Peace and Security In Fragile States

This paper explores the range of likely and potential progress on poverty eradication in fragile states to 2030. Using the International Futures model and recently released 2011 International Comparison Program data, this paper calculates current (2015) poverty for a US$1.90 poverty line, and subsequently runs three scenarios. The estimates suggest that there are 485 million poor in fragile states in 2015, a 33.5 per cent poverty rate. This paper's Base Case scenario results in a forecasted 22.8 per cent poverty rate in fragile states by 2030. The most optimistic scenario yields a 13.1 per cent poverty rate for this group of countries (257 million). An optimistic scenario reflecting political constraints in fragile states yields a 19.1 per cent poverty rate (376 million). Even under the most optimistic circumstances, fragile states will almost certainly be home to hundreds of millions of poor in 2030, suggesting that the world must do things dramatically differently if we are to reach the high hanging fruit and truly 'leave no one behind' in the next fifteen years of development.

The historical novel From the Nile to the Jordan is an enthralling story about the "Second Exodus" of Jews from Egypt to Israel. This so far little-noticed aspect of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, could spread new light on the events of 1948, make the suffering of both sides public and bring the middle east one step closer to peace. Before 1948 there was a prospering community with 100,000 Jews in Egypt, today there are only few Jewish widows left. This book combines the well-researched historical facts based on Aharoni's research on the topic, as a professor of Sociology, with her personal perspective as a witness who had to leave Egypt as a young woman. This approach makes the book an eye-opener for an important chapter of Jewish history, that is widely unknown. Aharoni goes beyond the past, aiming at using the story of the "Second Exodus" as a tool for reconciliation, convinced that if Israel and Egypt can make peace, peace between Israel and Palestine is possible too.

Since 2014, armed violence in Beni area – also known as ‘Grand Nord’ – has caused the death of around 2,000 civilians in a string of massacres and ambushes. Entire villages have been burnt, while scores have been kidnapped. Following a lull in violence from 2016 to 2017, hostilities are again on the rise. Congo’s thus far largest Ebola outbreak since mid–2018 has aggravated the humanitarian situation further as the Grand Nord’s populations remain caught between a rock and a hard place. Much of the insecurity is attributed to the Ugandan-originating Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), against whom military operations had been launched in 2014. While it remains unclear how much of the violence the ADF are responsible for – many other militias operate in the area – the Congolese army (FARDC) has lost thousands of soldiers on the battlefield, and dozens of UN peacekeepers were killed. Yet, the dynamics of violence around Beni are opaque. A host of intersecting political, economic and social factors is embedded in a national and regional conundrum of insecurity. In order to contribute to a better understanding of the situation around Beni, this paper unpacks why killings have stubbornly persisted despite a conjuncture of governmental and non-governmental efforts to tackle the causes of violence. It does so by exploring how different bundles of factors – of a political-administrative, economic and socio-cultural nature – complement each other in forming a Gordian knot of violence, displacement and mistrust.

This chapter looks at street art and its relationship to peace efforts. Specifically, it examines how street art is used as a medium to express the concerns, needs and wants of societal groups whose everyday lives are affected by decisions made at (and by) higher political levels, but whose voices remain marginalised and/or silenced. The fact that this type of artistic intervention takes place in the street means that its message is by definition accessible by a large audience. Depending on the circumstances of each case and the severity of the situation faced by everyday actors, street art interventions may not only manifest instances of injustice or mistreatment, but may also lead to the transformation of the situation through collective action (mobilisation, protest, manifestation). The chapter looks at a few examples where street art has had this type of effect.

De term fragiliteit die in opgang kwam aan het begin van deze eeuw heeft sindsdien verschillende invullingen gekregen. Eerst werd voornamelijk gesproken over fragiele landen, maar geleidelijk groeide het besef dat dit stigmatiserend werkte en investeerders afstootte. Daarom werd de laatste jaren meer en meer omgeschakeld naar " fragiele situaties ". Nog neutraler is het te spreken over " factoren van fragiliteit ". In elk samenlevingsverband zijn er wel factoren van fragiliteit te vinden. Zowel op micro-als op macrovlak. Binnen de internationale ontwikkelingssamenwerking wordt fragiliteit nog dikwijls beperkt tot het niveau van de staat. Werken in 'fragiele staten' is anders (en moeilijker) dan werken in 'normale' ontwikkelingslanden. Resultaten worden dikwijls teniet gedaan door een volgende politieke, ecologische of humanitaire schok 2 en de (staats)structuren zijn veelal ondermijnd waardoor het moeilijker is om langdurige veranderingen in te voeren. Wat is dan de zin om te blijven investeren in deze landen en hoe moet dat eventueel gebeuren? Wat is een fragiele staat? Een fragiele staat is een staat die niet bij machte is om op een bepaald niveau: • beleidsmaatregelen te nemen die als legitiem ervaren worden door de bevolking; • de veiligheid van de bevolking te garanderen; • een behoorlijk functionerende en voor iedereen toegankelijke justitie te organiseren; • het economisch draagvlak te verzekeren door werkgelegenheid te creëren en voor betere leefomstandigheden te zorgen; • de inkomsten correct te beheren en te streven naar een stevig verankerde verantwoordelijke en billijke dienstverleningscapaciteit. Internationale meetinstrumenten Of een land al dan niet onder de noemer 'fragiel' valt, wordt bepaald door de verschillende internationale meetinstrumenten. Binnen elke staat kunnen immers 'factoren van fragiliteit' gevonden worden zonder dat een land daarom in zijn geheel 'fragiel' is. Er bestaan verschillende organisaties die dergelijke klassementen opstellen, en die zich baseren op verschillende invalshoeken: 1 Dirk Brems werkt nu op de Directie Generaal Ontwikkelingssamenwerking van de Federale Overheidsdienst Buitenlandse Zaken, Buitenlandse Handel en Ontwikkelingssamenwerking in de dienst Maatschappijopbouw waar hij o.a. verantwoordelijk is voor de problematiek van de fragiliteit. Hij heeft meer dan 20 jaar terreinervaring in meestal fragiele situaties en vooral in de regio van de Grote Meren. 2 Een fragiel land is minder 'weerbaar' of 'veerkrachtig' tegen nieuwe externe of interne tegenvallers. Haïti lijdt nog altijd onder de gevolgen van een aardbeving die in se minder krachtig was dan deze in Chili rond dezelfde tijd maar Chili was hiervoor beter gewapend. Sterke staten hebben meer reserves maar zijn dikwijls ook beter voorbereid, beter georganiseerd om weestand te bieden aan tegenslagen.

The article is undertaken through the lenses of a documentary narrative that provides details of the history of political power challenges in Sierra Leone and its culmination in the destructive civil war from 1991 till the war was declared over in 2002. Furthermore, the central role of the illicit use of small arms and light weapons to prosecute the war, especially by the rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) is highlighted. Here, the proliferation of SALW and the negative implications of the ease with which it could be sought, obtained and deployed is interrogated. Also, the paper discusses the importance of regulating access to small arms and light weapons in the post-conflict area because of the consequences on future security concerns.In the final analysis, the article highlights the various regional initiatives aimed at curbing the menace of the proliferation of illicit small arms and light weapons. In conclusion, an all-encompassing approach is recommended to ensure the total...

Cada dictadura tiene su grupo irregular para las tareas sucias. El régimen venezolano ha desplegado el suyo en las ciudades de todo el país.
La historia latinoamericana enseña que las dictaduras tienden a apoyarse en grupos irregulares para su defensa y realizar tareas sucias que comprometerían a las fuerzas armadas y cuerpos policiales, o que estos simplemente no quieren realizar. Haití, en le época de Duvallier y su hijo "Baby Doc" tuvo a sus temibles "tonton macoute"; el Panamá de Manuel Noriega contó con sus "macheteros" y "dobermans" y el gobierno de Nicolás Maduro tiende a apoyarse cada vez más en sus "colectivos"

* Publication sponsored by the Federal Foreign Office of Germany (www.auswaertiges-amt.de)

The long-standing disagreements between NATO and Russia have been left unresolved for decades. In 2014 they finally escalated into an outright confrontation on the European continent, in which most European countries are now involved. Armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, information warfare, along with a military buildup – these developments signalize clearly that European security is in danger today.

If the OSCE is to resolve this crisis, there needs to be more than a high-level dialogue among the OSCE participating States on the future of European security. It could be years before such a dialogue would bring results and a way out of the dangerous confrontation would be found. Until then, this dialogue should be complemented by the OSCE’s work on the ground, through its field operations, targeted at preventing new conflicts similar to that in Ukraine.

This work is particularly needed in the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus where the lines of geopolitical confrontation are drawn today. Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – over the fate of these six states a particularly intense struggle has unfolded. While they have been developing closer relations with NATO and the EU, the example of Georgia in 2008 has shown that Russia will oppose the Western influence in its neighbourhood. The more recent example of Ukraine has further demonstrated that the increasing instability in Europe puts even the states without ‘frozen conflicts’ on their territories at risk of an armed conflict that could lead to civil war and partition.

The OSCE and its field operations have been slow to respond strategically to these new challenges. In contrast to the field operations in the Western Balkans, the OSCE operations in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus are much smaller and have lower budgets. Unlike the OSCE field operations in Central Asia, they do not have explicit conflict prevention mandates focusing instead on the resolution of already existing ‘frozen conflicts’. Moreover, in three of the six countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus – Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia – there is no OSCE field operations at all.

This chapter will present the evidence of why the risk of new armed conflicts in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus is real. It will then argue that the OSCE should respond to the challenge by, firstly, enlarging its field operations in Moldova and Armenia, secondly,  re-establishing  the  field operations in  Georgia, Azerbaijan and Belarus, and, thirdly, tasking all field operations in Eastern Europe  and the South Caucasus with conflict prevention.

I MEAN IF YOU KNEW THAT BUILDING SIMPLE ORGANMIC DEVICES WOULD IMPOSE PEACE ON EARTH WOULD YOU DO IT??  WE ARE TALKING A EUPHORIC PEACE THAT GOES WORLDWIDE AND EXTENDS TO THE HEAVENS.  AND, AND PROVE THAT ALL HUMANS ARE GODS – DO YOU LIKE THAT FACT??

The "Crescent and Dove: Peace and Conflict Resolution in Islam" is now available in Urdu. Dr. Muhammad Khalid Masud wrote the preface on its important contribution to the field of religion, peace, and conflict resolution in Urdu language. Revised articles, new introduction by Dr. Qamar-ul Huda, and appendices. Published by Emel Publications in Islamabad, Pakistan.

This article examines power dynamics in political groupings during
the 2014 Afghanistan presidential election and assesses the impact on
political stability and order. The focus is the power dynamics of local
political-economic and identity networks that have come to underpin
and constitute the state in post-2001 international state-building.
The article first seeks to understand how the complex relationships
between the two leading presidential candidates, Ashraf Ghani and
Abdullah Abdullah, and key powerbrokers were negotiated and
subsequently influenced electoral outcomes. Second, focusing on
negotiations over the appointment of the Cabinet ministers, advisers
and staff, and governors, the study maps the restructuring of political
networks within the Afghan state. The analysis reveals the impact of
the election on the redistribution of power and resources, and the
consequences for political order and state stability in the post-2014
period.

PBSO-ILO-Interpeace-WHO launched joint publication on COVID response. Recommendations include:
• Understand the impact of COVID-19 in conflict-affected settings on: access to health; livelihoods and decent work; and conflict dynamics;
• Approach a multidimensional crisis with a multidimensional response;
• Commit to conflict-sensitive, peace-responsive and tailored policy and programmatic approaches;
• Use the COVID-19 crisis as an opportunity to shift to locally led responses;
• Adapt programmatic and communication approaches to local realities and capacities;
• Integrate a peace and conflict lens to maximize positive and mutually reinforcing direct and indirect impacts;
• Lay down foundations for structural changes and build resilience; and
• Seizing the occasion for transformative change.

This article investigates the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which involves a whole package of multiple cooperative initiatives aimed to accelerate connectivity via land routes and boost Sino-Pakistani collaboration. While channelling Chinese power and interests, this corridor, being a key part of the Belt and Road Initiative, may significantly affect the security landscape in conflict-prone South Asia, and the economic, political and social dynamics within Pakistan. Being
a fragile state with multiple domestic challenges and asymmetric position vis-à-vis China, Pakistan is a valuable source for regional power game and China’s aspiration analysis. The comprehensive evaluation of economic corridors’ multidimensional impact on volatile regions with poor socio-economic background, contested political power and high-security risk fills a much-needed gap in contemporary security studies. We contend that CPEC may bring stabilising and destabilising results; yet, if certain conditions are not met, over the long term, the latter are likely to outweigh the former due to the various aspects of internal, bilateral and regional character. To evaluate the corridor’s multifaceted implications, firstly, we conceptualise CPEC within the selected international relations paradigms, and secondly, we empirically refer to our assumptions.

On the 25th Anniversary of the Oslo Accords, this report assesses the approach taken by 9 of the top Western donor countries/institutions that have for decades determined the structure of development aid in the Occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). It does this by focusing on the period 2010-16 through a quantitative keyword and qualitative analysis of 80 of their combined reports, and interviews with several dozen officials who contribute to the shaping of policy. This examination was conducted in order to offer a better understanding of how these donors perceive the Oslo Peace Process, Palestinian development, Israeli military rule, the ongoing colonisation of Palestinian land and the conflict resulting out of the combination of these processes. This is all carried out using an ‘Aid Effectiveness’ lens, with an emphasis on local leadership and local knowledge, but while also bearing in mind a ‘fragile and conflicted states’ framework and the ‘do no harm’ principle. Thus, the report’s analysis acknowledges that all donors involved in a conflict situation become actors in that conflict. For this reason, they should strive to provide their assistance in as neutral a manner possible, and be cognisant of the actual context they are intervening in (through strong analysis) in order to not make conditions worse.

The 9 Western actors analysed comprise not only some of the biggest sources of funding in the $30+ billion spent on ‘Oslo aid’ since 1993, but are also the ‘intellectual drivers’ who have determined just how that aid – and Palestinian economic and social institutions – is shaped. They include the United States, which has dominated the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP) politically as arbiter of Israeli-Palestinian peace-building; the European Union, which with its member states has acted as the leading financial contributor of Oslo aid, and the World Bank, which has played a leading role reporting on the state of Palestinian development and guiding donors through the bilateral giving process. Other influential actors analysed include the IMF, Canada, the UK, Norway, Sweden and Germany, all of whom have been funding a peace-building model built on an underlying precept that Palestinians need to be endowed with liberal democratic institutions in order for them to be able to cohabitate in peace with Israel, and where that peace will be cemented based on free market international trade and development funding to incentivise the Palestinians to abandon violence.

This report also provides context for living and political conditions in the OPT, which are then compared to the donors’ policies and a description of each donor. In so doing, it sheds light on a gap that exists between the overarching Oslo aid model and donors’ policies, with actual conditions in the OPT and what is considered effective aid. The report also describes a noticeable rhetorical gap that exists between donors’ policies with their actions, and identifies nuances in the donors’ positions. The report further engages expert opinions on the state of Oslo and the OPT, while providing recommendations for future research into the role of these powerful and under-researched donors.

Funding-
The research for this study was carried out by Dr Jeremy Wildeman at the University of Bath’s ‘Department for Social and Policy Sciences’, with funding support from the Global Challenges Research Fund (GCRF).

The chapter presents postcolonial readings on peacebuilding operations, considering them reproducers of colonial dynamics and hierarchies in the contemporary international scene. Examples of peace operations in Haiti, Mozambique, and Somalia are briefly presented in order to illustrate the Eurocentric, colonial, and racist gazes that oftentimes inform peacebuilding imaginaries. Moreover, the chapter presents an introductory inquiring on the “local turn” and “hybrid peace” proposals, exploring some of their potentialities and limits. A new set of recommendations to scholars and practitioners working in peacebuilding emerges through the acknowledgment of (post)colonial inflections in peacebuilding processes.
Available at: <https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_81-1>.

This paper provides (1) A framework for conceptualizing resilience with regard to vulnerable, fragile, and conflict prone states (in other words, what IS resilience and why is it relevant?) and (2) A small collection of case studies including Afghanistan, Iraq, Haiti, Guinea and others which highlight particular adaptive strategies. The key argument of this research is that the nature of development strategies in such environments must tend towards enhancing the capacity of local communities to self organize, by prioritizing experimentation and local ownership over project designs and outcomes.

Following the path of the European Union, regional integration has been promoted as one of the mechanisms that would enable states to promote their economy and enhance their social connectivity and security. Either due to its size or other factors, post-independence Africa witnessed several regional integration arrangements, making Africa the continent with the highest density of regional economic communities.

The WAI-ZEI Paper at hand presents the state of affairs and challenges of regional integration within the Horn of Africa. It introduces a conceptual regional integration framework, the genesis and evolution of regional integration on the African continent, as well as the state of play and challenges of regional integration within the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), compared to other African regional economic communities (RECs). Since the Horn of Africa is known for violent inter and intra-state conflict, it is not surprising that many of the activities of IGAD have been centered around issues related to peace and security, while - compared to other African RECs - the overall progress of integration in the IGAD region has been lagging behind.

The political reality of many countries in the Muslim World is untenable and reforms and change is absolutely necessary. This article argues that use of force and violence for political change is making things worse as one can witness in Syria and Iraq. The article advances a Qur'ānic perspective on the desirability of peace as a goal and peaceful means as instruments of change. The article acknowledges that the Qur'ānic sanction for use of force to defend religious freedom prcludes the advocacy of pacifism but nevertheless the article does make a strong case for privileging peace over use of force.

International intervention in Somalia has been marked by failure, and has systematically contributed to conflict within Somali society. A study of patterns since colonial times reveals that many of the cherished ideals of international intervention have been shipwrecked in Somalia, the latest being that of humanitarian intervention and the Global War on Terror.
Since the 1950s, efforts to build a Somali state have been wholly driven by external actors; the Somali constituency of modernized, urban forces to which such efforts appeal is narrow and its attitude to the state being built is predatory: the state is an external resource, which provides access to funding and political legitimacy, to be captured. There has been notably no effort at making the state sustainable, as its clientelist relationship to the international patrons supporting it is precisely what makes it valuable.
Meanwhile, Somalis have their own traditional systems of governance, inevitably hybridised by exposure to the outside world; whenever the international community has withdrawn from Somalia, as in 1995-2004, Somalis fall back on these systems, and a certain measure of peace and stability returns to the country. The Somali attempt to create a political entity based on these systems, in opposition to externally imposed state-building, resulted in the Islamic Courts Union, which was rapidly destroyed by external intervention (ostensibly motivated by the fear of another 'Taliban'-like regime emerging in the Horn of Africa).
Despite some indications of progress in the external state-building project, now orchestrated by the UN, since 2004, Somalia  remains a 'failed state' by all definitions.

"Khadi: Gandhi's Mega Symbol of Subversion" investigates the power of a symbol to qualitatively transform society by studying Mahatma Gandhi's use of clothing as a metaphor for unity, empowerment and liberation from imperial subjugation.

The book brings together historical evidence of Gandhi's search for a semiotics of attire in his quest for personal integrity and socio-political change. From a multidisciplinary perspective, it closely examines the 'subversion' underlying his sartorial communication.

The symbolic potential for change which khadi has, is therefore seen, not merely as 'revolution' or 'sedition', but as a sustained, well-organised strategy for achieving full independence or purna swaraj.

The author also discusses the complex challenges in Gandhi's highly polarized environment, such as the conflict between the British Empire and the Indian National Congress, Hindu-Muslim tensions, the urban-rural divide, and the question of untouchability.

Photographs, illustrations and an extensive appendix considerably add to the historical value of the study, making it useful for students and scholars in various fields of South Asian research." - Sage Publications

'Khadi: Mega Symbol...' is also translated into Hindi and Marathi by Sage-Bhasha, India.

"Apparatus of Repression in Peoples' Poland 1945-1989" is an annual scientific journal of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), available in open access.
The journal specializes in the issues related to security apparatus and mechanisms of political repressions in Poland and other countries in the Soviet bloc. For example - political police, security services, special services, intelligence, counterintelligence, judiciary and prison systems, biographies of perpetrators, the fate of victims; finally, the relations of this apparatus with other party and state structures, including military and para-military ones.
We are especially interested in comparing these services to analogous institutions in other totalitarian and non-democratic countries and of the so-called free world.
Please send your submissions to: redakcja.arwpl@ipn.gov.pl; filip.musial@ipn.gov.pl; elzbieta.pietrzyk@ipn.gov.pl.

We hope you will consider submitting your research to "Aparat Bezpieczeństwa w Polsce Ludowej" ("Apparatus of Repression in Peoples' Poland 1945-1989").

Scholars and practitioners discuss options for peace work and conflict transformation in situations where state institutions are absent or dysfunctional. The lead article discusses the concept of hybridity and investigates its relevance for shifting the perspective on global conflicts.

In this article, the authors conduct a comparative review of the
strategic imperatives driving Sino-Indian policy on Afghanistan in
the post-2014 scenario. The article argues that divergent strategic
imperatives make cooperation difficult and/or unlikely. This analysis
is based on a broader consideration of both contemporary
history and geopolitical dynamics shaping the foreign policy considerations
of these two countries, and an assessment of the
impact of ongoing bi-lateral and regional aspirations. The authors
begin by highlighting the salient dynamics that have historically
characterized and driven Indian and Chinese foreign policy in
general and on Afghanistan. They find that Afghanistan, although
not a primary focus of either state’s foreign or security policy,
historically, is increasing in importance for both; India and China
compete on a range of economic and security issues.

Stratejik konumu dolayısıyla geçmişten beri büyük güçlerin mücadele alanlarından biri olan Irak, tarihte iki defa iki ayrı işgalci güç tarafından devlet inşası faaliyetine sahne olmuştur. Irak, I. Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra İngiltere tarafından inşa edilen ve 2003 ABD işgali sonrası ABD tarafından inşa edilen iki farklı devlet inşası tecrübesine sahiptir. Her iki dış gücün Irak'taki devlet inşasının benzer ve farklı yönleri bulunmaktadır. Her iki dış güç Irak'ı işgal ettikten sonra kendi çıkarları çerçevesinde bir devlet meydana getirmiştir. Her iki devlet inşası da Irak'taki ve uluslararası ortamdaki şartlar neticesinde şekillenmiştir. Ancak, İngiltere'nin inşa ettiği devlet temel devlet işlevlerini (idare ve siyaset, güvenlik, eğitim, kalkınma) yerine getirme açısından ABD'nin inşa ettiği devletten kapasite olarak daha gelişmiştir.

Due to its strategic location, Iraq, which has been one of the great powers' arenas for pursuing the struggle since the past, has witnessed the state-building activities by two different occupying powers in history. Iraq has two different experiences of state-building, that were built by the UK after World War I and built by the US after the 2003 US invasion. Both foreign power's state buildings have similar and different aspects in Iraq. After the invasions of Iraq, both foreign powers formed a state in the scope of their own interests. The states built by the US and UK were shaped under the conditions in the international environment and Iraq. Nevertheless, the state built by the UK has had more functional capacity (in terms of administration and politics, security, education, development) when compared to the state built by the US.

A discourse to peace educators and activists from Palestine and Israel on the techniques of 'Satyagraha', created and employed by Mahatma Gandhi in the struggle for Indian independence. While the techniques are identified and briefly explained, a diagrammatic presentation of the context within which he acted reveals the courage and discipline required in a Gandhi-inspired subversion of structural and cultural injustice.
Date of discourse: 10, March, 2007.
Date of publication on Academia.edu: 2012

The violent conflict in northeast Nigeria has not only led to widespread displacement and reduction in livelihoods but affected community tensions and conflicts. Humanitarian and development programming have potential to bring communities together across lines of division, promote social cohesion and address causes of conflict if designed and implemented with conflict sensitivity in mind. Conversely, programmes can instead create tension and exacerbate already existing conflict. This study, integrating gender perspectives, examines conflict dynamics in 8 northeast local government areas (Gombi and Hong in Adamawa State; Biu, Hawul, Jere and Kaga in Borno State; and Bursari and Jakusko in Yobe State) with focus on their implications for programming. It first analyses political, economic, social and security factors that contribute to conflict, violence and instability or enable peace and social cohesion looking at context, key actors, conflict dynamics (grievances and resilience) and possible trajectories for each LGA. It then outlines conflict sensitivity action plans i.e. ways to mitigate, manage or prevent conflict based on the analysis presented.

The intent of this chapter is to re-imagine and apply the term " civil disobedience " to the cyber domain. The full extent of how it can apply will be analyzed in a framework of the evolutionary rights of protest. Traditional civil disobedience is a " performance " via visual and physical mediums, while cyber disobedience is essentially a digital performance with difficulty in attributing true ownership of the act. This is an interesting antithesis to the physical protestor, who uses strategic visibility, threat of arrest, and popular backlash against state behavior as vital aspects of the disobedience. These variables are noticeably absent in cyber disobedience.

The current internecine war in what external observers see as the world’s youngest ‘failed state’ is the product of structural developments. This chapter tries to question the particularities of one rather stable and prosperous region of South Sudan, Kapoeta East (EES), on possible structural reasons for the devastating and lethal crisis in others. It draws attention to the fact that destruction and disenfranchisement concentrate in zones of crucial importance for the power relations and resource flows of its minoritarian but privileged ‘modern sector’. It questions policies promoting and feeding the very institutions that under the conditions of the country sign responsible for a large part of its misery and shocking abuses of power against obligations, rights and human dignity. It raises the question if we should finally stop looking at societies through a particularly ‘modern’ matrix of institutional order and start taking ‘home-grown models’, as they have developed over centuries, serious. More than a century of insightful research as much as contemporary evidence suggest that there are, coexisting with internationally alimented ‘modern’ institutions producing crisis, alternative modes of social regulation that do, in absence of public attention, impressive jobs; that modernisation becomes an iconic remedy for ills produced by its own re-structuring patterns; that the idea of development and its interaction with social realities should be analysed as vigorously as the dialectics of enlightenment; that the modernisation narrative is a myth, protected by belief and force, that serves particular interests and produces harmful gaps between official terms and actual practices.

The proliferation of irregular armed actors which defy simplistic definition has caught public and academic attention alike, not least in the pages of this journal. To move the debate on non-state armed groups (NSAGs) forward, this article seeks to enhance our conceptual understanding of parochial armed groups which are not primarily driven by ideological or religious objectives. Thus, this article clarifies similarities as well as differences between subtypes of community-based armed groups (CBAGs) on the one hand, and between CBAGs and other NSAGs, on the other hand. By doing so, a typology is developed that classifies militias, gangs and vigilantes on the basis of their political, economic and security-related dimensions. The resulting ideal types are discussed through the lenses of different explanatory frameworks and policy debates in the field of contemporary security studies. A major typological issue is the tendency for CBAGs to ‘turn bad’ and become threats to the stability they were expected to transform, becoming a serious problem in countries where they operate. It is concluded that the challenge of CBAGs ultimately needs to be addressed by putting in place a functioning state that can tackle the underlying woes that led to their proliferation in the first place.

Se consideran las siguientes temáticas relacionadas, aunque no exclusivas:

Pedagogías para la paz: el nuevo rol de la cultura de paz en la educación del siglo XXI Teorías de cultura y educación para la paz
Conceptos centrales de la educación para la paz
Capacidades docentes para la construcción de paz en América Latina Metodologías para la construcción de paz en contextos escolares
Cultura y educación para la paz en Asia y África: teorías y metodologías Educación para la paz y análisis de los costos de la violencia en América Latina Derechos humanos y educación para la paz en el sistema educativo mexicano Filosofía de la no-violencia para jóvenes
Investigación en educación para la paz y estudio de conflictos

GSDRC Topic Guides aim to provide a clear, concise and objective report on findings from rigorous research on critical areas of development policy. Rather than provide policy guidance or recommendations, their purpose is to signpost policymakers and practitioners to the key debates and evidence on the topic of focus, to support informed decision-making.

This paper attempt to investigate into the causes of, effects and solution to the perennial conflict between crop producers and pastoralists that is very common in Nigeria using Delta State as a case study. This conflict has caused lot of loss to Nigeria, Delta State, and other states of the federation, local communities and families. This paper start by introducing what conflict is all about, the objective of the paper, historical background of the conflict, theoretical framework, and then move on to why conflict occur between both parties, socio-economic effects of the conflict and lastly conclusion and recommendation in the form of establishment of  local development  plans towards the management of the conflict.