of a Rasta meeting, or groundation.
The second, Wi A Warriyah, is similarly patterned, and is dedicated to the
group of drummers and musicians who accompanied Johnson in his 1973-74
recitals, Rasta Love. The third, To Show It So, is typical Rasta psalmody.
The final poem, One Love, is a positive cal1 for such. Yet its final stanza
contains lines that signa1 a movement in Johnson's consciousness toward a
new phase that would include a rejection of Rastafarian culturalism:
In 1973-74, Johnson cultivated a personal and public style that was thor-
oughly Rastafarian except for one important element. The stumbling block
was the Rasta belief in the divinity of Haile Selassie, which Johnson could
not accept. He also began to realize that he was among a growing number of
youth who affected Africanisms and feigned Rasta belief but whose convic-
tions were shallow:
There is a whole heap a dread-locks man on yah. From London to Manchester. Every-
body jus natty, yu kno. But nuff a de man dem naw difen nottin. Dem is jus culturally
dread. Dem noh have no concept, noh doctrine and more important, dem noh have noh
love deep wid-in dem fe one another, each or all. Dat is bittah.4
The shift in Johnson's outlook had been aided by his association, since 1973,
with Race Today, which he officially joined in 1976. The journal Race Today
was originally "a race relations rag of the Institute of Race Relations, set up
by business interests and academic interests to study the native," as Johnson
put it in an interview in 1982 (Morris 1987:19). In 1973, the editorship was
offered to Darcus Howe, who had been a comrade of Johnson in the Pan-
thers. With the assistance of John LaRose, Howe seized the entire oper-
ation, moved it to Brixton, and began building a politica1 organization with
the journal as its core. The Race Today Collective, as the organization came
to be called, directed the journal toward blacks and Asians in Britain, and to
"those who would support first their independent thought and then their
independent activation," as Farrukh Dhondy (1979:68), a member of the
Collective, described its purpose. The Collective set out to encourage and
coordinate the activities of progressive mass-based organizations. While the
emphasis was on black initiatives, it attempted to reach out from a position
of strength to workers and immigrants across ethnic and cultural lines,
thereby confronting not only state power but the enmity of black national-
ists and middle class blacks. Moreover, the movement rejected the claims of
existing left-wing parties to speak out and act for Asian, African, and West
Indian workers in Britain apart from the independent initiatives of these
workers themselves. Johnson's poem Independant Intavenshan proclaimed
this rejection:
The intellectual mentor of the Race Today Collective was the Trinidadian
historian, philosopher, and Pan-Africanist, C.L.R. James, who, in his final
years, was cared for by members of the Collective. James had introduced
issues of colon'ialism,race, and culture int0 the debates of the international
socialist movement, and had emphasized the necessity for autonomous
action by black people independent of the directives of the centra1 comit-
tees of European socialist parties (Thelwell 1989:25-26).
Johnson's third book, Inglan Is a Bitch, was published by Race Today
Publications in 1980. The twelve poems in the book are more overtly and
consistently politica1 and reportorial than were those in his earlier books.
Independant Intavenshan and Reality Poem convey his appropriation of the
Jamesian philosophy of Race Today. The other poems chronicle persons,
places, and events in the conflicts between black Britain and state power in
the 1970s which the established media either ignored or misrepresented.
The only anomaly in the book is Jamaica Lullaby. It is in standard English;
the others are entirely in the Creole-based nation language of Jamaicans in
Britain. It is also lyrica1 and introspective in a way that the others are not.
Although dedicated to Olive Morris, an activist and community worker who
died in London in 1979, the poem was actually written years before the
others in the book, in 1972, and was originally entitled "Moon and Tears."
While consistent with some of Johnson's other writings in the early 1970s, it
is of a style which became unrepresentative of his published writing after
1973.
The title of the book raises the question of Johnson's attitude toward and
relationship with the England that is the place of the struggles which he
chronicles. The persona of the title poem is that of an aging immigrant
laborer who has lived a life of hard work in England, but who is facing
redundancy, pauperization, and the dole. For this black laborer, exploited
and marginalized, England is certainly "a bitch." The poem ends with the
rhetorical question, "Is whey wi a goh dhu 'bout it?" The intended answer is
not that black people should flee from their struggles in England to the
tropical land of birth.
It had taken Johnson some years to arrive at that viewpoint. His first
return to Jamaica after migrating in 1963 was in the summer of 1974. There
he was interviewed and recited some of his poems on Jeremy Verity's
"Poetry Now" program on Jamaica Broadcasting Corporation radio. Young
Jamaican poets who heard him, such as Michael Smith and Orlando Wong
(now Oku Onuora), were encouraged by his voice to continue to develop
the Creole performance poetry they had begun to fashion. More important
for Johnson than promoting his work at the time was the opportunity to
bask in the music of the island and to soak up the latest linguistic innova-
tions that were absorbed into the lyrics from the streets of Kingston. Even
more important than this was Johnson's personal quest to reunite with his
large extended family, especially with his father in Kingston. His experience
of their hardships, as wel1 as the genera1 island-wide poverty, triggered the
poem Come Wi Goh Dung Deh, published in Dread Beat and Blood.
Back in London in late summer 1974, Johnson decided that he would
return to live in Jamaica in about four years. In September he wrote:
Well the four years are a long way off but I am sure my time wil1 come soon. I am more
sure than ever that I have something to contribute towards the liberation of my people.
If it has to be my life then it wil1 be my life. I only hope it won't be too difficult to find
work when I get there. But work or no work I wil1 return in due time. My father needs
me, my brothers and sisters need me, al1 of my relatives need me..'
1. Walmsley (1992:314) mentions the influence of LeRoi Jones (now Amiri Baraka) on
Johnson.
2. Linton Kwesi Johnson, personal correspondence, October 23,1973.
3. Johnson, personal correspondence, undated, late summer or early autumn, 1974.
4. Johnson, personal correspondence, undated, late summer or early autumn, 1974.
5. Johnson, personal correspondence, September 2,1974.
6. Johnson, personal correspondence, April 29,1978.
7. Johnson, personal correspondence, April 29,1978.
8. Davis's observation seems to me to be countered by the fact that in every performance with
the Dub Band, Johnson insists on reciting some of his poems without accompaniment, usually
at the beginning of the performance, in order to focus the audience's concentration on the
importance of the word. Compare to Praeger's (1992:45-46) discussion of the literature of
orality.
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LINTON
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-, 1979. Forces of Victory. Island.
-, 1980. Bass Culture. MangoIIsland.
-, 1984. Making History. MangoIIsland.
-, 1986. Linton Kwesi Johnson in Concert with the Dub Band. Rough Trade.
-, 1991. Tings an Times. Shanachie Records Corporation.
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ROBERT J. STEWART
48 Medallion Lane
Willingboro NJ 08046, U.S.A.