Après la confirmation, lors des élec¬tions présidentielles et législatives de mai 2023, du mainti... more Après la confirmation, lors des élec¬tions présidentielles et législatives de mai 2023, du maintien de l’hégé¬monie de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan et de la coalition nationaliste-islamiste, l’Alliance du peuple, les élections locales de mars 2024 ont révélé un tableau politique bien différent. Pour la première fois depuis son arrivée au pouvoir en 2002, le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) n’est pas sorti premier d’une élection.
In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between ... more In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between democracy and dictatorship to his binary model of system paradigm. It is an autocratic capitalist system, marked by the dilution of the principle of the separation of powers in favor of a strongman and an institutionalized clientelism. This paper proposes to analyze Kornai’s third modality of economic and political organization in the context of national authoritarian capitalism (NACa), a variety of capitalism with more or less severe forms of authoritarian social control and mobilization of a nationalist culture. The main characteristics of NACa, of which Victor Orban's Hungary is a significant example, are outlined and the question of the stability of that form of government is raised.
Ekonomi politikalarında insan iyiliğini odağa koymak mümkün müdür?, 2020
İktisat düşününde iyiliğin yerine kötülüğün kurucu ilke olması, 18. yüzyılın ilk yarısında, İngi... more İktisat düşününde iyiliğin yerine kötülüğün kurucu ilke olması, 18. yüzyılın ilk yarısında, İngiltere’de, İngiliz Aydınlanması’nın önemli düşünürlerinden Bernard de Mandeville’in yazdığı Arılar Masalı’ndaki meselle başladı. Platon’dan beri felsefenin kilit taşı konumunda olan iyiliğin, güzellik ve adalet gibi ideaları birbirine eklemleyen ideal olduğu fikri, işgal ettiği yüksek konumu Mandeville’in masalındaki ana fikirle kaybetti. (...) Modern iktisat biliminin miladı olarak kabul edilen, liberal ekonomi felsefesinin kurucu kitabı olan Adam Smith’in Milletlerin Zenginliğinin Doğası ve Nedenleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme başlıklı eserinde geliştirdiği bu yaklaşım, yeni bir sekülerleşmiş dinî inancın kapitalizmin gelişmesiyle beraber yerleşmesine yol açtı. Bu, piyasa dini olarak adlandırılabilecek inanç sistemidir. Bu inanç sisteminin ilahiyatı, liberal ekonomi politiktir. Onun bir tür “born again” tarzı radikalleşmiş ve köktencileşmiş versiyonu, 20. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde egemen olan neoliberalizmdir.
Aujourd’hui, un capitalisme autoritaire et nationaliste est à l’œuvre en Chine comme en Russie, e... more Aujourd’hui, un capitalisme autoritaire et nationaliste est à l’œuvre en Chine comme en Russie, en Hongrie comme en Turquie et dans plusieurs pays à régime « populiste-autoritaire ». L’autoritarisme de ces régimes ou les différentes expressions de leur nationalisme ne sont pas leurs seules caractéristiques. Avec une intensité et des modalités différentes, tous fonctionnent par l’imbrication d’un autoritarisme musclé aux pratiques d’un capitalisme de connivence (crony capitalism), mêlées aux pratiques néolibérales et soutenues par le recours abusif à une identité nationale ethnoreligieuse. Il s’agit d’un type de régimes hybrides que nous proposons d’appeler le national-capitalisme autoritaire (NaCA) .
‘Un dono di Dio’. Cosi lo scorso luglio Recep Tayyip Erdogan ebbe a definire il fallito golpe. E,... more ‘Un dono di Dio’. Cosi lo scorso luglio Recep Tayyip Erdogan ebbe a definire il fallito golpe. E, in effetti, dopo gli arresti di massa, le esecuzioni sommarie, il forsennato attacco alla liberta di espressione e l’ulteriore islamizzazione del paese e delle sue istituzioni, risulta evidente come il presidente abbia voluto cogliere al volo la ghiotta occasione offertagli dagli eventi dell’estate 2016 per distruggere la gia fragile democrazia turca. A discutere dell’impasse attuale MicroMega ha invitato due personalita di eccezione: Ahmet Insel, intellettuale ed editore laico e di sinistra, e Can Dundar, giornalista progressista imprigionato dal regime dell’Akp nei mesi scorsi e attualmente in esilio in Germania.
Since the early 2010s, the re-Islamisation of the public sphere has been progressively taking pla... more Since the early 2010s, the re-Islamisation of the public sphere has been progressively taking place in Turkey. The conservative-Muslim party, the AKP (Justice and Development Party), in power since late 2002, is undertaking, under the impetus of its founder-leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, a gradual revision of institutional secular (laiklik) practices. While this policy of re-Islamisation of the public sphere represents a break with the discourse and practice of the public authorities, it is largely carried out within the continuity of the institutions of the so-called secular Republic. The rise of nationalism with a religious connotation that is concomitant with this policy of re-Islamisation is also part of the continuity of the nationalism that founded the Republic, but with a shift in the centre of gravity of national identity from "we Turks" to "we Muslims". This gradual shift has been made possible without any major institutional break-up thanks to the principle of religious majoritarianism, which is embedded in the foundations of the Republic of Turkey.
Would China's economic success and the political progression of Western populisms refer to common... more Would China's economic success and the political progression of Western populisms refer to common references? In both cases, we can see, realized or postulated, the effectiveness of new forms of authoritarian capitalism. In both cases, the national reference is mobilized to legitimize levels of authoritarianism, although quite different. We therefore propose to qualify as National-Authoritarian Capitalism the syndrome that characterizes such varied politicaleconomic experiences, as well as their common denunciation of the model of liberal democracy prevalent in the West. The exploration of the model drawn up by these characteristics, in their political, economic and cultural dimensions, leads to the question: should we see in Western nationalpopulisms an Authoritarian National-Capitalism in perspective?
In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between ... more In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between democracy and dictatorship to his binary model of system paradigm. It is an autocratic capitalist system, marked by the dilution of the principle of the separation of powers in favor of a strongman and an institutionalized clientelism. This paper proposes to analyze Kornai’s third modality of economic and political organization in the context of national authoritarian capitalism (NACa), a variety of capitalism with more or less severe forms of authoritarian social control and mobilization of a nationalist culture. The main characteristics of NACa, of which Victor Orban's Hungary is a significant example, are outlined and the question of the stability of that form of government is raised.
La Revue internationale et stratégique, Jun 3, 2021
Au-delà de sa dimension stratégique, la confrontation sino-états-unienne révèle la rivalité de de... more Au-delà de sa dimension stratégique, la confrontation sino-états-unienne révèle la rivalité de deux modèles politico-économiques assimilable à une rivalité systémique. Acteur majeur de cette confrontation, Donald Trump a cependant été pour Xi Jinping un allié systémique, agissant comme un partenaire dans un monde post-libéral. Les convergences entre le modèle de croissance chinois et les populismes occidentaux peuvent être analysées à travers un système commun d’organisation politico-économique, caractérisé comme le « national-capitalisme autoritaire » (NaCA), utilisant la référence nationale identitaire, creuset de valeurs communes, pour légitimer leur autoritarisme tout en confortant leur adhésion au capitalisme.
Dans cette grande tragédie humanitaire, où les accusations d'actes terroristes, d'organisations ... more Dans cette grande tragédie humanitaire, où les accusations d'actes terroristes, d'organisations terroristes et de terrorisme d'État se succèdent, il convient de ne pas s'arrêter au concept plutôt vague de terrorisme, mais de se référer au répertoire d'actes clairement définis comme des crimes selon le droit international en vigueur.
3(a) of the constitution of the Secretariat General of the National Security Council defines nati... more 3(a) of the constitution of the Secretariat General of the National Security Council defines national security as "the ability to resist with determination attacks and interventions from within and outside of the borders and natural disasters and fires. The full employment of the power, will, and resources of the nation to protect and sustain state authority and to obtain victory in war". Seydi Çelik, The State and the Soldier from the Ottoman Era to Present Day: Locating the Military Bureaucracy within the System (Osmanlı'dan Günümüze Devlet ve Asker: Askeri Bürokrasinin Sistem İçindeki Yeri), p.288. 13 Ibid., Ali Bayramoğlu, p.79 [During this period, the NSC exercised political control outside of its jurisdiction, dealing with matters such as providing amnesty to former Democrat Party politicians who had been barred from political activity, supervising the Justice Party government, and voicing the demands of the military for constitutional change. Furthermore, the NSC expanded the rhetoric on national security and defense to include terms such as 'precautionary measures against the clergy, religious minorities, and the Patriarchate' and 'Armenian propaganda against Turkey.' Finally, the NSC discussed during the same period various events such as Eastern Anatolia meetings and anti-American rallies and reflected on them from a decidedly anti-leftist position. (Ibid. Ali Bayramoğlu, p.79; Ibid. Seydi Çelik, pp.297-325)].
Demokrasi konusunda ortak kabulün önündeki engellerden biri, belki en büyüğü, Türkiye toplumunun,... more Demokrasi konusunda ortak kabulün önündeki engellerden biri, belki en büyüğü, Türkiye toplumunun, toplum olma niteliklerini giderek kaybedip, her kimlik grubunun diğerini veya diğerlerini kendisi için varoluşsal bir tehlike olarak gördüğü, birbirlerine yabancı, hatta düşman gözüyle bakan insan topluluklarının yaşadığı bir alana dönüşmüş olmasıdır. Wilhelm Reich’ın “duygusal veba” olarak tanımladığı bu ruh hali, bugün Türkiye toplumunda baskındır. Reich’ın bireysel analizden toplumsal analize taşıdığı bu patolojik halin kaynaklarını, Reich’ın önerisini genişleterek, ortak korkuların, bitip tükenmeden tekrarlanan gerçek ve hayali geçmiş mağduriyet anlatılarının ürettiği hıncın, erken yaşlardan itibaren öğretilen mitik hikâyelerin ve kulaktan dolma bir tarih anlatısının beslediğini söyleyebiliriz. Duygusal veba toplumsal alanda sürekli gerginlik, patolojik hal almış endişe ve korku, komplo anlatılarına gözü kapalı inanmak ve bunların sonucu olarak diğerini yok etme güdüsünü besler. Bu açıdan, milliyetçilik, yabancı nefreti, farklı olanı kendisi için varoluşsal bir tehdit olarak görmek ve benzeri davranışlar duygusal vebanın tezahürleri olarak, demokrasi için öldürücü birer zehirdirler.
Convivialism as a political and social project can be an answer to the general democratic malaise... more Convivialism as a political and social project can be an answer to the general democratic malaise, namely in northern countries. Yet realising the potentiality of the convivialist project requires that many conditions first be met. Among these, the most urgent is probably the leaving aside of generalised oppositional and catastrophic stances. Convivialism will never sport the standard of future desires without questioning such purely negative voices. Similarly, Convivialism will never be able to transcend the prevailing gloominess if it does not accept to become the vehicle for the re-establishment of societies’ confidence as to their capacities to accomplish desirable changes.
Insel Ahmet. Le jeu d'ombre de la crise et de la dette. In: Tiers-Monde, tome 25, n°99, 1984. La ... more Insel Ahmet. Le jeu d'ombre de la crise et de la dette. In: Tiers-Monde, tome 25, n°99, 1984. La dette du Tiers Monde. pp. 691-700
Après la confirmation, lors des élec¬tions présidentielles et législatives de mai 2023, du mainti... more Après la confirmation, lors des élec¬tions présidentielles et législatives de mai 2023, du maintien de l’hégé¬monie de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan et de la coalition nationaliste-islamiste, l’Alliance du peuple, les élections locales de mars 2024 ont révélé un tableau politique bien différent. Pour la première fois depuis son arrivée au pouvoir en 2002, le Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) n’est pas sorti premier d’une élection.
In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between ... more In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between democracy and dictatorship to his binary model of system paradigm. It is an autocratic capitalist system, marked by the dilution of the principle of the separation of powers in favor of a strongman and an institutionalized clientelism. This paper proposes to analyze Kornai’s third modality of economic and political organization in the context of national authoritarian capitalism (NACa), a variety of capitalism with more or less severe forms of authoritarian social control and mobilization of a nationalist culture. The main characteristics of NACa, of which Victor Orban's Hungary is a significant example, are outlined and the question of the stability of that form of government is raised.
Ekonomi politikalarında insan iyiliğini odağa koymak mümkün müdür?, 2020
İktisat düşününde iyiliğin yerine kötülüğün kurucu ilke olması, 18. yüzyılın ilk yarısında, İngi... more İktisat düşününde iyiliğin yerine kötülüğün kurucu ilke olması, 18. yüzyılın ilk yarısında, İngiltere’de, İngiliz Aydınlanması’nın önemli düşünürlerinden Bernard de Mandeville’in yazdığı Arılar Masalı’ndaki meselle başladı. Platon’dan beri felsefenin kilit taşı konumunda olan iyiliğin, güzellik ve adalet gibi ideaları birbirine eklemleyen ideal olduğu fikri, işgal ettiği yüksek konumu Mandeville’in masalındaki ana fikirle kaybetti. (...) Modern iktisat biliminin miladı olarak kabul edilen, liberal ekonomi felsefesinin kurucu kitabı olan Adam Smith’in Milletlerin Zenginliğinin Doğası ve Nedenleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme başlıklı eserinde geliştirdiği bu yaklaşım, yeni bir sekülerleşmiş dinî inancın kapitalizmin gelişmesiyle beraber yerleşmesine yol açtı. Bu, piyasa dini olarak adlandırılabilecek inanç sistemidir. Bu inanç sisteminin ilahiyatı, liberal ekonomi politiktir. Onun bir tür “born again” tarzı radikalleşmiş ve köktencileşmiş versiyonu, 20. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde egemen olan neoliberalizmdir.
Aujourd’hui, un capitalisme autoritaire et nationaliste est à l’œuvre en Chine comme en Russie, e... more Aujourd’hui, un capitalisme autoritaire et nationaliste est à l’œuvre en Chine comme en Russie, en Hongrie comme en Turquie et dans plusieurs pays à régime « populiste-autoritaire ». L’autoritarisme de ces régimes ou les différentes expressions de leur nationalisme ne sont pas leurs seules caractéristiques. Avec une intensité et des modalités différentes, tous fonctionnent par l’imbrication d’un autoritarisme musclé aux pratiques d’un capitalisme de connivence (crony capitalism), mêlées aux pratiques néolibérales et soutenues par le recours abusif à une identité nationale ethnoreligieuse. Il s’agit d’un type de régimes hybrides que nous proposons d’appeler le national-capitalisme autoritaire (NaCA) .
‘Un dono di Dio’. Cosi lo scorso luglio Recep Tayyip Erdogan ebbe a definire il fallito golpe. E,... more ‘Un dono di Dio’. Cosi lo scorso luglio Recep Tayyip Erdogan ebbe a definire il fallito golpe. E, in effetti, dopo gli arresti di massa, le esecuzioni sommarie, il forsennato attacco alla liberta di espressione e l’ulteriore islamizzazione del paese e delle sue istituzioni, risulta evidente come il presidente abbia voluto cogliere al volo la ghiotta occasione offertagli dagli eventi dell’estate 2016 per distruggere la gia fragile democrazia turca. A discutere dell’impasse attuale MicroMega ha invitato due personalita di eccezione: Ahmet Insel, intellettuale ed editore laico e di sinistra, e Can Dundar, giornalista progressista imprigionato dal regime dell’Akp nei mesi scorsi e attualmente in esilio in Germania.
Since the early 2010s, the re-Islamisation of the public sphere has been progressively taking pla... more Since the early 2010s, the re-Islamisation of the public sphere has been progressively taking place in Turkey. The conservative-Muslim party, the AKP (Justice and Development Party), in power since late 2002, is undertaking, under the impetus of its founder-leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, a gradual revision of institutional secular (laiklik) practices. While this policy of re-Islamisation of the public sphere represents a break with the discourse and practice of the public authorities, it is largely carried out within the continuity of the institutions of the so-called secular Republic. The rise of nationalism with a religious connotation that is concomitant with this policy of re-Islamisation is also part of the continuity of the nationalism that founded the Republic, but with a shift in the centre of gravity of national identity from "we Turks" to "we Muslims". This gradual shift has been made possible without any major institutional break-up thanks to the principle of religious majoritarianism, which is embedded in the foundations of the Republic of Turkey.
Would China's economic success and the political progression of Western populisms refer to common... more Would China's economic success and the political progression of Western populisms refer to common references? In both cases, we can see, realized or postulated, the effectiveness of new forms of authoritarian capitalism. In both cases, the national reference is mobilized to legitimize levels of authoritarianism, although quite different. We therefore propose to qualify as National-Authoritarian Capitalism the syndrome that characterizes such varied politicaleconomic experiences, as well as their common denunciation of the model of liberal democracy prevalent in the West. The exploration of the model drawn up by these characteristics, in their political, economic and cultural dimensions, leads to the question: should we see in Western nationalpopulisms an Authoritarian National-Capitalism in perspective?
In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between ... more In an article published in 2016, János Kornai proposes to add a third form of governance between democracy and dictatorship to his binary model of system paradigm. It is an autocratic capitalist system, marked by the dilution of the principle of the separation of powers in favor of a strongman and an institutionalized clientelism. This paper proposes to analyze Kornai’s third modality of economic and political organization in the context of national authoritarian capitalism (NACa), a variety of capitalism with more or less severe forms of authoritarian social control and mobilization of a nationalist culture. The main characteristics of NACa, of which Victor Orban's Hungary is a significant example, are outlined and the question of the stability of that form of government is raised.
La Revue internationale et stratégique, Jun 3, 2021
Au-delà de sa dimension stratégique, la confrontation sino-états-unienne révèle la rivalité de de... more Au-delà de sa dimension stratégique, la confrontation sino-états-unienne révèle la rivalité de deux modèles politico-économiques assimilable à une rivalité systémique. Acteur majeur de cette confrontation, Donald Trump a cependant été pour Xi Jinping un allié systémique, agissant comme un partenaire dans un monde post-libéral. Les convergences entre le modèle de croissance chinois et les populismes occidentaux peuvent être analysées à travers un système commun d’organisation politico-économique, caractérisé comme le « national-capitalisme autoritaire » (NaCA), utilisant la référence nationale identitaire, creuset de valeurs communes, pour légitimer leur autoritarisme tout en confortant leur adhésion au capitalisme.
Dans cette grande tragédie humanitaire, où les accusations d'actes terroristes, d'organisations ... more Dans cette grande tragédie humanitaire, où les accusations d'actes terroristes, d'organisations terroristes et de terrorisme d'État se succèdent, il convient de ne pas s'arrêter au concept plutôt vague de terrorisme, mais de se référer au répertoire d'actes clairement définis comme des crimes selon le droit international en vigueur.
3(a) of the constitution of the Secretariat General of the National Security Council defines nati... more 3(a) of the constitution of the Secretariat General of the National Security Council defines national security as "the ability to resist with determination attacks and interventions from within and outside of the borders and natural disasters and fires. The full employment of the power, will, and resources of the nation to protect and sustain state authority and to obtain victory in war". Seydi Çelik, The State and the Soldier from the Ottoman Era to Present Day: Locating the Military Bureaucracy within the System (Osmanlı'dan Günümüze Devlet ve Asker: Askeri Bürokrasinin Sistem İçindeki Yeri), p.288. 13 Ibid., Ali Bayramoğlu, p.79 [During this period, the NSC exercised political control outside of its jurisdiction, dealing with matters such as providing amnesty to former Democrat Party politicians who had been barred from political activity, supervising the Justice Party government, and voicing the demands of the military for constitutional change. Furthermore, the NSC expanded the rhetoric on national security and defense to include terms such as 'precautionary measures against the clergy, religious minorities, and the Patriarchate' and 'Armenian propaganda against Turkey.' Finally, the NSC discussed during the same period various events such as Eastern Anatolia meetings and anti-American rallies and reflected on them from a decidedly anti-leftist position. (Ibid. Ali Bayramoğlu, p.79; Ibid. Seydi Çelik, pp.297-325)].
Demokrasi konusunda ortak kabulün önündeki engellerden biri, belki en büyüğü, Türkiye toplumunun,... more Demokrasi konusunda ortak kabulün önündeki engellerden biri, belki en büyüğü, Türkiye toplumunun, toplum olma niteliklerini giderek kaybedip, her kimlik grubunun diğerini veya diğerlerini kendisi için varoluşsal bir tehlike olarak gördüğü, birbirlerine yabancı, hatta düşman gözüyle bakan insan topluluklarının yaşadığı bir alana dönüşmüş olmasıdır. Wilhelm Reich’ın “duygusal veba” olarak tanımladığı bu ruh hali, bugün Türkiye toplumunda baskındır. Reich’ın bireysel analizden toplumsal analize taşıdığı bu patolojik halin kaynaklarını, Reich’ın önerisini genişleterek, ortak korkuların, bitip tükenmeden tekrarlanan gerçek ve hayali geçmiş mağduriyet anlatılarının ürettiği hıncın, erken yaşlardan itibaren öğretilen mitik hikâyelerin ve kulaktan dolma bir tarih anlatısının beslediğini söyleyebiliriz. Duygusal veba toplumsal alanda sürekli gerginlik, patolojik hal almış endişe ve korku, komplo anlatılarına gözü kapalı inanmak ve bunların sonucu olarak diğerini yok etme güdüsünü besler. Bu açıdan, milliyetçilik, yabancı nefreti, farklı olanı kendisi için varoluşsal bir tehdit olarak görmek ve benzeri davranışlar duygusal vebanın tezahürleri olarak, demokrasi için öldürücü birer zehirdirler.
Convivialism as a political and social project can be an answer to the general democratic malaise... more Convivialism as a political and social project can be an answer to the general democratic malaise, namely in northern countries. Yet realising the potentiality of the convivialist project requires that many conditions first be met. Among these, the most urgent is probably the leaving aside of generalised oppositional and catastrophic stances. Convivialism will never sport the standard of future desires without questioning such purely negative voices. Similarly, Convivialism will never be able to transcend the prevailing gloominess if it does not accept to become the vehicle for the re-establishment of societies’ confidence as to their capacities to accomplish desirable changes.
Insel Ahmet. Le jeu d'ombre de la crise et de la dette. In: Tiers-Monde, tome 25, n°99, 1984. La ... more Insel Ahmet. Le jeu d'ombre de la crise et de la dette. In: Tiers-Monde, tome 25, n°99, 1984. La dette du Tiers Monde. pp. 691-700
Would China's economic success and the political progression of Western populisms refer to common... more Would China's economic success and the political progression of Western populisms refer to common references? In both cases, we can see, realized or postulated, the effectiveness of new forms of authoritarian capitalism. In both cases, the national reference is mobilized to legitimize levels of authoritarianism, although quite different. We therefore propose to qualify as National-Authoritarian Capitalism the syndrome that characterizes such varied politicaleconomic experiences, as well as their common denunciation of the model of liberal democracy prevalent in the West. The exploration of the model drawn up by these characteristics, in their political, economic and cultural dimensions, leads to the question: should we see in Western nationalpopulisms an Authoritarian National-Capitalism in perspective?
Je vais essayer de vous présenter quelques remarques qui ne relèvent pas d'une réflexion philosop... more Je vais essayer de vous présenter quelques remarques qui ne relèvent pas d'une réflexion philosophique, je ne suis pas philosophe. Par rapport au texte très riche de Giovanni, ma présentation va être plutôt une réflexion personnelle à partir de mes propres pratiques dans les luttes sociales en Turquie et de mes observations journalistiques. Je vais essayer de le faire en deux étapes.
Intervention dans la soirée organisée par Isabelle Hibou et en hommage à Osman Kavala.
Une des c... more Intervention dans la soirée organisée par Isabelle Hibou et en hommage à Osman Kavala. Une des caractéristiques des régimes autoritaires est la domination de l'incertitude, le règne de l'incertain. D'absence de règles solides et durables. Dans ces régimes,on peut à la fois avoir des centaines de journalistes en prison et des journaux, des revues, des livres oppositionnels continuer à être publiés, diffusés, certes avec de grandes difficultés mais arriver à survivre tant qu'ils ne sont explicitement interdits. L'autoritarisme impose la suspension dans le temps, l'attente comme celui des milliers de priosonniers détenus sans savoir souvent pourquoi. C'est le cas de Osman Kavala.
Ahmet Insel : « Les facteurs endogènes et exogènes de l'autoritarisme du parti d'Erdogan » Merci ... more Ahmet Insel : « Les facteurs endogènes et exogènes de l'autoritarisme du parti d'Erdogan » Merci Hamit Bozarslan et merci beaucoup à l'Institut d'avoir organisé cet après-midi ce débat dans une période aussi charnière pour la Turquie. J'ai dit période charnière mais au fond toutes les périodes et quasiment tous les jours ont été vécues comme charnières, comme des moments très critiques en Turquie depuis mon enfance; c'est pourquoi on peut aussi soutenir que la séquence actuelle n'a peut-être pas une importance extraordinaire dans cette permanence de l'extraordinaire. Je crois quand même qu'aujourd'hui nous vivons un moment bien plus critique que les moments critiques ordinaires. Je vais essayer d'apporter quelques éléments de réflexion sur les dynamiques d'autoritarisme de l'AKP et du règne d'Erdogan. La plupart de ces éléments vous les connaissez aussi bien que moi. Je vais essayer de les résumer en deux étapes. Dans un premier temps, je vais essayer de résumer les facteurs d'autoritarisme propres à la sociologie de l'AKP et à la personnalité d'Erdogan, c'est-à-dire les facteurs endogènes d'autoritarisme. Dans un second temps, je vais essayer de rappeler les facteurs qui facilitent l'autoritarisme de l'AKP d'Erdogan et qui sont ancrés dans la société turque. Autrement dit quels sont les facteurs plus ou moins exogènes à l'AKP mais qui facilitent l'exercice de ce pouvoir autoritaire par Erdogan.
Dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, le concept de populisme était utilisé pour désigner des mou... more Dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, le concept de populisme était utilisé pour désigner des mouvements et des partis politiques plutôt marginaux, sauf en Amérique latine et notamment en Argentine où il était bien ancré socialement et débattu passionnellement. Au tournant du siècle cette situation a sensiblement changé. Nous assistons depuis deux décennies à l'éclosion des mouvements politiques taxés de populisme à peu près partout dans le monde et à leur accession au pouvoir dans nombre de cas. D'où la multiplication avec une vitesse exponentielle des études sur le(s) populisme(s) dans une large diversité de définition et d'approche pour appréhender ce phénomène politico-social qui se présente sous des multiples formes.
The English translation of the chapter I and II of Le nationalcapitalisme autoritaire: une menace... more The English translation of the chapter I and II of Le nationalcapitalisme autoritaire: une menace pour la démocratie by Pierre-Yves Hénin et Ahmet İnsel, Editions Bleu autour, 2021. Russia's war in Ukraine has revealed a rift between Western countries, supporters of a liberal and democratic international order, and a non-Western world reluctant to condemn the aggression and refuse to apply sanctions. This shows the geopolitical impact of the opposition between democratic and liberal capitalism and a rival regime that can be described as National Authoritarian Capitalism, (NACa) or Authoritarian National Capitalism. The NACa model, through its Western populist emulators, from Trump to Orban, is also fuelling opposition to the support given to Ukraine. In this troubled context, we wanted to make accessible to the Englishspeaking reader a description that we made of the national authoritarian capitalism in a book published in French.
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Modern iktisat biliminin miladı olarak kabul edilen, liberal ekonomi felsefesinin kurucu kitabı olan Adam Smith’in Milletlerin Zenginliğinin Doğası ve Nedenleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme başlıklı eserinde geliştirdiği bu yaklaşım, yeni bir sekülerleşmiş dinî inancın kapitalizmin gelişmesiyle beraber yerleşmesine yol açtı. Bu, piyasa dini olarak adlandırılabilecek inanç sistemidir. Bu inanç sisteminin ilahiyatı, liberal ekonomi politiktir. Onun bir tür “born again” tarzı radikalleşmiş ve köktencileşmiş versiyonu, 20. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde egemen olan neoliberalizmdir.
Modern iktisat biliminin miladı olarak kabul edilen, liberal ekonomi felsefesinin kurucu kitabı olan Adam Smith’in Milletlerin Zenginliğinin Doğası ve Nedenleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme başlıklı eserinde geliştirdiği bu yaklaşım, yeni bir sekülerleşmiş dinî inancın kapitalizmin gelişmesiyle beraber yerleşmesine yol açtı. Bu, piyasa dini olarak adlandırılabilecek inanç sistemidir. Bu inanç sisteminin ilahiyatı, liberal ekonomi politiktir. Onun bir tür “born again” tarzı radikalleşmiş ve köktencileşmiş versiyonu, 20. yüzyılın son çeyreğinde egemen olan neoliberalizmdir.
Une des caractéristiques des régimes autoritaires est la domination de l'incertitude, le règne de l'incertain. D'absence de règles solides et durables. Dans ces régimes,on peut à la fois avoir des centaines de journalistes en prison et des journaux, des revues, des livres oppositionnels continuer à être publiés, diffusés, certes avec de grandes difficultés mais arriver à survivre tant qu'ils ne sont explicitement interdits. L'autoritarisme impose la suspension dans le temps, l'attente comme celui des milliers de priosonniers détenus sans savoir souvent pourquoi. C'est le cas de Osman Kavala.