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The Parallel Julieverse

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Visual and textual musings on the sublime Julie Andrews, her stardom and career...from the real to the surreal. Unless otherwise noted, Copyright © Brett Farmer. All rights reserved.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

DAME JULIE ANDREWS LAUNCHES HER FIRST FRAGRANCE: DAME JULIE No 1

Practically perfect in every spray

London, UK – 31 March 2025 — Legendary performer, bestselling author, and all-round global treasure Dame Julie Andrews has unveiled her latest act—this time, in a bottle. Say hello to DAME JULIE No 1, a debut fragrance that captures the grace, wit, and unmistakable Britishness of the Dame Commander herself.

Crafted in collaboration with boutique fragrance house PJV Parfumerie, DAME JULIE No 1 is a scent as refined and surprising as its namesake. Top notes of English rose and violet give way to a heart of edelweiss, chimney soot, and Genovian pear. The base settles into a comforting blend of lilacs, PG tips, and the faint whiff of a well-thumbed playbill.

“I wanted something that reminded me of home, the theatre, and the small miracle of a quiet cup of tea after a standing ovation,” said Dame Julie from her garden conservatory, dressed in crisply laundered linen and surrounded by her many awards.

The limited-edition perfume is available beginning April 1st at select luxury retailers and online. Each bottle comes with a handwritten note from Dame Julie that may or may not have been penned by her actual hand.

Fans, show queens, and diva devotees of all ages are encouraged to secure their bottle quickly. As with Dame Julie herself, there is only one No 1.

NB: Due to US tariffs on imported joy and whimsy, DAME JULIE No 1 will not be available for sale in the American market. US buyers are advised to hop the border to Canada, Mexico, or Walton-on-Thames.

DAME JULIE No 1 — Practically perfect in every spray.

Media Contact: Millie van Hossmere (nee Dillmount) PR Director (Grad. Cert. Belle Weatherrill’s Girls’ School of Business) modernmillie@pjv.co.uk +44 20 7946 0175

Negotiating Transatlantic Stardom: Julie Andrews in Everywoman, May 1956

By early 1956, Julie Andrews was firmly on the path to international stardom. Her New York debut in The Boy Friend (1954–55) had made her the "Toast of Broadway," and her latest role as Eliza Doolittle in My Fair Lady, hailed as "the musical of the century," was set to elevate her fame even further.

Back home in the UK, commentators were quick to celebrate the US success of "our Julie" as a source of national pride. This fascinating two-page celebrity spread in Everywoman—compiled while Julie was home on a Christmas hiatus between shows and published in the magazine's May 1956 issue—captures a pivotal moment in the evolution of her public image in Britain (Lincoln 1956).

From the outset, the article frames Julie’s celebrity in emphatically nationalist terms. Its very title, The Lass With the Delicate Air—a reference to the famed British folk song (and, incidentally, later the title track of Julie’s first solo LP)—positions her as an emblem of English heritage. This nationalist coding is further reinforced through descriptions that variously cast Julie as 'Broadway’s English star' and "a delicate English rose" (p. 52).

The article sustains this image by attributing to Julie a familiar repertoire of classic British virtues—modesty, middle-class reserve, and plucky pragmatism. She is portrayed as "charming" but "without gimmicks," thoughtful and polite: "she concentrates when you ask her a question, pauses reflectively a moment, then answers without affectation or coyness" (p. 53). She is also grounded and disciplined—"unsensationally businesslike"—approaching everything with "her usual seriousness and application" (p. 52).

Yet alongside this warming portrait of hegemonic Englishness, the article also acknowledges elements of novelty and transformation. Julie’s "long brown childlike bob" has become "a sleek, centre-parted cap style" (p. 52); she has exchanged her "beret and schoolgirlish coat" for "full-skirted dresses and American-style sports clothes"; and she has "cultivated the American taste for steaks and fruit" (p. 53).

While these details position her within a more cosmopolitan, modernised femininity, the article simultaneously reassures readers that she remains steadfastly loyal to her homeland. She may "enchant… everyone both sides of the Atlantic," but "the loneliness of New York" leaves her "terribly homesick" (p. 52). "I wish I could spend six months of the year in America and the other six in England," she confesses longingly (p. 53).

This careful balancing act—celebrating Julie’s American success while reaffirming her enduring Englishness—takes on heightened significance when viewed in the broader postwar context. The 1950s were a period of profound transformation in Britain as the nation adjusted to a shifting global order (Catterall & Obelkevich 1994). The United States had emerged as the dominant superpower, and its cultural and economic influence expanded rapidly, flooding British markets with American products, fashions, and entertainment. This influx fuelled widespread anxiety over what many saw as an accelerating cultural Americanisation. "America is now the great invader," huffed British writer J.B. Priestley in 1955 (cited in Lyons 2013, p. 7).

Amidst these anxieties, the framing of Julie’s expanded celebrity had to walk a rhetorical tightrope—embracing the glamour of her transatlantic success without undermining the sense of her enduring Englishness. One of the ways in which the article negotiates this tension is through a recurring Cinderella theme—a classic motif of celebrity discourse and one central to Julie’s early stardom. Her journey from an ordinary English girl with 'buck teeth' to the 'Toast of Broadway' mirrors a fairytale transformation, positioning her as both relatable and exceptional, English and international—a perfect synthesis for a public icon of the era.

The Cinderella metamorphosis is also spelled out visually in the accompanying selection of press photos of Julie across the years. There is Juvenile Julie, a gangly 13-year-old schoolgirl, all fidgety fingers as she gazes intently into the eyes of Danny Kaye—and, perhaps, her own as-yet-unrealised future of American stardom. Then there is Homely Julie, lovingly framed with her brothers in the diamond-leaded window of their suburban Surrey home or practising at the family piano with her mother. Finally, there is Transatlantic Star Julie—striking a theatrical pose in an armchair, gazing at her poised reflection in a Hollywood-style dressing room mirror, or dressed in character as she takes her place on the New York stage alongside the established stardom of Rex Harrison.

This interplay of imagery, narrative, and cultural positioning ultimately serves a primary commercial function: celebrity-mediated promotion. Like many magazines of its era, Everywoman catered to the booming postwar market of female readers through an aspirational mix of idealised domesticity, beauty culture, and consumerist lifestyle. With sections dedicated to home-making, fashion, beauty, and family affairs, the magazine was also filled with colourful advertising for everything from fashion and cosmetics to grocery items, white goods, and cleaning products. In doing so, Everywoman worked to socialise its largely lower-middle-class readership into the moral and material imperatives of global postwar consumerism (Walker 1998).

Understood in these terms, Julie’s Cinderella transformation functions not just as a fairytale idyll but as an instructive model of self-fashioning, reinforcing postwar ideals of commodified femininity and aspirational consumption. Framed explicitly as a beauty story, her rise to stardom becomes a journey of discipline and self-improvement, one extending beyond talent to the meticulous cultivation of beauty. Whether perfecting her makeup or refining her wardrobe, Julie approaches her appearance with the same no-nonsense effort she applies to her craft. Her willingness to learn—from the sage counsel of a Fairy Godmother-like Beauty Counselor, no less—embodies the magazine’s ethos of achievable glamour, where self-discipline and refinement lead to transformation.

By blending the extraordinary with the accessible, the Everywoman article presents Julie’s success as both aspirational and instructive, reinforcing the postwar belief that discipline, charm, and the right consumer choices could shape one’s destiny. At the same time, it resolves tensions between British identity and American influence by portraying "our Julie" as both triumphant abroad and steadfastly English at heart.

Sources:

Catterall, P. & Obelkevich, J. (1994). Understanding post-war British society. Routledge.

Lincoln, N. (1956, May). Julie Andrews: The lass with the delicate air. Everywoman. 17(195). pp. 52-53.

Lyons, J.F. (2013). America in the British imagination, 1945 to the present. Palgrave Macmillan. Walker, N. (Ed.). (1998). Women's magazines, 1940-1960: Gender roles and the popular press. Bedford Press.

© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.

Die Lady ist ein Star!

Rare bespoke German poster for the original 1968 release of STAR! Unlike the standard German posters for the film, which adapted the competing U.S. Style A and B artwork, this version features a unique design signed by someone named "Hans." However, the artwork is clearly based on unused concept designs by William Berta, the graphic designer behind the iconic Broadway poster for Mame. Berta’s work is briefly mentioned in a previous PJV post alongside other early design concepts for STAR!

From the Archives: Musical Legends Backstage

Julie Andrews and Gene Kelly pay a backstage visit to Tommy Tune and Twiggy after a performance of My One and Only at the St James Theatre, New York, May 1983. Also pictured are Julie’s daughter, Emma (far right), and Twiggy’s mother, Nell Hornby (far left).

My One and Only was a nostalgic pastiche musical set to the classic songs of George and Ira Gershwin. Despite a long and problem-plagued production process, it defied the odds to become a bona fide Broadway hit -- due largely to the charisma of its two stars and their vibrant musical and dance routines (Shewey, 1983).

Twiggy later admitted, "She never suffers from stage fright, but was a bit nervous when Gene Kelly and Julie Andrews were in the audience" (Women's Wear, 1984, p. 6C).

Sources:

Shewey, D. (1983, May 1). How My One and Only came to Broadway. The New York Times, Section 2, p. 1.

Women's Wear. (1984, January 1). Eyes still the most fun for Twiggy to make up. Fort Worth Star-Telegram. 1 January, p. 6C.

© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.

This Week in Julie-History: Cover Girl 1955

Seventy years ago, Julie Andrews officially became an American "cover girl" for the first time with the publication of this lead story in the January 9, 1955 edition of the syndicated This Week newspaper magazine. Published just three months after her New York debut as Polly Brown in The Boy Friend, the magazine proclaimed Julie a new star who had "won Broadway's heart."

The colour cover photo was taken by renowned celebrity portraitist Zinn Arthur who recalled that "the January 9 issue of the magazine with [Julie] on the cover was her very first major USA exposure" (1990, p. 199). His shot captures an unusually relaxed and sultry Julie. Barely 19, she exudes the charm of a fresh-faced, American-styled teen, casually dressed in a slightly crumpled cotton shirt. Her tousled chestnut hair is swept up, and her smile blends youthful confidence with soft allure -- a perfect fifties girl next door.

The accompanying article by Charles D. Rice (1910–1971) extends the portrait of Julie as wholesome youth, incorporating many of the core themes that would come to define her star image in the years ahead. Described as "relentlessly winsome" and "utterly charming," Julie remains "a completely normal, even naive, young English actress" -- the kind of girl one would "like to bring home to Mother" (Rice, 1955, p. 23).

The piece also underscores Julie's connection to the past, highlighting her role in The Boy Friend, a nostalgic nod to 1920s musicals, and her "wide eyed" fascination with big city American culture. Even at this very early stage of her international career, Andrews was cast as a nostalgic feminine ideal, offering a comforting sense of continuity amid a rapidly changing modern world.

Sources:

Arthur, Z. (1990). Shooting superstars: Me, my camera and the show biz legends. Artique Press.

Assoc. Press. (1971). Charles D. Rice, magazine editor. New York Times. February 1, p. 35.

Assoc. Press. (2003). Zinn Arthur, 90, celebrity photographer. New York Times. March 21, p. C-11.

Rice, C.D. (1955). Can that be me? This Week: The Sunday Magazine, January 9, p. 23.

© 2025, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.

Dame Julie Goes to Nashville: The Story Behind Love Me Tender

In a career marked by unexpected turns, Julie Andrews' decision in 1978 to travel to Nashville and record a country album surely stands as one of her most surprising ventures. Her quintessentially British star image, coupled with her refined, classically trained singing style, would seem as far removed as imaginable from the twangy, down-to-earth aesthetic of American country and western music.

When the resulting album, Love Me Tender, finally reached the market in 1983—after more than four years of delays—astonishment was a common reaction. “Nanny Poppins sings Nashville,” declared one incredulous headline, adding: “Could it be? Yes, it is. Julie Andrews detouring from her squeaky-clean singing career, an English rose among the rhinestone cowgirls of Nashville, Tennessee” (Davis, 1983, p. 15).

Ultimately, Love Me Tender failed to make much of an impression and, outside of diehard fans, it has been largely forgotten. Even Julie herself seems to overlook it—the album doesn’t receive a single mention in her recent memoirs (Andrews, 2019). This neglect is unfortunate, as Love Me Tender represents a fascinating, if anomalous, chapter in Julie Andrews' storied career. It also offers a compelling glimpse into a period of professional challenge and reinvention as she sought to recalibrate her image in a rapidly changing world. 

It Was Time: Country’s Rise and Julie’s Retreat

Viewed in historical context, the idea of a Julie Andrews country album may not be as outlandish as it initially appears. The 1970s was a time of profound transformation for country music and Julie Andrews alike. The rise of ‘countrypolitan’—a polished, pop-oriented style of country music—blurred boundaries between traditional country and mainstream genres, bringing Nashville’s sound to a wider audience (Stimeling, 2015). Crossover artists like Dolly Parton, Kenny Rogers, and Willie Nelson achieved mainstream chart success, while pop and rock performers such as The Eagles, Linda Ronstadt, and Olivia Newton-John incorporated country influences into their work (Hill, 2015).

Films and TV shows also reflected this crossover. Movies like Nashville (1975), Urban Cowboy (1980), and Coal Miner’s Daughter (1980), along with shows like The Dukes of Hazzard (1979–1985), helped popularise country music and culture among mainstream audiences (Stimeling, 2015). As the Chicago Tribune noted in 1978, country music had “broken out of the hayseed demographics that used to separate [it] from the urban world and ascended to giddier climes and sales figures” (Hurst, 1978, p. 24). This shift made country music an increasingly cosmopolitan space—one where even an ‘English rose’ like Julie Andrews could plausibly find a foothold.

Meanwhile, the 1970s marked a period of equal change and upheaval for Julie. Professionally, it was not a particularly successful decade. It began with the commercial failure of Darling Lili (1970), followed by the cancellation of two highly anticipated big screen musicals, Say It with Music and She Loves Me. Turning to television, she launched The Julie Andrews Hour in 1972. Though critically acclaimed and the recipient of several major awards, the variety series struggled in the ratings and was cancelled after just one season (Andrews, 2019).

The consensus seemed to be that Julie’s wholesome image and traditional musical style had become culturally passé. “In this the age of ‘hip’ lyrics and braless singers, Miss Andrews' apple-pie songs and antiseptic appearance seem oddly out of step with the times,” observed one commentator (Ferguson, 1972, p. 26). Julie herself reluctantly agreed: “I think I’m a little dated,” she admitted in a 1970 interview. “I’m clearly not where Easy Rider is at, and I think it would be very difficult for me to arrive there” (Siskel, 1970, p. E5).

What followed was a period of professional ‘lean years,’ punctuated by the occasional TV special and a minor film, The Tamarind Seed (1974). By the mid-1970s, Julie had largely faded from the public radar. One journalist facetiously asked, “Whatever happened to Julie Andrews?” (Goodman, 1976, p. 11-A), while another remarked, “Not since Luise Rainer…has any motion picture star risen so fast or fallen so far as Julie Andrews” (Higham, 1977, p. C-1).

For her part, Julie appeared content to step away from the limelight and focus on her family. She and her husband, Blake Edwards, had recently adopted two children and were working to blend their new family. Relocating to Switzerland, Julie embraced her private role as wife and mother (Andrews, 2019).

“I travel as Mrs. Edwards these days,” she remarked in 1975. “My career? I’m afraid that’s up in the air at the moment and will remain so till Blake makes his plans… If it suits his schedule for me to work, then I might do a little something” (Scott, 1975, p. D-12). By 1978, she extolled the virtues of semi-retirement: “I’m only devoting about 20 percent of my time to my career and 80 percent to my family” (Scott, 1978, p. 8C).

The few projects Julie took on during this period were, unsurprisingly, closely tied to Blake. He produced and directed nearly all her film and TV work. He was also the one who persuaded Julie to accept a one-week residency at Las Vegas’ Caesars Palace in 1976. “It wasn’t my idea at all,” she admitted. “Caesars Palace made me a tremendous offer [and] Blake talked me into going ahead” (Higham, 1977, p. C-1).

Love Is A Place Where Two People Fall: Blake’s Push and Butler’s Pull

Blake was also the driving force behind Love Me Tender. A native Oklahoman with a deep affection for the music of the American heartland, he believed the simple melodies and heartfelt lyrics of country music would suit Julie’s voice. As she explained in a British television interview:

“Blake…thought that country music might sit very well on my voice, which is not an easy voice [with which] to sing popular or modern music…It doesn’t adapt to it that easily, and he felt that country music would be good” (Freeman, 1983).

Reluctant at first, Julie considered country music “pretty hokey,” but upon closer listening, she discovered its appeal. “I found that the songs are really terribly pretty,” she said, noting parallels to the English folk music she had loved and sung as a child (Thomas, 1982, p. 1).

Flush with the renewed success of the Pink Panther franchise, Blake even financed the recording sessions under the aegis of his own production company (Beck, 1978, p. 16). Given its private funding and tentative nature, the recording plans were largely kept under wraps.

There were a few passing mentions in the press. A syndicated column in May 1978 noted that Julie was back Stateside with Blake “and their gaggle of children,” adding that she “will cut an album of songs while she’s here” (Eder, 1978, p. 5B). Another report from early 1978 observed:

“Andrews also is working up an album. ‘I love recording. It is like swimming, quiet and personal,’ she said. But because the recording industry has become so complex, she is doing this one through Trellis Enterprises, a company she and her husband formed about a year ago” (Burton Terry, 1978, p. A10).

Contracted to helm the new album was Larry Butler, Nashville’s most celebrated record producer of the time (Cunniff, 1980; Wood, 2012). A multitalented industry veteran, Butler began as a session pianist, vocalist, and songwriter before graduating to producing albums for some of Nashville’s biggest stars, including Johnny Cash, Dottie West, and Kenny Rogers. Widely regarded as a key architect of the crossover “countrypolitan” wave of the 70s, Butler became the only country producer ever to win a Grammy (Leigh, 2012). “Good music is good music,” he averred, “and doesn’t have to be labelled” (Cheever, 1980, p. 12).

Butler’s success drew a diverse range of recording artists to Nashville to work with him, from Don McLean and Sammy Davis Jr. to Kim Carnes, Debby Boone, and Nana Mouskouri (Trever-Burchinger, 2000, p. B3). Confident in his abilities, Butler famously boasted, “With the right song, I can cut a hit record with a janitor” (Hurst, 1978, p. 24).

When I Dream: Warm Reception and Creative Leap

So, it was on 2 June 1978 that Julie Andrews found herself flying to Nashville to enter the recording studio for the first time in nearly five years. Accompanied by her Los Angeles manager, Jerry Nutting, she received a warm welcome from Larry Butler, who greeted her at Nashville Municipal Airport with a bouquet of yellow roses and a stretch limousine (Hance, 1978, p. D10).

That evening, Butler hosted a gala reception at ASCAP headquarters on Music Row to formally welcome Julie to Nashville. Co-hosted by Ed Shea, ASCAP’s regional executive director, the event attracted numerous civic and industry leaders (Browning, 1978, p. 35). Nashville’s mayor, Richard Fulton, declared it "Julie Andrews Day," while Tennessee Governor Ray Blanton made her an honorary citizen, and Sheriff Fate Thompson appointed her an honorary Deputy Sheriff (Carter, 1978, p. 1).

Despite the fanfare, both Julie and Butler were circumspect about their plans. Julie stated that she was “thinking” about recording in Nashville, adding, “We’ll decide over the next few days. That’s really why we’re here – to decide” (Carter, 1978, p. 1). For the first few days, Butler immersed Julie in country music, having her spend hours listening to various records. Together, they compiled a list of potential tracks to try in the studio (Freeman, 1983).

The recording sessions took place at Jack Clement Recording Studios on Belmont Boulevard, which Butler co-owned with his business partner, Al Mifflin. A year later, Butler purchased the studio outright, renaming it Sound Emporium—a name it retains to this day (McNutt, 2000). For the sessions, Butler assembled a stellar lineup of musicians from the famed "Nashville A-Team," including Bob Moore (bass), Hargus “Pig” Robbins (piano), Pete Drake (steel guitar), and Ray Edenton (guitar) (Stimeling, 2020). Overseeing the recordings at the console was Billy Sherrill, one of the most renowned sound engineers in Nashville and a longtime colleague of Butler's.

Butler’s preferred mode was to record in the studio at night which he felt was more conducive to creativity and the free flow of ideas (Butler and Goodenough, 2012, p. 185). “I believe in momentum,” he explained. “When you get an idea, do it!” (Manley, 1981, p. 1B). He also fostered an intentionally collaborative atmosphere in the studio that emphasised trust, teamwork and enjoyment. “I quickly realised that as a producer, the best way…to walk into a studio and come out of there with emotion is to be the opposite of a dictator” (Butler and Goodenough, 2012, p. 185).

Typically, Butler began each session by allowing the musicians and the artist to play around with the material, letting ideas develop organically. After this initial period, he would return to review their progress and refine the arrangement collaboratively. As he described, “The result is a melting pot of emotions from everybody in that room [and] that’s what makes these moments the very best” (Butler and Goodenough, 2012, p. 186).

This organic approach allowed the musicians to move swiftly. A typical night's studio session would run approximately three hours and result in recording up to four songs (Stumbling, 2020, p. 2). Not all of these songs would be used and many would be 'scratch tracks', preliminary versions that would subsequently be re-recorded and/or overlaid with other tracks. However, it exemplifies the efficiency and creative speed that defined the recording process in Nashville.

This rapid, freeform style was a marked contrast to the tightly disciplined approach Julie had experienced on Broadway and in Hollywood, where recordings were meticulously planned and rehearsed. “In Nashville, we were literally making music as we went along,” she recalled. “I had no idea, any night I went into the studio, what I’d end up singing, in what key I’d be singing it…we just made music on the spot” (Hatch, 1983).

Initially hesitant, Julie came to embrace the looser, improvisational Nashville approach. “It was very good for me,” she admitted, “because I’m rather a careful person, and this made me loosen up” (Freeman, 1983). She also discovered a different quality in her voice. In their sessions, Butler encouraged Julie to “drop her voice an octave” and sing with a less classical tone (Barron, 1978, p. S79). She later expressed how singing with this “quiet voice…is very pleasant for me to use because it’s very easy…I don’t have to aim for high notes or a certain kind of purity. It just kind of is” (Freeman, 1983).

Over the course of more than a week, Julie recorded in excess of a dozen tracks, ranging from country classics like Crazy to contemporary crossover hits such as We Don’t Make Love Anymore, and even soft rock staples like You Don’t Bring Me Flowers. Most of these songs had already been recorded by other artists, with some indelibly associated with certain singers. This practice is common in country music, where professional songwriters craft songs that are reinterpreted by various performers, often multiple times (Cusic, 2005). Such a tradition reflects country music’s deep roots in oral storytelling and its communal repertoire, where emotional authenticity takes precedence over originality. Performers bring their unique artistry to familiar songs, transforming them into something distinctly their own (Peterson, 2013).

While Julie was still in the midst of recording, local gossip columnist Bill Hance (1978) reported that industry insiders were predicting big things. “Music Row sources say she is cutting an album so good she played a portion of it over the phone to her husband, film producer Blake Edwards, who was back home in Los Angeles.” Allegedly, Blake was so impressed by what he heard that he flew to Nashville to join Julie (Hance, 1978, p. D5). Hance also noted that her presence in the studio attracted a string of high-profile visitors, including Waylon Jennings, Roy Clark, and Johnny Cash (ibid; Anderson, 1978, p. 23).

Reflecting on this period in his memoirs, Butler described Julie as “one of the sweetest people I have ever met. She was totally unaffected by her success; she had no ego at all” (Butler & Goodenough, 2012, p. 143). One of his favourite anecdotes, frequently recounted in interviews, involved Julie visiting his home one evening. She asked for a sharp knife to trim the wicks of his candles, explaining, “They burn so much better when they are trimmed.” Amused, Butler thought, “I’ve got Mary Poppins trimming my wicks! That was so cool!” (ibid, p. 144). On another occasion, while taking a break during a late-night studio session, Butler proposed something unexpected:

“A friend of mine, nicknamed ‘Skull’ from the show Hee-Haw happened to own a strip club in Nashville’s Printer’s Alley. I said, ‘Julie, have you ever been to a strip club?’ ‘No!’ ‘How’d you like to go?’ With a sparkle in her eye and that delightful British accent came her reply, ‘Let’s do it!’” (Butler & Goodenough, 2012, p. 143-44).

Jimmy Capps, one of the Nashville A-Team session guitarists who worked on the album, has similarly fond memories of Julie:

"She was an international star. But she was a real lady in the studio. She was a class act...During our sessions, Julie hardly spoke at all. She let Larry Butler do all the producing. She didn't want very much input. She let us all play what we wanted, and how we thought was best. And it turned out to be great album" (Capps and England, 2018, p. 130).

You Don’t Bring Me Flowers: Polishing Up and Gathering Dust

Julie completed the main recording sessions by mid-June and returned to Los Angeles, where Blake was busy preparing for the release of The Revenge of the Pink Panther and starting pre-production on 10 (1979), which would mark Julie’s return to the big screen after a five-year absence (Andrews, 2019).

Meanwhile, back in Nashville, Butler began the meticulous process of polishing the recordings. As he described in his memoirs (Butler & Goodenough, 2012), this involved selecting the best takes from the sessions and adding layered tracks to create the signature rich Nashville sound. The legendary Jordanaires and other top Nashville vocalists provided backing vocals, while Bill Justis and Bergen White composed string arrangements performed by the Shelly Kurland Strings and the Nashville String Machine Musicians. With these elements in place, Butler mixed the tracks into their final form, ready for pressing.

Julie and Blake appeared optimistic about the album’s prospects. At the press preview for The Revenge of the Pink Panther, Hollywood columnist Shirley Eder reported that the party’s Western barbecue theme provided a fitting backdrop for Julie to share news of her Nashville venture. Eder wrote, “Mary Poppins singing C&W? Wanna bet she does darn good at it, too?!” (Eder, 1978, p. 15A).

Blake, in particular, was enthusiastic about the project’s potential. Marilyn Beck quoted him predicting significant industry interest: “[T]hree major recording firms are interested in buying it,” he said. “We’re also talking to ABC about using it as the take-off point for a TV special – but Julie says she will only be interested in doing the special if the album is a hit” (Beck, 1978, p. 16). Similarly, Maggie Daly of the Chicago Tribune captured Blake’s excitement: “It’s a new Julie with a whole new musical career in front of her” (Daly, 1978, p. 4-S5).

Despite this optimism, plans for the album ultimately stalled. There were a few murmurs of activity into early 1979. For instance, pre-publicity for 10 included press notes mentioning that “In the weeks just preceding the making of 10, Julie went to Nashville to cut an album which will have a new ‘Julie sound’” (Warner Bros, Inc., 1979, p. 3). After this, however, the project fell silent, and the album would not resurface for another three years.

Another Somebody Done Somebody Wrong Song: Revival and Reinvention

The turn of the decade marked a sharp reversal of fortunes for Julie. Between 1979 and 1982, she starred in four films, culminating in Victor/Victoria (1982), a critical and commercial triumph. The film earned her a Golden Globe Award, an Academy Award nomination, and accolades such as Hasty Pudding’s Woman of the Year and the People’s Choice Award for Favourite Film Actress. As one commentator quipped, “Julie Andrews has arrived. Again!” (McDaniel, 1982, p. 11).

This resurgence rekindled interest in Julie’s shelved country album. By late 1982, reports surfaced of her return to Nashville to collaborate once more with producer Larry Butler. The Tennessean announced: “Nashville producer Larry Butler and songstress Julie Andrews were recording a double album for a British label at the Sound Emporium this week” (Neese, 1982, p. 29). Similarly, Billboard reported: “Julie Andrews is working on her newest LP (a double album)…produced by Grammy Award-winning producer Larry Butler, with Harold Lee engineering” (Morris, 1982; Stein, 1982).

While the new album would draw substantially on tracks recorded in 1978, most reports framed it as a completely fresh venture, omitting mention of the earlier sessions—a likely marketing strategy to present the album as contemporary rather than a dusted-off project. One of the few media reports to acknowledge the earlier sessions appeared in Family Weekly which noted: 

“Julie Andrews…has gone off to Nashville to record with longtime Kenny Rogers producer Larry Butler…. Julie worked with Butler in Nashville in 1978 on similar material and was pleased with the results, but no record label made an offer for the album. Andrews hopes that by adding some new songs a major company may pick up the album” (Ask Them, 1983, p. 2).

Another piece in Country Music magazine quoted Julie’s personal manager, Jerry Nutting, as saying that Julie and Larry Butler “recorded 13 songs in 1978 [and] this year they recorded 12 more songs, and the entire package will be released in a 25-song double album” (Pugh, 1983, p. 17) Among the most notable new additions was a duet with Johnny Cash on Love Me Tender, which became both the album’s title track and, in some markets, a 45rpm single. Local Nashville columnist Red O’Donnell reported:

“Actress Julie Andrews came to Nashville with no advance warning to record a country music album. While in the studio, Johnny Cash dropped into the studio where the recording session was underway and sang a duet with her. ‘I don’t know if it is going to be on the album or not,’ said Cash. ‘Miss Andrews was cutting one of my songs, and I dropped in to thank her for doing it” (O’Donnell, 1982, p. 30).

Promotion for the pending album ramped up in late 1982 and 1983. Syndicated Hollywood correspondent, Bob Thomas, devoted one of his columns to the album:

“Julie Andrews has done it all – British vaudeville, Broadway musical, Hollywood extravaganzas, television series, children’s novels and now a country music album…After a career that has known Everest-like highs as well as a few lows, Julie Andrews at 47 still hunts for new challenges – like the country album…Larry Butler, who has supervised recordings by Kenny Rogers, Tammy Wynette and other country greats, produced the album. It will be released next year” (Thomas, 1982, p. 1)

In November 1982, Julie previewed a song from the album on Bob Hope’s Pink Panther Thanksgiving Gala. Billed as “an all-star spectacular celebrating the 20th anniversary of the Pink Panther films,” the program served as a promotional showcase for Blake Edwards’ projects (Barnes, 1982, p. 2C). Julie’s contributions included a duet with co-star Robert Preston from Victor/Victoria and a performance of Love is a Place Where Two People Fall, the album’s sole original composition, written for her by Larry Butler. Possibly to boost the program’s country appeal, Willie Nelson also appeared as a guest performer.

We Love Each Other: The British Launch

The “British label” that finally secured Julie’s country album was Peach River Records, an independent company established in 1980 by psychedelic folk singer turned music publisher Tim Hollier. Peach River was Hollier’s second venture into record labels, following the short-lived Songwriters Workshop. With distribution support from PLT (formerly PYE), Hollier assembled a small but eclectic roster of artists, including David Knopfler of Dire Straits fame, Papa Rage, and Peter Sarstedt (Larkin, 1998).

Releasing Julie’s album through a small independent label was, as one report noted, “rather unusual for such a well-known artist.” Julie explained: “They’ve given the album the kind of personal attention that I knew it would probably have missed had it been released by a major company” (White, 1983, p. 17). Julie may have been putting an overly positive spin on things, but Hollier certainly invested effort in the album’s UK launch.

The first task was selecting a title. In the early 1980s, duets between artists from disparate genres were popular—think Kenny Rogers and Kim Carnes’s Don’t Fall in Love with a Dreamer or Willie Nelson and Julio Iglesias’s To All the Girls I’ve Loved Before. Following this trend, the album was named after Julie’s duet with Johnny Cash, Love Me Tender.

Although early reports suggested a double-disc release, the album ultimately came out as a single LP featuring 14 tracks. The cover photograph, shot by renowned celebrity photographer Greg Gorman, perfectly complemented the album’s tone. It featured Julie in a cream wool jumper, gazing warmly at the camera with her chin resting on her hand, set against a taupe backdrop. The image exuded a mix of softness, warmth, and intimacy, mirroring the album’s vocal style.

Love Me Tender officially launched in the UK on 1 July 1983, under the catalogue number JULIE 1. Julie arrived in London at the end of June for an intensive promotional campaign, kicking off with a press conference at Burke’s Club on 27 June. Over the next week, she made numerous TV and radio appearances, participated in photo shoots, and gave one-on-one interviews at her suite in the Dorchester (Eborall, 1983, pp. 6–7; Seaton, 1983, p. 6). One photo shoot, featuring Julie beside a flower seller’s cart, evoked her My Fair Lady days as Eliza Doolittle, inspiring headlines like “Country L.P. for an English Rose” (Saturday Profile, 1983, p. 6).

The promotional push paid off handsomely. Love Me Tender initially launched with a 5,000-copy pressing, which sold out within a week. A second pressing of 30,000 copies followed—an exceptional figure for the UK market (Pugh, 1983, p. 17). By mid-July, the album was charting in the UK Top 100, where it remained for over five weeks, becoming Julie’s most successful non-film or non-show recording in the UK (Top 100, 1983, p. 20).

Buoyed by the success, Peach River quickly capitalised. In early August, they released a 45rpm single of the Love Me Tender duet. Later that year, they reissued Julie’s 1975 Christmas LP, The Secret of Christmas under the title Julie Andrews’ Christmas Album, with new cover art referencing the Love Me Tender design (New Albums, 1983, p. 25).

Blanket on the Ground: Global Rollout

One challenge of signing Love Me Tender to Peach River Records was the UK label’s lack of an established global distribution network. As a result, international rights were sub-licensed to various labels, leading to a patchwork of releases across different markets. For instance, the album was distributed by Attic in Canada, Dureco Benelux in the Netherlands, Splash Records in Spain, and Prince in South Africa.

In Australia, Love Me Tender was licensed to J&B Records, a mid-price label specialising in middle-of-the-road artists like Harry Secombe, Max Bygraves, Willie Nelson, and Anne Murray. Released in September, the Australian edition featured 16 tracks -- two more than the UK version. One of these, I Still Miss Someone (featuring Johnny Cash’s backing vocals), had been the B-side of the Love Me Tender single in the UK, while the other, We Don’t Make Love Anymore, was previously unreleased. J&B Records’ regional reach into Oceania and Southeast Asia helped the album achieve strong sales in the Australasian market (Guest & Maloney, 1991).

The Japanese release, however, stood out for its exceptional quality. Licensed to the prestigious Nippon Phonogram Company and distributed on the Philips label, the album was pressed by Victor Company in Yokohama and released in January 1984. Like the Australian edition, it included 16 tracks and featured specially commissioned liner notes by Shigeru Kawabata, a prominent music journalist for Tokyo Shimbun and Weekly Gendai. Kawabata wrote with genuine affection for Julie and the album:

“Even with the contemporary approach [of Love Me Tender], Julie avoids simply copying the standards. Her meticulous interpretation transforms these songs into her own. This care is evident in the way she speaks about the album. We are now holding the most refined and beautiful expression of contemporary standards in our hands. Just as Julie graced Broadway musicals with the elegance of serious musicianship, she has now opened another brilliant chapter with this studio recording. Discovering this gem amidst the overwhelming flow of today’s musical output is a quiet joy. I hope to continue treasuring such beautiful musical encounters in the future” (Kawabata, 1983).

At the opposite end of the spectrum was the album’s release in the United States. Despite being the heartland of country music, the American debut of Love Me Tender was disappointingly lacklustre. Licensed to the small Los Angeles-based Bainbridge Records --founded in 1980 by marketing veterans Stan Marshall and Lee Armstrong to service the middle-of-the-road (MOR) music market -- the label secured US rights in late 1982 but delayed the release until 1984 (Sippel, 1980). When it finally launched, minimal marketing and poor decisions -- such as reducing the track list to just 10 songs -- ensured the album barely made an impact. 

The reasons for the poorly handled US release remain unclear. By 1984, the countrypolitan wave had waned, and both critical and popular sentiment had shifted. Reviewing another Larry Butler-produced album, critic Dave Mulholland (1981) decried it as “Larry Butler’s production [of] standard countrypolitan mediocrity. It represents the worst of the Nashville assembly line” (p. 20).

Country audiences were gravitating back to a more classic sound, heralded by the rise of the neotraditionalist movement with a new breed of singers like Randy Travis, George Strait, and Reba McEntire. Mainstream audiences, meanwhile, had tired of the crossover sound, and by 1984, sales of country albums had dropped to their lowest levels in nearly a decade (Haslam, Haslam, & Chon, 1999, p. 259).

A 1983 Country Music magazine article profiling the UK launch of Love Me Tender reflects the growing skepticism toward pop artists crossing into country:

Twenty years ago, who could have foreseen...one of the most enduring staples of the music scene: the country album by the pop star. With few exceptions, however, most pop-star country albums -- generally conceived as last gasps of a faded career for an artist with little or no connection to country music -- make about as much impact as a bug flying into a windshield.  Now comes the latest to try her hand at the country album game, and one of the most ostensibly unlikely: Julie Andrews. "Julie has sold 25 million copies of soundtrack albums," said Jerry Nutting, her personal manager, "but she has never cut a solo album per se… We don't feel this is a 'gimmick' album. Julie is very sincere in doing it, very enthusiastic during the recordings and very hopeful of making a contribution to country music” (Pugh, 1983, p. 17).

While shifting cultural tides in American music by the mid-1980s were less than ideal for Love Me Tender, the complete absence of marketing effort remains puzzling. Extensive searches of newspaper databases reveal no mentions of the US release—no advertising, no press coverage, nothing. This is particularly odd given Bainbridge Records’ marketing background and stated goal to “renovate” the underserved MOR market (Sippel, 1980, p. 15).

Some Days Are Diamonds: Brickbats and Bouquets

Leaving aside the album’s oddly weak US push, Love Me Tender was generally well received in most other markets. It achieved solid sales and garnered decent airplay. While it didn’t attract extensive critical attention, the reviews it did receive were generally respectable. Some critics questioned Julie Andrews’ fit within the country genre, but others celebrated her versatility and praised the album’s polished production and heartfelt interpretations. Below is a selection of excerpts from reviews around the world:

  • Daily Mirror (UK): “Amazing – Julie Andrews and Johnny Cash singing Elvis Presley! It’s superb and deserves to be a hit” (Eggar, 1983, p. 19).
  • The Telegraph (UK): "If I had to put together a list of the Top Ten superstars I'd like to see in concert here, Julie's name wouldn't get written down. Until now that is. The courageous experiment of the star to risk her career in Nashville laying down a hoedown and applejack LP Love Me Tender, all the big names do it inevitably -- has been a huge success and broadened interest in her talents" (MacIlwaine, 1983, p. 11).
  • Gramophone (UK): “Julie Andrews? You would have to believe it if you heard her duetting with Johnny Cash in Love Me Tender, which has been picking up plenty of radio air play. That track gives us the title of Julie's own contribution to the Nashville  legend…The magic formula is here for all to appreciate once again - Larry Butler in charge of production, Billy Sherrill the engineer (who couldn't produce a bad record if he tried), strings by Shelley Kurland, and even the ubiquitous Hargus "Pig" Robins on piano. Yes, this is a fine recording and no mistake. But the voice is wrong. Frankly, Julie Andrews just isn't at home in Nashville: she is too sweet, too pure, too precise, too English. The few lines of Love Me Tender which the croaking Johnny Cash contributes spell out in a few seconds just what is wrong with the rest of the record. And to hear the very proper Julie Andrews (I'm sorry, but I can't help it if the 'image' sticks in my mind) naughtily singing of the potential pleasures of a Blanket on the ground is just too much for a listener of my sensibilities to take (Chislett, 1983, p. 541).
  • Manchester Evening News (UK): “It must be one of the most surprising double acts ever – Julie Andrews and Johnny Cash. The two have brought out Elvis Presley’s old classic, Love Me Tender, which was recorded at the home of country music, Nashville, with highly respected producer Larry Butler…Peach River Records say the combination may seem ‘extraordinary’ but it works ‘wonderfully’. To me it works for some of the times, but there are awkward moments and Cash sounds as though he’s singing deeper and deeper as age increases” (Jasper, 1983, p. 19).
  • Belfast News-Letter (UK): “Julie Andrews and Johnny Cash hoped to jump on the current pop duet bandwagon with a sweet ‘n’ sour version of Elvis Presley's Love Me Tender. But talk about square holes and round pegs! The Sound of Music songstress and the gravelly-voiced country star mix about as well as a one-armed man at a juggling party. For Julie is simply too good a singer and Cash too poor a singer for this oil and water combination to work” (McAdam, 1983, p. 8).
  • The Age (Australia): "Known for her crystalline voice and impeccable diction, Andrews takes a turn into the realm of country-inspired ballads, proving her versatility and emotional depth as a singer…Fans of her earlier work will appreciate how Andrews carries her trademark poise into this genre, while newcomers may find themselves enchanted by her ability to convey intimacy and sincerity. While some might question her foray into country, Andrews makes it her own, reminding listeners that great singing transcends musical styles" (Walker, 1983, p. 18).
  • Show Music (USA): "A few months back, we were moaning over the fact that Julie Andrews doesn't make it into the recording studios very often. Well, guess what? Peach River Records, Ltd., in England, has gotten the lady back on record in what is one of her best efforts. It was recorded in Nashville, and Miss Andrews takes to country-flavored songs like a duck takes to water. There are lovely versions of Some Days Are Diamonds, When I Dream, Crazy, We Love Each Other, and even a successful duet with Johnny Cash on the album's title-track. Julie sounds just great, and her sensitive readings of these songs make us hope that her next outing will be a collection of some of the best of recent Broadway material" (Preeo, 1983, p. 29).
  • The Advocate (Canada):  “Julie Andrews shows her country and pop side on Love Me Tender, an impressive album of soft melodies making the most of her beautiful, timeless voice. Produced in Nashville by Larry Butler, Love Me Tender includes the cream of Nashville’s musical community. Johnny Cash joins Andrews on Love Me Tender. They sound great together. When I Dream shows Andrews’ power to reach the heart of the listener, in this love ballad on loneliness. In this, her 23rd album so far, Andrews again adds to the sound of music around the world. You won't need a spoonful of sugar to make this LP enjoyable” (Kennedy, 1984, p. 34).
  • Fanfare (Canada):  “He’s out of his mind, they’re saying, he’s off the edge, Julie Andrews for God’s sake! You got it! Love Me Tender (Attic LAT-1189) is apparently her 23rd album, and it's as tasty a batch of country-baked tunes as have come down the pike in years. Lots of last-waltz-style material, which she does easy and effortless and entirely on the money. Larry Butler lavished outstanding Nashville production on it, and the 14 tracks (including a duet with Johnny Cash) are delivered in a warm, clear, wide-eyed voice. Julie Andrews says: ‘The songs aren't easy. They're simple, plain, honest, and that's the hardest thing to sing.’ She shouldn't have worried” (Flegler, 1985, p. 27).

The Valley That Time Forgot’: Epilogue

In the four decades since its release, Love Me Tender has been criminally overlooked. Unlike many of Julie’s other works, the album has never been issued on CD or made available in digital formats. Without the efforts of devoted fans to preserve and share tracks online, awareness of the album might have vanished entirely. This lack of visibility is regrettable, given the significant creative effort invested by Julie and the many talented collaborators who worked on the album over four years. From Larry Butler’s meticulous production to the contributions of Nashville’s A-Team musicians, Love Me Tender represents a labour of love that deserves to be remembered and appreciated.

This blog post is a modest attempt to redress the historical amnesia surrounding Love Me Tender and restore at least some recognition to this fascinating piece of Julie Andrews' legacy. It may not have achieved the commercial success or enduring acclaim of her other work, but it stands as a poignant reminder of her courage to embrace the unfamiliar and her dedication to creative exploration. In revisiting Love Me Tender, one is reminded of Julie’s ability to bring grace and sincerity to even the most unexpected of projects.

Sources:

Anderson, B. (1978). Bill Anderson’s Countryside. Nugget Focus. 21 July, p. 23.

Andrews, J. (2019). Home work: A memoir of my Hollywood years. Hachette.

Ask Them Editors. (1983). Ask them yourself. Family Weekly. 16 January, p. 2.

Barron, F. (1978). Soundtrack. The Hollywood Reporter 254(7), 12 July, p. S79.

Barnes, S. (1982). Hope honors Panther pictures. The Gazette. 20 November, p. 2C.

Beck, M. (1978). Seller says ‘Revenge’ is last Panther film. The Telegraph-Journal. 26 August, p. 16.

Beck, M. (1982). Julie Andrews cuts country record in Nashville. The Citizen. 30 June, p. 87.

Browning, G. (1978). They’re throwing a party for Julie. The Tennessean. 26 May, p. 35.

Burton Terry, C. (1978). Julie Andrews knows few limitations. Asbury Park Press. 6 March, p. A10.

Butler, L. & Goodenough, D. (2012). Just for the record: What it takes to make it in the music industry and in life. Indigo River Publishing.

Capps, J. & England, S. (2018). The man in back: Jimmy Capps, the autobiography. England Media.

Carter, W. (1978). Expansive city help greets Julie Andrews. The Tennessean. 3 June, pp. 1

Cheever, D. (1980). ‘Crossover’ artists straddle country-pop fence. Maine Event, 6(19). 8-14 November, p. 12.

Chislett, W. A. (1983). Easy listening: Love me tender. Gramophone. 61(725). October, p. 541.

Cunniff, A. (1980). Special tribute section: The Larry Butler success story. Record World 37(1716), 16 October, pp. 28-56.

Cusic, D. (2005). In defense of cover songs. Popular Music and Society28(2), 171–177. 

Daly, M. (1978). 3,000 miles for Shaun’s smiles. Chicago Tribune. 19 July, p. 4-S5.

Davis, V. (1983). Nanny Poppins sings Nashville. Daily Express. 25 June, p. 15.

Eborall, B. (1983). Just popping in…for ever Mary Poppins. Daily Post. 5 July, pp. 6-7.

Eder, S. (1978). Julie Andrews plans new album. Saturday Telegraph and News. 13 May, p. 5B.

Eder, S. (1978). ‘Panther’ party: fun in the sun. Detroit Free Press. 6 July, p. 15A.

Eggar, R. (1983). Rock & pop scene: tips for the top. Daily Mirror. 2 August, p. 19.

Evans, H. (1982). Julie Andrews goes country. The Spokesman Review. 7 November, p. 2.

Ferguson, T. (1972). Television. The Vancouver Sun. 11 September, p. 26.

Flegler, J. (1985). Julie Andrews: Love me tender. Fanfare, 8, p. 27

Freeman, C. (Producer). (1983, June 29). A Plus [Television broadcast]. Thames Television.

Guest, T.J. & Maloney, M. J. (1991). Thirty years of hits, 1960-1990: Melbourne Top 40 research. M.J. Maloney.

Goodman, B. (1976). Julie Andrews in TV spotlight. The Atlanta Journal. 19 October, p. 11-A.

Gold & Sneed. (1982). The music beat… Chicago Tribune. 24 October, p. 2-S1.

Hance, B. (1978). Julie Andrews turns country? The State Journal. 10 June, p. D-10.

Hance, B. (1978). Ray Price eyes comeback. The State Journal. 17 June, p. D-5.

Haslam, G. W., Haslam, A. R., & Chon, R. (1999). Workin' man blues: Country music in California. University of California Press.

Hatch, D. (Producer). (1983, June 6). Gloria Hunniford Show [Radio broadcast]. BBC Radio.

Hill, J. (2015). Country comes to town : The music industry and the transformation of nashville. University of Massachusetts Press.

Higham, C. (1977). The rise and fall – and rise – of Julie Andrews. The New York Times. 21 August, pp. C-1, C-22.

Hurst, J. (1978). Tomorrow’s country-pop superstars. Chicago Tribune Magazine. 26 November, pp. 24-25.

Iley, C. (1983). International dateline: United Kingdom. Cash Box. 3 September, p. 27.

Jasper, T. (1983). Pop parade: At the double. Manchester Evening News. 9 August, p. 19.

Kawabata, S. (1983). Liner notes [Liner notes]. In Julie Andrews, Love Me Tender [Album]. Philips. Japanese release, Catalogue No. 28PP-81.

Kawabata, S. (1991). The Japanese record industry. Popular Music 10(3), October, pp. 327–45.

Kennedy, G. (1984). Album corner: ‘Love Me Tender.’ The Advocate. 25 August, p. 3B.

Larkin, C. (Ed.). (1998). The encyclopedia of popular music (3rd ed.). Muze.

Leigh, S. (2012). Larry Butler: The only country record producer to win a Grammy. The Independent. 25 January, p. 42.

Manley, T. (1981). Hit man. Des Moines Register. 14 January, p. 1B.

McAdam, N. (1983). Rock: round pegs in two square holes. Belfast News-Letter. 5 August, p. 8.

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Morris, E. (1982). Studio track. Billboard94(41).16 October, p. 43.

Mulholland, D. (1981). Country style. Daily Herald Tribune. 6 February, p. 20.

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O’Donnell, R. 1982. Some country singers picked new names. Johnson City Press. 13 November, p. 30.

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Preeo, M.O. (1983). New releases. Show Music 3(2), p 29.

Pugh, J. (1983). Mary Poppins Country. Country Music, 103, September/October, p. 17.

Saturday Profile. (1983, August 13). Country L.P. for an English rose. The Mail. p. 6.

Scott, V. (1975). Julie Andrews’ career is up in the air.’ The Sun-Telegram. 12 March, p. D-12. 

Scott, V. (1978). Semiretirement for Julie. The Sunday News. 25 May, p. 8C. 

Seaton, R. (1983). Julie’s different sound of music. Daily Express. 28 June, p. 6.

Sippel, J. (1980). MOR gets boost on the new L.A. Bainbridge label. Billboard. 22 Nov, p. 15.

Siskel, G. (1970). Julie Andrews an attractive 34 going on 18. Chicago Tribune. 22 March, p. E5.

Sloan, R.A. (1982). Gossip column: Chris Reeve still likes playing a super-hero. The Sun. 7 November, p. C-2.

Stein, S. (1982). Andrews music. Billboard94(50). 18 December, p. 28.

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Stimeling, T. D. (2020). Nashville cats: Record production in Music City. Oxford University Press.

Thomas, B. (1982). Julie Andrews, An over-achiever still in search of challenges – like country music. Variety News Chronicle Magazine. December 17-23, p. 1.

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© 2024, Brett Farmer. All Rights Reserved.

From the Archives: Simple Simon Greets His Fair Lady

Beloved British comedian Norman Wisdom visits Julie Andrews backstage in her dressing room during her celebrated run in My Fair Lady at the Mark Hellinger Theatre in April 1956, barely a month after the show had opened to great acclaim.

The visit was particularly poignant, as the two stars had shared the stage just three years earlier in the 1953 Christmas pantomime Aladdin at the Coventry Hippodrome. Julie delighted audiences in the principal girl role of Princess Bettina, while Norman brought his signature humour to the comic part of Simple Simon.

Wisdom was in the United States to discuss plans for a proposed motion picture, An Englishman in Las Vegas, which ultimately never came to fruition. Accompanied by Harry Secombe (sadly not pictured) and Secombe’s wife, Wisdom made time to reconnect with his former co-star. "She gave us the best cup of tea on the whole of Broadway," he said (Irving 1956, p. 6). Sources

'America signs up Wisdom.' (1956). The Birmingham Mail. 5 April: p. 1.

Irving, G. (1956). 'Gordon Irving's showtime: Norman's wisdom.' Daily Record. 25 April: p. 6.

© 2024 Brett Farmer All Rights Reserved

From the Archives: Julie Andrews’ First Steps Towards Global Fame

This May 1947 photo-article from a supplement of the U.S.-based Sunday World Herald offers a fascinating glimpse into the PR campaign that launched Julie Andrews into child stardom. Although Andrews' career is generally dated to her professional debut in Starlight Roof in October 1947, her publicity machine was already in motion months earlier to establish her star image. Her agent, Charles Tucker, commissioned a special photoshoot with Daily Herald photographer Arthur Tanner, and the resulting stories were circulated by various news agencies in the UK and internationally. While similar PR pieces appeared in British, Australian, and even French publications, this article is the first concrete evidence of Andrews’ early fame reaching North American audiences.

The article uses familiar PR tropes to construct the myth of Andrews as a musical child prodigy: the discovery of her voice in a Beckenham air raid shelter, her astounding vocal range, her famously adult-sized larynx, and her multilingual singing abilities (Farmer, 2022). Yet these superhuman qualities are softened by emphasising her childhood innocence, describing her as "just a little girl with the same fondness for dolls as other youngsters." This blend of the extraordinary and the ordinary created a public image that endeared young Andrews to audiences worldwide, setting the stage for a career that would span continents and generations.

Sources:

Farmer, B. (2022). ‘Prima donna in pigtails’: reading the child stardom of Julie Andrews. Celebrity Studies, 14(2), 131–145.

World Herald (1947). 'Tot is blitzed to path of fame.' Sunday World Herald Magazine. 25 May: p. 14-C. © 2024 Brett Farmer All Rights Reserved

A Milestone in Time: Julie Andrews' 15th Birthday Celebration

In honour of Julie Andrews' birthday on October 1, the Parallel Julieverse takes a nostalgic look back at a festive occasion from her past: her 15th birthday celebration in 1950, featuring a few photos from the party held at The Old Meuse, her childhood home in Walton-on-Thames.

A 15th birthday is a significant coming-of-age milestone in many cultures, marking the transition from childhood to adolescence and the onset of adult responsibilities. For Julie, it was particularly meaningful, as it marked her release from UK juvenile labour laws, allowing her to work freely as an adult. In her memoir, she recounts:

"On October 1, I turned fifteen and was officially freed from the London County Council’s child performer restrictions…To celebrate my ‘liberation,’ Mum threw one of her great parties. There must have been about sixty people in the house. Everybody danced and jitterbugged and had a fine old time" (Andrews, 2008, pp. 128).

Elsewhere in her memoir, Julie describes how her parents' parties were legendary, with friends eagerly anticipating each gathering at The Old Meuse. The evenings typically began with drinks at the bar before moving into the sitting room, where Barbara played the piano and Ted sang, bringing the party to life. Guests danced, sang, and socialised, with Aunty Joan encouraging everyone to join the fun. Between these lively moments, there were quieter intervals for food and tea, before the revelry resumed (Andrews, 2008, pp. 89-90).

One of these "quieter" moments at Julie’s 15th birthday took a sudden, chaotic turn when an intoxicated Ted Andrews made an inappropriate remark. Annoyed by his behaviour, a family friend picked up a large dish of blancmange from the supper table and hurled it at him. As Julie recalls, "Pop ducked in the nick of time, and it hit the wall behind him…There was utter silence in the room as everyone watched the wobbly pink goop slide slowly down the wall…Then everyone began talking at once" (Andrews, 2008, pp. 129). After the mess was cleaned up, the party continued late into the night.

Interestingly, the blancmange story resurfaced three years later in a 1953 news article where it was adapted as a Christmas "anecdote from the stars." In this version, however, Julie was the one throwing the pudding, and the target was a fellow child rather than her stepfather. She writes:

“When I was seven, I had a Christmas children’s party soon after our house had been redecorated. During tea, one of the children annoyed me, so I scooped up a handful of blancmange and threw it at my guest. Of course, it missed and hit the newly-painted wall. Mummy has kept the mark as a souvenir to this day” (cited in Hubbard, 1953, p. 5)

This was likely a bit of PR embellishment, but if it really was another flying blancmange incident, the walls of The Old Meuse must have been a frightful mess!

Either way, Julie's birthday respite was short-lived. By Monday morning, she was back at the BBC's Paris Cinema for rehearsals ahead of that evening’s broadcast of Educating Archie. Two days later, she was on a train to Manchester for a charity concert, before returning to London for another week of shows. Such was the gruelling schedule that young Julie Andrews maintained during these early years.

Happy birthday, Dame Julie! However she chooses to celebrate her 89th year, we hope the festivities are as joyful as ever—and that, this time, the blancmange stays safely on the plate!

Sources:

Andrews, J. (2008). Home: A memoir of my early years. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.

Hubbard, D. (1953). '"'Anecdotes of the "Stars": When Julie threw the blancmange.” Bristol Evening Post. 24 December: p. 5.

From the Archives: 'All I want is a room somewhere...'

PR photo shoot of Julie Andrews in June 1956 during the early run of My Fair Lady, relaxing at home in her New York flat at the Hotel Park Chambers on W. 58th Street. And what did the newly minted Queen of Broadway do for relaxation? Seems she drank tea, read Alec Waugh's Island in the Sun, and listened to the Original Cast LP of Carousel -- all in a very 1950s floral print sundress on a floral print settee. Credit: International News Photos July 1956

Source: 'Julie Andrews's transformation: Young English actress stars in New York smash hit. (1956, July 1). Omaha World-Herald Sunday Magazine. p. 8-G.

70th anniversary of Mountain Fire Liverpool / Leeds / Bournemouth / Birmingham 30 performances (18 May 1954 - 12 June 1954)

This month marks the 70th anniversary of a significant, if curious, milestone in the early career of Julie Andrews: her 'straight' theatrical debut in Richardson and Berney's Mountain Fire. A notorious flop, Mountain Fire lasted barely 30 performances in a month-long provincial tryout, closing ahead of a planned West End bow. The play would likely have sunk without a trace were it not for the fact that its female lead was on the cusp of international stardom.

While the ill-fated Mountain Fire was on the road, it was formally announced that Julie Andrews had been signed to helm the Broadway cast of The Boy Friend (Chit Chat 1954, p. 8; Mackenzie 1954, p. 4). The stark contrast between the disastrous failure of Mountain Fire and the star-making success of The Boy Friend has become part of the mythology of Julie Andrews' career. Even the Dame herself is fond of playing up the angle. "I had done one bomb in England," she recounts in a 1966 interview, "an incredible disaster...between Cinderella and The Boy Friend. I accepted a very limited engagement, thank God, and played a Southern belle from Tennessee...I can't tell you what went on. It was a disaster" (Newquist 1966, p. 141).

Four decades later in her 2008 memoirs, Julie was still cringing over the experience:

"The truth was, the play was not good, and although the company tried to make it work, we all sensed it was going to be a flop. I also knew beyond a shadow of a doubt that had the eminent London critic Kenneth Tynan seen my performance, it would have been the end of any career I hoped to have. Mercifully, Mountain Fire folded out of town" (Andrews 2008, 160).

Legitimate, at last!

Self-deprecatory humour aside, Julie actually received very good notices for her efforts in Mountain Fire. The Stage declared: "Julie Andrews scores a particularly fine dramatic success in her first serious portrayal, as the ill-starred Becky, bringing rare maturity to the difficult and exacting role" ('American folk play' 1954, p. 10). The Liverpool Echo similarly enthused: "Julie Andrews scores a personal triumph as the young girl and, in her first 'straight' role, reveals herself as accomplished an actress as she is a singer" (H.R.W. 1954, p. 5). While the Yorkshire Evening Post opined: "Julie Andrews gives a beautiful and moving performance as the luckless Becky" (Bradbury 1954, p. 8). Though the production might not have panned out as anticipated, Mountain Fire was a strategic step in Julie's ongoing pivot from child stardom to adult performer. Much was made in show publicity about Julie’s "graduation" from juvenile entertainment to mature dramatic fare:

"Brilliant stage and film children are always a little heartbreaking. So few of them amount to anything after they have reached the colt stage...One of the most happy exceptions is Julie Andrews--the once plain little girl with buck teeth, a slight squint and pigtails who astonished us all by singing operatic numbers in a sweet, clear coloratura when she had reached the ripe age of 12...Now, Julie is to make her debut as a straight actress in a new American play to be presented here by Peter Cotes...called Mountain Fire...Cotes says: 'Julie has a wonderful role and I believe her to be a young actress with great possibilities.'...[A]s she has both singing and dancing to do in her first straight play, this might well be the chance of a lifetime for grown-up Miss Andrews" (Frank 1954, 6).

'A hill-billy Bible story'

Mountain Fire couldn't have represented a more "grown-up" change for Julie. Billed as a "new play with music in 14 scenes", it was the latest offering from rising American playwrights -- and cousins -- Howard Richardson and William Berney. The pair had scored an early success with Dark of the Moon (1945), a fantasy verse play about witchcraft, love, and social intolerance in colonial-era Appalachia. They followed with a second collaboration, Design for a Stained Glass Window (1949) about religious persecution and martyrdom (Duncan 1966, p. S-7; Fisher 2021, p. 248-49).

Mountain Fire trod similarly heavy dramatic ground with a mix of religion, Southern Gothic stylings, and social commentary. Described by one critic as "a hill-billy Bible story", the play was an allegorical retelling of the Abrahamic legend of Sodom and Gomorrah with the "cities of the plains" transposed to "rival colonies of mountain dwellers" in the backwoods of eastern Tennessee (Mackenzie 1954, p. 4).

The scriptural elements of human wickedness and divine retribution were adapted into a laundry-list of stock Southern vices: a Hatfield-McCoy style feud, moonshine, teen pregnancy, arson, murder and, even, a Ku-Klux-Klan lynching ('New American Musical' 1954, p. 12). Punctuating this cavalcade of backwoods iniquity was a series of Greek choric tableaux where Lucifer and the Archangel Gabriel, dressed in mountainfolk mufti, debate the spiritual problems of the characters on stage.

At the heart of this heady mix, Julie was cast in the "Lot's wife" role of Becky Dunbar, a winsome but headstrong teenage mountain girl described in the script as "grow'd up wild as onion weed" (Richardson and Berney, 1954, Act 1, Scene 2, n.p.). Becky finds herself pregnant after a brief dalliance with Joe Morgan, a charming but unscrupulous travelling salesman. She is torn between her passion for Joe and her moral duty to Lot Johnson, a virtuous widower who marries her because "it's the Christian thing to do" (Richardson and Berney, 1954, Act 1, Scene 5, n.p.).

Julie often jokes that "You've never heard a worse Southern accent than mine" (Newquist 1966, p. 141) -- and the script's hillbilly argot certainly would have proved a challenge to her crisp Home Counties consonants and rounded vowels. Becky's very first line, for example, is: "I ain't been gallivantin', just skimmin' rocks at Turkey Creek" (Richardson and Berney, 1954, Act 1, Scene 2, n.p.). Not exactly typical RP phraseology!

On a less challenging note, the show also featured a series of musical interludes with ritual dances and allegorical songs. Sporting titles like "Lullaby to an Unborn Child", "The World is Wide" and "Oh, It's Dark in the Grave", the musical numbers may not have been cheery toe-tapping ditties, but reviewers typically singled out Julie's singing as an all-too-rare highlight.

"Julie Andrews..prov[es] her undisputed musicianship by taking one song on high E flat, solus, and in perfect tune," marvelled one reviewer (Bradbury, 1954, p. 8). Another chimed: "We are inclined to think poorly of Becky until we realise how well she is to be played by Julie Andrews...Sodom and Gomorrah...seem to sweeten because of her presence... and she sings very pleasantly on the few occasions afforded to her" ('Midland entertainments,' 1954, p. 17). Given the Biblical source material, the story of Mountain Fire could only end in grand tragedy. And, lo, by play's end the backcountry villages have been consumed by fire and our poor Julie is turned to salt. If naught else, the last scene of Mountain Fire certainly gave Julie a scenery-chewing finale for her straight dramatic debut:

LOT (Offstage): Remember the warning, Becky! Don't look back! The hoot of the owl is heard. BECKY starts up the hill. She stops, hesitates, almost looks back. Music builds. Again she goes forward, stops, almost looks back. Music continues to build. The third time she turns and does look back. Music crescendo. The lights dim, then rise again. BECKY has become salt. She lies motionless reaching towards JOE. Blackout CURTAIN (Richardson and Berney, 1954, Act 1, Scene 2, n.p.)

From Sodom, Tennessee to the Scepter'd Isle

The background saga of bringing Mountain Fire to the stage was almost as feverish as the storyline. The play began life in 1950 when Richardson and Berney completed their first working script under the original title of Sodom, Tennessee.

The play was initially optioned by Jack Segasture, a 23-year-old would-be Broadway producer who had managed Richardson and Berney's previous work, Design for a Stained Glass Window. That production proved a misfire, closing after just 8 performances, but Segasture was keen to back the playwrights for a second attempt at Broadway success (Watt, 1950, p. 47). 

In the summer of 1950, Segasture mounted a series of workshops of Sodom, Tennessee at various regional Pennyslvania theatres (Talley 1950, p. VI-13). Reviewing one of these early work-in-progress performances, the critic for Variety ventured that "with some doctoring, [it] may have possibilities for Broadway, where it is headed" ('Review: Sodom Tennessee', 1950, p. 40). In late-1950, Segasture announced that Sodom, Tennessee was set to start rehearsals the following January ahead of an anticipated New York opening in the spring ('Set Broadway", 1950, p. 26). Robert Perry was contracted to direct, with Robert Lowery and Jean Parker in discussions for the leads ('Film player,' 1951, p. 57). However, in April 1951, Segasture was suddenly drafted into the Army, and plans for the production were promptly scuttled ('Producer drafted,' 1951, p. 15C).

Over the next few years, various attempts were made to resurrect Sodom, Tennessee, but with little progress. In mid-1953, a lifeline came in the form of a pair of second generation producers: David Aldrich, son of famed producer, Richard Aldrich -- a.k.a. Mr Gertrude Lawrence to fans of STAR! -- and Anna Deere Wiman, daughter of Dwight Deere Wiman and heiress to the John Deere family fortune (Shanley, 1953, p. 10). Wiman had come into a sizeable inheritance on her father's death and she effectively bankrolled much of the production's initial $80,000 investment (Franklin, 1953, p. 9-E). Wiman and Aldrich tapped Peter Cotes -- a British director who had scored a recent New York success with A Pin to See the Peepshow -- to take on directorial duties (Calta, 1953, p. 14). They also invited Pulitzer-prize winning composer, Lamar Stringfield, to write the musical score ('Stringfield asked,' 1953, p. 7). At one stage, the producers were allegedly in discussions with none other than Marilyn Monroe to make her Broadway debut in the role of Becky but, wisely perhaps, she declined (Winchell 1953, p. 19).

In early 1954, plans for Sodom, Tennessee underwent a dramatic change. For reasons unknown, Aldrich was suddenly out of the production team. In his place, director Peter Cotes was promoted to co-producer status with Wiman. Possibly because Cotes was British, it was decided to relocate the production across the Atlantic and launch the show in the UK ('News of the theater' 1954, p. 6). Another factor was that production costs were lower in the UK than New York, something which would see the American Wiman remain as a London-based producer for several years (Hatwell 1957, p. 19; Wilson 1956, p. 10). Additionally, Richardson and Berney's earlier work, Dark of the Moon had enjoyed a fairly successful West End run in 1949, so the producers possibly reasoned that the new show might fare similarly well with English theatregoers (Darlington, 1949, p. 5).

Either way, Sodom, Tennessee was now set to make its world premiere in England -- though still with hopes of an eventual New York transfer ('Romantic comedy,' 1954, p. 17C).

'Not fit for the marquee of a British theatre'

Once the production team hit London, they set about preparing the play for its British bow. The first thing to go was the title.

Up until 1968, British censorship laws required all plays intended for public performance to be submitted to the Lord Chamberlain's Office for review and approval (Shellard et al, 2004). It seems the Lord Chamberlain did not approve of a play called Sodom, Tennessee, "an immoral name not fit for the marquee of a British theatre". Initially, the production team toyed with Brimstone as an alternative title, but finally settled on Mountain Fire (Talley, 1954, p. VI-5).

It was also decided that the show needed a musical overhaul. Some incidental music had been composed for earlier iterations, including piecemeal efforts by Lamar Stringfield. One or two of these pieces were retained but, for the most part, the producers opted for a new score. For this task, they contracted Stefan de Haan, a young German musician and composer who had come to study in the UK after the war and stayed on to work with various regional orchestras. De Haan not only composed a new score for Mountain Fire, including three new songs for Julie, but also signed on as music director and conductor (Bradbury 1954, p. 4).

Other key creative appointments were Michael Stringer as set designer and Daphne Kiernander as choreographer. Stringer came to the project fresh from working on the hit Rank comedy, Genevieve (1953), and a host of other film and theatre productions. He designed darkly stylised sets for all 14 scenes of the play, as well as orchestrating special effects for the final destruction sequence (Bishop 1954, p. 8). Kiernander was a classically trained ballerina who had performed as a principal in many West End shows and revues before shifting to choreography. For Mountain Fire, she created two set dances, broadly patterned on 18th century folk dances, and oversaw general staging for the songs ('Chit Chat', 1954, p. 8).

In early April 1954, Howard Richardson and William Berney arrived in London to help make revisions to the script. They also served as dialect coaches for the cast (Talley 1954, p. VI-5). During this early rehearsal period, Julie worked closely with Cotes' actress wife, Joan Miller who, as Julie relates, "tried to help me find the nuances that were needed for the part" (Andrews 2008, p. 171). Indeed, to hear Cotes tell the story, "Julie Andrews...was taught how to act by Joan Miller" and it was "Mountain Fire and Joan Miller between them [that] gave Julie the much needed groundwork..to erupt onto the Broadway stage" (Cotes 1993, p. 23). Not sure Moss Hart would agree, but anyway... Later that month, Cotes and Miller hosted an official launch party for Mountain Fire at their South Kensington home with local theatre and high society luminaries in attendance (Candida, 1954, p. 2). The show's schedule was set with a month-long tryout starting on 17 May in Liverpool, followed by one week runs in Leeds, Bournemouth, and Birmingham. The show's London opening was scheduled for Wednesday, 16 June at the Strand Theatre, Aldwych.

In mid-April, the tour was formally announced with ticket sales opening immediately:

"On May 17 at the Royal Court, Liverpool, Peter Cotes and Anna Deere Wiman will present the world premiere of Mountain Fire by Howard Richardson and William Berney. Making her debut as a straight actress in this play will be 18-year-old Julie Andrews. Other leading roles will be played by Jerry Wayne, Andrew Cruickshank, Gillian Lynne and Charles Irwin. Music for this production has been composed by Stefan de Haan. Decor will be by Michael Stringer, and choreography Daphne Kiernander. Peter Cotes is directing, and following a short tour the play will be presented in the West End" ('Chit Chat: Mountain Fire' 1954, p. 8).

'Every night it was a new show...'

The function of an out-of-town tryout is to put the finishing touches on a show ahead of its official "big city" opening. Cast and crew get to see how the play is working with live audiences and revise things accordingly. In happy cases, the tryout is a relatively easy process of fine-tuning elements and smoothing out wrinkles. In other cases though, the process can be far more tumultuous. Seth Rudetsky (2023) relates that New York theatre-folk popularly joke, "if Hitler were alive today, his punishment should be doing an out-of-town tryout with a show that's in trouble" (p. 152). Even Adolph might have blanched at the Mountain Fire tryout. A sign of early trouble came days out from opening when the producers suddenly announced a 24-hour postponement of the Liverpool premiere from Tuesday 17 to Wednesday 18 May (H.W.R. 1954, p. 4). Rehearsals had revealed serious structural issues with the show and the production team needed every hour they could muster to hammer it into shape.

Worse still, the key creatives couldn't agree about the source of the problems and how to fix them. Director Cotes believed the biggest problem was the script and he wanted major rewrites. For their part, Richardson and Berney felt the musical sequences were at fault.

Jerry Wayne, who took the male lead of Joe Morgan, recalled:

"[W]e ran into trouble with the American authors. They objected to the musical numbers that had been written into their story. We opened at Liverpool on a Thursday night as a musical. Then we were told to cut out the musical numbers. On Friday night we opened at 7.30 as a straight play. With the music cut, the curtain ran down at 8.15" (Greig 1955, p. 9)

The songs were duly reinstated, but competing revisions were trialled to staging and orchestration. In her memoirs, Julie relates:

"Our director couldn't decide whether he wanted the orchestra in the pit or onstage, or no orchestra at all. This was a play, after all, so he then thought maybe one instrument, a guitar, would be enough. We tried the show a different way every night" (Andrews 2008, p. 160).

Another member of the cast, Neil McCallum, similarly recalled the snowballing desperation of the tryout tour:

"Everyone hoped it would get better, so the authors and the director got together and decided to revamp the whole show. They kept writing new scenes every day...every night it was a new show until not even the cast recognized it...Pretty soon the authors and the director weren't speaking. Two days later the authors and the backer weren't speaking. Finally, no one was speaking" (Tesky 1954, p. 6).

A comparison of scene synopses printed in programmes for Mountain Fire across its month-long tryout reveals the extent to which the production altered across performances. During its first night in Liverpool, the show was comprised of three acts and fourteen scenes. The following week in Leeds, it was still three acts but down to only ten scenes. In Bournemouth, it was back to three acts with fourteen scenes. By the time it got to Birmingham, the play was suddenly just two acts with thirteen scenes!

'Call down fire and brimstone...'

Given the panicked disorganisation that plagued the tryout, it should not surprise that reviewers took a rather dim view of Mountain Fire. Indeed, other than praise for Julie and fellow cast members, critics were mostly scathing in their assessment of the show -- with notices getting progressively more brutal as the tour continued:

  • The Liverpool Echo: "When the new play, Mountain Fire, opened with a dissertation by the Angel Gabriel and Lucifer on the delights of being good and bad, it was obvious that this world premiere at the Court Theatre last night would provide something unusual -- and so it proved. But whether this modern parable of Lot's wife will meet with general approval is problematical, because in attempting to lighten high drama with a smattering of musical numbers plus one or two dances, the American authors, Howard Richardson and William Berney, have achieved a curious hotch-potch which is neither one thing nor the other" (H.W.R. 1954, p. 5).
  • The Stage: "The Liverpool audience could be forgiven for their puzzlement over this provocative, somewhat bewildering, production, which rather inclines to fall between the two stools of allegorical drama and musical entertainment, lacking the virtue of anything in the way of a hit tune" ('American folk play' 1954, p. 10).
  • The Yorkshire Observer: "Symbolism on the stage is meat only for those who can stomach such food and, it is difficult to live on meat alone. So it might be that Mountain Fire which, in the second week of its production, is now at the Leeds Grand Theatre, might easily die as quickly as the symbolical fire it portrays, no matter how brilliant the cast" ('Symbolistic musical' 1954, p. 6).
  • Birmingham Daily Gazette: "Mountain Fire, a somewhat disastrous item which arrived at the Theatre Royal, Birmingham, last night, is an odd mix of sex and religiosity which, I fear, will prove seriously offensive to many...The whole thing is meant to be an allegory, with a deep application to our atom-bomb age. But it is all expressed in such appallingly banal language that it leaves one convinced that the underlying thought must be equally banal...One can only have sympathy for the very talented performers who struggle with this material" (Mackenzie 1954, p. 4).
  • Evening Despatch: "Howard Richardson and William Berney are evidently generous-minded men. In their play, Mountain Fire, at Birmingham Theatre Royal, they include murder, two burials, the Ku Klux Klan..., Lucifer, the Archangel Gabriel, religion and, of course, sex...Directed by Peter Cotes, this is a bewildering story of sin among the backwoodsmen of Tennessee...Somewhere in all this there may be a moral. At first I found it difficult to keep up. Eventually I gave up trying" (Holbrook 1954, p. 6).
  • The Birmingham Mail: "The conscientious critic of the drama will find that there are certain troublesome questions which are created in the mind by Mountain Fire, the new play by Howard Richardson and William Berney. How, for instance, did it come about that it reached the stage of the Theatre Royal at all and how is it that next week it is to occupy the stage of a West End theatre, however short its tenure there may be? What is more to the immediate point is how one ought...to deal by way of notice with so poor an offering. Ought one to call down fire and brimstone or, refusing to treat the piece seriously, as did many of the audience last night, rend it with ridicule?" (C.L.W 1954, p. 4).

'Mountain Collapses'

With this level of bad press, the prognosis for Mountain Fire was bleak. Ticket sales were sluggish and the cast often found themselves playing to half empty houses. Even worse, audience members were increasingly audible with their displeasure. As Neil McCallum relates:

"One of the lines at the last of the play is 'Lot, don't turn back.' Came a voice from the audience, 'I don't know about turning back -- I want my bloody money back.' In the interval, the ushers were mingling with the audience saying, in ringing tones, 'isn't it terrible...don't you wish you hadn't come?'" (Tesky 1954, p. 6).

By the final week in Birmingham, the writing was on the wall and producers decided to avoid what would surely have been a critical and commercial bloodbath in London. On Thursday 10 June, barely 5 days before the show was scheduled to open at the Strand, Wiman and Cotes issued a joint statement saying they were cancelling the West End premiere of Mountain Fire:

"In view of the inadequate public response during the tour of the play, it would be unfair to the authors and the actors and other members of the production that it should open in London, at least without substantial variations" ('Play is off', 1954, p. 3).

The decision to cancel a major production so close to its premiere was not without precedent, but it was sufficiently rare to garner widespread press attention, generating a slew of punning headlines. "London douses 'Mountain Fire'," trumpeted the New York Times (1854, p. 13). "Mountain Collapses" blared the Kensington News ('Theatre Notes' 1954, p. 2). And "Mountain Fire Out!" declared the Daily Post (Daily Post London Reporter 1954, p. 1)

Mountain Fire had two further performances to complete its Birmingham run, and once the curtain came down on Saturday night of 12 June, the production staggered to its sorry close. Richardson and Berney had already taken early departure back to the US, unable to watch the show's final demise. Cotes similarly retreated to London and refused for many years to even discuss the play. Producer Anna Wiman insisted on staying to the very end. "No cast has been more loyal than this one," she declared, valiantly talking up a future for the show. "[I]t's not the end...I believe in this play and I am determined that it shall have a successful run in London. It will have a new director and a new atmosphere" (Mercury Staff Reporter 1954, p. 1.) The following March, a 'news in brief' snippet claimed Wiman was "still trying to lease or buy a theatre, with the Bill Berney-Howard Richardson play, Mountain Fire, as first on her production schedule" (Walker 1955, p. 61). But a year later, she would admit defeat, having lost the full extent of her £40,000 investment in the show (Wilson 1956, p. 10).

In the end, it wasn't just the UK production of Mountain Fire that sank. The play itself effectively vanished with little appreciable after-life. The script was never published, nor is there any record of it being registered with a theatrical licensing company. Only one further staging of the show ever seems to have taken place: a brief five performance run in May 1962, under the play's original title of Sodom, Tennessee, at the Little Theatre of the West Side YMCA in Manhattan ('Premiere,' 1962, p. 14). Billed as the show's "New York premiere", it didn't attract much attention and there are no published reviews. After that, the play's trail comes to a complete halt.

If it weren't for the show's status as a footnote to the career of Julie Andrews, Mountain Fire would likely have been completely lost to history. Even at the time of its cancellation, reports were already framing Mountain Fire as a blip on the way to Broadway success for Julie:

"Julie may have missed a West End appearance, but she is to be compensated by a Broadway lead in The Boy Friend when the show goes to New York in the autumn" ('Theatre Notes' 1954, p. 2).

Within a year or two, Julie's stardom was the principal frame of reference for any mention of Mountain Fire. It even became something of a boast for those behind the ill-fated production .

In 1956, when Julie was riding high on the success of My Fair Lady, an Alabama newspaper crowed that local playwright William Berney "discovered Julie Andrews [when] he was in London...casting his play Mountain Fire...Julie 'was it' so far as Berney was concerned, and a happy unknown made her bow" (Caldwell 1956, p. E-1). Not to be outdone, Howard Richardson was also soon talking up how his "plays have sent many actors and actresses on their way to fame including...Julie Andrews...who played one of her first roles in Richardson's Mountain Fire during its London [sic] run" ('New York playwright' 1959, p. 14).

All of which only proves the popular adage that, where failure is an orphan, success has many fathers!

____________________________

Who's Who of Mountain Fire

While Julie was undoubtedly the biggest star associated with Mountain Fire, the show included a roster of established and upcoming theatre talents, many of whom went on to bigger and better things:

Principals

  • Jerry Wayne as Joe Morgan (1919-1996): Born in Buffalo, New York in 1919, Wayne was a recording vocalist of some note who even hosted his own CBS radio show in the 1940s. He came to London in 1953 to play the lead role of Sky Masterson in the West End production of Guys and Dolls, marking the start of a British career. He appeared in the 1955 film musical, As Long as They're Happy and made several TV appearances in the 1960s. In 1967, Wayne married the novelist Doreen Juggler and graduated to a second career as a theatre and recording producer. Collaborating with his son Jeff, Wayne had notable success with the 1978 concept album, Jeff Wayne's Musical Version of The War of the Worlds. Wayne passed away in Hertfordshire in 1996 ( 'Jeff Wayne' 1996, p. 24).
  • Andrew Cruickshank as Lot Johnson (1908-1988): Born in Aberdeenshire, Cruickshank initially pursued civil engineering before turning to the stage. He made his professional debut in Shakespeare repertory and joined the Old Vic in 1937, playing notable roles such as Banquo in Macbeth, opposite Olivier. During WWII, he served in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, earning an MBE. His varied career included significant roles in the West End production of Inherit the Wind (1960) and the National Theatre's Strife (1963). His best know role came courtesy of television as Dr. Cameron in the popular BBC series, Dr. Finlay's Casebook (1962-71). In later life, Cruickshank wrote a number of plays, and was president of the Edinburgh Fringe Society. He died in 1988 ('Andrew Cruickshank' 1988, p. 310).
  • Charles Irwin as Sheriff Bates (1908-1984): Born in 1908 in Leeds, Irwin began his career in variety shows and became a comedian and vocalist on radio in the 1930s. He worked extensively in regional theatre and appeared as a character actor in films such as The Third Man (1949), A Tale of Five Women (1951), and Mystery Junction (1951). In later decades, he transitioned to television, appearing in popular series like Danger Man (1960), International Detective (1961), and The Saint (1962). Irwin passed away in November 1984 in Salisbury.
  • Gillian Lynne as Edith Higgins (1926-2018): An influential figure in British theatre and dance, Lynne was born in 1926 in Bromley, Kent. She began her career as a ballerina, dancing with Sadler's Wells, the English National Opera, and the Royal Shakespeare Company. Lynne subsequently moved into choreography, working on many successful West End musicals. She was best known for her collaborations with Andrew Lloyd Webber, where her choreography was instrumental to the success of shows such as Cats and The Phantom of the Opera. In recognition of her contributions to dance and musical theatre, Lynne was made a Dame Commander in 2014. She passed away in 2018 at the age of 92 (Dex 2018, p. A13).
  • Richard Ainley as Gabriel (1910-1967): Ainley was born in Middlesex in 1910, the son of famed Shakespearean actor Henry Ainley. He debuted on stage with Martin Harvey's company, before going on to work with the Old Vic and Sadler's Wells. His first film role was in As You Like It (1936), followed by notable roles in The Tempest (1939) and Above Suspicion (1941). Severely wounded in WWII, Ainley had to abandon his film career and could only continue with occasional stage roles. Later, he focused on broadcasting and adjudication, briefly leading the Bristol Old Vic Theatre School in the early 1960s. He passed away in 1967 at age 56 (Coe 1967, p. 23).
  • John Barclay as Lucifer (1892-1978): Barclay was born in 1892 in Bletchingly, Surrey. A tall man with a booming basso baritone, he trained as an opera singer and toured widely with various companies, including D'Oyly Carte. He appeared in several films, including The Mikado (1939) and Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde (1941). In the late 1950s, Barclay moved to the US, where he pursued a late career playing strong and menacing character parts in film and TV. He passed away in 1978 at the age of 86.

Supporting Players

  • Molly Glessing as Miss Deedy Sparks (1910-1995): Midlands-born Glessing began her career in variety in the 1930s as a singer, dancer, and comedienne. She rose through the ranks to become a featured player in comedies and pantomimes. During the war, she gained popularity as a radio player and ENSA entertainer. After marrying a US serviceman, she relocated to California. Dividing her time between the US and the UK, Glessing continued to work in stage productions and amassed numerous character credits in films such as Charlie Chaplin's Limelight (1952), and TV shows, including The Quatermass Xperiment (1955) and Alfred Hitchcock Presents (1955-1962) ('Glessing" 1996, p. 33).
  • Lois McLean as Sadie Ollis (1927-2013): Canadian-born McLean studied drama at the University of Alberta and performed for several years with the Everyman Theatre Company in Vancouver. In 1950, she moved to the UK where she continued to perform, while studying theatre production with the Glasgow Citizen's theatre. In 1953, McLean started work as a manager for Peter Cotes and he cast her in various productions including Mountain Fire (Narraway 1954, p. 34). The pair also collaborated on a book, A Handbook of British Amateur Theatre. In the late-50s, she wed Indian-born lawyer, Birendra Jha and returned to Canada to start a family. McLean continued to perform and teach drama in Edmonton.
  • Esme Beringer as Old Sarah Johnson (1875-1972): Born in London to artist parents, Esme Beringer was a celebrated stage actress who made her professional debut in 1888. Known for her athletic physique and swordsmanship, she excelled in breeches roles, including playing Romeo, Little Lord Fauntleroy and The Prince and the Pauper. An enthusiastic fencer, she taught classes during WWI and starred in Shakespearean roles post-war. In later life, Beringer moved into character parts both on stage and in film. She died in 1972 at the grand age of 96 ('Esme Beringer' 1972, p. 16).
  • Neil McCallum as Skilly Sparks: (1929-1976) Born in Canada in 1929, McCallum moved to the UK to study at the Guildhall School of Music and Drama. Following graduation he appeared in a number of stage shows, scoring his greatest theatrical success in 1956 with the West End production of The Rainmaker opposite Sam Wanamaker. In the 1960s, McCallum became a familiar face on British television in series like The Saint (1963-64) and Department S (1969), as well as voicing characters on Thunderbirds Are Go (1966). Transitioning behind the scenes, McCallum became a scriptwriter and producer of some note, helming a number of TV series for the BBC before his untimely death from a cerebral hemorrhage in 1976, aged only 46 ('Neil McCallum', 1976, p. 11). As detailed by Julie in the first volume of her memoirs, she and McCallum embarked on a serious, if short-lived, romance during the production of Mountain Fire (Andrews, 2008, p. 161ff).
  • Jerry Stovin as Zeke Higgins (1922-2005): Born in Unity, Saskatchewan in 1922, Jerry Stovin served in the Canadian Army where he got the acting bug performing in military entertainments. Following the war, he went to Carnegie Tech to study drama, and moved to Britain in 1955. There he carved out a successful career in radio, television, and film, often playing American roles. He passed away in 1978 at the age of 86 (Peacock 1975, p. 7).
  • Harry Quashie as Ephraim (1914-1982): Born in Ghana, Quashie originally came to the UK to study law in 1939. He started to act in university theatricals and soon gave up his studies to pursue an acting career. He performed in a wide range of stage, radio and TV dramas and was a founding member of the Negro Theatre Company which helped pave the way for Black theatre artists in Britain. In the 50s, Quashie had character parts in several big screen features notably, Simba (1955), Safari (1956), and, The Passionate Summer (1958) ('Gave up law' 1947, p. 1; Bourne 2021).
  • John Sterland as Eb Higgins (1927-2017): Another Canadian actor, Sterland was born in Winnipeg to English parents. He came to the UK on a RADA scholarship, before joining the West of England Theatre Company. In a long career, Sterland racked up scores of stage and screen credits including A Countess from Hong Kong (1967), Performance (1970), Ragtime (1981), Bad Medicine (1985), Batman (1989), and The Tudors (2007). Married for many years to fellow actor, June Bailey, Sterland passed in 2017 ('John Sterland' 2017, p. 12).

Creatives

  • Howard Richardson (1917-1984): Born in Spartanburg, South Carolina, Richardson graduated from the University of North Carolina in 1938 and earned his M.A. in drama in 1940. After serving in the Army, Richardson co-wrote Dark of the Moon with cousin and frequent collaborator, William Berney. The play opened on Broadway in 1945, running for 318 performances. Despite frequent efforts, both in collaboration with Berney and as an individual playwright, Richardson would never match this initial success. In 1960, he earned a doctorate in 1960 and embarked on a career as a drama professor, working at various colleges throughout the US. He passed away in 1984 ('Howard Richardson', 1985, p. 34).
  • William Berney (1920-1961): Born in Birmingham, Alabama, Berney graduated from the University of Alabama, where he was active in drama. He later attended graduate school at the University of Iowa, where he started writing plays with Richardson. After graduation, Berney worked in advertising in New York, while pursuing his scriptwriting career on the side. During this period, he co-wrote several plays with Richardson, including Design for a Stained Glass Window (1950) and Protective Custody (1956). Berney moved to California around 1960 to write for television, but sadly passed away in Los Angeles in 1961 after a brief illness, aged 40 ('William Berney' 1961, p. 23) .
  • Peter Cotes (1912-1998): A theatrical polymath, Cotes -- who was born as Sydney Boulting in Maidenhead, Berkshire -- was part of a noted artistic family. His parents ran a theatre company and his brothers John and Roy Boulting became important filmmakers in British cinema. Initially an actor, Cotes shifted his focus to theatre production and directed the original production of The Mousetrap, the world's longest-running play. Other notable successes as director included the West End productions of The Children's Hour (1951) and A Pin to See the Peepshow (1952), and, in film, The Right Person (1955) and The Young and the Guilty (1958). In later years, Cotes wrote books and helmed a number of theatre companies. He passed away in 1998, at the age of 86 ('Peter Cotes' 1998, p. 35).
  • Anna Deere Wiman (1920-1963): Born in Illinois, Wiman was the daughter of successful theatre producer Dwight Deere Wiman, and heir to the John Deere family fortune. Educated by private tutors, she trained as a ballerina in Paris until a cycling accident ended her dance career. She then shifted to theatre management, initially working under her father. After his sudden death, she inherited a fortune, allowing her to become a self-funded theatre producer. Moving to London in 1954 with Mountain Fire, Wiman remained in the UK where she produced several West End productions, including The Reluctant Debutante (1955), Dear Delinquent (1957), and The Grass is Greener (1958). Despite her professional successes, Wiman struggled with alcoholism. She tragically died in 1963 at her holiday home in Bermuda from a fall down the stairs while under the influence. She was only 43 years old. ('Obituary: Anna Deere Wiman' 1963, p. 27.)
  • Stefan de Haan (1921-2010): Born in Darmstadt, Germany, de Haan was a gifted musician who trained in Berlin and Florence, before coming to the UK to study composition at the Royal College of Music. Following graduation, he initially gained prominence as a bassoonist, performing with various ensembles and orchestras. His compositional work includes a range of chamber music and orchestral pieces, often highlighting his expertise with woodwind and brass. His influence extended into music education, where his works are still performed and studied today. De Haan passed away in 2010, aged 89 (Bradbury 1954; 'Stefan de Haan' 2024).
  • Daphne Kiernander (1921-1998) Born in 1921, in East Preston, West Sussex, Kiernander was an accomplished dancer who rose to fame performing in various West End reviews and musicals such as Bobby Get Your Gun (1938), Let's Face It (1942), and Piccadilly Hayride (1946). She moved into choreography working on a number of stage and TV productions, including Such Is Life (1950) and Puzzle Corner (1953) for the BBC, and the Old Vic's 1955 production of The Taming of the Shrew. In the 1960s, Kiernander retired from dance to marry and start a new career in business and marketing (​Powell 1962).
  • Michael Stringer (1924-2004) One of Britain's most successful film art directors, Stringer developed a passion for cinema early on. After serving as a RAF pilot in WWII, he trained with Norman Arnold at Rank Studios. There he scored notable success with one of his first independent assignments, Genevieve (1953), and followed it up with other popular Rank titles like An Alligator Named Daisy (1955) and Windom's Way (1957). His success in Britain led to international offers, working on big productions such as The Sundowners (1960), In Search of the Castaways (1962), and A Shot in the Dark (1964). Stringer went on to a distinguished Hollywood and UK career, bringing his talents to a long and diverse list of films, including Fiddler on the Roof (1971), which earned him an Oscar nomination, The Greek Tycoon (1978), The Awakening (1980), The Mirror Crack'd (1980), and The Jigsaw Man (1983). Stringer passed away in 2004. (Eyles 2004, p. 43).

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