The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this p... more The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
M uch has been written about the Boko Haram terrorist organization. The group has conducted numer... more M uch has been written about the Boko Haram terrorist organization. The group has conducted numerous violent attacks since 2009, and the Nigerian state's failure to contain the insurgency is a prominent theme of discussion in national politics. Among the most notorious of Boko Haram's attacks are three mass abductions and three mass murders of Nigerian students, conducted in the space of just seven years. In 2013, 42 people, mostly students, were shot or burned alive at the Mamudo Government Secondary School; another 44 students and teachers were killed in a separate incident at the College of Agriculture in Gujba, both in the northeastern Yobe State. In February 2014, militants attacked the Buni Yadi Federal Government College, also in Yobe State, leaving 59 students dead. Most infamously, two months later, in April 2014, 276 girls were abducted from Chibok Secondary School in Borno State, also in northeast Nigeria, which led to the formation of the international campaign Bring Back Our Girls. In 2018, 110 girls were abducted from the Government Girls Science Technical College in Dapchi, Yobe State. Most recently, in December 2020, more than 300 boys were briefly abducted from the Kankara Government Science Secondary School in Katsina State, the home state of President Muhammadu Buhari, in the country's northwest. While many of the abductees have since been released or managed to escape, 111 of the Chibok girls are still missing, as is one of the Dapchi students. Many scholars have concentrated on the origins, motives, and resilience of Boko Haram. This essay considers a different perspective: that despite the obvious identity and innocence of the mostly defenseless victims of these episodes of Boko Haram's terrorism, it is the Nigerian state that has routinely positioned itself as the victim. The Nigerian government has responded to each episode of abduction with a discourse of both victimhood and militarization, presenting the latter as the only way to ensure the state's continued integrity. This discourse, often prominently featuring the state's leadership, has centered on enhancing the capacity of the state's 1
Introduction Private Military/ Security Companies: who are they and where are they coming from? A... more Introduction Private Military/ Security Companies: who are they and where are they coming from? Are there legal frameworks for the regulation of PMSCs in Nigeria? PMSCs in the context of national security and implications for democratic governance in Nigeria PMSCs and the prospect for democratic governance in Nigeria
Introduction Civilian-military relations play an important yet under-researched role in low-incom... more Introduction Civilian-military relations play an important yet under-researched role in low-income and middle-income country epidemic response. One crucial component of civilian-military relations is defining the role of the military. This paper evaluates the role of Nigerian military during the 2014-2016 West African Ebola epidemic. Methods Focus groups and key informant interviews were conducted throughout three states in North East region of Nigeria: Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. Participants were identified through mapping of stakeholder involvement in Nigerian epidemic response. English-translated transcripts of each key informant interview and focus group discussion were then coded and key themes were elucidated and analysed. Results Major themes elucidated include developing inclusive coordination plans between civilian and military entities, facilitating human rights reporting mechanisms and distributing military resources more equitably across geographical catchment areas. The Nigerian Military served numerous functions: 37% (22/59) of respondents indicated 'security/peace' as the military's primary function, while 42% (25/59) cited health services. Variations across geographic settings were also noted: 35% (7/20) of participants in Borno stated the military primarily provided transportation, while 73% (11/15) in Adamawa and 29% (7/24) in Yobe listed health services. Conclusions Robust civilian-military relations require an appropriately defined role of the military and clear civilian-military communication. Important considerations to contextualise civilian-military relations include military cultural-linguistic understanding, human rights promotion, and community-based needs assessments; such foci can facilitate the military's understanding of community norms and civilian cooperation with military aims. In turn, more robust civilian-military relations can promote overall epidemic response and reduce the global burden of disease.
This report is one of 14 undertaken under the rubric of a project assessing the views of stakehol... more This report is one of 14 undertaken under the rubric of a project assessing the views of stakeholders in target countries on the effectiveness of democracy assistance. The project aims to gather views on how democracy support can be relegitimised and its impact enhanced. Other case studies and a synthesis report can be found at www.fride.org.
When ethnic and religious leaders preach reconciliation without having unequivocally committed th... more When ethnic and religious leaders preach reconciliation without having unequivocally committed themselves to struggle on the side of the oppressed for justice, they are caught straddling a pseudo-neutrality made of nothing but thin air (Wink, 1997:22) [emphasis added].
Africa, like every other continent in the world, has unique problems that require special diagnos... more Africa, like every other continent in the world, has unique problems that require special diagnosis as well as a unique socio-cultural and political landscape that distinctly impacts the peace and security environment. With the transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) in 2002, new objectives under the new framework emphasized the need to define and find African-centred solutions for peace and security in the continent. While the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is already operational, there is an emerging need for the AU to focus more on the interface between peace, security and governance. This makes the search for African-centred solutions in peace and security more complex and broad since the solutions have to include elements of governance, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.
This policy brief is a product of the Forum on Farmer and Herder Relations in Nigeria (FFARN). FF... more This policy brief is a product of the Forum on Farmer and Herder Relations in Nigeria (FFARN). FFARN is a network of academics and practitioners from governmental and non-governmental institutions who work on peace and conflict/security issues in Nigeria and who have experience responding to farmer-herder conflict at sub-national, national, and/or regional levels. FFARN provides a monthly platform for interdisciplinary exchange and joint identification of areas for additional research and practice to generate strong evidence for multilevel policy influence on farmer-herder conflict in Nigeria. The concept of this policy brief was developed at the first forum of FFARN in August 2017 and validated by members of the FFARN at the second forum on September 23, 2017. Practitioners and scholars jointly prioritized the need for an assessment of existing responses of state and non-state actors to farmer-herder conflict in Nigeria to identify past and ongoing interventions, challenges, weaknesses, and to recommend actions for the future. Members of FFARN represent academic and practitioner institutions including: Violent confrontations between farmers and herders have become a defining feature of inter-group relations among communities in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria. Environmental degradation, social manipulation of ethno-religious biases, and technological advances have altered relationships that were historically interdependent and mutually beneficial. Conflicts between farmers and herders exist on a large scale, both within Nigeria and the greater Lake Chad Basin and Sudano-Sahel region; however, states within Nigeria's Middle
Non-State Armed Groups in North East Nigeria: Challenges and Opportunities for Security Sector Governance, 2018
The proliferation of counter-insurgency armed groups in North-East Nigeria presents an interestin... more The proliferation of counter-insurgency armed groups in North-East Nigeria presents an interesting subject for study. This research examines their roles from a security governance standpoint, focusing on Adamawa, Borno and Yobe, states that have been hotbeds of the Boko Haram insurgency. The objectives of the study are to map the groups, establish their capacities and impact, examine the relationships between the groups and with state security institutions and identify opportunities for constructive engagement.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this p... more The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
M uch has been written about the Boko Haram terrorist organization. The group has conducted numer... more M uch has been written about the Boko Haram terrorist organization. The group has conducted numerous violent attacks since 2009, and the Nigerian state's failure to contain the insurgency is a prominent theme of discussion in national politics. Among the most notorious of Boko Haram's attacks are three mass abductions and three mass murders of Nigerian students, conducted in the space of just seven years. In 2013, 42 people, mostly students, were shot or burned alive at the Mamudo Government Secondary School; another 44 students and teachers were killed in a separate incident at the College of Agriculture in Gujba, both in the northeastern Yobe State. In February 2014, militants attacked the Buni Yadi Federal Government College, also in Yobe State, leaving 59 students dead. Most infamously, two months later, in April 2014, 276 girls were abducted from Chibok Secondary School in Borno State, also in northeast Nigeria, which led to the formation of the international campaign Bring Back Our Girls. In 2018, 110 girls were abducted from the Government Girls Science Technical College in Dapchi, Yobe State. Most recently, in December 2020, more than 300 boys were briefly abducted from the Kankara Government Science Secondary School in Katsina State, the home state of President Muhammadu Buhari, in the country's northwest. While many of the abductees have since been released or managed to escape, 111 of the Chibok girls are still missing, as is one of the Dapchi students. Many scholars have concentrated on the origins, motives, and resilience of Boko Haram. This essay considers a different perspective: that despite the obvious identity and innocence of the mostly defenseless victims of these episodes of Boko Haram's terrorism, it is the Nigerian state that has routinely positioned itself as the victim. The Nigerian government has responded to each episode of abduction with a discourse of both victimhood and militarization, presenting the latter as the only way to ensure the state's continued integrity. This discourse, often prominently featuring the state's leadership, has centered on enhancing the capacity of the state's 1
Introduction Private Military/ Security Companies: who are they and where are they coming from? A... more Introduction Private Military/ Security Companies: who are they and where are they coming from? Are there legal frameworks for the regulation of PMSCs in Nigeria? PMSCs in the context of national security and implications for democratic governance in Nigeria PMSCs and the prospect for democratic governance in Nigeria
Introduction Civilian-military relations play an important yet under-researched role in low-incom... more Introduction Civilian-military relations play an important yet under-researched role in low-income and middle-income country epidemic response. One crucial component of civilian-military relations is defining the role of the military. This paper evaluates the role of Nigerian military during the 2014-2016 West African Ebola epidemic. Methods Focus groups and key informant interviews were conducted throughout three states in North East region of Nigeria: Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. Participants were identified through mapping of stakeholder involvement in Nigerian epidemic response. English-translated transcripts of each key informant interview and focus group discussion were then coded and key themes were elucidated and analysed. Results Major themes elucidated include developing inclusive coordination plans between civilian and military entities, facilitating human rights reporting mechanisms and distributing military resources more equitably across geographical catchment areas. The Nigerian Military served numerous functions: 37% (22/59) of respondents indicated 'security/peace' as the military's primary function, while 42% (25/59) cited health services. Variations across geographic settings were also noted: 35% (7/20) of participants in Borno stated the military primarily provided transportation, while 73% (11/15) in Adamawa and 29% (7/24) in Yobe listed health services. Conclusions Robust civilian-military relations require an appropriately defined role of the military and clear civilian-military communication. Important considerations to contextualise civilian-military relations include military cultural-linguistic understanding, human rights promotion, and community-based needs assessments; such foci can facilitate the military's understanding of community norms and civilian cooperation with military aims. In turn, more robust civilian-military relations can promote overall epidemic response and reduce the global burden of disease.
This report is one of 14 undertaken under the rubric of a project assessing the views of stakehol... more This report is one of 14 undertaken under the rubric of a project assessing the views of stakeholders in target countries on the effectiveness of democracy assistance. The project aims to gather views on how democracy support can be relegitimised and its impact enhanced. Other case studies and a synthesis report can be found at www.fride.org.
When ethnic and religious leaders preach reconciliation without having unequivocally committed th... more When ethnic and religious leaders preach reconciliation without having unequivocally committed themselves to struggle on the side of the oppressed for justice, they are caught straddling a pseudo-neutrality made of nothing but thin air (Wink, 1997:22) [emphasis added].
Africa, like every other continent in the world, has unique problems that require special diagnos... more Africa, like every other continent in the world, has unique problems that require special diagnosis as well as a unique socio-cultural and political landscape that distinctly impacts the peace and security environment. With the transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) in 2002, new objectives under the new framework emphasized the need to define and find African-centred solutions for peace and security in the continent. While the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is already operational, there is an emerging need for the AU to focus more on the interface between peace, security and governance. This makes the search for African-centred solutions in peace and security more complex and broad since the solutions have to include elements of governance, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.
This policy brief is a product of the Forum on Farmer and Herder Relations in Nigeria (FFARN). FF... more This policy brief is a product of the Forum on Farmer and Herder Relations in Nigeria (FFARN). FFARN is a network of academics and practitioners from governmental and non-governmental institutions who work on peace and conflict/security issues in Nigeria and who have experience responding to farmer-herder conflict at sub-national, national, and/or regional levels. FFARN provides a monthly platform for interdisciplinary exchange and joint identification of areas for additional research and practice to generate strong evidence for multilevel policy influence on farmer-herder conflict in Nigeria. The concept of this policy brief was developed at the first forum of FFARN in August 2017 and validated by members of the FFARN at the second forum on September 23, 2017. Practitioners and scholars jointly prioritized the need for an assessment of existing responses of state and non-state actors to farmer-herder conflict in Nigeria to identify past and ongoing interventions, challenges, weaknesses, and to recommend actions for the future. Members of FFARN represent academic and practitioner institutions including: Violent confrontations between farmers and herders have become a defining feature of inter-group relations among communities in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria. Environmental degradation, social manipulation of ethno-religious biases, and technological advances have altered relationships that were historically interdependent and mutually beneficial. Conflicts between farmers and herders exist on a large scale, both within Nigeria and the greater Lake Chad Basin and Sudano-Sahel region; however, states within Nigeria's Middle
Non-State Armed Groups in North East Nigeria: Challenges and Opportunities for Security Sector Governance, 2018
The proliferation of counter-insurgency armed groups in North-East Nigeria presents an interestin... more The proliferation of counter-insurgency armed groups in North-East Nigeria presents an interesting subject for study. This research examines their roles from a security governance standpoint, focusing on Adamawa, Borno and Yobe, states that have been hotbeds of the Boko Haram insurgency. The objectives of the study are to map the groups, establish their capacities and impact, examine the relationships between the groups and with state security institutions and identify opportunities for constructive engagement.
What is the current state of understanding and practice on forensic mental healthcare? In what wa... more What is the current state of understanding and practice on forensic mental healthcare? In what ways does securitization explain forensic mental health in the context of policy and practice in Nigeria? How can Nigeria leverage current global practices in the implementation of its forensic mental health policy? This paper examines the foregoing questions, drawing lessons from the state of forensic mental healthcare practice in Nigeria, with specific reference to securitization and global best practices. The paper draws attention to the reality that despite global movements toward recovery-oriented care as a security issue in forensic settings, there is a policy and practice challenge in Nigeria relating to the linkages between securitization and forensic mental healthcare. These challenges are compounded by system-level barriers such as the non-recognition of forensic mental health as a human security issue, overcrowding in correctional facilities, inadequate workforce, and funding constraints. Furthermore, the paper argues that there are potential solutions that are both pragmatic and culturally adaptive, emphasizing interdisciplinary collaboration, adoption, and incorporation of the Forensic Assertive Community Treatment (FACT) approach, which Nigeria's forensic mental healthcare policy and practice can leverage. This is with the goal of formulating and implementing a security-responsive model that resonates with Nigerian realities while benchmarking global standards.
Peacebuilding remains a complex venture that requires the framing of multiple
activities that ar... more Peacebuilding remains a complex venture that requires the framing of multiple
activities that are linked and interdependent to ensure Just Peace. Some of such
activities include peace education, restorative and transitional justice, development,
conflict resolution (dialogue, mediation, and negotiation), trauma
healing, multi-lateral and government efforts, and peacebuilding advocacy and
solidarity, among other actions (Lederach & Mansfield, 2016). The challenge
that peacebuilding faces in many societies, including countries like Sudan,
Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Nigeria, transcend beyond narratives of weak
interventions or insecurity. It is influenced, very often, by dilemmas that are
embedded in relatively weak and dysfunctional social structures that increase
opportunities for the protraction of violent conflicts and reverberation of patterns
that exacerbate insecurity. It continues to remain evident that peacebuilding
in many parts of Africa, including Nigeria, is affected by state fragility
and the weakness of institutions that have the mandate to develop and deliver
of operational (short-term) and structural (long-term) preventive actions to
institutionalize peace (Emah, 2019b; and Emah, 2019a). These challenges
are further deepened by the emergence of complex security dynamics that
immensely pressure the peace architecture of the state to constantly rethink its
strategies. They also shrink the limited resources available for providing security,
fracture inter-communal/intergroup relationships, and threaten economic
prosperity and individual livelihoods, and collective opportunities to attain
integral human development.
This chapter argues that to ensure peacebuilding delivers the best results in
circumstances of increased conflicts, insecurities, and fragility, the development
of actions should involve the integration of structural and operational prevention
(Ackerman, 2003), which also allows the maximization of various formal
and informal structures that can ensure constructive social changes. Systemic
assessments of peacebuilding within fragile contexts enable an improved
understanding of the interconnectedness of conflict issues and the effectiveness
and impacts of various approaches adopted to tackling insecurity and the
underlying drivers of conflicts, part of which is armed banditry and cattle rustling.
Even though re-conceptualizing peacebuilding in fragile states could be a
difficult and complicated process, it necessitates an evaluation of actions.
This evaluative process creates a dialogue between frameworks that both support
and legitimize formal and informal methods that build peace across various
groups and communities. In essence, transforming the challenges of cattle
rustling, armed banditry, state fragility, and various forms of insecurity and
conflicts in Nigeria needs the framing of actions that are not linear but address
the multi-level factors that escalate criminality and the lacunas in the delivery
of security (Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014b). This approach to peacebuilding supports
consistent evaluation of strategies, learning and reflecting on practice,
and accountability within the context of conflicts and fragility.
Peacebuilding remains a complex venture that requires the framing of multiple activities that are... more Peacebuilding remains a complex venture that requires the framing of multiple activities that are linked and interdependent to ensure Just Peace. Some of such activities include peace education, restorative and transitional justice, development, conflict resolution (dialogue, mediation, and negotiation), trauma healing, multi-lateral and government efforts, and peacebuilding advocacy and solidarity, among other actions (Lederach & Mansfield, 2016). The challenge that peacebuilding faces in many societies, including countries like Sudan, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Nigeria, transcend beyond narratives of weak interventions or insecurity. It is influenced, very often, by dilemmas that are embedded in relatively weak and dysfunctional social structures that increase opportunities for the protraction of violent conflicts and reverberation of patterns that exacerbate insecurity. It continues to remain evident that peacebuilding in many parts of Africa, including Nigeria, is affected by state fragility and the weakness of institutions that have the mandate to develop and deliver of operational (short-term) and structural (long-term) preventive actions to institutionalize peace (Emah, 2019b; and Emah, 2019a). These challenges are further deepened by the emergence of complex security dynamics that immensely pressure the peace architecture of the state to constantly rethink its strategies. They also shrink the limited resources available for providing security, fracture inter-communal/intergroup relationships, and threaten economic prosperity and individual livelihoods, and collective opportunities to attain integral human development. This chapter argues that to ensure peacebuilding delivers the best results in circumstances of increased conflicts, insecurities, and fragility, the development of actions should involve the integration of structural and operational prevention (Ackerman, 2003), which also allows the maximization of various formal and informal structures that can ensure constructive social changes. Systemic assessments of peacebuilding within fragile contexts enable an improved understanding of the interconnectedness of conflict issues and the effectiveness and impacts of various approaches adopted to tackling insecurity and the underlying drivers of conflicts, part of which is armed banditry and cattle rustling. Even though re-conceptualizing peacebuilding in fragile states could be a difficult and complicated process, it necessitates an evaluation of actions. This evaluative process creates a dialogue between frameworks that both support and legitimize formal and informal methods that build peace across various groups and communities. In essence, transforming the challenges of cattle rustling, armed banditry, state fragility, and various forms of insecurity and conflicts in Nigeria needs the framing of actions that are not linear but address the multi-level factors that escalate criminality and the lacunas in the delivery of security (Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014b). This approach to peacebuilding supports consistent evaluation of strategies, learning and reflecting on practice, and accountability within the context of conflicts and fragility.
Recent years have seen the acceleration of data- and evidence-based approaches in support of peac... more Recent years have seen the acceleration of data- and evidence-based approaches in support of peace processes, creating a renewed confidence that conflicts can be predicted, known, and resolved, based on objective information about the world. However, new technologies employed by conflict parties, stakeholders, and those who aim to make or build peace have also made peace processes less ascertainable, intelligible, and predictable. Technology can thus create both more certainty and uncertainty in (and about) peace processes. This forum article presents a first collaborative attempt to explore how the use of technology by conflict parties and peacebuilding actors influences these dynamics. We examine various fields of engagement, ranging from conflict prevention to peace mediation, peacekeeping, and longer-term peacebuilding. Our discussion engages with a variety of related activities, including predictive analysis and foresight, conflict analysis, cease-fire monitoring, early warning...
The Palgrave Handbook of Small Arms and Conflicts in Africa, 2021
Armed conflicts remain a challenging aspect of Africa's growth, development and peace (Murshed 20... more Armed conflicts remain a challenging aspect of Africa's growth, development and peace (Murshed 2018). Conflict escalation in different parts of Africa is amplified by several factors, including governance, corruption, historical antecedence of different wars and a quest for significance by various conflicts actors. However, the proliferation of arms and different weapons have deepened the conflicts, creating political economies and collapse of social structures that could support peace across different societies. Illicit arms trade in Africa is amorphous; thus, creating increased illegal presence and accessibility to arms in virtually every country in the region. Also, the clandestine nature of illicit arms trade affects societal progress, impeding developmental on many fronts. The impacts of arms proliferation in conflicts in Africa is complex and challenging to resolve because of the complacency of some political and state actors/regimes across the continent, in addition to other factors. The spate of insurgency in the continent is escalated by these clandestine arms trade, enabling the proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALWs), which then affects economic and social growth, intercommunal/social cohesion, increases radicalization, violent extremism and inter-communal tension, promotes gun culture, and fosters inter-generational
This paper examines the rationale and centrality of private military and security companies (PMSC... more This paper examines the rationale and centrality of private military and security companies (PMSCs) in humanitarian assistance operations in Sudan, asking why PMSCs are involved in humanitarian assistance operations in Sudan and what the principles underlying their activities are. To answer this question, the paper draws attention to the link between humanitarian crises and PMSC interventions. Where there is no meaningful alternative intervention, undergirded by humanitarian concerns that are also profit driven, PMSCs come in to provide the needed services. The protracted and complicated internal armed conflicts in Sudan, which have lasted for over two decades, have produced as many as 4,8 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) – the single largest number in the world. The kind of humanitarian assistance operations provided by PMSCs in Sudan have become critical to the provision of much-needed services which were inadequately provided by governmental authorities at both unilateral and multilateral levels. This paper argues that the humanitarian crises in Sudan created a regime that permits humanitarian assistance operations by both state and non-state actors.
This article examines security sector reform (SSR) in Sudan and provides an overview of some of t... more This article examines security sector reform (SSR) in Sudan and provides an overview of some of the ongoing challenges in the operationalisation of SSR in Sudan's post-war economy. The author argues that security providers such as the military and police function within a highly political and undemocratic milieu that lacks transparency and does not have the capacity to expose the
The Economic Roots of Conflict and Cooperation in Africa
At first glance, Nigeria’s recent economic record appears to suggest that development strategies ... more At first glance, Nigeria’s recent economic record appears to suggest that development strategies are highly associated with greater conflict. Since 2003, the nation has enjoyed an average annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of over 6 percent; yet Nigeria has been crippled by major insurgencies in the oil-producing Niger Delta region and the religiously/ethnically divided central states that encompass the Middle Belt. Despite the huge agricultural potentials of the country, agriculture currently accounts for roughly 35 percent of its GDP, with heavy reliance on imported food items (African Economic Outlook 2013).
IntroductionCivilian–military relations play an important yet under-researched role in low-income... more IntroductionCivilian–military relations play an important yet under-researched role in low-income and middle-income country epidemic response. One crucial component of civilian–military relations is defining the role of the military. This paper evaluates the role of Nigerian military during the 2014–2016 West African Ebola epidemic.MethodsFocus groups and key informant interviews were conducted throughout three states in North East region of Nigeria: Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. Participants were identified through mapping of stakeholder involvement in Nigerian epidemic response. English-translated transcripts of each key informant interview and focus group discussion were then coded and key themes were elucidated and analysed.ResultsMajor themes elucidated include developing inclusive coordination plans between civilian and military entities, facilitating human rights reporting mechanisms and distributing military resources more equitably across geographical catchment areas. The Nigeri...
N O . 1 4 / J U LY 2 0 11 victims were killed or seized by Muslim or Christian youth gangs at imp... more N O . 1 4 / J U LY 2 0 11 victims were killed or seized by Muslim or Christian youth gangs at impromptu roadside checkpoints and taxi and bus stations, their bodies later found in nearby shallow graves. 1 Several major attacks in 2010 saw new, increasingly lethal tactics. During 4 days of fighting in January, up to 500 people were killed and some 18,000 displaced, many into neighboring states. Local organizations collected over 150 text messages circulated prior to the violence, revealing an orchestrated Communal clashes across ethnic and religious faultlines in and around the city of Jos in central Nigeria have claimed thousands of lives, displaced hundreds of thousands of others, and fostered a climate of instability throughout the surrounding region. While large-scale violence has occurred periodically over the past decade, in recent years attacks have become more frequent, widespread, and efficient. Over 200 people were killed and nearly 100 more went missing during near daily attacks in January 2011. Many In extreme cases, rival communities may perceive that their security, perhaps their very survival, can be ensured only through control of state power. Conflict in such cases becomes virtually inevitable. -"The Causes of Conflict and the Promotion of Durable Peace and Sustainable Development in Africa," Report of the United Nations Secretary-General, 1998
When ethnic and religious leaders preach reconciliation without having unequivocally committed th... more When ethnic and religious leaders preach reconciliation without having unequivocally committed themselves to struggle on the side of the oppressed for justice, they are caught straddling a pseudo-neutrality made of nothing but thin air (Wink, 1997:22) [emphasis added]. Despite strong optimism that the enthronement of democratic rule in Nigeria in 1999 would avert or contain ethnic and religious conflicts, the country has witnessed high level ethnic and religious violence with devastating consequences. This paper examines ethnic and religious conflicts in Nigeria in terms of its causes and impacts from 1999 to date. It argues that the weakness of the state has impacted significantly on the management of ethnic and religious conflicts in view of the fact that the state has increasingly become less responsive to the security needs of its citizens. The paper contends further that the challenge of managing ethnic and religious conflicts in Nigeria lies squarely in rebuilding state capaci...
The paper examines the factors that account for the involvement of the private military and secur... more The paper examines the factors that account for the involvement of the private military and security sector in African conflicts, with specific reference to Sierra Leone. While the activities of these entities have come under scrutiny, there has not been any concrete effort by African states to address the challenges associated with the consequences of such involvements. The paper argues that while weak state capacity was responsible for the involvement of the private sector in the Sierra Leonean conflicts, the centrality of the market, which is linked to profit maximization, was a major driver and incentive for the private sector. The paper argued further while the private sector has come to stay in the military and security landscape of African societies, effective mechanisms for regulation remain the potent option for African states, particularly Sierra Leone.
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activities that are linked and interdependent to ensure Just Peace. Some of such
activities include peace education, restorative and transitional justice, development,
conflict resolution (dialogue, mediation, and negotiation), trauma
healing, multi-lateral and government efforts, and peacebuilding advocacy and
solidarity, among other actions (Lederach & Mansfield, 2016). The challenge
that peacebuilding faces in many societies, including countries like Sudan,
Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Nigeria, transcend beyond narratives of weak
interventions or insecurity. It is influenced, very often, by dilemmas that are
embedded in relatively weak and dysfunctional social structures that increase
opportunities for the protraction of violent conflicts and reverberation of patterns
that exacerbate insecurity. It continues to remain evident that peacebuilding
in many parts of Africa, including Nigeria, is affected by state fragility
and the weakness of institutions that have the mandate to develop and deliver
of operational (short-term) and structural (long-term) preventive actions to
institutionalize peace (Emah, 2019b; and Emah, 2019a). These challenges
are further deepened by the emergence of complex security dynamics that
immensely pressure the peace architecture of the state to constantly rethink its
strategies. They also shrink the limited resources available for providing security,
fracture inter-communal/intergroup relationships, and threaten economic
prosperity and individual livelihoods, and collective opportunities to attain
integral human development.
This chapter argues that to ensure peacebuilding delivers the best results in
circumstances of increased conflicts, insecurities, and fragility, the development
of actions should involve the integration of structural and operational prevention
(Ackerman, 2003), which also allows the maximization of various formal
and informal structures that can ensure constructive social changes. Systemic
assessments of peacebuilding within fragile contexts enable an improved
understanding of the interconnectedness of conflict issues and the effectiveness
and impacts of various approaches adopted to tackling insecurity and the
underlying drivers of conflicts, part of which is armed banditry and cattle rustling.
Even though re-conceptualizing peacebuilding in fragile states could be a
difficult and complicated process, it necessitates an evaluation of actions.
This evaluative process creates a dialogue between frameworks that both support
and legitimize formal and informal methods that build peace across various
groups and communities. In essence, transforming the challenges of cattle
rustling, armed banditry, state fragility, and various forms of insecurity and
conflicts in Nigeria needs the framing of actions that are not linear but address
the multi-level factors that escalate criminality and the lacunas in the delivery
of security (Okoli & Okpaleke, 2014b). This approach to peacebuilding supports
consistent evaluation of strategies, learning and reflecting on practice,
and accountability within the context of conflicts and fragility.