PhD Dissertation by Juha Kuokkala
This dissertation examines the distribution and variation of certain derivational verb types in t... more This dissertation examines the distribution and variation of certain derivational verb types in the Saami languages and, on the basis of that, assesses the historical background of the verb types. The study is based on extensive lexical material covering the whole Saami language area. The verbs belonging to each derivational type have been gathered from the material, and their likely base words or derivational correlates have been identified. A key objective of the investigation is to determine how the derivational types can be divided into subtypes based on the semantics on the one hand and the morphotaxis on the other, that is, what kind of bases the derivational suffixes attach to and what kind of morphophonological alternations they trigger in the base and at the border of the base and the suffix. A further objective is to determine the frequencies of each derivational type and subtype in the data from different Saami languages and pinpoint the areal distributions of single derivatives. The quantitative data on type frequencies should be taken as indicative, since the base material varies greatly from one Saami language to another in terms of both quantity and quality.
The dissertation consists of five original publications and a concluding chapter. The first two publications examine inchoative derivatives, in other words, derivatives denoting the beginning of the action indicated by the base verb. For the most widely used Saami inchoative suffix *-koatē- (North Saami -goahtit) and its longer variant *-(č/š)koatē- (North Saami -šgoahtit), the connections to Veps and Mordvin inchoative suffixes suggested in previous scholarship are shown to be unlikely, and it is argued that the *-koatē- suffix instead has its origin in the lexical verb *poatē- (North Saami boahtit ‘to come’). The initial consonant č/š in the longer suffix variant, then, is shown to descend from the frequentative suffix *-(e̮)kče̮-, which still occurs as an independent inchoative suffix -ahtja- ~ -áhtja- in the western Saami languages. Several other Saami derivational suffixes with an inchoative function also have a more original function expressing frequentative or momentative actionality or, in other cases, a passive-automative or translative function.
The last three publications investigate the various derivational types that have an -š- suffix in North Saami or other Saami languages. The frequentative derivatives in *-(e̮)kče̮- : *-(e̮)hče̮- (e.g. North Saami váccašit ‘to walk slowly or to and fro’) are known to be of the same Uralic descent as Finnish -(e)ksi-, for instance. A new finding is that the *-(e̮)hče̮- suffix, which previously has been presented to only attach to *ē-stems (North Saami i-stems), also widely attaches to *e̮- and *ō-stems in Kildin and Ter Saami, marginally also in some other Saami varieties. The reconstruction of the censive type, as in North Saami guhkášit ‘to consider (too) long’, to the Proto-Saami *-kše̮- suffix is corroborated by such already rare or obsolete quadrisyllabic derivatives as Inari Saami sevŋâdšukšâđ ‘to consider too dark’ and North Saami garasšakšit ‘to criticize as too hard’. The derivational type appears to be a borrowing from the Finnic (Finnish) kummeksua ‘to consider odd’, halveksia ‘to despise’ censive type. A considerably younger borrowed type (postdating Proto-Saami) comprises such rather narrowly distributed verbs that have a suffix of the type *-e̮šše̮- or *-āšše̮- and still mostly represent fully transparent loans such as dárbbašit (‘to need’, cf. Finnish tarvitse- id.) and ánssášit (‘to earn, to deserve’, cf. Finnish ansaitse- id.), which have a suffix adapted from the *-(a)icce- suffix of their Finnic originals, with the support of the existing Saami verbal suffix *-še̮. The *-še̮- suffix, for its part, has developed several distinctive subtypes, of which the *-uše̮- type contains essive derivatives in particular, such as North Saami jalˈlošit ‘to play the fool’, and the *-āše̮- type appears to have been an established type already in Proto-Saami, producing such continuative-essive posture verbs as South Saami vealasjidh, North Saami vealˈlát ‘to lie’ and verbs denoting the appearance of the subject, such as South Saami vealkasjidh, North Saami vielgát ‘to appear, shine white’. The derivative suffixes *-uše̮- and *-e̮še̮- nevertheless have a multitude of functions, and especially in South Saami they also form deverbal (frequentative) verbs. It is proposed in the dissertation that the *-(V)še̮- type might originally be primarily deverbal and, as a Proto-Saami type, may have a loan origin in the Proto-Finnic frequentative verb type represented by the modern Finnish continuative verbs värise- ‘to tremble’, helise- ‘to jingle’.
Papers by Juha Kuokkala
Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri / Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics, Oct 10, 2023
The article presents a comparative-historical survey on Saami verbal derivatives with a suffixal ... more The article presents a comparative-historical survey on Saami verbal derivatives with a suffixal *-š- (or *-šš-), based on extensive dictionary data from all Saami languages. The derivatives are divided into several subtypes using structural and functional criteria, and the distribution of each subtype as well as shared derivatives between Saami languages are investigated in order to illuminate the background of each subtype and their interrelations. It is argued that the essive verbs in *-āše̮- (South Saami vealkasjidh ‘appear white’) and denominal verbs in *-uše̮- (North Saami jallošit ‘play the fool’) as well as the diverse *-(e̮)še̮- verbs in the more peripheral languages descend from a single Proto-Saami *-še̮- derivative suffix with a general verbalizer function. The model of this type has probably also contributed to the emergence of the weak-grade *-Všše̮- type, which mainly consists of borrowings adapted from Finnic *-icce- verbs, such as North Saami dárbbašit (~ Finnish tarvitse-) ‘need’.
Multilingual Facilitation: Honoring the career of Jack Rueter, 2021
A survey of Saami *-(e̮)hče̮ frequentative verbs is made based on dictionary data from all Saami ... more A survey of Saami *-(e̮)hče̮ frequentative verbs is made based on dictionary data from all Saami languages. The analysis of their base verbs shows that in most of the languages, the frequentative derivatives are not restricted to *ē-stem bases as in North Saami; specifically in Skolt and Kildin Saami, the derivational type seems to be productive on *e̮-and *ō-stems as well.
Itämeren kieliapajilta Volgan verkoille: Pühendusteos Riho Grünthalile 22. mail 2024 (Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 278), 2024
The article deals with Saami nominal derivational suffixes of the type *-lmV, *-lmVs (e.g. Skolt ... more The article deals with Saami nominal derivational suffixes of the type *-lmV, *-lmVs (e.g. Skolt Saami cõõggâlm ‘prop’ and North Saami buozalmas ‘illness’) and their variant suffixes *-lvV, *-lvVs (e.g. Skolt Saami kuõddâlv ~ kuõddâlm ‘griffin’, Lule Saami gatjálvis ‘question’ and Ume Saami buatsalvis ‘illness’). These derivatives are usually verb-based nouns, although especially in North Saami, an adjectival use is also common (e.g. beakkálmas ‘famous, well-known’). Mainly on the basis of dictionary data, the distributions of the suffix variants and single derivatives in different Saami languages are charted as well as the semantics and the types of bases for the derivatives. An attempt is made to reconstruct the historical background of the derivational type, and a more recent developments are observed particularly in Skolt Saami, where the -lm-suffix has become a productive means of loanword nativization and neologism formation.
[Article full text is available at the publisher's site through the DOI link.]
Nordlyd, 2022
The article discusses Saami censive verbs containing the suffixal element -š-, such as North Saam... more The article discusses Saami censive verbs containing the suffixal element -š-, such as North Saami guhkášit ‘consider (too) long’ (of guhkki ‘long’). The occurrence of individual derivatives and derivational subtypes across the Saami languages are studied on the basis of extensive dictionary data, and the outlines of the historical development of the derivational type are sketched. Considering the Inari Saami verbs of type viššâlšukšâđ ‘consider diligent’ and data from past centuries, it is argued that the derivational type goes back to Proto-Saami *-kše̮-, which, in turn, is a loan suffix from Finnic (cf. Finnish kummeksua ‘find something odd’ ← kumma ‘odd’, halveksia ‘despise’ ← halpa ‘cheap’).
Petri Kallio Rocks: Liber semisaecularis 7.2.2019, 2019
The article proposes that at least three Saami words, (North Saami) geaidnu ‘way’, eaimmaskas ‘st... more The article proposes that at least three Saami words, (North Saami) geaidnu ‘way’, eaimmaskas ‘strange, stupid’ and seaivut ‘to land, settle (of bird)’ are borrowings from a late Proto-Scandinavian idiom which had been at least partly gone through the diphthong assimilation ai > æi (> ei). A relatively early borrowing is suggested by the re-borrowing of the Saami words into inland Finnish (geaidnu → keino; eaimmaskas ~ eaibmi → äimä ~ äimiskö etc.). Saami veaigi ‘dusk, twilight’ may also belong to the same layer of loanwords.
Holopainen & Saarikivi (ed.), Περὶ ὀρθότητος ἐτύμων. Uusiutuva uralilainen etymologia. Uralica Helsingiensia 11, 2018
In the current article, a critical analysis is conducted of the corpus of proposed Finnic-Saamic ... more In the current article, a critical analysis is conducted of the corpus of proposed Finnic-Saamic etymological cognates showing second-syllable labial vowels in both language groups. The data is taken from the etymological dictionary Suomen sanojen alkuperä (SSA, 1992–2000) and assessed in the light of current research on Uralic sound history and language contacts. The analysis reveals that more than half of the cognate pairs previously suggested by SSA cannot be regarded as actual cognates including their stem vowels, but should instead be viewed as the results of loan contacts and parallel developments. There are, however, a dozen cognate pairs with sound correspondences undeniably showing inheritance from a common protolanguage and thus suggesting that the development of second-syllable labial vowels may have originated in a common Finno-Saamic protolanguage, even if their wider adoption in the phonological and morphological systems of these languages did not take place until later.
A nyelvtörténeti kutatások újabb eredményei IX. (ed. Forgács T. – Németh M. – Sinkovics B.), 2017
The article discusses non-initial-syllable labial vowels of Indo-European loanwords in Uralic lan... more The article discusses non-initial-syllable labial vowels of Indo-European loanwords in Uralic languages (mainly Finnic and Saami). Loanword layers of different age (Germanic, Baltic, Indo-Iranian, Proto-Indo-European) are examined to find out, how early the labial vowels (o, u) have been used in loan substitutions. Although there is some indication of labial vowel substitution for source language labials even in the older loanword layers (e.g. PU *asora 'master' ← II *asura-, PU *paksu 'thick' ← PI *badzu-), regular substitution patterns can be observed only gradually in the Baltic and Germanic layers.
Communications in Computer and Information Science, 2013
Named entity recognition (NER), search, classification and tagging of names and name like frequen... more Named entity recognition (NER), search, classification and tagging of names and name like frequent informational elements in texts, has become a standard information extraction procedure for textual data. NER has been applied to many types of texts and different types of entities: newspapers, fiction, historical records, persons, locations, chemical compounds, protein families, animals etc. In general a NER system's performance is genre and domain dependent and also used entity categories vary [1]. The most general set of named entities is usually some version of three partite categorization of locations, persons and organizations. In this paper we report first trials and evaluation of NER with data out of a digitized Finnish historical newspaper collection Digi. Digi collection contains 1,960,921 pages of newspaper material from years 1771– 1910 both in Finnish and Swedish. We use only material of Finnish documents in our evaluation. The OCRed newspaper collection has lots of OCR errors; its estimated word level correctness is about 74–75 % [2]. Our principal NER tag-ger is a rule-based tagger of Finnish, FiNER, provided by the FIN-CLARIN consortium. We show also results of limited category semantic tagging with tools of the Semantic Computing Research Group (SeCo) of the Aalto University. FiNER is able to achieve up to 60.0 F-score with named entities in the evaluation data. Seco's tools achieve 30.0–60.0 F-score with locations and persons. Performance of FiNER and SeCo's tools with the data shows that at best about half of named entities can be recognized even in a quite erroneous OCRed text.
Drafts by Juha Kuokkala
Named Entity Recognition (NER), search, classification and tagging of names and name like frequen... more Named Entity Recognition (NER), search, classification and tagging of names and name like frequent informational elements in texts, has become a standard information extraction procedure for textual data. NER has been applied to many types of texts and different types of entities: newspapers, fiction, historical records, persons, locations, chemical compounds, protein families, animals etc. In general a NER system's performance is genre and domain dependent and also used entity categories vary (Nadeau and Sekine, 2007). The most general set of named entities is usually some version of three partite categorization of locations, persons and organizations. In this paper we report first large scale trials and evaluation of NER with data out of a digitized Finnish historical newspaper collection Digi. Experiments, results and discussion of this research serve development of the Web collection of historical Finnish newspapers. Digi collection contains 1,960,921 pages of newspaper material from years 1771–1910 both in Finnish and Swedish. We use only material of Finnish documents in our evaluation. The OCRed newspaper collection has lots of OCR errors ; its estimated word level correctness is about 70–75 % (Kettunen and Pääkkönen, 2016). Our principal NER tagger is a rule-based tagger of Finnish, FiNER, provided by the FIN-CLARIN consortium. We show also results of limited category semantic tagging with tools of the Semantic Computing Research Group (SeCo) of the Aalto University. Three other tools are also evaluated briefly. This research reports first published large scale results of NER in a historical Finnish OCRed newspaper collection. Results of the research supplement NER
Theses by Juha Kuokkala
Report of a field trip to Vuokkiniemi (Republic of Karelia, Russian Federation) in 2004, by Juha ... more Report of a field trip to Vuokkiniemi (Republic of Karelia, Russian Federation) in 2004, by Juha Kuokkala, Sonja Laitinen, Tarja Melin, Outi Pynnönen & Kirsimaria Riikola.
(Seminar paper / Bachelor's Thesis)
Conference Presentations by Juha Kuokkala
A presentation at XLIX Kielitieteen päivät, Oulu (2023-05-26) on Scandinavian/Norse loanwords in ... more A presentation at XLIX Kielitieteen päivät, Oulu (2023-05-26) on Scandinavian/Norse loanwords in Saami, particularly on their dating criteria and the source forms.
CIFU XIII: Congressus XIII Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum
In the established Proto-Uralic reconstruction, a detransitivizing verbal suffix *-w is reconstru... more In the established Proto-Uralic reconstruction, a detransitivizing verbal suffix *-w is reconstructed on the basis of the Saami -ōj ~ -uvv- (SaaN oidnot ‘to be seen’, čuolbmaduvvat ‘to get entangled’), Finnic -u/-ü (Fi. kuulua ‘to be heard’), Mordvin -v (Erza ńejavoms ‘to be seen’) automative/passive suffixes and the Mansi passive marker -w (Middle Konda teewø ‘he gets eaten’). In Finnic languages, the suffix has a variant -pu/-pü, usually occurring after a long stressed root syllable as in Fi. juopua ‘to get drunk’, but in Livonian also after bisyllabic roots, e.g. rikābõ ‘to get broken, spoiled’. This variant has sometimes been addressed in the literature as a “strong grade” form of -u/-ü, though more often as prothesized or based on the -pa/-pä participle. As more substantive evidence in favor of the “strong grade variant” hypothesis has apparently not been presented before, a survey is conducted in the current presentation to find out whether there are grouds for reconstructing a detransitivizing Uralic *-p(V) suffix and what relationship this kind of a suffix may have to the traditional set of *-w suffixes. In particular, possible unnoticed cases of ancient consonant-stem derivatives are scrutinized, such as SaaS gåarpodh ‘to get ice crust (of water)’ ~ SaaL goarre ‘hoarfrost’ (< PU *kari ‘skin, bark’) and Liv. kuorbõ, Est. kõrbeda, Erza kurvams ‘to burn (intr.)’ ~ SaaN goardit ‘to heat, roast’. Finally, the implications of reconstructing *-p instead of or in parallel with *-w are discussed, considering the overall picture of Proto-Uralic morphology as well as the possible solutions offered to the problem of divergent reflexes of inherited labial vowel suffixes in Saami and Finnic.
Talk at the workshop Word formation in diachrony, 19th International Morphology Meeting, Vienna, ... more Talk at the workshop Word formation in diachrony, 19th International Morphology Meeting, Vienna, 7 February 2020.
Book Reviews by Juha Kuokkala
Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen, 2020
1 Uusi uumajansaamen yleissanakirja Henrik Barruk: Báhkuogirjjie. Ubmejesámien-dáruon, Dáruon-ubm... more 1 Uusi uumajansaamen yleissanakirja Henrik Barruk: Báhkuogirjjie. Ubmejesámien-dáruon, Dáruon-ubmejesámien = Ordbok. Umesamisk-svensk, Svensk-umesamisk. Umeå 2018. 301 s.
Edited Books by Juha Kuokkala
Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 278, May 22, 2024
Tämä juhlakirja koostuu neljästäkymmenestäkolmesta professori Riho Grünthalin (s. 22.5.1964) 60-v... more Tämä juhlakirja koostuu neljästäkymmenestäkolmesta professori Riho Grünthalin (s. 22.5.1964) 60-vuotispäiväksi kirjoitetusta lahjasta. Opiskelu- ja työtoverit sekä oppilaat tarkastelevat artikkeleissaan uralilaisen kielikunnan eri haaroja sekä kielten ja puhujayhteisöjen esihistoriaa. Kirjoituksissa käsitellään Grünthalille läheisiä aiheita. Tutkitaan esimerkiksi itämerensuomea ja sen etnonyymeja, mordvalaiskieliä, etymologiaa ja kielten kehitystä. Huomion kohteena ovat myös kielikontaktit, kielitypologia ja -sosiologia sekä empiirisen kielenaineksen keräämiseksi ja kieliyhteisön tutkimiseksi tehtävät kenttätyöt. Teos sisältää myös kollegan kirjoittaman lämpimän aikalaismuistelun ja Grünthalin julkaisuluettelon.
See pühendusraamat koosneb neljakümne kolmest professor Riho Grünthali (s. 22.5.1964) 60. juubeliks kirjutatud kingitusest. Tudengipõlve sõbrad, töökaaslased ja õpilased vaatlevad oma artiklites Uurali keelkonna erinevaid harusid ning ka keelte ja nende kõnelejate kollektiivide eelajalugu. Kirjutistes käsitletakse Grünthalile lähedasi teemasid. Näiteks on arutluse all läänemeresoome keeled ja etnonüümid, mordva keeled, etümoloogia ja keelte areng. Samuti pälvivad tähelepanu keelekontaktid, keeletüpoloogia ja -sotsioloogia ning empiirilise keeleainese kogumiseks ja keelekogukonna uurimiseks tehtavad välitööd. Teos sisaldab ka kolleegi poolt kirjutatud sooja meenutust ning Grünthali bibliograafiat.
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PhD Dissertation by Juha Kuokkala
The dissertation consists of five original publications and a concluding chapter. The first two publications examine inchoative derivatives, in other words, derivatives denoting the beginning of the action indicated by the base verb. For the most widely used Saami inchoative suffix *-koatē- (North Saami -goahtit) and its longer variant *-(č/š)koatē- (North Saami -šgoahtit), the connections to Veps and Mordvin inchoative suffixes suggested in previous scholarship are shown to be unlikely, and it is argued that the *-koatē- suffix instead has its origin in the lexical verb *poatē- (North Saami boahtit ‘to come’). The initial consonant č/š in the longer suffix variant, then, is shown to descend from the frequentative suffix *-(e̮)kče̮-, which still occurs as an independent inchoative suffix -ahtja- ~ -áhtja- in the western Saami languages. Several other Saami derivational suffixes with an inchoative function also have a more original function expressing frequentative or momentative actionality or, in other cases, a passive-automative or translative function.
The last three publications investigate the various derivational types that have an -š- suffix in North Saami or other Saami languages. The frequentative derivatives in *-(e̮)kče̮- : *-(e̮)hče̮- (e.g. North Saami váccašit ‘to walk slowly or to and fro’) are known to be of the same Uralic descent as Finnish -(e)ksi-, for instance. A new finding is that the *-(e̮)hče̮- suffix, which previously has been presented to only attach to *ē-stems (North Saami i-stems), also widely attaches to *e̮- and *ō-stems in Kildin and Ter Saami, marginally also in some other Saami varieties. The reconstruction of the censive type, as in North Saami guhkášit ‘to consider (too) long’, to the Proto-Saami *-kše̮- suffix is corroborated by such already rare or obsolete quadrisyllabic derivatives as Inari Saami sevŋâdšukšâđ ‘to consider too dark’ and North Saami garasšakšit ‘to criticize as too hard’. The derivational type appears to be a borrowing from the Finnic (Finnish) kummeksua ‘to consider odd’, halveksia ‘to despise’ censive type. A considerably younger borrowed type (postdating Proto-Saami) comprises such rather narrowly distributed verbs that have a suffix of the type *-e̮šše̮- or *-āšše̮- and still mostly represent fully transparent loans such as dárbbašit (‘to need’, cf. Finnish tarvitse- id.) and ánssášit (‘to earn, to deserve’, cf. Finnish ansaitse- id.), which have a suffix adapted from the *-(a)icce- suffix of their Finnic originals, with the support of the existing Saami verbal suffix *-še̮. The *-še̮- suffix, for its part, has developed several distinctive subtypes, of which the *-uše̮- type contains essive derivatives in particular, such as North Saami jalˈlošit ‘to play the fool’, and the *-āše̮- type appears to have been an established type already in Proto-Saami, producing such continuative-essive posture verbs as South Saami vealasjidh, North Saami vealˈlát ‘to lie’ and verbs denoting the appearance of the subject, such as South Saami vealkasjidh, North Saami vielgát ‘to appear, shine white’. The derivative suffixes *-uše̮- and *-e̮še̮- nevertheless have a multitude of functions, and especially in South Saami they also form deverbal (frequentative) verbs. It is proposed in the dissertation that the *-(V)še̮- type might originally be primarily deverbal and, as a Proto-Saami type, may have a loan origin in the Proto-Finnic frequentative verb type represented by the modern Finnish continuative verbs värise- ‘to tremble’, helise- ‘to jingle’.
Papers by Juha Kuokkala
[Article full text is available at the publisher's site through the DOI link.]
Drafts by Juha Kuokkala
Theses by Juha Kuokkala
Conference Presentations by Juha Kuokkala
Book Reviews by Juha Kuokkala
Edited Books by Juha Kuokkala
See pühendusraamat koosneb neljakümne kolmest professor Riho Grünthali (s. 22.5.1964) 60. juubeliks kirjutatud kingitusest. Tudengipõlve sõbrad, töökaaslased ja õpilased vaatlevad oma artiklites Uurali keelkonna erinevaid harusid ning ka keelte ja nende kõnelejate kollektiivide eelajalugu. Kirjutistes käsitletakse Grünthalile lähedasi teemasid. Näiteks on arutluse all läänemeresoome keeled ja etnonüümid, mordva keeled, etümoloogia ja keelte areng. Samuti pälvivad tähelepanu keelekontaktid, keeletüpoloogia ja -sotsioloogia ning empiirilise keeleainese kogumiseks ja keelekogukonna uurimiseks tehtavad välitööd. Teos sisaldab ka kolleegi poolt kirjutatud sooja meenutust ning Grünthali bibliograafiat.
The dissertation consists of five original publications and a concluding chapter. The first two publications examine inchoative derivatives, in other words, derivatives denoting the beginning of the action indicated by the base verb. For the most widely used Saami inchoative suffix *-koatē- (North Saami -goahtit) and its longer variant *-(č/š)koatē- (North Saami -šgoahtit), the connections to Veps and Mordvin inchoative suffixes suggested in previous scholarship are shown to be unlikely, and it is argued that the *-koatē- suffix instead has its origin in the lexical verb *poatē- (North Saami boahtit ‘to come’). The initial consonant č/š in the longer suffix variant, then, is shown to descend from the frequentative suffix *-(e̮)kče̮-, which still occurs as an independent inchoative suffix -ahtja- ~ -áhtja- in the western Saami languages. Several other Saami derivational suffixes with an inchoative function also have a more original function expressing frequentative or momentative actionality or, in other cases, a passive-automative or translative function.
The last three publications investigate the various derivational types that have an -š- suffix in North Saami or other Saami languages. The frequentative derivatives in *-(e̮)kče̮- : *-(e̮)hče̮- (e.g. North Saami váccašit ‘to walk slowly or to and fro’) are known to be of the same Uralic descent as Finnish -(e)ksi-, for instance. A new finding is that the *-(e̮)hče̮- suffix, which previously has been presented to only attach to *ē-stems (North Saami i-stems), also widely attaches to *e̮- and *ō-stems in Kildin and Ter Saami, marginally also in some other Saami varieties. The reconstruction of the censive type, as in North Saami guhkášit ‘to consider (too) long’, to the Proto-Saami *-kše̮- suffix is corroborated by such already rare or obsolete quadrisyllabic derivatives as Inari Saami sevŋâdšukšâđ ‘to consider too dark’ and North Saami garasšakšit ‘to criticize as too hard’. The derivational type appears to be a borrowing from the Finnic (Finnish) kummeksua ‘to consider odd’, halveksia ‘to despise’ censive type. A considerably younger borrowed type (postdating Proto-Saami) comprises such rather narrowly distributed verbs that have a suffix of the type *-e̮šše̮- or *-āšše̮- and still mostly represent fully transparent loans such as dárbbašit (‘to need’, cf. Finnish tarvitse- id.) and ánssášit (‘to earn, to deserve’, cf. Finnish ansaitse- id.), which have a suffix adapted from the *-(a)icce- suffix of their Finnic originals, with the support of the existing Saami verbal suffix *-še̮. The *-še̮- suffix, for its part, has developed several distinctive subtypes, of which the *-uše̮- type contains essive derivatives in particular, such as North Saami jalˈlošit ‘to play the fool’, and the *-āše̮- type appears to have been an established type already in Proto-Saami, producing such continuative-essive posture verbs as South Saami vealasjidh, North Saami vealˈlát ‘to lie’ and verbs denoting the appearance of the subject, such as South Saami vealkasjidh, North Saami vielgát ‘to appear, shine white’. The derivative suffixes *-uše̮- and *-e̮še̮- nevertheless have a multitude of functions, and especially in South Saami they also form deverbal (frequentative) verbs. It is proposed in the dissertation that the *-(V)še̮- type might originally be primarily deverbal and, as a Proto-Saami type, may have a loan origin in the Proto-Finnic frequentative verb type represented by the modern Finnish continuative verbs värise- ‘to tremble’, helise- ‘to jingle’.
[Article full text is available at the publisher's site through the DOI link.]
See pühendusraamat koosneb neljakümne kolmest professor Riho Grünthali (s. 22.5.1964) 60. juubeliks kirjutatud kingitusest. Tudengipõlve sõbrad, töökaaslased ja õpilased vaatlevad oma artiklites Uurali keelkonna erinevaid harusid ning ka keelte ja nende kõnelejate kollektiivide eelajalugu. Kirjutistes käsitletakse Grünthalile lähedasi teemasid. Näiteks on arutluse all läänemeresoome keeled ja etnonüümid, mordva keeled, etümoloogia ja keelte areng. Samuti pälvivad tähelepanu keelekontaktid, keeletüpoloogia ja -sotsioloogia ning empiirilise keeleainese kogumiseks ja keelekogukonna uurimiseks tehtavad välitööd. Teos sisaldab ka kolleegi poolt kirjutatud sooja meenutust ning Grünthali bibliograafiat.