Colonialism and the Countryside

Bengal and the Zamindars

Introduction to Colonial Rule in Bengal

Colonial rule was first established in Bengal, where significant changes were made to rural
society, land rights, and the revenue system. The early years of the East India Company
(E.I.C.) rule saw attempts to reorganize these aspects in Bengal.

An Auction in Burdwan

In 1797, a notable auction took place in Burdwan (now Bardhaman), where several estates
held by the Raja of Burdwan were sold due to unpaid revenue. The Permanent Settlement,
initiated in 1793, fixed the revenue each zamindar had to pay, and estates of those who failed
to pay were auctioned off.

The Raja of Burdwan had accumulated significant arrears, leading to the auction of his
estates.
Many purchasers at the auction were actually servants and agents of the raja, buying
lands on his behalf.
Over 95% of the auction sales were fictitious, allowing the raja to maintain control over
his zamindari.

The Problem of Unpaid Revenue

During the late 18th century, over 75% of zamindaris changed hands after the Permanent
Settlement. The British aimed to resolve the rural economic crisis in Bengal, characterized by
famines and declining agricultural output, by encouraging investment in agriculture through
fixed revenue rates.

The Permanent Settlement was intended to secure property rights and ensure a steady
revenue flow for the Company.
Officials hoped to foster a class of yeomen farmers and wealthy landowners who would
improve agriculture and remain loyal to the Company.

Implementation of the Permanent Settlement

The Permanent Settlement was made with the rajas and taluqdars, classifying them as
zamindars responsible for paying fixed revenue. The zamindar was not a landowner but a
revenue collector for the state, managing multiple villages as a single revenue estate.

Zamindars collected rent from villages, paid the fixed revenue to the Company, and kept
the difference as income.
Failure to pay revenue could lead to the auctioning of their estates.

Challenges Faced by Zamindars

Several challenges complicated the zamindars' ability to pay the fixed revenue:

The high revenue demand was set during a period of depressed agricultural prices,
making it difficult for ryots to pay their dues.
The revenue was fixed and required punctual payment, with strict penalties for late
payments, including potential auctioning of the zamindari.
The Permanent Settlement limited zamindars' power to collect rent and manage their
estates, as the Company sought to control and regulate them.

Decline of Zamindar Authority

The Company disbanded zamindar troops, abolished customs duties, and brought their
courts under the supervision of appointed Collectors. This shift diminished the zamindars'
local authority and influence.

Collectors emerged as alternative centers of authority, restricting zamindar power.

In cases of revenue failure, Company officials were dispatched to undermine zamindar
influence.

Rent Collection Issues

Rent collection was a persistent issue for zamindars. Factors affecting this included:

Bad harvests and low prices made it difficult for ryots to pay dues.
Some ryots intentionally delayed payments, and influential village leaders often
supported this behavior.
Zamindars could prosecute defaulters, but the judicial process was lengthy, leading to
significant backlogs in rent payment cases.

In Burdwan alone, there were over 30,000 pending suits for arrears of rent payment in 1798,
highlighting the challenges faced by zamindars in maintaining their authority and financial
stability.

The Rise of the Jotedars and Zamindar Resistance

Introduction to Jotedars

At the end of the eighteenth century, while many zamindars faced crises, a new class of
wealthy peasants known as jotedars emerged in the villages. Francis Buchanan's survey of the
Dinajpur district in North Bengal provides a detailed account of these influential figures.

Power and Influence of Jotedars

By the early nineteenth century, jotedars had acquired extensive landholdings, sometimes
spanning several thousand acres. They dominated local trade and moneylending, exerting
significant control over poorer cultivators.
 Jotedars often employed sharecroppers (adhiyars or bargadars) who worked the land
using their own ploughs and shared half of the harvest with the jotedars.
Unlike zamindars, who typically resided in urban areas, jotedars lived in villages, allowing
them to maintain direct control over local populations.
They actively resisted zamindar efforts to increase revenue demands (jama) and
obstructed zamindari officials from performing their duties.
Jotedars mobilized dependent ryots and delayed revenue payments to zamindars, often
purchasing zamindar estates at auction when they failed to pay taxes.

Geographical Influence

While jotedars were most prominent in North Bengal, similar figures emerged in other regions
of Bengal, known by various names such as haoladars, gantidars, or mandals. Their rise
significantly undermined zamindari authority.

Zamindar Strategies for Survival

Despite the challenges posed by jotedars, zamindars did not lose their authority entirely.
They developed new strategies to cope with high revenue demands and the threat of estate
auctions.

One tactic was fictitious sales, where zamindars transferred property to family members
to protect it from seizure.
For example, the Raja of Burdwan transferred zamindari to his mother, as properties
owned by women were exempt from confiscation.
His agents manipulated auctions by withholding revenue demands and allowing unpaid
balances to accumulate, leading to repeated auctions where zamindar agents would buy
back the property at low prices.

Scale of Fictitious Transactions

These fictitious transactions were widespread, with significant financial implications.

Between 1793 and 1801, four major zamindaris in Bengal engaged in benami purchases,
yielding around Rs 30 lakh, with over 15% of auction sales being fictitious.

Resistance to Displacement

Zamindars also faced resistance when outsiders attempted to purchase estates at auction.
Local ryots often resisted the entry of new owners, feeling loyalty to their zamindar and
perceiving them as a figure of authority.

Such resistance was rooted in a sense of identity and pride, making it difficult for
zamindars to be displaced.
By the early nineteenth century, the economic depression had ended, allowing surviving
zamindars to consolidate their power further..
The Fifth Report Overview
Introduction to the Fifth Report
The Fifth Report was submitted to the British Parliament in 1813 and is part of a series of
reports on the East India Company's administration in India. This extensive document
spans 1002 pages, with over 800 pages dedicated to appendices that include petitions
from zamindars and ryots, reports from district collectors, statistical tables on revenue,
and notes on the judicial and revenue administration in Bengal and Madras (now Tamil
Nadu).

Context of the Report

Since the East India Company established its rule in Bengal in the mid-1760s, its activities
were closely monitored and debated in Britain. Various groups opposed the Company's
monopoly over trade with India and China, advocating for the revocation of the Royal
Charter that granted this monopoly. Private traders sought access to the India trade,
while British industrialists aimed to penetrate the Indian market with their manufactured
goods.

Political Climate and Company Misrule

Political factions argued that the conquest of Bengal primarily benefited the East India
Company rather than the British nation. Reports of Company misrule and corruption
among its officials were widely circulated in the press, leading to public outcry. In
response, the British Parliament enacted several laws in the late eighteenth century to
regulate the Company's rule, requiring regular reports on its administration and
establishing committees to investigate its affairs.

Significance of the Fifth Report

The Fifth Report emerged from a Select Committee and became a cornerstone for
parliamentary debates regarding the East India Company's governance in India. For over
150 years, it has influenced perceptions of rural Bengal's situation in the late eighteenth
century. The evidence presented in the report is considered invaluable for understanding
this historical context.

Critical Examination of the Report

Despite its significance, it is essential to approach official reports like the Fifth Report
with caution. Understanding the authorship and motivations behind the report is crucial.
Recent research indicates that the Fifth Report may have exaggerated the decline of
traditional zamindari power and overstated the extent of land loss among zamindars.
Investigations into the archives of Bengal zamindars and local district records reveal that
 zamindars often employed clever strategies to retain their zamindaris, even during
auctions.

The Hoe and the Plough

This section discusses the transition from settled cultivation in Bengal to shifting
agriculture in the drier zones, particularly focusing on the Rajmahal hills. It highlights the
conflicts arising from the expansion of the peasant economy into these areas.

The Rajmahal Hills in the Early 19th Century

In the early 1800s, Buchanan's travels through the Rajmahal hills revealed a region that
was largely impenetrable and hostile. The local inhabitants were wary of outsiders, often
abandoning their villages to avoid contact with officials. Buchanan's journal provides
insights into the lives of the hill folk, known as the Paharias, but lacks a comprehensive
historical context.

The Paharias: Lifestyle and Practices

The Paharias lived around the Rajmahal hills, relying on forest produce and practicing
shifting cultivation.
They cleared forest patches by cutting bushes and burning undergrowth, enriching
the soil with potash from ash.
They cultivated pulses and millets, using hoes to scratch the ground lightly.
After a few years of cultivation, they left the land fallow to recover its fertility.
Forest resources included mahua flowers for food, silk cocoons, resin for sale, and
wood for charcoal.
The Paharias lived in hutments within tamarind groves and relied on the forest for
their identity and survival.

Social Structure and Conflicts

The Paharias maintained a strong social structure with chiefs who united the group,
settled disputes, and led in conflicts with other tribes and settled communities. They
often raided plains for resources, especially during scarcity, asserting their power and
negotiating political relations. Zamindars had to pay tributes to hill chiefs for peace, and
traders paid tolls for safe passage through Paharia-controlled areas.

Impact of British Expansion

The negotiated peace between the Paharias and settled agriculturists began to
deteriorate in the late 18th century as British policies encouraged forest clearance for
agriculture. The British aimed to increase land revenue and establish a settled society,
viewing forests and their inhabitants as primitive and unruly. This led to a reduction in
forested areas and intensified conflicts between the Paharias and settled cultivators.
Colonial Response and Paharia Resistance
In the 1770s, the British adopted a brutal extermination policy against the Paharias.
By the 1780s, a pacification policy was proposed, offering allowances to Paharia chiefs
in exchange for maintaining order.
Many chiefs rejected these allowances, leading to a loss of authority and perception
as subordinates to the colonial government.
The Paharias retreated deeper into the mountains, continuing their resistance against
colonial forces.

Emergence of New Settlers

As Buchanan traveled through the region in the early 1810s, the Paharias viewed him with
suspicion due to their experiences with colonial repression. The arrival of Santhal settlers
further threatened their way of life, as these newcomers cleared forests and established
agriculture. This conflict between the Paharias, symbolized by the hoe, and the Santhals,
representing the power of the plough, marked a significant struggle in the region.

The Santhals: Pioneer Settlers

Introduction to the Santhals

At the end of 1810, Buchanan explored the Ganjuria Pahar region, part of the Rajmahal
ranges, and discovered an old village with recently cleared land for cultivation. He noted
the transformation of the landscape due to human labor, highlighting the potential
beauty and richness of the area.

Santhals' Arrival in Bengal

The Santhals began migrating to Bengal around the 1780s, recruited by zamindars to
reclaim land and expand agriculture. The British, having failed to convert the Paharias
into settled farmers, turned to the Santhals, who were more willing to clear forests and
cultivate land.

Settlement in Damin-i-Koh
By 1832, a large area known as Damin-i-Koh was designated for the Santhals, where they
were encouraged to practice plough agriculture. The land grant required that at least
one-tenth of the area be cleared and cultivated within ten years. This territory was
mapped and separated from both settled agriculturists and the Paharias.

Expansion of Santhal Settlements

In 1838, there were 40 Santhal villages.
By 1851, the number of villages increased to 1,473.
Santhal population grew from 3,000 to over 82,000 during the same period.
 The expansion of cultivation led to increased revenue for the British Company. Santhal
myths and songs from the 19th century reflect a history of mobility, suggesting that their
journey had finally found a resting place in Damin-i-Koh.

Impact on the Paharias

As the Santhals settled, the Paharias were forced to retreat deeper into the hills, losing
access to fertile lands. This confinement affected their traditional shifting agriculture,
which relied on moving to new fertile areas. The clearing of forests also impacted their
hunting lifestyle.

Santhals' Shift to Settled Agriculture

The Santhals transitioned from a nomadic lifestyle to settled agriculture, cultivating
commercial crops and engaging with traders and moneylenders. However, they soon
faced challenges as the land they cultivated began slipping away due to heavy taxes,
high-interest loans from moneylenders, and control asserted by zamindars.

The Santhal Revolt

By the 1850s, the Santhals felt the need to rebel against zamindars, moneylenders, and
the colonial state to establish an ideal world for themselves. The Santhal Revolt (1855-
56) led to the creation of the Santhal Pargana, a territory carved out from Bhagalpur and
Birbhum districts, covering 5,500 square miles. The colonial state aimed to pacify the
Santhals by creating a new territory and imposing special laws

Buchanan's Accounts and

Observations
Background of Buchanan's Work
Buchanan's reports are significant, but it is essential to recognize that he was an
employee of the British East India Company. His explorations were not solely motivated
by a passion for discovery; they were conducted under the auspices of the Company,
which funded his travels to gather vital information.

Nature of Buchanan's Expeditions

His journeys were characterized by the presence of a large entourage, including
draughtsmen, surveyors, palanquin bearers, and coolies. The East India Company
covered the expenses of these travels, as they required the data Buchanan was tasked to
collect.
Instructions and Perception
Buchanan received specific instructions regarding what to observe and document during
his travels. Upon arriving in a village, he was often viewed as an agent of the sarkar
(government), which influenced how local inhabitants interacted with him.

Company's Objectives
As the British East India Company expanded its power and commerce, it sought to
identify and control natural resources. This involved:
Surveying landscapes and revenue sources
Organizing voyages of discovery
Sending geologists, geographers, botanists, and medical professionals to gather
information

Buchanan's Observational Skills

Buchanan was an exceptional observer, meticulously documenting various geological
features. His focus included:
Different types of stones and rocks
Strata and layers of soil
Commercially valuable minerals such as iron ore, mica, granite, and saltpetre
Local practices related to salt-making and iron ore mining

Landscape Descriptions and Agricultural Insights

When describing landscapes, Buchanan did not merely note their appearance; he also
considered how they could be altered for increased productivity. His assessments
included:
Potential crops for cultivation
Which trees should be cut down
Which trees should be planted

Differences in Vision and Priorities

It is crucial to understand that Buchanan's vision and priorities differed significantly from
those of local inhabitants. His evaluations were influenced by the commercial interests of
the East India Company and Western ideas of progress. He often criticized the lifestyles
of forest dwellers, advocating for the conversion of forests into agricultural land.

The Revolt in the Countryside

Overview of the Peasant Revolt
 The peasant revolt in the Bombay Deccan during the late 19th century serves as a
significant case study of agrarian unrest in colonial India. This revolt highlights the anger
and frustration of peasants against perceived injustices, particularly in relation to
moneylenders and grain dealers. Understanding the roots of this resentment provides
insight into the lives of the rural population during this period.

Context of the Revolt

In the 19th century, various regions in India witnessed peasant uprisings against
oppressive financial practices. One notable revolt occurred in 1875 in the Deccan region,
beginning in Supa, a village in the Poona district. The revolt was characterized by attacks
on shopkeepers and moneylenders, with peasants demanding the return of their account
books and debt bonds.

Events of the Revolt

The revolt commenced on May 12, 1875, when ryots from surrounding areas gathered
in Supa.
Peasants attacked shopkeepers, burned account books, looted grain shops, and set
fire to the homes of sahukars (moneylenders).
The revolt quickly spread to Ahmednagar and over an area of 6,500 square kilometers,
affecting more than thirty villages.
As the revolt escalated, sahukars fled, often abandoning their properties.
British officials, fearing a repeat of the 1857 uprising, established police posts and
called in troops to suppress the rebellion.
By the end of the unrest, 951 individuals were arrested, and many were convicted.

Causes of the Revolt

The revolt raises questions about the underlying causes of peasant discontent in the
Deccan countryside. The burning of bonds and deeds signifies a rejection of the
oppressive financial systems imposed by colonial authorities. To understand these
causes, it is essential to examine the broader agrarian changes that occurred under
British rule.

Changes in Revenue Systems

As British colonial rule expanded, new revenue systems were implemented across India.
The Permanent Settlement, which fixed revenue demands in Bengal, was not widely
adopted in other regions. This was primarily due to rising agricultural prices post-1810,
which increased the income of zamindars in Bengal, leaving the colonial state without a
share of this enhanced income.

Introduction of the Ryotwari Settlement

To maximize land revenue, the colonial government introduced temporary revenue
settlements in newly annexed territories. The ryotwari settlement was established in the
 Bombay Deccan, which differed from the Bengal system by directly settling revenue with
the ryots (cultivators).
The average income from various soil types was estimated to assess the revenue-
paying capacity of the ryots.
A proportion of this capacity was fixed as the state's share.
Land was resurveyed every 30 years, allowing for adjustments in revenue rates,
making the demands non-permanent.

Influence of Economic Theories

The formulation of revenue policies was influenced by contemporary economic theories,

particularly those of economist David Ricardo. British officials believed that landowners
should only claim the average rent, and any surplus should be taxed by the state to
prevent cultivators from becoming rentiers. This belief was reinforced by the observation
of zamindars in Bengal, who had transitioned to a rental income model.

Revenue Demand and Peasant

Debt
Introduction to Revenue Settlement
The first revenue settlement in the Bombay Deccan occurred in the 1820s. The revenue
demands were excessively high, leading many peasants to abandon their villages and
migrate to other regions. This issue was particularly severe in areas with poor soil and
inconsistent rainfall.

Impact of Poor Harvests

When rainfall failed and harvests were poor, peasants struggled to pay their revenue.
Revenue collectors, eager to demonstrate efficiency and please superiors, enforced strict
payment measures. Failure to pay resulted in crop seizures and fines imposed on entire
villages.

Economic Decline in the 1830s

By the 1830s, the situation worsened as agricultural prices plummeted after 1832 and did
not recover for over fifteen years. A devastating famine struck from 1832 to 1834, killing
one-third of the cattle and half of the human population in the Deccan. Survivors faced a
lack of agricultural stocks, leading to mounting unpaid revenue balances.

Peasant Survival Strategies

To survive, cultivators often resorted to borrowing from moneylenders, as paying

revenue without loans was nearly impossible. However, this led to a cycle of increasing
 debt, making it difficult for peasants to repay loans. By the 1840s, alarming levels of
peasant indebtedness were reported by officials.

Signs of Economic Recovery

By the mid-1840s, some economic recovery signs emerged. British officials recognized
the harshness of the 1820s settlements, which had nearly collapsed the peasant
economy. Consequently, revenue demands were moderated to encourage cultivation
expansion. Agricultural prices began to recover steadily after 1845.

Expansion of Cultivation

With recovering prices, cultivators expanded their acreage, transforming pastureland into
cultivated fields. However, this expansion required more ploughs, cattle, seeds, and land,
leading peasants to seek loans from moneylenders once again.

The Cotton Boom of the 1860s

Before the 1860s, Britain relied heavily on American cotton imports. Concerns over this
dependence led to the establishment of the Cotton Supply Association in 1857 and the
Manchester Cotton Company in 1859, aiming to boost cotton production globally, with
India identified as a potential supplier.

Impact of the American Civil War

The outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861 drastically reduced cotton imports from
America, prompting British merchants to seek alternative sources. In response, Bombay
cotton merchants encouraged increased cotton cultivation in India, leading to soaring
cotton prices.

Access to Credit for Peasants

During this cotton boom, ryots in the Deccan gained access to substantial credit,
receiving advances of Rs 100 for every acre planted with cotton. Sahukars were willing to
extend long-term loans, facilitating increased cotton production.

Consequences of Cotton Expansion

Between 1860 and 1864, cotton acreage in the Bombay Deccan doubled, with India
supplying over 90% of Britain's cotton imports by 1862. However, the boom did not
benefit all producers equally; while some wealthy peasants profited, the majority faced
increased debt burdens

Credit and Cotton in India

Decline of Indian Cotton Exports
 During the cotton boom, Indian merchants aspired to dominate the global raw cotton
market, aiming to replace American suppliers. The Bombay Gazette editor questioned in
1861 what could stop India from overtaking the U.S. as a primary cotton source. However,
by 1865, these ambitions faded as American cotton production rebounded post-Civil
War, leading to a decline in Indian cotton exports to Britain.

Impact on Credit and Revenue

As demand for Indian cotton diminished, merchants and sahukars in Maharashtra

became reluctant to provide long-term credit. They recognized falling cotton prices and
opted to limit their operations, reduce advances to farmers, and demand repayment of
existing debts. Concurrently, revenue demands increased significantly, with the new
settlement raising demands by 50 to 100 percent. This posed a challenge for ryots
(farmers) who struggled to meet inflated demands amidst declining prices and
diminishing cotton fields.

Dependence on Moneylenders

Faced with rising demands and falling prices, ryots turned to moneylenders for
assistance. However, moneylenders were increasingly unwilling to extend loans, losing
faith in the ryots' ability to repay. This refusal to lend sparked outrage among the ryots,
who felt trapped in a cycle of debt and reliant on moneylenders for survival.

Injustice Experienced by Ryots

The ryots' anger stemmed not only from their deepening debt but also from the
perceived insensitivity of moneylenders to their struggles. Traditionally, moneylending
was regulated by customary norms that limited interest rates to the principal amount.
However, under colonial rule, these norms eroded, leading to exploitative practices. For
instance, a moneylender charged over Rs 2,000 in interest on a Rs 100 loan, violating
customary expectations.

Manipulation of Laws by Moneylenders

Ryots reported various injustices to the Deccan Riots Commission, highlighting how
moneylenders manipulated laws to their advantage. The British introduced a Limitation
Law in 1859, which limited the validity of loan bonds to three years to prevent excessive
interest accumulation. However, moneylenders exploited this law by requiring ryots to
sign new bonds every three years, effectively resetting the principal to include unpaid
balances and accrued interest.

Deeds and Bonds as Symbols of Oppression

Deeds and bonds became symbols of the oppressive financial system. Previously,
transactions were often based on informal agreements, but the British favored formal
contracts regulated by law. This shift led to ryots associating their hardships with the new
regime of written agreements. Many peasants were compelled to sign documents without
understanding their contents, fearing the written word while needing loans for survival.
Deccan Riots Commission
Overview
Background

The Deccan Riots Commission was established in response to a significant revolt that
spread across the Deccan region. Initially, the Government of Bombay did not perceive
the situation as serious. However, the Government of India, recalling the events of the
1857 revolt, urged the Bombay government to take action.

Establishment of the Commission

Under pressure from the Government of India, the Government of Bombay set up a
commission of enquiry to investigate the causes behind the riots. This commission was
tasked with gathering information and understanding the underlying issues that led to
the unrest.

Deccan Riots Report

The commission produced a comprehensive report, known as the Deccan Riots Report,
which was presented to the British Parliament in 1878. This report serves as a crucial
historical document, providing valuable insights and a variety of sources for historians
studying the riots.

Methodology of the Commission

The commission employed several methods to gather information:

Conducted enquiries in the districts affected by the riots.
Recorded statements from various stakeholders, including ryots (farmers), sahukars
(moneylenders), and eyewitnesses.
Compiled statistical data on key economic indicators such as revenue rates, prices,
and interest rates across different regions.
Collated reports submitted by district collectors to gain a comprehensive
understanding of the situation.

Significance of the Report

The Deccan Riots Report is significant for several reasons:

It provides a detailed account of the socio-economic conditions that contributed to
the riots.
It serves as a primary source for historians studying the impact of colonial policies on
local populations.
It highlights the responses of both local authorities and the British government to civil
unrest.