Pavica Mrazović. Žena, majka i naučnica: biografsko-bibliografski zapisi, 2022
This book is dedicated to Pavica Mrazović (1923-2003), one of the most important Yugoslav and Eur... more This book is dedicated to Pavica Mrazović (1923-2003), one of the most important Yugoslav and European linguists and German Studies scholars of the 20th century. The edition presents Pavica Mrazović from different perspectives: both as an extraordinary figure of her time, a family person, and as an outstanding scientist, professor, and author of numerous scientific works. Conceived as a biographical-bibliographical edition, the book begins and ends with Pavica’s own words. At the beginning are her memories, recorded in 1999 and 2001 in several interviews. Pavica Mrazović speaks primarily about her life and describes her memories of everyday life. These remarks thus offer a highly valuable interpretation of a time that was marked by constant change. Equally valuable is the letter she sent to her grandchildren on New Year’s Eve 2003, which highlights her usual optimism and passion for both family and science, and which at the same time concludes the book. This first part is complemented by the contributions of her family. The memoirs of daughter Ivana Mrazović-Radović, as well as the short notes of other family members and closer friends, sharpen the view of Pavica Mrazović as a mother and a central figure of the whole family. Pavica Mrazović was an outstanding scholar in every respect. This aspect is addressed in the second part, which considers Pavica Mrazović as an actor in Yugoslav German Studies and illustrates her work and life in academia: Pavica Mrazović decided to pursue scientific research only after her successful career as a German teacher in order to correct the shortcomings of teaching practice. She pursued this goal until the end of her life. In retrospect, the results and achievements of this decades-long work can hardly be overestimated. She spent a quarter of a century at the Chair of German Language and Literature at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Novi Sad. But even after her retirement, she continued to work as a university professor in Szeged in the 1990s. The 1960s marked the beginning of her academic activity. In the years that followed, she regularly traveled abroad for extended study visits and leading academic conferences as part of various research projects and collaborations with leading research centers in German studies. The most important and longest collaboration with the Leibniz Institute for German Language in Mannheim and the then director of the institute, Ulrich Engel, as well as the result itself – the Contrastive Grammar of German and Serbo-Croatian – is described in the article of Olga Stojanović Frechette. Maria Dobrenov-Major, herself an emeritus professor and linguist, portrays Pavica Mrazović as a mentor. By describing the daily life and collaboration with Pavica Mrazović, the author simultaneously emphasizes the scientific importance of her research and teaching as well as her human qualities that continue to inspire her today. The remaining two contributions in this part of the book – Ulrich Engel’s and Tomislav Bekić’s obituaries, published in 2003 – represent a kind of summary of Pavica Mrazović’s entire scientific career, but also reveal some interesting details about her relationships with colleagues. The third part of the book is devoted to the results of Pavica Mrazović’s scientific work and contains the first complete annotated bibliography of her work. The editor of the entire book Đorđe Tomić, a linguist and historian from Berlin, and family friend for 25 years, took care of collecting, editing, and structuring the works, as well as writing the commentaries. Pavica Mrazović – a woman, wife, mother, grandmother, activist of the Anti-Fascist Women’s Front (AFŽ), teacher, university professor, and one of the most important representatives of Yugoslav German studies – receives with this book the first and so far only synthesis of her life and work. This comprehensive documentation, which has been lacking until now, represents a valuable contribution to the Yugoslav and European history of everyday life, women’s history, and history of science.
The focus of the study is the Serbian diaspora in Germany. It includes approximately 230.000 Serb... more The focus of the study is the Serbian diaspora in Germany. It includes approximately 230.000 Serbian nationals (as of 2015) of which the majority has an own migration experience, which in turn is to be dated primarily to the periods of massive migration from (the former) Yugoslavia in the late 1960s and since the early 1990s respectively. Objectives of the whole project, whose main result is the present study, were (1) the systematic research of the historical and current situation of the Serbian diaspora in Germany; (2) the summary of the diaspora policy of the Republic of Serbia; (3) the creation of a mapping of Serbian (diaspora) organizations in Germany; and (4) the formulation of recommendations for the development-oriented integration of the diaspora (organisations, associations and individuals) as agents in the fields of action of the Programme Migration for Development (PME). The profile of the Serbian diaspora in Germany presented here is the result of the examination carried out in the period between April and July 2016 and is based upon both a quantitative and a qualitative analysis. Firstly, for this purpose, German and Serbian statistical material was evaluated. Secondly, the relevant scientific literature focusing on the topics of diaspora and migration was evaluated: This included current political science, sociological and economic studies as well as a large number of historical, ethnological and linguistic and cultural scientific works. Thirdly, new sources used for analysis were generated by several expert interviews, informal discussions and an online survey conducted specifically for the purposes of the study. Fourthly, as part of the overall project, an extensive list of Serbian (diaspora) associations was created and evaluated, which represents a good overview of contacts to Germany-based Serbian migrant organizations, clubs and associations as well as networks.
Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht die serbische Diaspora in Deutschland. Zu dieser gehören rund 230.000 serbische Staatsangehörige (Stand: 2015), von denen die Mehrheit über eine eigene Migrationserfahrung verfügt, die wiederum vorwiegend in den Hochphasen der Migration aus (dem ehemaligen) Jugoslawien Ende der 1960er bzw. seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre zu verorten ist. Ziele des gesamten Projekts, dessen wichtigstes Ergebnis die vorliegende Studie darstellt, waren (1) die systematische wissenschaftliche Untersuchung der historischen und gegenwärtigen Lage der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland; (2) die zusammenfassende Darstellung der Diasporapolitik der Republik Serbien; (3) die Erstellung eines Mappings serbischer (Diaspora-)Vereine in Deutschland und (4) die Formulierung von Handlungsempfehlungen zur entwicklungsorientierten Einbindung der Diaspora (Organisationen, Vereine und Individuen) als Akteure in die Handlungsfelder des Programms Migration für Entwicklung (PME). Das anhand der im Zeitraum April - Juli 2016 vorgenommenen Untersuchung erstellte und hier präsentierte Profil der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland basiert indes sowohl auf einer quantitativen als auf einer qualitativen Analyse. Dazu wurde erstens deutsches und serbisches statistisches Material ausgewertet. Zweitens wurde die einschlägige wissenschaftliche Literatur zu den Schwerpunkten Diaspora und Migration evaluiert: Dazu gehören sowohl aktuelle politikwissenschaftliche, soziologische und ökonomische Studien als auch eine Reihe von geschichtswissenschaftlichen, ethnologischen sowie sprach- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Arbeiten. Drittens wurden mittels mehrerer Experteninterviews, informeller Gespräche und einer eigens für die Zwecke der Studie durchgeführten Online-Umfrage neue Quellen generiert, die für die Analyse herangezogen wurden. Viertens wurde als Teil des Gesamtprojektes eine ausführliche Liste serbischer (Diaspora-) Vereine erstellt und ausgewertet, die eine bessere Übersicht über Kontakte von in Deutschland ansässigen serbischen Migrantenorganisationen, Vereinen und Verbänden sowie Netzwerken darstellt.
Neue Wissensordnungen nach 1989: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des postsozialistischen Südosteuropas... more Neue Wissensordnungen nach 1989: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des postsozialistischen Südosteuropas.
Neben neuen Staatsgrenzen brachte die postsozialistische Zeit in vielen Teilen Osteuropas verschiedene Regionalismen hervor, die sich als europäische(re) Alternative zu nationalen Zugehörigkeiten präsentierten. Die »Rückkehr« historischer Regionen ging fast ausnahmslos mit der Wiederbelebung einer idealisierten imperialen Vergangenheit und dem scheinbaren »Wiederauftauchen« der alten Grenzen einher - den Phantomgrenzen. Đorđe Tomić widmet sich der Vojvodina, dem einzigen Teil des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens, der nach dem Staatszerfall kein unabhängiger Staat wurde. Zum Vergleich herangezogen wird das in Serbien wie im Nachbarstaat Rumänien neu »entdeckte« Banat. In beiden Fällen entstanden Vorstellungen von den Spezifika des jeweiligen Gebiets, die mit der historischen Zugehörigkeit der Region zum »Habsburger Mitteleuropa« begründet wurden. Im Laufe des letzten Vierteljahrhunderts fügten sich diese Begründungen zu neuen regionalistischen Narrativen zusammen. Wie sind diese entstanden, welche Akteure haben welche Argumente eingesetzt und zu welchem Zweck?
The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight fede... more The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight federal units. The only exception, until now unexplored, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, which remains a part of Serbia, although with a substantially restricted autonomy. Notably questions about the quality and quantity of autonomy have been a subject of heavy political conflicts in Vojvodina since the end of the 1980s. Political differences between the „autonomists“ in the province, who also during the 1990s advocated a broad autonomy, and the central government in Belgrade, whose power was based on the idea of a strong unified Serbia, the former increasingly presented as historically predetermined cultural differences, which are explored here as “phantom borders”. The political claims for more autonomy were thus repeatedly reinforced in terms of various symbolically connected statements about the historical distinctiveness of the population, economy and culture of Vojvodina. The autonomy in turn was also represented as an instrument of protection against and alternative model to the growing Serbian nationalism during the “Milošević era”. In the course of meanwhile more than two decades these interpretations merged into a new autonomy discourse. How this emerged, i.e. which agents made how and for what purposes the phantom borders of Vojvodina reappear, as well as what relevance the idea of autonomy gained during the period of radical change in the 1990s in everyday life of the people in Vojvodina are the central research questions of the case study. It hereby offers not only new empirical findings about the history of the breakup of the Yugoslav state and the post-socialist period in Southeastern Europe, but due to the used model of “phantom borders” also permits new insights into and general conclusions about the reappearance of history and historical borders in Eastern Europe after 1989.
DEUTSCH-SERBISCHE BEZIEHUNGEN UND KONTAKTE 84 REGISTER (Autoren und Herausgeber) 88 "Eines Vorzug... more DEUTSCH-SERBISCHE BEZIEHUNGEN UND KONTAKTE 84 REGISTER (Autoren und Herausgeber) 88 "Eines Vorzugs, dessen durch Unachtsamkeit der Menschen oder Erschlaffung vaterländisches Sinnes viele Völker verlustig gegangen sind, freut sich das Serbische in vollem Maße. Reichthum und Schönheit seiner einheimischen Dichtungen sind so beschaffen, daß sie das übrige Europa, dem sie bisher verborgen blieben, in Staunen setzen werden. Und wenn einst, auf dem nun gesicherten Boden, bei wachsender Freiheit, Serbiens Litteratur emporsteigt, Kraft und Blüthe gewinnt; dann wird es wie Griechenland seiner epischen Gesänge dieser Lieder nie vergessen, deren Ruhm den Ruhm und Namen ihrer Sammler, Pfleger und Beschützer mit sich fortträgt." Jakob Grimm
The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-managemen... more The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-management in socialist Yugoslavia. Departing from secondary sources and offering a critical literature review, the article sketches the development of unemployment in Yugoslavia from the 1950s to the beginning of the 1980s, outlines different points of discussion and explores concrete gaps in the existing interpretations. By proposing a differentiated view of self-management, the authors conclude that from an economic perspective the relationship between self-management and unemployment was at best an indirect one. The broader system of self-management can hardly be interpreted as an obstacle to political participation or social integration of unemployed persons. In contrast to previous interpretations of Yugoslavia's unemployment which regard it as a paradox, the authors suggest that the paradox was not the existence of unemployment in a socialist state, but the way in which the society – especially when organized on the basis of socialist self-management – reacted to it. In fact, the Yugoslav response to the problem of unemployment proved to be not really different from the way this was handled by other (capitalist) states in this period.
Angesichts der scheinbar erst seit einigen Monaten "akuten Flüchtlingskrise" in Europa ist es nic... more Angesichts der scheinbar erst seit einigen Monaten "akuten Flüchtlingskrise" in Europa ist es nicht schwer zu erraten, welches Thema in den nächsten Monaten im stetigen Antragstellungswettbewerb um Drittmittel in den Geistes-und Sozialwissenschaften zu den beliebteren gehören und einige neue, darunter auch vermeintlich oder tatsächlich "originelle" Projektvorhaben hervorbringen dürfte. Tatsächlich aber sind die rund um das Thema Migration entwickelten Fragestellungen nur selten wirklich neu, gehören sie doch seit längerem zu den Hauptschwerpunkten vieler Forscher_innen aus unterschiedlichen Disziplinen. Die seit Jahrzehnten publizierten wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten und teilweise disziplinenübergreifend geführten Diskussionen (nicht nur) innerhalb der deutschsprachigen Soziologie, Ethnologie, Geschichtswissenschaft oder Politikwissenschaft, die in der Regel nicht in direkter Reaktion auf die von der Tagespolitik diktierten "Trends" zustande gekommen sind, zeugen, anders als vielleicht anzunehmen wäre, von einem gewissen theoretischen und methodischen "Stillstand". Gerade jene Forscher_innen der kritischen Migrationsforschung, deren Ergebnisse von weiten Teilen der wissenschaftlichen Öffentlichkeit bisweilen mit einigen Jahren Verspätung rezipiert werden, sehen sich mit der Frage konfrontiert: wie weiter? Genauer: wie können wir Migrationsbewegungen, die Erfahrungen der Migrant_innen, die Migrationspolitik etc. neu interpretieren? Und was lässt sich als tatsächlich neuer Forschungsgegenstand konstituieren und entsprechend mittels neuer Methoden untersuchen? Eine Idee, wie ein Ausweg aus der theoretischen und methodischen "Sackgasse" aussehen könnte, wollen wir in Form einer kurzen Projektskizze hier präsentieren. Diese wurde ursprünglich im Frühjahr 2015 verfasst und geht auf unsere gemeinsamen Überlegungen im Hinblick auf eine mögliche Projektförderung zurück. Ob, wann und in welcher Form diese zustande kommen wird, bleibt offen. Mit dem vorliegenden Beitrag soll jedenfalls eine breitere öffentliche Diskussion angeregt werden.
Depuis son accession à l’indépendance, le 27 août 1991, la Moldavie a connu des transformations p... more Depuis son accession à l’indépendance, le 27 août 1991, la Moldavie a connu des transformations politiques, sociales et économiques complexes qui restent relativement peu connues et peu analysées dans l’espace académique occidental. Si les médias évoquent régulièrement les tensions et les crises qui font l’actualité moldave, les travaux de sciences sociales prenant appui sur ce terrain restent trop rares. Ce numéro de la Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest souhaite donc, avec ce numéro consacré à la Moldavie, contribuer à l’avancement des connaissances sur les transformations engagées depuis vingt ans dans cet espace, dans leur spécificité et dans leur européanité.
By analyzing the broad research of different types of ‘folk’ music in former Yugoslavia, the pape... more By analyzing the broad research of different types of ‘folk’ music in former Yugoslavia, the paper explores the different forms of interpretation and representations created by scholars in social science and humanities. Tracing back their critique of this music into the socialist period, the analysis offers new insights into the motives and ways of producing meaning by one part of the intellectual elite – for Serbia framed as the ‘second/ other Serbia’ – in the context of political transformation at the end of the 20th century in this region. While hardly any of the analyzed scholarly works on (‘folk’) music was really about music, being instead quite often mainly concerned with its alleged symbolical meaning, most of them used ‘folk’ as a catchy ‘label’ that introduced further analysis of society and/or politics in former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. By criticizing the ‘kitsch’ of ‘folk’ and, at the same time, presenting more or less sophisticated scientific findings on correlations between ‘folk’ and politics, the authors of the works analyzed in this paper mostly underlined their distance to this ‘genre’, thus pointing out their (oppositional) political standpoint, and, especially, by delegitimizing the ‘folk culture’ on the one hand and the new nationalist political setting on the other, they aimed to compensate the loss of cultural capital they used to or – from their perspective – ought to have as representatives of some kind of intellectual vanguard.
(Perspektive, 7). Beograd: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung., 2013
"Voditi politiku Ljevice znači, u prvome redu, imati [...] neobično živo razvijen smisao za ocjen... more "Voditi politiku Ljevice znači, u prvome redu, imati [...] neobično živo razvijen smisao za ocjenu stvarnosti, gledati u oči istini i ne obmanjivati se frazama."
Kritika političkih koncepcija jugoslavenske ljevice koja dolazi do izražaja u izjavi što ju je Miroslav Krleža formulirao neposredno nakon Prvog svjetskog rata ukazuje na načelnu dilemu političke orijentacije ljevice: Na koji su način vlastiti emacipatorski zahtjevi spojivi s društveno-političkom stvarnošću u Jugoslaviji?
Kao što se vidi iz povijesti jugoslavenske ljevice, upravo je taj raskorak obilježio kako njen razvoj nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, tako i ulogu Komunističke partije u drugoj (socijalističkoj) Jugoslaviji. No, u čemu se sastojala dilema jugoslavenske ljevice i što naposljetku znamo o nastanku političke ljevice u ovoj regiji i njezinoj povijesti?
The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establis... more The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establishment of a nationalist political mainstream. As a consequence of the Yugoslav wars, nationalism gained broad acceptance in most post-Yugoslav societies. This led to the emergence of many radical right groups, the majority of which support the nationalist policies of the Yugoslav successor states. Since the regime changes in most post-Yugoslav states around the year 2000, the nationalist paradigm has shifted towards a new mainstream, combining the promise of EU accession with neoliberal economic reforms, and slowly abandoning nationalism as a means of political mobilization/demobilization. The radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area were generally on the right side during the 1990s, but they now face marginalization and even prosecution by state authorities. When pushed to the edge of the political field, however, these groups reorganize themselves. At the same time, several developments are fostering their existence and activities, namely the discursive normalization of nationalism, an unchallenged nationalist revisionism of history, and the reluctance of large parts of society to deal critically with the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. Finally, due to the lack of strong left-wing parties and organizations, the radical right groups represent the only political alternative to the new pro-European mainstream. This article looks at the formation and development of radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area, and situates this in the political context of the last two decades.
Vreme nakon raspada jugoslovenske države obeležio je niz događaja i aktera kojima je i u društven... more Vreme nakon raspada jugoslovenske države obeležio je niz događaja i aktera kojima je i u društvenim naukama posvedeno veoma mnogo pažnje. Transformacija političkog sistema, uspon starih i novih političkih elita, ratovi u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini i na Kosovu, kao i postjugoslovenski nacionalizmi, samo su neke od ključnih tema naučnog istraživanja ovog perioda. Brojne studije, monografije, zbornici, članci u časopisima posvedeni su promenama koje su se desile u celoj istočnoj Evropi od početka devedesetih godina 20. veka. Ova istraživanja -bilo iz pera zapadnoevropskih autora ili "domadih" stručnjaka -težila su da objasne uzroke i posledice sloma socijalističkih sistema i tzv. demokratizaciju istočnoevropskih društava. Skoro bez izuzetaka nova "demokratija" je tumačena "u paketu" sa uvođenjem tržišne ekonomije, a država pre svega kao nacionalna, a ne kao socijalna država. Tumačenje aktuelnih događanja odvijalo se prevashodno u skladu sa Fukujaminim "krajem istorije": liberalna demokratija i kapitalistički poredak "slobodnog sveta" konačno su odneli pobedu nad projektom "realno postojedeg socijalizma", a činilo se, i nad principima levice uopšte. Uspostavljenoj hegemoniji različitih teorija transformacije -poznatije po pojmu tranzicije -na postjugoslovenskom prostoru mogle su konkurisati još jedino nacionalistička tumačenja društva i društvene promene. I jedan i drugi narativ -neoliberalni i nacionalistički -imali su za cilj legitimisanje nove / stare političke elite i novog društvenog poretka. Danas, dakle dvadeset godina kasnije, možemo sa razočarenjem zaključiti da je i jedna i druga strategija imala uspeha: Kao što je normalizovan nacionalizam, tako je normalizovan i novi ekonomski poredak. Istovremeno, postoji i razlika između odnosa prema ova dva fenomena. Dok je kritika nacionalizma od samog njegovog (ponovnog) pojavljivanja tokom devedesetih godina postojala -iako ograničena na uske krugove "alternativne" intelektualne elite -kritika kapitalizma na postjugoslovenkom prostoru do pre nekoliko godina, ako je i artikulisana, bila je skoro neprimetna. Pritom je upravo ekonomska transformacija ovog dela Evrope ne samo proces koji odlično ilustruje pojedinačne aspekte kapitalističkog poretka, pa samim tim i njegovu kritiku, ved ima i značajan uticaj na j u g o L i n k . p r e g l e d postjugoslovenskih istraživanja. // leto 2012. // god. 2. // br. 1 // //Mladen Perid i Đorđe Tomid -Kako je rashodovano društvo// //79// svakodnevni život ljudi na ovom prostoru. Kao što je za vedinu stanovnika bivše Jugoslavije bilo poražavajude doživeti inflaciju, "spontanu promenu oblika svojine", a samim tim i promenu vlasništva nad društvenom svojinom, zatim neformalnu, pa formalnu nezaposlenost, pad opšteg životnog standarda, "sivu ekonomiju", "crno tržište", nestašice, neispladene lične dohotke itd., skoro podjednako poražavajuda za ta društva jeste činjenica da se čitav ovaj proces retko ili nikako ne dovodi u pitanje. Izuzev nekoliko kritičkih radova o ekonomskim problemima socijalističke Jugoslavije 1 kao i o nastanku nove ekonomske elite tokom devedesetih godina, 2 vedina naučnih istraživanja koja bi se dala svrstati u oblast ekonomske istorije, propast (post)jugoslovenske ekonomije tumači kao propratni efekat teške, ali nužne društvene promene. Tek noviji teorijski i empirijski radovi o društvenoj transformaciji, 3 pre svega analize privatizacije i najnovijih radničkih borbi, 4 kao i opšti istorijski pregledi raspada Jugoslavije 5 predstavljaju prve značajne pokušaje jedne kritičke analize skorije prošlosti postjugoslovenskih društava. Sa ciljem potpunijeg razumevanja privatizacije i kritičke analize procesa ekonomske transformacije uopšte, u ovom tekstu bide objašnjen jedan od mehanizama pomodu kog je sistematski uništavana (post)jugoslovenska privreda, a koji se pojačano primenjuje nakon 2000. godine -koja inače važi za prelomni trenutak u postsocijalističkom "prelaznom periodu" u kom je "pobedila demokratija". Reč je o strateškom korišdenju stečaja. Koja ekonomska "logika" stoji iza napora preduzetnika da tek kupljena preduzeda uvedu u stečaj, koji pravni okviri i političke odluke omogudavaju ovaj proces, ko su akteri koji učestvuju u ovom procesu i konačno, koje ekonomske i socijalne posledica ima ova strategija, samo su neka od pitanja na koja ovaj prilog daje odgovor.
Am Gebäude der Fakultät für Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik in Belgrad steht seit Monaten eine... more Am Gebäude der Fakultät für Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik in Belgrad steht seit Monaten eine Parole, die noch vor kurzem schnell überpinselt worden wäre: "Solidarität mit den Studenten in Kroatien!". Die im Mainstream der post-jugoslawischen Gesellschaften noch immer vorherrschende nationalistische Abgrenzung wird von den protestierenden Studenten durchbrochen. Sicher sollte dieses neue Phänomen nicht allzu optimistisch stimmen. In den Ländern des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens herrschen auch unter der ersten Nachkriegsgeneration vielerorts noch nationalistische und sogar rechtsextreme Einstellungen vor. Dennoch zeigen die derzeit in den verschiedenen Nachfolgestaaten parallel stattfindenden Studentenproteste ganz deutlich eine Dynamik, die auch andere Teile der Gesellschaft erfassen könnte. Die Erkenntnis gemeinsamer Probleme und Interessen macht über Grenzen hinweg Kommunikation und sozialen Protest möglich.
Pavica Mrazović. Žena, majka i naučnica: biografsko-bibliografski zapisi, 2022
This book is dedicated to Pavica Mrazović (1923-2003), one of the most important Yugoslav and Eur... more This book is dedicated to Pavica Mrazović (1923-2003), one of the most important Yugoslav and European linguists and German Studies scholars of the 20th century. The edition presents Pavica Mrazović from different perspectives: both as an extraordinary figure of her time, a family person, and as an outstanding scientist, professor, and author of numerous scientific works. Conceived as a biographical-bibliographical edition, the book begins and ends with Pavica’s own words. At the beginning are her memories, recorded in 1999 and 2001 in several interviews. Pavica Mrazović speaks primarily about her life and describes her memories of everyday life. These remarks thus offer a highly valuable interpretation of a time that was marked by constant change. Equally valuable is the letter she sent to her grandchildren on New Year’s Eve 2003, which highlights her usual optimism and passion for both family and science, and which at the same time concludes the book. This first part is complemented by the contributions of her family. The memoirs of daughter Ivana Mrazović-Radović, as well as the short notes of other family members and closer friends, sharpen the view of Pavica Mrazović as a mother and a central figure of the whole family. Pavica Mrazović was an outstanding scholar in every respect. This aspect is addressed in the second part, which considers Pavica Mrazović as an actor in Yugoslav German Studies and illustrates her work and life in academia: Pavica Mrazović decided to pursue scientific research only after her successful career as a German teacher in order to correct the shortcomings of teaching practice. She pursued this goal until the end of her life. In retrospect, the results and achievements of this decades-long work can hardly be overestimated. She spent a quarter of a century at the Chair of German Language and Literature at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Novi Sad. But even after her retirement, she continued to work as a university professor in Szeged in the 1990s. The 1960s marked the beginning of her academic activity. In the years that followed, she regularly traveled abroad for extended study visits and leading academic conferences as part of various research projects and collaborations with leading research centers in German studies. The most important and longest collaboration with the Leibniz Institute for German Language in Mannheim and the then director of the institute, Ulrich Engel, as well as the result itself – the Contrastive Grammar of German and Serbo-Croatian – is described in the article of Olga Stojanović Frechette. Maria Dobrenov-Major, herself an emeritus professor and linguist, portrays Pavica Mrazović as a mentor. By describing the daily life and collaboration with Pavica Mrazović, the author simultaneously emphasizes the scientific importance of her research and teaching as well as her human qualities that continue to inspire her today. The remaining two contributions in this part of the book – Ulrich Engel’s and Tomislav Bekić’s obituaries, published in 2003 – represent a kind of summary of Pavica Mrazović’s entire scientific career, but also reveal some interesting details about her relationships with colleagues. The third part of the book is devoted to the results of Pavica Mrazović’s scientific work and contains the first complete annotated bibliography of her work. The editor of the entire book Đorđe Tomić, a linguist and historian from Berlin, and family friend for 25 years, took care of collecting, editing, and structuring the works, as well as writing the commentaries. Pavica Mrazović – a woman, wife, mother, grandmother, activist of the Anti-Fascist Women’s Front (AFŽ), teacher, university professor, and one of the most important representatives of Yugoslav German studies – receives with this book the first and so far only synthesis of her life and work. This comprehensive documentation, which has been lacking until now, represents a valuable contribution to the Yugoslav and European history of everyday life, women’s history, and history of science.
The focus of the study is the Serbian diaspora in Germany. It includes approximately 230.000 Serb... more The focus of the study is the Serbian diaspora in Germany. It includes approximately 230.000 Serbian nationals (as of 2015) of which the majority has an own migration experience, which in turn is to be dated primarily to the periods of massive migration from (the former) Yugoslavia in the late 1960s and since the early 1990s respectively. Objectives of the whole project, whose main result is the present study, were (1) the systematic research of the historical and current situation of the Serbian diaspora in Germany; (2) the summary of the diaspora policy of the Republic of Serbia; (3) the creation of a mapping of Serbian (diaspora) organizations in Germany; and (4) the formulation of recommendations for the development-oriented integration of the diaspora (organisations, associations and individuals) as agents in the fields of action of the Programme Migration for Development (PME). The profile of the Serbian diaspora in Germany presented here is the result of the examination carried out in the period between April and July 2016 and is based upon both a quantitative and a qualitative analysis. Firstly, for this purpose, German and Serbian statistical material was evaluated. Secondly, the relevant scientific literature focusing on the topics of diaspora and migration was evaluated: This included current political science, sociological and economic studies as well as a large number of historical, ethnological and linguistic and cultural scientific works. Thirdly, new sources used for analysis were generated by several expert interviews, informal discussions and an online survey conducted specifically for the purposes of the study. Fourthly, as part of the overall project, an extensive list of Serbian (diaspora) associations was created and evaluated, which represents a good overview of contacts to Germany-based Serbian migrant organizations, clubs and associations as well as networks.
Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht die serbische Diaspora in Deutschland. Zu dieser gehören rund 230.000 serbische Staatsangehörige (Stand: 2015), von denen die Mehrheit über eine eigene Migrationserfahrung verfügt, die wiederum vorwiegend in den Hochphasen der Migration aus (dem ehemaligen) Jugoslawien Ende der 1960er bzw. seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre zu verorten ist. Ziele des gesamten Projekts, dessen wichtigstes Ergebnis die vorliegende Studie darstellt, waren (1) die systematische wissenschaftliche Untersuchung der historischen und gegenwärtigen Lage der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland; (2) die zusammenfassende Darstellung der Diasporapolitik der Republik Serbien; (3) die Erstellung eines Mappings serbischer (Diaspora-)Vereine in Deutschland und (4) die Formulierung von Handlungsempfehlungen zur entwicklungsorientierten Einbindung der Diaspora (Organisationen, Vereine und Individuen) als Akteure in die Handlungsfelder des Programms Migration für Entwicklung (PME). Das anhand der im Zeitraum April - Juli 2016 vorgenommenen Untersuchung erstellte und hier präsentierte Profil der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland basiert indes sowohl auf einer quantitativen als auf einer qualitativen Analyse. Dazu wurde erstens deutsches und serbisches statistisches Material ausgewertet. Zweitens wurde die einschlägige wissenschaftliche Literatur zu den Schwerpunkten Diaspora und Migration evaluiert: Dazu gehören sowohl aktuelle politikwissenschaftliche, soziologische und ökonomische Studien als auch eine Reihe von geschichtswissenschaftlichen, ethnologischen sowie sprach- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Arbeiten. Drittens wurden mittels mehrerer Experteninterviews, informeller Gespräche und einer eigens für die Zwecke der Studie durchgeführten Online-Umfrage neue Quellen generiert, die für die Analyse herangezogen wurden. Viertens wurde als Teil des Gesamtprojektes eine ausführliche Liste serbischer (Diaspora-) Vereine erstellt und ausgewertet, die eine bessere Übersicht über Kontakte von in Deutschland ansässigen serbischen Migrantenorganisationen, Vereinen und Verbänden sowie Netzwerken darstellt.
Neue Wissensordnungen nach 1989: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des postsozialistischen Südosteuropas... more Neue Wissensordnungen nach 1989: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des postsozialistischen Südosteuropas.
Neben neuen Staatsgrenzen brachte die postsozialistische Zeit in vielen Teilen Osteuropas verschiedene Regionalismen hervor, die sich als europäische(re) Alternative zu nationalen Zugehörigkeiten präsentierten. Die »Rückkehr« historischer Regionen ging fast ausnahmslos mit der Wiederbelebung einer idealisierten imperialen Vergangenheit und dem scheinbaren »Wiederauftauchen« der alten Grenzen einher - den Phantomgrenzen. Đorđe Tomić widmet sich der Vojvodina, dem einzigen Teil des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens, der nach dem Staatszerfall kein unabhängiger Staat wurde. Zum Vergleich herangezogen wird das in Serbien wie im Nachbarstaat Rumänien neu »entdeckte« Banat. In beiden Fällen entstanden Vorstellungen von den Spezifika des jeweiligen Gebiets, die mit der historischen Zugehörigkeit der Region zum »Habsburger Mitteleuropa« begründet wurden. Im Laufe des letzten Vierteljahrhunderts fügten sich diese Begründungen zu neuen regionalistischen Narrativen zusammen. Wie sind diese entstanden, welche Akteure haben welche Argumente eingesetzt und zu welchem Zweck?
The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight fede... more The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight federal units. The only exception, until now unexplored, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, which remains a part of Serbia, although with a substantially restricted autonomy. Notably questions about the quality and quantity of autonomy have been a subject of heavy political conflicts in Vojvodina since the end of the 1980s. Political differences between the „autonomists“ in the province, who also during the 1990s advocated a broad autonomy, and the central government in Belgrade, whose power was based on the idea of a strong unified Serbia, the former increasingly presented as historically predetermined cultural differences, which are explored here as “phantom borders”. The political claims for more autonomy were thus repeatedly reinforced in terms of various symbolically connected statements about the historical distinctiveness of the population, economy and culture of Vojvodina. The autonomy in turn was also represented as an instrument of protection against and alternative model to the growing Serbian nationalism during the “Milošević era”. In the course of meanwhile more than two decades these interpretations merged into a new autonomy discourse. How this emerged, i.e. which agents made how and for what purposes the phantom borders of Vojvodina reappear, as well as what relevance the idea of autonomy gained during the period of radical change in the 1990s in everyday life of the people in Vojvodina are the central research questions of the case study. It hereby offers not only new empirical findings about the history of the breakup of the Yugoslav state and the post-socialist period in Southeastern Europe, but due to the used model of “phantom borders” also permits new insights into and general conclusions about the reappearance of history and historical borders in Eastern Europe after 1989.
DEUTSCH-SERBISCHE BEZIEHUNGEN UND KONTAKTE 84 REGISTER (Autoren und Herausgeber) 88 "Eines Vorzug... more DEUTSCH-SERBISCHE BEZIEHUNGEN UND KONTAKTE 84 REGISTER (Autoren und Herausgeber) 88 "Eines Vorzugs, dessen durch Unachtsamkeit der Menschen oder Erschlaffung vaterländisches Sinnes viele Völker verlustig gegangen sind, freut sich das Serbische in vollem Maße. Reichthum und Schönheit seiner einheimischen Dichtungen sind so beschaffen, daß sie das übrige Europa, dem sie bisher verborgen blieben, in Staunen setzen werden. Und wenn einst, auf dem nun gesicherten Boden, bei wachsender Freiheit, Serbiens Litteratur emporsteigt, Kraft und Blüthe gewinnt; dann wird es wie Griechenland seiner epischen Gesänge dieser Lieder nie vergessen, deren Ruhm den Ruhm und Namen ihrer Sammler, Pfleger und Beschützer mit sich fortträgt." Jakob Grimm
The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-managemen... more The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-management in socialist Yugoslavia. Departing from secondary sources and offering a critical literature review, the article sketches the development of unemployment in Yugoslavia from the 1950s to the beginning of the 1980s, outlines different points of discussion and explores concrete gaps in the existing interpretations. By proposing a differentiated view of self-management, the authors conclude that from an economic perspective the relationship between self-management and unemployment was at best an indirect one. The broader system of self-management can hardly be interpreted as an obstacle to political participation or social integration of unemployed persons. In contrast to previous interpretations of Yugoslavia's unemployment which regard it as a paradox, the authors suggest that the paradox was not the existence of unemployment in a socialist state, but the way in which the society – especially when organized on the basis of socialist self-management – reacted to it. In fact, the Yugoslav response to the problem of unemployment proved to be not really different from the way this was handled by other (capitalist) states in this period.
Angesichts der scheinbar erst seit einigen Monaten "akuten Flüchtlingskrise" in Europa ist es nic... more Angesichts der scheinbar erst seit einigen Monaten "akuten Flüchtlingskrise" in Europa ist es nicht schwer zu erraten, welches Thema in den nächsten Monaten im stetigen Antragstellungswettbewerb um Drittmittel in den Geistes-und Sozialwissenschaften zu den beliebteren gehören und einige neue, darunter auch vermeintlich oder tatsächlich "originelle" Projektvorhaben hervorbringen dürfte. Tatsächlich aber sind die rund um das Thema Migration entwickelten Fragestellungen nur selten wirklich neu, gehören sie doch seit längerem zu den Hauptschwerpunkten vieler Forscher_innen aus unterschiedlichen Disziplinen. Die seit Jahrzehnten publizierten wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten und teilweise disziplinenübergreifend geführten Diskussionen (nicht nur) innerhalb der deutschsprachigen Soziologie, Ethnologie, Geschichtswissenschaft oder Politikwissenschaft, die in der Regel nicht in direkter Reaktion auf die von der Tagespolitik diktierten "Trends" zustande gekommen sind, zeugen, anders als vielleicht anzunehmen wäre, von einem gewissen theoretischen und methodischen "Stillstand". Gerade jene Forscher_innen der kritischen Migrationsforschung, deren Ergebnisse von weiten Teilen der wissenschaftlichen Öffentlichkeit bisweilen mit einigen Jahren Verspätung rezipiert werden, sehen sich mit der Frage konfrontiert: wie weiter? Genauer: wie können wir Migrationsbewegungen, die Erfahrungen der Migrant_innen, die Migrationspolitik etc. neu interpretieren? Und was lässt sich als tatsächlich neuer Forschungsgegenstand konstituieren und entsprechend mittels neuer Methoden untersuchen? Eine Idee, wie ein Ausweg aus der theoretischen und methodischen "Sackgasse" aussehen könnte, wollen wir in Form einer kurzen Projektskizze hier präsentieren. Diese wurde ursprünglich im Frühjahr 2015 verfasst und geht auf unsere gemeinsamen Überlegungen im Hinblick auf eine mögliche Projektförderung zurück. Ob, wann und in welcher Form diese zustande kommen wird, bleibt offen. Mit dem vorliegenden Beitrag soll jedenfalls eine breitere öffentliche Diskussion angeregt werden.
Depuis son accession à l’indépendance, le 27 août 1991, la Moldavie a connu des transformations p... more Depuis son accession à l’indépendance, le 27 août 1991, la Moldavie a connu des transformations politiques, sociales et économiques complexes qui restent relativement peu connues et peu analysées dans l’espace académique occidental. Si les médias évoquent régulièrement les tensions et les crises qui font l’actualité moldave, les travaux de sciences sociales prenant appui sur ce terrain restent trop rares. Ce numéro de la Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest souhaite donc, avec ce numéro consacré à la Moldavie, contribuer à l’avancement des connaissances sur les transformations engagées depuis vingt ans dans cet espace, dans leur spécificité et dans leur européanité.
By analyzing the broad research of different types of ‘folk’ music in former Yugoslavia, the pape... more By analyzing the broad research of different types of ‘folk’ music in former Yugoslavia, the paper explores the different forms of interpretation and representations created by scholars in social science and humanities. Tracing back their critique of this music into the socialist period, the analysis offers new insights into the motives and ways of producing meaning by one part of the intellectual elite – for Serbia framed as the ‘second/ other Serbia’ – in the context of political transformation at the end of the 20th century in this region. While hardly any of the analyzed scholarly works on (‘folk’) music was really about music, being instead quite often mainly concerned with its alleged symbolical meaning, most of them used ‘folk’ as a catchy ‘label’ that introduced further analysis of society and/or politics in former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. By criticizing the ‘kitsch’ of ‘folk’ and, at the same time, presenting more or less sophisticated scientific findings on correlations between ‘folk’ and politics, the authors of the works analyzed in this paper mostly underlined their distance to this ‘genre’, thus pointing out their (oppositional) political standpoint, and, especially, by delegitimizing the ‘folk culture’ on the one hand and the new nationalist political setting on the other, they aimed to compensate the loss of cultural capital they used to or – from their perspective – ought to have as representatives of some kind of intellectual vanguard.
(Perspektive, 7). Beograd: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung., 2013
"Voditi politiku Ljevice znači, u prvome redu, imati [...] neobično živo razvijen smisao za ocjen... more "Voditi politiku Ljevice znači, u prvome redu, imati [...] neobično živo razvijen smisao za ocjenu stvarnosti, gledati u oči istini i ne obmanjivati se frazama."
Kritika političkih koncepcija jugoslavenske ljevice koja dolazi do izražaja u izjavi što ju je Miroslav Krleža formulirao neposredno nakon Prvog svjetskog rata ukazuje na načelnu dilemu političke orijentacije ljevice: Na koji su način vlastiti emacipatorski zahtjevi spojivi s društveno-političkom stvarnošću u Jugoslaviji?
Kao što se vidi iz povijesti jugoslavenske ljevice, upravo je taj raskorak obilježio kako njen razvoj nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, tako i ulogu Komunističke partije u drugoj (socijalističkoj) Jugoslaviji. No, u čemu se sastojala dilema jugoslavenske ljevice i što naposljetku znamo o nastanku političke ljevice u ovoj regiji i njezinoj povijesti?
The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establis... more The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establishment of a nationalist political mainstream. As a consequence of the Yugoslav wars, nationalism gained broad acceptance in most post-Yugoslav societies. This led to the emergence of many radical right groups, the majority of which support the nationalist policies of the Yugoslav successor states. Since the regime changes in most post-Yugoslav states around the year 2000, the nationalist paradigm has shifted towards a new mainstream, combining the promise of EU accession with neoliberal economic reforms, and slowly abandoning nationalism as a means of political mobilization/demobilization. The radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area were generally on the right side during the 1990s, but they now face marginalization and even prosecution by state authorities. When pushed to the edge of the political field, however, these groups reorganize themselves. At the same time, several developments are fostering their existence and activities, namely the discursive normalization of nationalism, an unchallenged nationalist revisionism of history, and the reluctance of large parts of society to deal critically with the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. Finally, due to the lack of strong left-wing parties and organizations, the radical right groups represent the only political alternative to the new pro-European mainstream. This article looks at the formation and development of radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area, and situates this in the political context of the last two decades.
Vreme nakon raspada jugoslovenske države obeležio je niz događaja i aktera kojima je i u društven... more Vreme nakon raspada jugoslovenske države obeležio je niz događaja i aktera kojima je i u društvenim naukama posvedeno veoma mnogo pažnje. Transformacija političkog sistema, uspon starih i novih političkih elita, ratovi u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini i na Kosovu, kao i postjugoslovenski nacionalizmi, samo su neke od ključnih tema naučnog istraživanja ovog perioda. Brojne studije, monografije, zbornici, članci u časopisima posvedeni su promenama koje su se desile u celoj istočnoj Evropi od početka devedesetih godina 20. veka. Ova istraživanja -bilo iz pera zapadnoevropskih autora ili "domadih" stručnjaka -težila su da objasne uzroke i posledice sloma socijalističkih sistema i tzv. demokratizaciju istočnoevropskih društava. Skoro bez izuzetaka nova "demokratija" je tumačena "u paketu" sa uvođenjem tržišne ekonomije, a država pre svega kao nacionalna, a ne kao socijalna država. Tumačenje aktuelnih događanja odvijalo se prevashodno u skladu sa Fukujaminim "krajem istorije": liberalna demokratija i kapitalistički poredak "slobodnog sveta" konačno su odneli pobedu nad projektom "realno postojedeg socijalizma", a činilo se, i nad principima levice uopšte. Uspostavljenoj hegemoniji različitih teorija transformacije -poznatije po pojmu tranzicije -na postjugoslovenskom prostoru mogle su konkurisati još jedino nacionalistička tumačenja društva i društvene promene. I jedan i drugi narativ -neoliberalni i nacionalistički -imali su za cilj legitimisanje nove / stare političke elite i novog društvenog poretka. Danas, dakle dvadeset godina kasnije, možemo sa razočarenjem zaključiti da je i jedna i druga strategija imala uspeha: Kao što je normalizovan nacionalizam, tako je normalizovan i novi ekonomski poredak. Istovremeno, postoji i razlika između odnosa prema ova dva fenomena. Dok je kritika nacionalizma od samog njegovog (ponovnog) pojavljivanja tokom devedesetih godina postojala -iako ograničena na uske krugove "alternativne" intelektualne elite -kritika kapitalizma na postjugoslovenkom prostoru do pre nekoliko godina, ako je i artikulisana, bila je skoro neprimetna. Pritom je upravo ekonomska transformacija ovog dela Evrope ne samo proces koji odlično ilustruje pojedinačne aspekte kapitalističkog poretka, pa samim tim i njegovu kritiku, ved ima i značajan uticaj na j u g o L i n k . p r e g l e d postjugoslovenskih istraživanja. // leto 2012. // god. 2. // br. 1 // //Mladen Perid i Đorđe Tomid -Kako je rashodovano društvo// //79// svakodnevni život ljudi na ovom prostoru. Kao što je za vedinu stanovnika bivše Jugoslavije bilo poražavajude doživeti inflaciju, "spontanu promenu oblika svojine", a samim tim i promenu vlasništva nad društvenom svojinom, zatim neformalnu, pa formalnu nezaposlenost, pad opšteg životnog standarda, "sivu ekonomiju", "crno tržište", nestašice, neispladene lične dohotke itd., skoro podjednako poražavajuda za ta društva jeste činjenica da se čitav ovaj proces retko ili nikako ne dovodi u pitanje. Izuzev nekoliko kritičkih radova o ekonomskim problemima socijalističke Jugoslavije 1 kao i o nastanku nove ekonomske elite tokom devedesetih godina, 2 vedina naučnih istraživanja koja bi se dala svrstati u oblast ekonomske istorije, propast (post)jugoslovenske ekonomije tumači kao propratni efekat teške, ali nužne društvene promene. Tek noviji teorijski i empirijski radovi o društvenoj transformaciji, 3 pre svega analize privatizacije i najnovijih radničkih borbi, 4 kao i opšti istorijski pregledi raspada Jugoslavije 5 predstavljaju prve značajne pokušaje jedne kritičke analize skorije prošlosti postjugoslovenskih društava. Sa ciljem potpunijeg razumevanja privatizacije i kritičke analize procesa ekonomske transformacije uopšte, u ovom tekstu bide objašnjen jedan od mehanizama pomodu kog je sistematski uništavana (post)jugoslovenska privreda, a koji se pojačano primenjuje nakon 2000. godine -koja inače važi za prelomni trenutak u postsocijalističkom "prelaznom periodu" u kom je "pobedila demokratija". Reč je o strateškom korišdenju stečaja. Koja ekonomska "logika" stoji iza napora preduzetnika da tek kupljena preduzeda uvedu u stečaj, koji pravni okviri i političke odluke omogudavaju ovaj proces, ko su akteri koji učestvuju u ovom procesu i konačno, koje ekonomske i socijalne posledica ima ova strategija, samo su neka od pitanja na koja ovaj prilog daje odgovor.
Am Gebäude der Fakultät für Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik in Belgrad steht seit Monaten eine... more Am Gebäude der Fakultät für Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik in Belgrad steht seit Monaten eine Parole, die noch vor kurzem schnell überpinselt worden wäre: "Solidarität mit den Studenten in Kroatien!". Die im Mainstream der post-jugoslawischen Gesellschaften noch immer vorherrschende nationalistische Abgrenzung wird von den protestierenden Studenten durchbrochen. Sicher sollte dieses neue Phänomen nicht allzu optimistisch stimmen. In den Ländern des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens herrschen auch unter der ersten Nachkriegsgeneration vielerorts noch nationalistische und sogar rechtsextreme Einstellungen vor. Dennoch zeigen die derzeit in den verschiedenen Nachfolgestaaten parallel stattfindenden Studentenproteste ganz deutlich eine Dynamik, die auch andere Teile der Gesellschaft erfassen könnte. Die Erkenntnis gemeinsamer Probleme und Interessen macht über Grenzen hinweg Kommunikation und sozialen Protest möglich.
Tomić, Đorđe (ed.) (2022): Pavica Mrazović. Žena, majka i naučnica: biografsko-bibliografski zapisi. Novi Sad: AGV., 2022
The chapter focuses on the results of Pavica Mrazović’s scientific work and contains the first co... more The chapter focuses on the results of Pavica Mrazović’s scientific work and contains the first complete annotated bibliography of her work.
In: Michael Esch und Béatrice von Hirschhausen: Wahrnehmen, Erfahren, Gestalten. Phantomgrenzen und soziale Raumproduktion. Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag (Phantomgrenzen im östlichen Europa; Bd. 3), S. 49–74., 2017
Clio Guide. Ein Handbuch zu digitalen Ressourcen für die Geschichtswissenschaften, Apr 2016
Ein erster Blick auf die Angebote zur Geschichte Südosteuropas im Internet offenbart für die gesa... more Ein erster Blick auf die Angebote zur Geschichte Südosteuropas im Internet offenbart für die gesamte Region eine Vielzahl von Informationen, die nur schwer zu überblicken ist. Dieser Eindruck steht gleichzeitig in starkem Gegensatz zu den (selbst-)kritischen Tönen etwa vieler Bibliotheks- oder Archivangestellten aus der Region, die es sich in den letzten zehn Jahren zur Aufgabe gemacht haben, unterschiedliche Materialien zur Geschichte zu digitalisieren. Selbst die vor Ort verfassten und tatsächlich seltenen umfassenderen wissenschaftlichen Studien über internetbasierte Ressourcen und Infrastrukturen bemängeln das Fehlen ansprechender „moderner“ Angebote dieser Art und reproduzieren das ohnehin weit verbreitete Bild der (nicht nur ökonomischen) Rückständigkeit der gesamten Region und ihrer einzelner Nationalstaaten. Doch wie steht es um die geschichtswissenschaftlichen Ressourcen und Informationsstrukturen aus und zu Südosteuropa im Internet wirklich? Welche Möglichkeiten bietet die Online-Recherche zur Geschichte dieser Region? Wo und wie können HistorikerInnen was finden? Was lässt sich als zufriedenstellend und was als ausbaufähig bewerten? Diesen Fragen geht der folgende Beitrag nach.
In: Martin Mlinarić; Sebastian Goll; Johannes Gold (Hg.): Minorities under Attack. Othering and Right-Wing Extremism in Southeast European Societies. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag (Forschungen zu Südosteuropa, 13), S. 237–256., 2016
In: Roland Vogt; Wayne Cristaudo; Andreas Leutzsch (ed.): European National Identities. Elements, Transitions, Conflicts. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers., 2014
Đorđe Tomić, Roland Zschächner, Mara Puškarević und Allegra Schneider (Hg.): »Mythos Partizan«. (Dis-)Kontinuitäten der jugoslawischen Linken: Geschichte, Erinnerungen und Perspektiven. Münster: Unrast Verlag (reihe antifaschistischer texte, 26), S. 370-401., 2013
In: Birgit Daiber, Cornelia Hildebrandt, Anna Striethorst (ed.): From Revolution to Coalition – Radical Left Parties in Europe. Berlin: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung (Manuskripte Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, 2), p. 309–325., 2012
Kraj socijalizma u Isto noj Evropi 1989. godine predstavlja ujedno po etak razli itih procesa dru... more Kraj socijalizma u Isto noj Evropi 1989. godine predstavlja ujedno po etak razli itih procesa društvenih promena. Ovi procesi predmet su istraživanja razli itih studija iz oblasti politi kih nauka, sociologije, ekonomije, itd. Ta istraživanja u nau noj javnosti sve više se shvataju kao deo jednog istraživa kog kompleksa -po nekima ak i sopstvene discipline -nauke o transformaciji. Iako se i nakon više od 20 godina nauke o transformaciji teško može govoriti o jednoj teorijskoj paradigmi, jedan odre en broj pojmova, pitanja i teorija etablirao se kao osnova ove oblasti. Daju i pregled klju nih aspekata istraživanja transformacije tekst predstavlja pre svega jedan opšti uvod u "nauku o transformaciji". Istovremeno, tekst predstavlja kriti ki osvrt na prikazana teorijska razmatranja i isti e njihove analiti ke granice, pre svega ukazuju i na zapostavljanje socijalnih aspekata transformacije.
U tekstu je na osnovu analize studentskih protesta tokom devedesetih godina 20. veka, kao i prote... more U tekstu je na osnovu analize studentskih protesta tokom devedesetih godina 20. veka, kao i protesta studenata nakon 2000. godine prikazan razvoj dva studentska pokreta u Srbiji. Dok se prvi zalagao za više demokratije i smenu režima Slobodana Miloševi a, novi studentski pokret bori se protiv pove anja školarina i drugih posledica tzv. bolonjskog procesa reforme visokog školstva, pripisuju i svojim akcijama socijalni karakter. Nakon opisa i analize politi kog konteksta, samih protesta, zahteva i ciljeva protesta, njihove organizacione strukture i interpretacije odre enih problema, prikazane su razlike i sli nosti oba studentska pokreta. Istovremeno, tekst daje odgovor na pitanje uloge ovih protesta u (promenama u) društvu u Srbiji.
Ukoliko bi pojedincu bilo moguće da u toku jednog dana samo "prelista" celokupnu svetsku dnevnu š... more Ukoliko bi pojedincu bilo moguće da u toku jednog dana samo "prelista" celokupnu svetsku dnevnu štampu, sasvim izvesno bi, pored raznih drugih saznanja, uvideo da se na celoj planeƟ dešavaju brojni protesƟ najrazličiƟjih grupa i to iz najrazličiƟjih razloga. ProtesƟ kao fenomeni modernog (svetskog) društva predstavljaju (poslednji) pokušaj ljudi -grupa i/ili pojedinaca -da direktno uƟču na svoju životnu sredinu. U tom smislu, protesƟ se mogu sresƟ u svim društvima -od liberalnih demokraƟja "zapadnog Ɵpa" do društava koja se iz perspekƟve ovih prvih mogu okarakterisaƟ kao nedemokratska. U svakom slučaju, protesƟ predstavljaju "glavne proizvode" grupa koje ih organizuju i u njima učestvuju. Kakve su, međuƟm, te grupe, kako se one mogu opisaƟ, odnosno ispiƟvaƟ? Da li je reč o "spontanim okupljanjima" ljudi ili iza protesta stoji određena organizacija? Da li se uzroci različiƟh protesta mogu svesƟ na "opšte nezadovoljstvo" ili depriviranost grupa ljudi ili pojedinaca? Ovo su samo neka od pitanja o kojima će biƟ reči u tekstu, a koja ujedno predstavljaju i neka od osnovnih pitanja vezana za istraživanje "protestvujućih grupa" -društvenih pokreta.
Studentski protesƟ se često povezuju sa progresivnim idejama i kriƟčkim stavovima. Često se čak p... more Studentski protesƟ se često povezuju sa progresivnim idejama i kriƟčkim stavovima. Često se čak pretpostavlja da su studentske inicijaƟve vrlo važan faktor društvenih promena. Period devedeseƟh godina 20. veka u Srbiji, odnosno Jugoslaviji je kao i u svim drugim državama istočne Evrope predstavljao period temeljne društvene, poliƟčke i ekonomske transformacije. U tom nizu promena u nekoliko prilika došlo je i do studentskih protesta. Povodi za proteste, njihov nastanak i razvoj, kao i posledice Ɵh protesta u toku ove decenije bile su različite, pa je polazno pitanje ovog teksta: koja je bila (stvarna) uloga ovih protesta u društvenom kontekstu u Srbiji u to vreme?
Ovaj tekst predstavlja kratak pregled najznačajnijih radova na temu nacije i nacionalizma i pokuš... more Ovaj tekst predstavlja kratak pregled najznačajnijih radova na temu nacije i nacionalizma i pokušava da odredi neke osnovne odlike nacije na osnovu ponuñenih definicija, kao i da ukaže na ključna pitanja i teorijske pristupe u vezi sa ovom temom.
The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-managemen... more The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-management in socialist Yugoslavia. Departing from secondary sources and offering a critical literature review, the article sketches the development of unemployment in Yugoslavia from the 1950s to the beginning of the 1980s, outlines different points of discussion and explores concrete gaps in the existing interpretations. By proposing a differentiated view of self-management, the a uthors conclude that from an economic perspective the relationship between self-management and unemployment was at best an indirect one. The broader system of self-management can hardly be interpreted as an obstacle to political participation or social integration of unemployed persons. In contrast to previous interpretations of Yugoslavia's unemployment which regard it as a paradox, the authors suggest that the paradox was not the existence of unemployment in a socialist state, but the way in which the society - ...
Due to the COVID 19 crisis, the B2B event industry faces a double challenge: On the one hand, it ... more Due to the COVID 19 crisis, the B2B event industry faces a double challenge: On the one hand, it needs to deal with the negative impacts of the pandemic and deliver or compensate the services related to all postponed or cancelled events in this period; on the other hand, it needs to reinvent itself, effectively using digital tools and concepts to provide virtual events, which will be more than just a short-term ‘replacement’ for live events. Thus, while struggling with financial losses, the industry needs to massively increase its investments not only in the respective event technology, but also into the development of concepts and approaches to delivering virtual events as genuine digital products. The article focuses on the main challenges of digitizing business events and by summarizing the most relevant respective experiences of the previous one and a half years, provides a detailed analysis of this process as well as valuable practical advice how to successfully develop virtual events as a next step of an overarching evolution of the B2B event industry.
... Vgl. Anđelić, Neven (2009): SDP - prvih 100 godina. Kratki pogled na socijaldemokratiju u BiH... more ... Vgl. Anđelić, Neven (2009): SDP - prvih 100 godina. Kratki pogled na socijaldemokratiju u BiH. ... 1990-2005. Beograd: Labris - Lesbian Human Rights Organization; Sagasta, Sanja (2001): Lesbians in Croatia. In: European Journal of Women's Studies, Jg. 8. H. 3, 357372. ...
The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establis... more The political transformation in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s was marked by the establishment of a nationalist political mainstream. As a consequence of the Yugoslav wars, nationalism gained broad acceptance in most post-Yugoslav societies. This led to the emergence of many radical right groups, the majority of which support the nationalist policies of the Yugoslav successor states. Since the regime changes in most post-Yugoslav states around the year 2000, the nationalist paradigm has shifted towards a new mainstream, combining the promise of EU accession with neoliberal economic reforms, and slowly abandoning nationalism as a means of political mobilization/demobilization. The radical right groups in the post-Yugoslav area were generally on the right side during the 1990s, but they now face marginalization and even prosecution by state authorities. When pushed to the edge of the political field, however, these groups reorganize themselves. At the same time, several develo...
By analyzing the broad research of different types of 'folk' music in former Yugoslavia, the pape... more By analyzing the broad research of different types of 'folk' music in former Yugoslavia, the paper explores the different forms of interpretation and representations created by scholars in social science and humanities. Tracing back their critique of this music into the socialist period, the analysis offers new insights into the motives and ways of producing meaning by one part of the intellectual elitefor Serbia framed as the 'second/ other Serbia' -in the context of political transformation at the end of the 20 th century in this region. While hardly any of the analyzed scholarly works on ('folk') music was really about music, being instead quite often mainly concerned with its alleged symbolical meaning, most of them used 'folk' as a catchy 'label' that introduced further analysis of society and/or politics in former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. By criticizing the 'kitsch' of 'folk' and, at the same time, presenting more or less sophisticated scientific findings on correlations between 'folk' and politics, the authors of the works analyzed in this paper mostly underlined their distance to this 'genre', thus pointing out their (oppositional) political standpoint, and, especially, by delegitimizing the 'folk culture' on the one hand and the new nationalist political setting on the other, they aimed to compensate the loss of cultural capital they used to or -from their perspective -ought to have as representatives of some kind of intellectual vanguard.
Studentski protesƟ se često povezuju sa progresivnim idejama i kriƟčkim stavovima. Često se čak p... more Studentski protesƟ se često povezuju sa progresivnim idejama i kriƟčkim stavovima. Često se čak pretpostavlja da su studentske inicijaƟve vrlo važan faktor društvenih promena. Period devedeseƟh godina 20. veka u Srbiji, odnosno Jugoslaviji je kao i u svim drugim državama istočne Evrope predstavljao period temeljne društvene, poliƟčke i ekonomske transformacije. U tom nizu promena u nekoliko prilika došlo je i do studentskih protesta. Povodi za proteste, njihov nastanak i razvoj, kao i posledice Ɵh protesta u toku ove decenije bile su različite, pa je polazno pitanje ovog teksta: koja je bila (stvarna) uloga ovih protesta u društvenom kontekstu u Srbiji u to vreme?
Ukoliko bi pojedincu bilo moguće da u toku jednog dana samo "prelista" celokupnu svetsku dnevnu š... more Ukoliko bi pojedincu bilo moguće da u toku jednog dana samo "prelista" celokupnu svetsku dnevnu štampu, sasvim izvesno bi, pored raznih drugih saznanja, uvideo da se na celoj planeƟ dešavaju brojni protesƟ najrazličiƟjih grupa i to iz najrazličiƟjih razloga. ProtesƟ kao fenomeni modernog (svetskog) društva predstavljaju (poslednji) pokušaj ljudi -grupa i/ili pojedinaca -da direktno uƟču na svoju životnu sredinu. U tom smislu, protesƟ se mogu sresƟ u svim društvima -od liberalnih demokraƟja "zapadnog Ɵpa" do društava koja se iz perspekƟve ovih prvih mogu okarakterisaƟ kao nedemokratska. U svakom slučaju, protesƟ predstavljaju "glavne proizvode" grupa koje ih organizuju i u njima učestvuju. Kakve su, međuƟm, te grupe, kako se one mogu opisaƟ, odnosno ispiƟvaƟ? Da li je reč o "spontanim okupljanjima" ljudi ili iza protesta stoji određena organizacija? Da li se uzroci različiƟh protesta mogu svesƟ na "opšte nezadovoljstvo" ili depriviranost grupa ljudi ili pojedinaca? Ovo su samo neka od pitanja o kojima će biƟ reči u tekstu, a koja ujedno predstavljaju i neka od osnovnih pitanja vezana za istraživanje "protestvujućih grupa" -društvenih pokreta.
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Books by Dorde Tomic
Pavica Mrazović was an outstanding scholar in every respect. This aspect is addressed in the second part, which considers Pavica Mrazović as an actor in Yugoslav German Studies and illustrates her work and life in academia: Pavica Mrazović decided to pursue scientific research only after her successful career as a German teacher in order to correct the shortcomings of teaching practice. She pursued this goal until the end of her life. In retrospect, the results and achievements of this decades-long work can hardly be overestimated. She spent a quarter of a century at the Chair of German Language and Literature at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Novi Sad. But even after her retirement, she continued to work as a university professor in Szeged in the 1990s. The 1960s marked the beginning of her academic activity. In the years that followed, she regularly traveled abroad for extended study visits and leading academic conferences as part of various research projects and collaborations with leading research centers in German studies. The most important and longest collaboration with the Leibniz Institute for German Language in Mannheim and the then director of the institute, Ulrich Engel, as well as the result itself – the Contrastive Grammar of German and Serbo-Croatian – is described in the article of Olga Stojanović Frechette. Maria Dobrenov-Major, herself an emeritus professor and linguist, portrays Pavica Mrazović as a mentor. By describing the daily life and collaboration with Pavica Mrazović, the author simultaneously emphasizes the scientific importance of her research and teaching as well as her human qualities that continue to inspire her today. The remaining two contributions in this part of the book – Ulrich Engel’s and Tomislav Bekić’s obituaries, published in 2003 – represent a kind of summary of Pavica Mrazović’s entire scientific career, but also reveal some interesting details about her relationships with colleagues. The third part of the book is devoted to the results of Pavica Mrazović’s scientific work and contains the first complete annotated bibliography of her work. The editor of the entire book Đorđe Tomić, a linguist and historian from Berlin, and family friend for 25 years, took care of collecting, editing, and structuring the works, as well as writing the commentaries. Pavica Mrazović – a woman, wife, mother, grandmother, activist of the Anti-Fascist Women’s Front (AFŽ), teacher, university professor, and one of the most important representatives of Yugoslav German studies – receives with this book the first and so far only synthesis of her life and work. This comprehensive documentation, which has been lacking until now, represents a valuable contribution to the Yugoslav and European history of everyday life, women’s history, and history of science.
The profile of the Serbian diaspora in Germany presented here is the result of the examination carried out in the period between April and July 2016 and is based upon both a quantitative and a qualitative analysis. Firstly, for this purpose, German and Serbian statistical material was evaluated. Secondly, the relevant scientific literature focusing on the topics of diaspora and migration was evaluated: This included current political science, sociological and economic studies as well as a large number of historical, ethnological and linguistic and cultural scientific works. Thirdly, new sources used for analysis were generated by several expert interviews, informal discussions and an online survey conducted specifically for the purposes of the study. Fourthly, as part of the overall project, an extensive list of Serbian (diaspora) associations was created and evaluated, which represents a good overview of contacts to Germany-based Serbian migrant organizations, clubs and associations as well as networks.
Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht die serbische Diaspora in Deutschland. Zu dieser gehören rund 230.000 serbische Staatsangehörige (Stand: 2015), von denen die Mehrheit über eine eigene Migrationserfahrung verfügt, die wiederum vorwiegend in den Hochphasen der Migration aus (dem ehemaligen) Jugoslawien Ende der 1960er bzw. seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre zu verorten ist. Ziele des gesamten Projekts, dessen wichtigstes Ergebnis die vorliegende Studie darstellt, waren (1) die systematische wissenschaftliche Untersuchung der historischen und gegenwärtigen Lage der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland; (2) die zusammenfassende Darstellung der Diasporapolitik der Republik Serbien; (3) die Erstellung eines Mappings serbischer (Diaspora-)Vereine in Deutschland und (4) die Formulierung von Handlungsempfehlungen zur entwicklungsorientierten Einbindung der Diaspora (Organisationen, Vereine und Individuen) als Akteure in die Handlungsfelder des Programms Migration für Entwicklung (PME).
Das anhand der im Zeitraum April - Juli 2016 vorgenommenen Untersuchung erstellte und hier präsentierte Profil der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland basiert indes sowohl auf einer quantitativen als auf einer qualitativen Analyse. Dazu wurde erstens deutsches und serbisches statistisches Material ausgewertet. Zweitens wurde die einschlägige wissenschaftliche Literatur zu den Schwerpunkten Diaspora und Migration evaluiert: Dazu gehören sowohl aktuelle politikwissenschaftliche, soziologische und ökonomische Studien als auch eine Reihe von geschichtswissenschaftlichen, ethnologischen sowie sprach- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Arbeiten. Drittens wurden mittels mehrerer Experteninterviews, informeller Gespräche und einer eigens für die Zwecke der Studie durchgeführten Online-Umfrage neue Quellen generiert, die für die Analyse herangezogen wurden. Viertens wurde als Teil des Gesamtprojektes eine ausführliche
Liste serbischer (Diaspora-) Vereine erstellt und ausgewertet, die eine bessere Übersicht über Kontakte von in Deutschland ansässigen serbischen Migrantenorganisationen, Vereinen und Verbänden sowie Netzwerken darstellt.
Neben neuen Staatsgrenzen brachte die postsozialistische Zeit in vielen Teilen Osteuropas verschiedene Regionalismen hervor, die sich als europäische(re) Alternative zu nationalen Zugehörigkeiten präsentierten. Die »Rückkehr« historischer Regionen ging fast ausnahmslos mit der Wiederbelebung einer idealisierten imperialen Vergangenheit und dem scheinbaren »Wiederauftauchen« der alten Grenzen einher - den Phantomgrenzen.
Đorđe Tomić widmet sich der Vojvodina, dem einzigen Teil des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens, der nach dem Staatszerfall kein unabhängiger Staat wurde. Zum Vergleich herangezogen wird das in Serbien wie im Nachbarstaat Rumänien neu »entdeckte« Banat. In beiden Fällen entstanden Vorstellungen von den Spezifika des jeweiligen Gebiets, die mit der historischen Zugehörigkeit der Region zum »Habsburger Mitteleuropa« begründet wurden.
Im Laufe des letzten Vierteljahrhunderts fügten sich diese Begründungen zu neuen regionalistischen Narrativen zusammen. Wie sind diese entstanden, welche Akteure haben welche Argumente eingesetzt und zu welchem Zweck?
Articles by Dorde Tomic
Kritika političkih koncepcija jugoslavenske ljevice koja dolazi do izražaja u izjavi što ju je Miroslav Krleža formulirao neposredno nakon Prvog svjetskog rata ukazuje na načelnu dilemu političke orijentacije ljevice: Na koji su način vlastiti emacipatorski zahtjevi spojivi s društveno-političkom stvarnošću u Jugoslaviji?
Kao što se vidi iz povijesti jugoslavenske ljevice, upravo je taj raskorak obilježio kako njen razvoj nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, tako i ulogu Komunističke partije u drugoj (socijalističkoj) Jugoslaviji. No, u čemu se sastojala dilema jugoslavenske ljevice i što naposljetku znamo o nastanku političke ljevice u ovoj regiji i njezinoj povijesti?
Pavica Mrazović was an outstanding scholar in every respect. This aspect is addressed in the second part, which considers Pavica Mrazović as an actor in Yugoslav German Studies and illustrates her work and life in academia: Pavica Mrazović decided to pursue scientific research only after her successful career as a German teacher in order to correct the shortcomings of teaching practice. She pursued this goal until the end of her life. In retrospect, the results and achievements of this decades-long work can hardly be overestimated. She spent a quarter of a century at the Chair of German Language and Literature at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Novi Sad. But even after her retirement, she continued to work as a university professor in Szeged in the 1990s. The 1960s marked the beginning of her academic activity. In the years that followed, she regularly traveled abroad for extended study visits and leading academic conferences as part of various research projects and collaborations with leading research centers in German studies. The most important and longest collaboration with the Leibniz Institute for German Language in Mannheim and the then director of the institute, Ulrich Engel, as well as the result itself – the Contrastive Grammar of German and Serbo-Croatian – is described in the article of Olga Stojanović Frechette. Maria Dobrenov-Major, herself an emeritus professor and linguist, portrays Pavica Mrazović as a mentor. By describing the daily life and collaboration with Pavica Mrazović, the author simultaneously emphasizes the scientific importance of her research and teaching as well as her human qualities that continue to inspire her today. The remaining two contributions in this part of the book – Ulrich Engel’s and Tomislav Bekić’s obituaries, published in 2003 – represent a kind of summary of Pavica Mrazović’s entire scientific career, but also reveal some interesting details about her relationships with colleagues. The third part of the book is devoted to the results of Pavica Mrazović’s scientific work and contains the first complete annotated bibliography of her work. The editor of the entire book Đorđe Tomić, a linguist and historian from Berlin, and family friend for 25 years, took care of collecting, editing, and structuring the works, as well as writing the commentaries. Pavica Mrazović – a woman, wife, mother, grandmother, activist of the Anti-Fascist Women’s Front (AFŽ), teacher, university professor, and one of the most important representatives of Yugoslav German studies – receives with this book the first and so far only synthesis of her life and work. This comprehensive documentation, which has been lacking until now, represents a valuable contribution to the Yugoslav and European history of everyday life, women’s history, and history of science.
The profile of the Serbian diaspora in Germany presented here is the result of the examination carried out in the period between April and July 2016 and is based upon both a quantitative and a qualitative analysis. Firstly, for this purpose, German and Serbian statistical material was evaluated. Secondly, the relevant scientific literature focusing on the topics of diaspora and migration was evaluated: This included current political science, sociological and economic studies as well as a large number of historical, ethnological and linguistic and cultural scientific works. Thirdly, new sources used for analysis were generated by several expert interviews, informal discussions and an online survey conducted specifically for the purposes of the study. Fourthly, as part of the overall project, an extensive list of Serbian (diaspora) associations was created and evaluated, which represents a good overview of contacts to Germany-based Serbian migrant organizations, clubs and associations as well as networks.
Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht die serbische Diaspora in Deutschland. Zu dieser gehören rund 230.000 serbische Staatsangehörige (Stand: 2015), von denen die Mehrheit über eine eigene Migrationserfahrung verfügt, die wiederum vorwiegend in den Hochphasen der Migration aus (dem ehemaligen) Jugoslawien Ende der 1960er bzw. seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre zu verorten ist. Ziele des gesamten Projekts, dessen wichtigstes Ergebnis die vorliegende Studie darstellt, waren (1) die systematische wissenschaftliche Untersuchung der historischen und gegenwärtigen Lage der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland; (2) die zusammenfassende Darstellung der Diasporapolitik der Republik Serbien; (3) die Erstellung eines Mappings serbischer (Diaspora-)Vereine in Deutschland und (4) die Formulierung von Handlungsempfehlungen zur entwicklungsorientierten Einbindung der Diaspora (Organisationen, Vereine und Individuen) als Akteure in die Handlungsfelder des Programms Migration für Entwicklung (PME).
Das anhand der im Zeitraum April - Juli 2016 vorgenommenen Untersuchung erstellte und hier präsentierte Profil der serbischen Diaspora in Deutschland basiert indes sowohl auf einer quantitativen als auf einer qualitativen Analyse. Dazu wurde erstens deutsches und serbisches statistisches Material ausgewertet. Zweitens wurde die einschlägige wissenschaftliche Literatur zu den Schwerpunkten Diaspora und Migration evaluiert: Dazu gehören sowohl aktuelle politikwissenschaftliche, soziologische und ökonomische Studien als auch eine Reihe von geschichtswissenschaftlichen, ethnologischen sowie sprach- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Arbeiten. Drittens wurden mittels mehrerer Experteninterviews, informeller Gespräche und einer eigens für die Zwecke der Studie durchgeführten Online-Umfrage neue Quellen generiert, die für die Analyse herangezogen wurden. Viertens wurde als Teil des Gesamtprojektes eine ausführliche
Liste serbischer (Diaspora-) Vereine erstellt und ausgewertet, die eine bessere Übersicht über Kontakte von in Deutschland ansässigen serbischen Migrantenorganisationen, Vereinen und Verbänden sowie Netzwerken darstellt.
Neben neuen Staatsgrenzen brachte die postsozialistische Zeit in vielen Teilen Osteuropas verschiedene Regionalismen hervor, die sich als europäische(re) Alternative zu nationalen Zugehörigkeiten präsentierten. Die »Rückkehr« historischer Regionen ging fast ausnahmslos mit der Wiederbelebung einer idealisierten imperialen Vergangenheit und dem scheinbaren »Wiederauftauchen« der alten Grenzen einher - den Phantomgrenzen.
Đorđe Tomić widmet sich der Vojvodina, dem einzigen Teil des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens, der nach dem Staatszerfall kein unabhängiger Staat wurde. Zum Vergleich herangezogen wird das in Serbien wie im Nachbarstaat Rumänien neu »entdeckte« Banat. In beiden Fällen entstanden Vorstellungen von den Spezifika des jeweiligen Gebiets, die mit der historischen Zugehörigkeit der Region zum »Habsburger Mitteleuropa« begründet wurden.
Im Laufe des letzten Vierteljahrhunderts fügten sich diese Begründungen zu neuen regionalistischen Narrativen zusammen. Wie sind diese entstanden, welche Akteure haben welche Argumente eingesetzt und zu welchem Zweck?
Kritika političkih koncepcija jugoslavenske ljevice koja dolazi do izražaja u izjavi što ju je Miroslav Krleža formulirao neposredno nakon Prvog svjetskog rata ukazuje na načelnu dilemu političke orijentacije ljevice: Na koji su način vlastiti emacipatorski zahtjevi spojivi s društveno-političkom stvarnošću u Jugoslaviji?
Kao što se vidi iz povijesti jugoslavenske ljevice, upravo je taj raskorak obilježio kako njen razvoj nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, tako i ulogu Komunističke partije u drugoj (socijalističkoj) Jugoslaviji. No, u čemu se sastojala dilema jugoslavenske ljevice i što naposljetku znamo o nastanku političke ljevice u ovoj regiji i njezinoj povijesti?