Ernesto Castaneda
Ernesto Castañeda is the Director of the Immigration Lab and the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies at American University in Washington, DC, where he serves as full professor. With expertise in migration, urban sociology, health disparities, and social policy, Castañeda’s work delves deeply into immigration patterns, Latinx communities, and the intersections of social and economic inequality. An acclaimed researcher, Castañeda has published extensively. His books include, "Immigration Realities: Challenging Common Misperceptions," "Reunited: Family Separation and Central American Youth Migration," "A Place to Call Home: Immigrant Exclusion and Urban Belonging in New York, Paris, and Barcelona," and "Building Walls," where he explores the sociopolitical dimensions of migration, the experiences of immigrant communities, and the impact of housing instability on social integration. His research is informed by both theoretical frameworks and fieldwork across diverse settings, including the United States, Europe, Northern Africa, and Latin America. Castañeda’s insights and commentary are frequently featured in public talks, policy discussions, and major media outlets, making him a prominent voice in public debates on immigration and Latinx issues.
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Books by Ernesto Castaneda
Dialogue about immigration consistently alarms native-born populations,
especially because of certain harmful stereotypes about immigrants of color who migrate from Latin America, Africa, and Asia. They are portrayed as criminals, freeloaders, victims, or geniuses by popular media. These inaccurate generalizations of entire immigrant populations may help accentuate ethnic and racial differences and cause native-born White people to feel threatened. This process breeds distrust and heightens the danger for immigrants of color, who are singled out for their “otherness” in historically majority-White societies and used as scapegoats for social and economic problems. Throughout the following chapters, we reference research that disproves popular but false beliefs about immigration so that the public can critically engage with diverse information and thus better understand the topic.
Bu yeni edisyon bu alanda kayda değer araştırmalar yürütmüş genç araştırmacılar ve öğrenciler tarafından baştan sona gözden geçirilip güncellenmiştir. Yeni vaka çalışmaları Meksika, İspanya ve ABD’deki toplumsal hareketlere odaklanmaktadır. Bunlar Black Lives Matter, göçmen hakları mücadelesi, Indignados, Katalan bağımsızlık hareketi, #YoSoy132, Ayotzinapa43, kitlesel hapis ve mahkûm hakları mücadelesi ve daha fazlasını içermektedir. Okuru, ele alınan olaylara aşina kılmak için zaman çizelgeleri eklenmiş ve tartışılan sorular, gerek tarihsel gerekse günümüzde süregiden toplumsal hareketlerin sınırlarını, önemini ve doğurduğu sonuçları anlamamızı kolaylaştıracak şekilde çerçevelendirilmiştir.
explanations.
The book connects Tilly’s work on large-scale social processes such as nation-building and war to his work on micro processes such as racial and gender discrimination. It includes selections from some of Tilly’s
earliest, influential, and out of print writings, including The Vendée; Coercion, Capital and European States; the classic “War Making and State Making as Organized Crime;” and his more recent and lesser-known work, including that on durable inequality, democracy, poverty, economic development, and migration. Together, the collection reveals Tilly’s complex, compelling, and distinctive vision and helps place the contentious politics approach Tilly pioneered with Sidney Tarrow and Doug McAdam into broader context. The editors selected key passages and, in their introductory essay, they situate them within Tilly’s larger opus and contemporary intellectual debates. The chapters serve as guideposts for those who wish to study his work in greater depth or use his methodology to examine the pressing issues of our time. Read together, they provide a road map of Tilly’s work and his contribution to the fields of sociology, political science, history, and international studies. This book belongs in the classroom and in the library of social scientists, political analysts, cultural critics, and activists.
una larga lista de publicaciones en inglés, por lo cual es especialmente
útil que este libro, originalmente escrito en inglés, y que recopila
partes notables de su obra, sirva como guía a sus muchas contribuciones
durante todas las etapas de su vida y sea publicado en México
por la unam.
Tilly comenzó su carrera investigando la contrarrevolución
francesa de 1793 en la zona de la Vendée. Sin embargo, durante el
resto de su carrera mostro mucho interés, dirigió varias tesis y leyó
libros de colegas sobre la historia popular, los movimientos sociales
y la democratización en España, México y Latinoamérica en general.
En este prefacio hablaré de 1) algunos de los eventos del mundo
hispanohablante que se mencionan en este libro, con particular
atención al caso mexicano; 2) la metateoría de Tilly, en particular la
relación entre la formación de Estados, los movimientos sociales y
la política contenciosa y los procesos de inclusión y democratización,
y 3) retos contemporáneos a la democracia a través del caso
estadounidense.
Rethinking Borders. The diversity in the authors’ disciplines and the topics they focus on exemplify the intricacies of borders and their manifold effects. This openness to so many schools of thought stands in contrast to the solidification of stricter borders across the globe. The contributions range from case studies of migrants’ sense of belonging and safety to theoretical discussions about migration and globalization, from empirical studies about immigrant practices and exclusionary laws to ethical concerns about the benefits of inclusion. It is timely that this collective work is published in the middle of a pandemic that has affected every single part of the world. Unprecedented border
closures and stringent travel restrictions have not been enough to contain the virus entirely. As COVID-19 shows, diseases, ideas, and xenophobic and racist discourses know no borders. Plans that transcend borders are vital when dealing with global threats, such as climate change and pandemics.
Papers by Ernesto Castaneda
Dialogue about immigration consistently alarms native-born populations,
especially because of certain harmful stereotypes about immigrants of color who migrate from Latin America, Africa, and Asia. They are portrayed as criminals, freeloaders, victims, or geniuses by popular media. These inaccurate generalizations of entire immigrant populations may help accentuate ethnic and racial differences and cause native-born White people to feel threatened. This process breeds distrust and heightens the danger for immigrants of color, who are singled out for their “otherness” in historically majority-White societies and used as scapegoats for social and economic problems. Throughout the following chapters, we reference research that disproves popular but false beliefs about immigration so that the public can critically engage with diverse information and thus better understand the topic.
Bu yeni edisyon bu alanda kayda değer araştırmalar yürütmüş genç araştırmacılar ve öğrenciler tarafından baştan sona gözden geçirilip güncellenmiştir. Yeni vaka çalışmaları Meksika, İspanya ve ABD’deki toplumsal hareketlere odaklanmaktadır. Bunlar Black Lives Matter, göçmen hakları mücadelesi, Indignados, Katalan bağımsızlık hareketi, #YoSoy132, Ayotzinapa43, kitlesel hapis ve mahkûm hakları mücadelesi ve daha fazlasını içermektedir. Okuru, ele alınan olaylara aşina kılmak için zaman çizelgeleri eklenmiş ve tartışılan sorular, gerek tarihsel gerekse günümüzde süregiden toplumsal hareketlerin sınırlarını, önemini ve doğurduğu sonuçları anlamamızı kolaylaştıracak şekilde çerçevelendirilmiştir.
explanations.
The book connects Tilly’s work on large-scale social processes such as nation-building and war to his work on micro processes such as racial and gender discrimination. It includes selections from some of Tilly’s
earliest, influential, and out of print writings, including The Vendée; Coercion, Capital and European States; the classic “War Making and State Making as Organized Crime;” and his more recent and lesser-known work, including that on durable inequality, democracy, poverty, economic development, and migration. Together, the collection reveals Tilly’s complex, compelling, and distinctive vision and helps place the contentious politics approach Tilly pioneered with Sidney Tarrow and Doug McAdam into broader context. The editors selected key passages and, in their introductory essay, they situate them within Tilly’s larger opus and contemporary intellectual debates. The chapters serve as guideposts for those who wish to study his work in greater depth or use his methodology to examine the pressing issues of our time. Read together, they provide a road map of Tilly’s work and his contribution to the fields of sociology, political science, history, and international studies. This book belongs in the classroom and in the library of social scientists, political analysts, cultural critics, and activists.
una larga lista de publicaciones en inglés, por lo cual es especialmente
útil que este libro, originalmente escrito en inglés, y que recopila
partes notables de su obra, sirva como guía a sus muchas contribuciones
durante todas las etapas de su vida y sea publicado en México
por la unam.
Tilly comenzó su carrera investigando la contrarrevolución
francesa de 1793 en la zona de la Vendée. Sin embargo, durante el
resto de su carrera mostro mucho interés, dirigió varias tesis y leyó
libros de colegas sobre la historia popular, los movimientos sociales
y la democratización en España, México y Latinoamérica en general.
En este prefacio hablaré de 1) algunos de los eventos del mundo
hispanohablante que se mencionan en este libro, con particular
atención al caso mexicano; 2) la metateoría de Tilly, en particular la
relación entre la formación de Estados, los movimientos sociales y
la política contenciosa y los procesos de inclusión y democratización,
y 3) retos contemporáneos a la democracia a través del caso
estadounidense.
Rethinking Borders. The diversity in the authors’ disciplines and the topics they focus on exemplify the intricacies of borders and their manifold effects. This openness to so many schools of thought stands in contrast to the solidification of stricter borders across the globe. The contributions range from case studies of migrants’ sense of belonging and safety to theoretical discussions about migration and globalization, from empirical studies about immigrant practices and exclusionary laws to ethical concerns about the benefits of inclusion. It is timely that this collective work is published in the middle of a pandemic that has affected every single part of the world. Unprecedented border
closures and stringent travel restrictions have not been enough to contain the virus entirely. As COVID-19 shows, diseases, ideas, and xenophobic and racist discourses know no borders. Plans that transcend borders are vital when dealing with global threats, such as climate change and pandemics.
https://www.mdpi.com/2075-4698/13/7/162
This chapter addresses the following questions: What is the brief history of the EZLN? Which is its importance? What is their purpose and agenda? The answer will vary depending on whom you ask. The Mexican major media companies showed one perspective, the Mexican government, the left, the EZLN itself, the people in Chiapas and different people outside of Mexico each have a different conception of what neo-Zapatismo represents depending on the paradigm through which the observer is looking. This polysemantic nature is part of its appeal. The EZLN is very self-reflexive and intentional. The EZLN refuses to give a concrete definition of who is a Zapatista. Many of the original militant Zapatistas have declared that whoever declares themself as Zapatista is Zapatista. Nominal membership is free, “entrada libre y gratuita,” which is indeed an important way to build a movement by increasing numbers and perceptions of worth, unity, and commitment (Tilly et al., 2020). The abstract conception of Zapatismo is a tool that the EZLN has used to gain a broad civil base of supporters at home and abroad and to easily present what it opposes and what it supports. The Zapatista agenda is so broad it gained universal legitimation and so concrete as to create real pressure on the Mexican government on certain issues that would improve the conditions of the indigenous people at Chiapas. The EZLN opposes the injustice, poverty and discrimination suffered by the indigenous people Chiapas, Mexico, and the Americas. From its beginning this was an anti-colonial movement, tracing many of the ailments of indigenous communities to European colonialism.
valor monetario generado por los inmigrantes dentro del país
Este conjunto de textos proporciona una hoja de ruta del trabajo de Tilly y su contribución a los campos de la sociología, las ciencias políticas, la historia y los estudios internacionales que servirán de guía para aquellos que deseen estudiar su obra con mayor profundidad o usar su metodología para estudiar los temas acuciantes del momento, además de que será de utilidad para científicos sociales, analistas políticos, estudiantes y activistas. ISBN:978-607-30-5435-5
U.S. Problems of adaptation associated with language and culture rated low among migrants in the three locations. Most of the migrants demonstrated resiliency and adaptation. However, the majority reported stress caused by loss or separation from family, change in social status, and physical or emotional risk. Study results demonstrated the presence of Ulysses
Syndrome among migrants in the American continent.
Resumen: Los duelos, estresores y vulnerabilidades que experimenta la población de México y Centroamérica motivada a migrar por circunstancias políticas y/o económicas se midieron con un estudio de tipo exploratorio y transversal. Para la recogida de datos se administraron una entrevista a profundidad, la escala del Síndrome de Ulises y el cuestionario sobre la Salud del Paciente PHQ-9, a una muestra total de 100 participantes (n=100), en Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua y la Ciudad de México de la República Mexicana así como en El Paso, Texas de los Estados Unidos de América. Este es el primer estudio que demuestra la teoría del Síndrome de Ulises entre inmigrantes en México y Estados Unidos. Problemas de adaptación alrededor del lenguaje y la cultura fueron bajos en las tres localidades. La mayoría de los migrantes muestra resiliencia y adaptación; sin embargo, varios participantes reportaron estresores por duelo por la familia, cambio en estatus social, y los riesgos físicos y emocionales. Por ende, se comprobó que el Síndrome de Ulises existe entre algunos migrantes en el continente Americano.
Of these children, over 20,000 have moved to the Washington, D.C. region, where many face barriers to integration in their communities. Their difficulties include dealing with traumatic experiences, family separation, inconsistent or interrupted schooling, and language barriers in their new schools. As scholars and policymakers, we must rapidly respond to the needs of migrant children and find the best ways to support these young newcomers who now call our region home.
Our research with the Center on Latino and Latin American Studies at American University includes interviews with fifty-eight recently resettled youth, thirty-six sponsors, and seventeen social service providers and school staff in the District of Columbia, Fairfax County in Virginia, and Prince George's County and Montgomery County in Maryland. The stories from these youths, sponsors, and practitioners illuminate a cross-section of the experiences of resettled Central American minors—experiences that, we hope, can inform policy interventions at the county level that can help the unaccompanied minors thrive.
Miguel Ángel was a political activist and a community organizer in Guerrero, one of the most conflictive Mexican states known for its history of conflicts, lawlessness and most recently, organized drug cartels. Miguel Angel –a father of seven– migrated and lived in the United States for a few years. After returning to Mexico, he became an activist, a community organizer, a community police leader, and an active link between activists, human rights advocates, journalists, and civil society organizations.
His preferred weapons for organizing were the Internet and especially
Whatsapp on his mobile phone, which enabled him to chat, call, and form groups with other people using the same mobile phone application. The application helped Miguel Angel to connect with other activist groups across Mexico. He based his decision to use Whatsapp mostly on practical and cost effective grounds. He set up a Whatsapp group that included some 180 local and international reporters to where he published first-hand reports from Guerrero.
Politicians and advocates often talk about the urgent need to “secure” America’s southwestern border, painting a picture of violence and chaos at the line demarcating the United States from Mexico. The specter of disorder is often invoked to argue that the United States must better control the border before further immigration reforms are considered. Yet claims about an unsafe border are not backed by hard evidence about crime rates or apprehensions by the U.S. Border Patrol. Alarmist claims contradict the everyday experiences of people in American cities along the U.S.-Mexico border. Immigrants come to the United States for work and family, not to engage in violence or crime. Reforms should focus on the needs of people and on ways to foster economic prosperity on both sides of the border.
Migration and Mortality: Social Death, Dispossession, and Survival in the Americas highlights how international migrants are disproportionately exposed to and experience death and how the world perceives this as normal. The book aims to unpack the policies and practices that contribute to the widespread acceptance of migrant death. The authors discuss the link between migration policies and systemic oppression and inequality. Hallett and Longazel argue that much of contemporary migration policy can be understood as governments doing “just enough” to escape fault for human rights abuses but not enough to end them.
Charles Tilly: sobre violencia colectiva, política
contenciosa y cambio social. Antología selecta.
México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
México-Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales,
590 pp.
María de la Luz Inclán Oseguera
División de Estudios Políticos
Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas
in actual collectives and social relations rather than in legislation and institutional abstractions. The book is an antidote against the tendency in everyday life and political theory to reify the nation-state as an ontological reality. As Feldman reminds us, “States don’t do things; people do. There are no such things as states, only actions conducted in their name by particular people” (1). The Gray Zone looks less at bureaucratic directives and more at the ethical and practical decisions made by state agents and the real consequences for the individuals they investigate. Feldman diverts the focus away from the “autonomous” state and migration policy and instead turns attention towards officers carrying out enforcement assignments. The team frequently makes decisions to skip over the law, to not request search warrants, and to copy smartphone data without permission. While working for the state, the team exercises flexibility and takes matters into their own hands, which demonstrates agency and the limit of state structures. ... The Gray Zone is a theoretical contribution towards understanding
theories of practice where individual action cannot happen in a vacuum, where states result from the accumulation of individual actions, and where immigration officers embody and make the effects of immigration laws real.
Immigrants Under Threat is concerned with why and when immigrants engage in collective action, and why, despite the large national pro-immigrant marches of 2006, we have seen relatively little immigrant mobilization since. Being undocumented at a time of increased policing and deportation compels immigrants to live under a protective “shell” that dissuades them from collective action and from airing their demands in public. Thus, “organizers were regularly met with reticence and reluctance from the Mexican immigrants, undocumented and documented alike, whom they sought to recruit to social movement work” (p. 2). Immigrants come to the US to achieve the American dream of hard labor compensated with prosperity and equality. Therefore, when their struggles to earn a living are seriously threatened, immigrants can come together to ameliorate their everyday lives. Most Latino immigrants participating in social movement campaigns are not engaged in revolutionary or radical politics but are focused on pragmatic demands. They fight for inclusion and recognition of their belonging in order to continue working and raising their families without fearing deportation or police violence. This argument is compatible not only with Charles Tilly’s theorizing on social movements, as Prieto discusses
but also with Tilly’s understanding of the ongoing process of democratization as including the expansion of citizenship rights to all members of a polity, reflected in legal inclusion and the decrease of social stigma and categorical inequality.
ERNESTO CASTANEDA
Ernesto Castañeda
Nov 2013 · American Journal of Sociology
Officially called Title 42 of the U.S. Code, the little-known law was established initially in 1944 to prevent the spread of influenza and allow authorities to bar entry to foreigners deemed to be at risk of spreading the disease.
In March 2020, on the recommendation of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, then-President Donald Trump invoked the law to minimize the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
But Trump and his advisers had another goal as well – closing the U.S.-Mexico border and restricting the number of new immigrants.
“Encounters” do not equal unique individuals but rather interactions between asylum-seekers or migrants and DHS personnel anywhere along the border. The U.S. Government reports, for example, that 1 million-1.3 million migrants were removed from the United States under Title 42 provisions intended to protect U.S. health in the context of the COVID pandemic – almost half of the total reported “encounters.” Furthermore, many of those sent back were probably encountered again. Inflating both counts. So “encounters” do not equal individuals entering the U.S. either.
Es curioso porque en los medios siempre recalcamos las cosas nuevas, y de hecho hay nuevas idas y vueltas, nuevos personajes. Pero la historia, la dinámica, el drama humano, las cuestiones estructurales son básicamente las mismas. Así pues, cuanto más cambian las cosas, más permanecen igual. Por eso es más fácil entender las nuevas crisis, porque los investigadores de inmigración han visto pasar algo similar en el pasado.
My research has tried to understand what happened in the past and what’s going on right now in the streets in order to try to improve our understanding about immigration. If you look at all types of data, there are way more opportunities born of migration than problems.
From https://theconversation.com/immigrants-are-only-3-5-of-people-worldwide-and-their-negative-impact-is-often-exaggerated-in-the-u-s-and-around-the-world-184522
With Mackenzie Cox and Melvin Saravia.
At the theoretical level, Castañeda shows in chapter two how liberal theory supports exclusionary policies implemented by nation-states. Despite the opening up and faster interchange of commercial goods and capital, the movement of people, particularly work migration, continues to be tightly controlled. Although permanent and temporary migrations are a common occurrence, it is in fact an exception for nation-states to allow those migrants to become citizens of the polis. Castañeda argues that it is because nation-states still matter, as do national identity and borders. In an ontological and epistemological revision, Castañeda
keeps a critical distance from traditional concepts used to study the nation-state. He reminds us that the modern state has a particular interest in creating the vision of a common nation and origin that must be preserved, through the use of force if necessary.
essays on the structural and experiential aspects of physical and symbolic boundaries between U.S.-native whites and Latin people.
Through a methodological assortment of indepth interviews, reflexive memos, survey data, and historical precedent, Castaneda illustrates how boundaries are shaped by normative frameworks, divisive discourses, and everyday interactions. From these data, he constructs the ‘‘border wall’’ as a mechanism of sociopolitical and racial exclusion that is both physically manifested at the U.S.-Mexico line and symbolically inscribed
in the American imaginary.
separation from the Spanish state in Catalonia. To understand how one
feels attached to a place, Firsthand accounts revitalize previous scholarship by moving beyond historical factors and towards an analysis of the current state of immigration in three cities and the “sense of belonging” that immigrants feel in those places.
Castaneda addresses these themes through three case studies:
New York, Paris, and Barcelona. Castaneda positions his case study
of these cities as vital to understanding the migrant’s sense of belonging
as they all differ between migrants and local community members’ experiences.
Ultimately, Castaneda argues that Paris is the outlier, where immigrants do not feel a sense of belonging, or are welcomed by the local community into the city. By comparison, New York and Barcelona
provide a place for immigrants to thrive and gain that sense of belonging
they had been searching for.
without simultaneous economic, cultural, and political inclusion, Castaneda contrasts objective integration, government services, and policies in these cities with the lived experience and subjective belonging of immigrants and their descendants. He argues, “the best
possible scenario for natives’ and immigrants’ well-being and peaceful cohabitation is when structural integration and respect for cultural and religious differences accompany legal citizenship and its safety net and political rights. None of the three cities studied provides by itself all of these ideal conditions” (p. 142).
The book documents multiple aspects of integration among Mexicans in
New York City, North Africans in Paris, and North Africans and Latinos in
Barcelona. Drawing on interviews, surveys, and observations in these three global cities, as well as in migrant-sending places in Mexico, Algeria, and Morocco, Castañeda takes the reader through both the historical and contemporary context of the origin and receiving communities, describes the objective and subjective experiences of belonging for each group in each place, and evaluates the factors shaping the similarities and differences that these groups experience across these three places. An additional chapter on the distinct processes of religious expression in each place poignantly illustrates
how the context of reception affects immigrant integration.
The existing political and institutional structures shape two disparate indicators of integration in each city, comparing “objective” data on how immigrants are doing —policies, inclusion on paper—with “subjective” data—by asking immigrants in each setting some basic questions about their integration. Insights from these experiences compare immigrant expectations before emigrating with later perceptions of the state, of civil society groups, and job experiences. The third ambition of A Place
to Call Home is spurning disciplinary boundaries in order to better represent the relevant social context. It draws on literatures from migration studies, political science, sociology, and ethnic studies, creating what perhaps is best called a social history of the recent past.
analysis of subjective and objective dimensions of belonging, A Place to Call Home. Focusing on New York City, Paris, and Barcelona,
Castaneda examines ‘‘urban belonging,’’ which he defines as a ‘‘subjective feeling of belonging that responds to real social integration that includes economic, political, and institutional integration’’ (pp. 5–6).
Based on ethnographic observations and ethnosurveys, Castaneda mostly compares Mexican immigrants in New York, Maghrebin
immigrants (i.e., Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian immigrants) in Paris, and Mexican and Moroccan immigrants in Barcelona.
Beyond focusing on traditional measures of immigrant incorporation, he fuses a macro and micro level analysis to emphasize the importance of feeling at home in each of these cities.
In short, he finds that place matters, as low social integration and urban belonging characterize Paris, but high social integration
and urban belonging characterize New York City and Barcelona. So it is not enough for an immigrant to want to integrate if the context
itself does not allow for it. Such context includes openness to diversity and multiculturalism, avenues for collective action and political voice, economic incorporation, support for migrant and ethnic group organizations, history of migration, and feasibility of life as an undocumented migrant.
Articles must be submitted through the platform on the journal’s website: https://revistapolitica.uchile.cl/ following its editorial guidelines, with a maximum length of 8,000 words. All papers will undergo a double-blind review process. Original articles are welcome in Spanish, English, and Portuguese. Accepted articles will be published in the second issue of December 2023. Article submissions for this issue will be received until September 25, 2023.
If possible, send tentative tile and abstract by February 16 to migrationandhealthspecialissue@gmail.com
implications of the increased solidification of national
borders that we are currently experiencing worldwide. We
invite submissions on:
-The rise of the modern nation-state and the birth of
borders.
-The historical connection between nation-building,
contention, and border policing.
-The spread of discourses around “border security.”
-The military and civilian surveillance of political
borders.
-The effect of border discourse on everyday
interactions away from border regions.
-Theoretical and methodological innovations to
transcend methodological-nationalism.
-Connections between categorical inequality and
immigrant exclusion.
-What could be feasible alternatives to the
international system of nation-states?
We aim to produce a high-quality Special Issue with
contributions from scholars with an active research
agenda. Papers should be written in a clear way with
scholars and students in mind as well as a wider audience.
The paper will be peer-reviewed, and there will be no
publication costs for you.
mdpi.com/si/18267