The book is a comprehensive analysis of the social riot phenomenon during the so called Great Cri... more The book is a comprehensive analysis of the social riot phenomenon during the so called Great Crisis period which in Poland occurred within the years 1930-1935. The book recreates the reasons for the social disturbances, their form and course as well as the short- and long-term consequences. We have defined the “social riot” as the people’s group public outbreaks which did not comply with the functioning law regulations and usually generated — to calm them down — forms of ad hoc physical abuse from the state organs. Linking the studied cases to the economic and political situation caused the following incidents to be excluded from the scope of our interest: incidents between particular communities/societies (unless during the course of an event the intervening organs responsible for the internal governance became the object of attacks themselves), cases of political terror/sabotage and outbreaks of a criminal character. The range of observations covered the whole territory of the Polish state, most important groups and social and national classes as well as the main political trends (the ruling camp, socialists, members of peasant parties, nationalists, communists). The study has been based upon all main categories of historical resources for the first half of the 20th century: archives, the press, relations, iconography. The first group of sources has played the most important role. We have used the resources of 26 archives in Poland and of 15 foreign institutions (in Belarus, Lithuania, Russia, Ukraine, Great Britain). The study consists of four chapters arranged in a problem frame. Chapter 1 is of an introductory character. It discusses the background of the social unrests of the Great Crisis era. The chapter contains two sub-chapters dedicated to social and economic (1.1) and political issues (1.2). In Chapter 2 we have recreated the most important forms of social riots. In the first five sub-chapters we have taken into account the variety of the distress origins. We have discussed social unrests based upon: strikes (2.1), unemployment (2.2), the resistance against the state policy in rural areas as well their inhabitants’ attitude towards the property right (2.3), political conflicts, understood as clashes between the opposition and the ruling party (2.4) and the opposition against the police activities (2.5). The next two parts present armed actions (2.6) and incidents that did not comply with the accepted classification method (2.7). The last part (2.8) of Chapter 2 contains a characteristics of groups of participants in several incidents (including, among others, the sex, age, material status, education). Chapter 3 discusses the role of the state apparatus. In contains an analysis of reactions of the state institutions to cases of social unrest. The next sub-chapters discuss activities of all levels of political administration subordinated to the Ministry of the Interior (3.1), the police (3.2), tax administration (3.3), courts and the public prosecutors (3.4), self-governments (3.5) and the army (3.6). Chapter 4 presents various repercussions of social riots. We have discussed the problem of the ruling camp elite’s response to the incidents (4.1), described the consequences of the events for the legal system and the shape of political geography (4.2), and have presented changes that occurred within the system of securing the public order (4.3). Separate sub-chapters have been dedicated to echoes of social unrests in public opinion (4.4) and the riots’ long-term effects that chronologically exceed the interwar period (4.5). An integral part of the study is the annex. It contains a catalogue of 830 incidents of social riot that constituted the base for the analysis. It comes in the form of a tabular listing. The annex contains data on the location of each incident, its date (a day date when possible), a short presentation of the incident’s course, an approximate number of participants, a keyword description of the state authorities’ reaction. The catalogue also provides the number of victims: injured and killed. It takes into account both the perpetrators of the incidents and the law enforcement representatives. The book contains a name and geographical index. The social riot in Poland during the Great Crisis era had its dynamics and regional specificity. It reached its climax in the years 1932-1933, when most spectacular public outbreaks occurred. During that period several armed incidents took place and the social unrest in rural areas involved thousands of peasants. In the years 1934-1935 a significant decrease in the protests’ intensity can be observed. Taking into consideration the whole period 1930–1935, one can conclude that incidents occurred more often in the western part of the country where people of Polish nationality were predominant. In the eastern part incidents took place mostly in rural areas. The events resulted in ca. 170 fatalities and several hundred of the injured. One can assume the unrests involved several hundred thousand people. In the vast majority of cases the distress took form of singular, short-lived, territory-isolated incidents. They did not provide a pretext for cooperation of main opposition groups, they did not simultaneously involve representatives of various social groups either. They were either peasant (rural) or workers’/unemployed outbreaks. Dispersion of the protests made suppressing them by the ruling parties easier. Yet the success of the authorities did not mean violent protests of the public had been eliminated for long. They intensified again in 1936.
Starostas in the period of the Second Polish Republic were state officials
standing at the head o... more Starostas in the period of the Second Polish Republic were state officials standing at the head of the general administration as well as the local administrative institutions in the counties (powiats). They were responsible not only for matters of the economic development in the area of their administration but also for public safety, supervision over the municipal self-government and other administrative matters. They were the ‘eyes and ears’ of the central authorities; not only did they gather and communicate information on the social and political life in the counties but also responded to actions against public order. These issues are discussed in the work ‘Starostas of Poland between the World Wars. A collective portrait’ (1st edition – 2012, 2nd edition – 2018). Due to the considerable influence of the representatives of this professional group on the functioning of the state, an attempt was made to bring together all of them who held the office of starosta in the Second Polish Republic. Its effect is the ‘Biographical dictionary of starostas of the Second Polish Republic’, the first volume of which the reader has before him. In its structure the dictionary follows the so-called Dutch system, i.e. alphabetical order within each volume. The search for a person of interest is facilitated by an index of surnames as well as information on where the given official was a starosta, provided in bold in the lead to each bio. Biographical entries, designed according to the general pattern, are supplemented with information on bibliography and a photo if possible. These findings were based on queries in several archives in Poland as well as in Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania and Great Britain, and also on other published sources and the literature of the subject. As an aid for the reader, there is a list of counties (powiats) in the Second Polish Republic which enables following the changes taking place in their structure.
This article endeavours to examine the transformations within the general state administration of... more This article endeavours to examine the transformations within the general state administration of Poland following 1935. The initiatives undertaken during this period were a response to the reshaping of the administration after the May Coup and the tumultuous, ad hoc measures of the Great Depression period. With an improved economic landscape, there emerged a more deliberate approach to modernisation, the reassessment of personnel and its augmentation. Two figures within the Ministry of the Interior, Władysław Raczkiewicz and Sławoj Składkowski, played pivotal roles in guiding these reforms. Consequently, the post-1935 period witnessed an acceleration in the modernisation of bureaucratic processes, as well as endeavours to modernise administrative techniques within local governance. These developments were accompanied by heightened societal pressures exerted by the administrative system. Evidence of such pressures included electoral fraud, escalating censorship, and the imposition of financial penalties to coerce 'voluntary' activities from the public. Additionally, there was mounting pressure from military entities, which expected the state administration to intensify efforts for national defence. These activities constituted significant facets of state administrative functions in the waning years of the Second Polish Republic, albeit without forsaking the routine operations of office.
The Kraków incidents of November 1923 arouse emotions up to this day. Quite decent literature has... more The Kraków incidents of November 1923 arouse emotions up to this day. Quite decent literature has been developed on this subject, mainly before 1989, however, several contributory studies have been published over the last 30 years. The catalog of sources is also being expanded, which can be used to improve the current state of knowledge of the events from 100 years ago. The presented account, hitherto completely unknown, kept in private family collections, fi ts into the trend. Its author is Ludwik Kłeczek, commander of the State Police in Krakow during the events of November 1923. His critical assessment of the activities of the Krakow police forces resulted in his transfer to 1316 JANUSZ MIERZWA
The end of World War I brought the collapse of three multina- tional monarchies, Russia, Austria-... more The end of World War I brought the collapse of three multina- tional monarchies, Russia, Austria-Hungary and Germany, in Central and Eastern Europe, which offered the societies living in the region a chance to organize their own state structures. In Poland, the political elites agreed that the western border would be demarcated at the Paris Peace Conference, while chances for a more independent resolution were seen in the east. There were two competing notions of the Polish presence in this area: the incorporationist view, promoted by nationalists and advocating the division of the so-called partitioned terri- tories between Poland and Russia, and the federal view, under which socialists and Pilsudski supporters championed the establishment of independent Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus, which were bound to it by alliances, on the eastern fringes of the Republic. Although the final decisions at Riga were closer to the former, the territory of Poland that was outlined in both concepts raised objections from Ukrainians and Lithuanians. Germany reacted similarly to demands that Pomerania, Greater Poland and Upper Silesia be annexed to Poland, and Czechs opposed the annexation of Cieszyn to Silesia. These demands were only moderately strengthened by the ethnic predomi- nance of Poles in these areas, but the final decisions were influ- enced by the pressure of uprisings and the goodwill of France. The borders postulated by the nationalists and the Pilsuds- kiites corresponded with their vision of policy toward national minorities. The nationalists believed that Slavic minorities, who were denied the right to a separate state, should be assim- ilated. The Pilsudskiites, on the other hand, advocated state assimilation: they allowed religious, cultural and linguistic separateness of national minorities on condition of loyalty to the Polish state. Ultimately, however, the Second Republic failed to develop a long-term and consistent policy towards national minorities, as well as towards Poles living abroad.
U progu odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości Lubelszczyzna była obszarem wyjątkowym. Rozwinięte... more U progu odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości Lubelszczyzna była obszarem wyjątkowym. Rozwinięte struktury polityczne partii lewicowych oraz Polskiej Organizacji Wojskowej, mniej dotkliwa pod względem politycznym od niemieckiej okupacja austriacka, której ośrodkiem administracyjnym był Lublin–wszystko to stworzyło sprzyjające warunki do powołania właśnie w tym mieście rządu Ignacego Daszyńskiego. Przedmiotem artykułu jest obsadzanie stanowiska starostów–urzędników stojących na czele powiatów. Rozważając kryteria obsady tej godności w latach 1918–1921 autor wskazuje, że w okresie rządów lewicowych (Ignacego Daszyńskiego i Jędrzeja Moraczewskiego) starostami zostawali najczęściej działacze organizacji lewicowych i niepodległościowych, natomiast późniejszy rząd Ignacego J. Paderewskiego, obok lokalnych polityków prawicowych, mianował na urzędy starościńskie wielu zawodowych urzędników, wywodzących się z byłego zaboru austriackiego, w którym przed 1914 r. administracja obsadzona była przez Polaków. Część działaczy politycznych, nieprzygotowana do pełnienia funkcji urzędniczych, zrezygnowała z pełnionych godności, otworzyło to drogę do względnej stabilizacji obsady omawianego urzędu na Lubelszczyźnie, co nastąpiło po 1921 r.
The book is a comprehensive analysis of the social riot phenomenon during the so called Great Cri... more The book is a comprehensive analysis of the social riot phenomenon during the so called Great Crisis period which in Poland occurred within the years 1930-1935. The book recreates the reasons for the social disturbances, their form and course as well as the short- and long-term consequences. We have defined the “social riot” as the people’s group public outbreaks which did not comply with the functioning law regulations and usually generated — to calm them down — forms of ad hoc physical abuse from the state organs. Linking the studied cases to the economic and political situation caused the following incidents to be excluded from the scope of our interest: incidents between particular communities/societies (unless during the course of an event the intervening organs responsible for the internal governance became the object of attacks themselves), cases of political terror/sabotage and outbreaks of a criminal character. The range of observations covered the whole territory of the Polish state, most important groups and social and national classes as well as the main political trends (the ruling camp, socialists, members of peasant parties, nationalists, communists). The study has been based upon all main categories of historical resources for the first half of the 20th century: archives, the press, relations, iconography. The first group of sources has played the most important role. We have used the resources of 26 archives in Poland and of 15 foreign institutions (in Belarus, Lithuania, Russia, Ukraine, Great Britain). The study consists of four chapters arranged in a problem frame. Chapter 1 is of an introductory character. It discusses the background of the social unrests of the Great Crisis era. The chapter contains two sub-chapters dedicated to social and economic (1.1) and political issues (1.2). In Chapter 2 we have recreated the most important forms of social riots. In the first five sub-chapters we have taken into account the variety of the distress origins. We have discussed social unrests based upon: strikes (2.1), unemployment (2.2), the resistance against the state policy in rural areas as well their inhabitants’ attitude towards the property right (2.3), political conflicts, understood as clashes between the opposition and the ruling party (2.4) and the opposition against the police activities (2.5). The next two parts present armed actions (2.6) and incidents that did not comply with the accepted classification method (2.7). The last part (2.8) of Chapter 2 contains a characteristics of groups of participants in several incidents (including, among others, the sex, age, material status, education). Chapter 3 discusses the role of the state apparatus. In contains an analysis of reactions of the state institutions to cases of social unrest. The next sub-chapters discuss activities of all levels of political administration subordinated to the Ministry of the Interior (3.1), the police (3.2), tax administration (3.3), courts and the public prosecutors (3.4), self-governments (3.5) and the army (3.6). Chapter 4 presents various repercussions of social riots. We have discussed the problem of the ruling camp elite’s response to the incidents (4.1), described the consequences of the events for the legal system and the shape of political geography (4.2), and have presented changes that occurred within the system of securing the public order (4.3). Separate sub-chapters have been dedicated to echoes of social unrests in public opinion (4.4) and the riots’ long-term effects that chronologically exceed the interwar period (4.5). An integral part of the study is the annex. It contains a catalogue of 830 incidents of social riot that constituted the base for the analysis. It comes in the form of a tabular listing. The annex contains data on the location of each incident, its date (a day date when possible), a short presentation of the incident’s course, an approximate number of participants, a keyword description of the state authorities’ reaction. The catalogue also provides the number of victims: injured and killed. It takes into account both the perpetrators of the incidents and the law enforcement representatives. The book contains a name and geographical index. The social riot in Poland during the Great Crisis era had its dynamics and regional specificity. It reached its climax in the years 1932-1933, when most spectacular public outbreaks occurred. During that period several armed incidents took place and the social unrest in rural areas involved thousands of peasants. In the years 1934-1935 a significant decrease in the protests’ intensity can be observed. Taking into consideration the whole period 1930–1935, one can conclude that incidents occurred more often in the western part of the country where people of Polish nationality were predominant. In the eastern part incidents took place mostly in rural areas. The events resulted in ca. 170 fatalities and several hundred of the injured. One can assume the unrests involved several hundred thousand people. In the vast majority of cases the distress took form of singular, short-lived, territory-isolated incidents. They did not provide a pretext for cooperation of main opposition groups, they did not simultaneously involve representatives of various social groups either. They were either peasant (rural) or workers’/unemployed outbreaks. Dispersion of the protests made suppressing them by the ruling parties easier. Yet the success of the authorities did not mean violent protests of the public had been eliminated for long. They intensified again in 1936.
Starostas in the period of the Second Polish Republic were state officials
standing at the head o... more Starostas in the period of the Second Polish Republic were state officials standing at the head of the general administration as well as the local administrative institutions in the counties (powiats). They were responsible not only for matters of the economic development in the area of their administration but also for public safety, supervision over the municipal self-government and other administrative matters. They were the ‘eyes and ears’ of the central authorities; not only did they gather and communicate information on the social and political life in the counties but also responded to actions against public order. These issues are discussed in the work ‘Starostas of Poland between the World Wars. A collective portrait’ (1st edition – 2012, 2nd edition – 2018). Due to the considerable influence of the representatives of this professional group on the functioning of the state, an attempt was made to bring together all of them who held the office of starosta in the Second Polish Republic. Its effect is the ‘Biographical dictionary of starostas of the Second Polish Republic’, the first volume of which the reader has before him. In its structure the dictionary follows the so-called Dutch system, i.e. alphabetical order within each volume. The search for a person of interest is facilitated by an index of surnames as well as information on where the given official was a starosta, provided in bold in the lead to each bio. Biographical entries, designed according to the general pattern, are supplemented with information on bibliography and a photo if possible. These findings were based on queries in several archives in Poland as well as in Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania and Great Britain, and also on other published sources and the literature of the subject. As an aid for the reader, there is a list of counties (powiats) in the Second Polish Republic which enables following the changes taking place in their structure.
This article endeavours to examine the transformations within the general state administration of... more This article endeavours to examine the transformations within the general state administration of Poland following 1935. The initiatives undertaken during this period were a response to the reshaping of the administration after the May Coup and the tumultuous, ad hoc measures of the Great Depression period. With an improved economic landscape, there emerged a more deliberate approach to modernisation, the reassessment of personnel and its augmentation. Two figures within the Ministry of the Interior, Władysław Raczkiewicz and Sławoj Składkowski, played pivotal roles in guiding these reforms. Consequently, the post-1935 period witnessed an acceleration in the modernisation of bureaucratic processes, as well as endeavours to modernise administrative techniques within local governance. These developments were accompanied by heightened societal pressures exerted by the administrative system. Evidence of such pressures included electoral fraud, escalating censorship, and the imposition of financial penalties to coerce 'voluntary' activities from the public. Additionally, there was mounting pressure from military entities, which expected the state administration to intensify efforts for national defence. These activities constituted significant facets of state administrative functions in the waning years of the Second Polish Republic, albeit without forsaking the routine operations of office.
The Kraków incidents of November 1923 arouse emotions up to this day. Quite decent literature has... more The Kraków incidents of November 1923 arouse emotions up to this day. Quite decent literature has been developed on this subject, mainly before 1989, however, several contributory studies have been published over the last 30 years. The catalog of sources is also being expanded, which can be used to improve the current state of knowledge of the events from 100 years ago. The presented account, hitherto completely unknown, kept in private family collections, fi ts into the trend. Its author is Ludwik Kłeczek, commander of the State Police in Krakow during the events of November 1923. His critical assessment of the activities of the Krakow police forces resulted in his transfer to 1316 JANUSZ MIERZWA
The end of World War I brought the collapse of three multina- tional monarchies, Russia, Austria-... more The end of World War I brought the collapse of three multina- tional monarchies, Russia, Austria-Hungary and Germany, in Central and Eastern Europe, which offered the societies living in the region a chance to organize their own state structures. In Poland, the political elites agreed that the western border would be demarcated at the Paris Peace Conference, while chances for a more independent resolution were seen in the east. There were two competing notions of the Polish presence in this area: the incorporationist view, promoted by nationalists and advocating the division of the so-called partitioned terri- tories between Poland and Russia, and the federal view, under which socialists and Pilsudski supporters championed the establishment of independent Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus, which were bound to it by alliances, on the eastern fringes of the Republic. Although the final decisions at Riga were closer to the former, the territory of Poland that was outlined in both concepts raised objections from Ukrainians and Lithuanians. Germany reacted similarly to demands that Pomerania, Greater Poland and Upper Silesia be annexed to Poland, and Czechs opposed the annexation of Cieszyn to Silesia. These demands were only moderately strengthened by the ethnic predomi- nance of Poles in these areas, but the final decisions were influ- enced by the pressure of uprisings and the goodwill of France. The borders postulated by the nationalists and the Pilsuds- kiites corresponded with their vision of policy toward national minorities. The nationalists believed that Slavic minorities, who were denied the right to a separate state, should be assim- ilated. The Pilsudskiites, on the other hand, advocated state assimilation: they allowed religious, cultural and linguistic separateness of national minorities on condition of loyalty to the Polish state. Ultimately, however, the Second Republic failed to develop a long-term and consistent policy towards national minorities, as well as towards Poles living abroad.
U progu odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości Lubelszczyzna była obszarem wyjątkowym. Rozwinięte... more U progu odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości Lubelszczyzna była obszarem wyjątkowym. Rozwinięte struktury polityczne partii lewicowych oraz Polskiej Organizacji Wojskowej, mniej dotkliwa pod względem politycznym od niemieckiej okupacja austriacka, której ośrodkiem administracyjnym był Lublin–wszystko to stworzyło sprzyjające warunki do powołania właśnie w tym mieście rządu Ignacego Daszyńskiego. Przedmiotem artykułu jest obsadzanie stanowiska starostów–urzędników stojących na czele powiatów. Rozważając kryteria obsady tej godności w latach 1918–1921 autor wskazuje, że w okresie rządów lewicowych (Ignacego Daszyńskiego i Jędrzeja Moraczewskiego) starostami zostawali najczęściej działacze organizacji lewicowych i niepodległościowych, natomiast późniejszy rząd Ignacego J. Paderewskiego, obok lokalnych polityków prawicowych, mianował na urzędy starościńskie wielu zawodowych urzędników, wywodzących się z byłego zaboru austriackiego, w którym przed 1914 r. administracja obsadzona była przez Polaków. Część działaczy politycznych, nieprzygotowana do pełnienia funkcji urzędniczych, zrezygnowała z pełnionych godności, otworzyło to drogę do względnej stabilizacji obsady omawianego urzędu na Lubelszczyźnie, co nastąpiło po 1921 r.
Unification, modernization, oppression: Changes of the administration of the Second Polish Republ... more Unification, modernization, oppression: Changes of the administration of the Second Polish Republic The creation of Polish public administration after regaining independence was characterized by two attributes –continuation (in the legal and organizational aspect) and novelty (personal aspect). At the beginning the process of modernization was uncoordinated, but this changed after the coup d’état. The Great Depression interfered with it, but after 1935 reforms proceeded in the same direction, for the most part. Similarly, the unification process was uncoordinated, gradually becoming more structured and rapid after 1926. Finally, serious changes of voivodship borders were made just before WWII. At the same time, we can observe the growing oppression of the administration, even though it was already detectable in the democratic period, it became stronger and more widespread when Józef Piłsudski’s camp took power. It manifested through physical violence, censorship, and the surveillanc...
Wybuch II wojny światowej stanowił moment przełomowy dla całego polskiego społeczeństwa, niemniej... more Wybuch II wojny światowej stanowił moment przełomowy dla całego polskiego społeczeństwa, niemniej w sposób szczególny odbił się na środowiskach prawni- czych, których aktywność zawodowa związana była z funkcjonowaniem niepod- ległego państwa. Trudno się zatem dziwić, że społeczność ta podjęła na uchodź- stwie wysiłek celem samoorganizacji, a jednym z istotnych kierunków jej dzia- łań było dążenie do powołania na emigracji polskich szkół wyższych. Zabiegi te, wychodzące zresztą z różnych środowisk, doprowadziły do powołania Wydziału Lekarskiego przy Uniwersytecie w Edynburgu, Polskiej Szkoły Architektury przy Uniwersytecie w Liverpoolu, a przede wszystkim Polskiego Wydziału Prawa przy Uniwersytecie w Oksfordzie. Choć działalność Wydziału została formalnie za- kończona w październiku 1946 r., to jego tradycje przejął Polski Uniwersytet na Obczyźnie.
Wokół nowej syntezy dziejów Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, 2019
W prowadzonej w ostatnich latach dyskusji nad polską historiografi ą dotyczącą Drugiej Rzeczyposp... more W prowadzonej w ostatnich latach dyskusji nad polską historiografi ą dotyczącą Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej coraz częściej podnoszony jest głos, że stan naszej wiedzy odnoszącej się do całościowego obrazu Polski międzywojennej należy uznać za relatywnie kompletny i satysfakcjonujący, a to, co obecnie stanowi wyzwanie dla badaczy dziejów Drugiej RP to badania w skali mikro i próba weryfi kacji makroprocesów z tego punktu widzenia. Z tezą tą pozostaje się zgodzić -ustalenia historiografi i lat sześćdziesiątych i siedemdziesiątych XX w. opisujące struktury Drugiej RP "odgórnie" pozostają co do zasady w mocy. Konstrukcje w nich zaproponowane należy uznać za generalnie poprawne. Problemem (mniejszym) jest "nalot ideologiczny", wymuszający pewną ostrożność czytelnika, a także utrudniający recepcję informacji, zwłaszcza młodszemu pokoleniu. Większym problemem są występujące w nich braki i błędy szczegółowe, powodujące ograniczoną możliwość ich wykorzystania. Częstokroć jednak, z braku innych, bardziej aktualnych syntez, prace m.in. Jerzego Holzera, Zbigniewa Landaua, Jerzego Tomaszewskiego, Jana Borkowskiego czy Janusza Żarnowskiego wciąż pozostają podstawowymi dla poszukiwania odpowiedzi na początkowym etapie badań.
Na prezentowane źródło składa się korespondencja władz administracji ogólnej z władzami wojskowym... more Na prezentowane źródło składa się korespondencja władz administracji ogólnej z władzami wojskowymi dotycząca organizacji Grupy Asystencyjnej powołanej do życia pod koniec czerwca 1933 r. w związku z eskalacją niepokojów, do jakich doszło na tle sytuacji społeczno-politycznej w zachodnich powiatach województwa lwowskiego. Grupa ta miała charakter kombinowany i składała się z oddziałów piechoty, kawalerii, artylerii, wojsk samochodowych. Zaznaczyć należy, że do uśmierzenia niepokojów użyte zostało przez władze również lotnictwo. Dokumenty zawierają opis podjętych przez wojsko działań, jak również informacje pochodzące od lotników odbywających służbę nad obszarem ogarniętym zajściami. Omawiany przypadek był trzecim, gdy w latach 1932-1933 w służbie asystencyjnej dla likwidacji poważnych zaburzeń porządku publicznego użyto kilkusetosobowego zgrupowania złożonego z różnych rodzajów broni.
"Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa", 2016
The interwar period brought with it a wider interest in the question of uniforms, especially in t... more The interwar period brought with it a wider interest in the question of uniforms, especially in the context of services acting in the interests of public order and safety. Uniforms for civilian clerks received less attention. The first attempts to introduce uniforms for civil clerks were taken by the temporary administration in the Eastern Borderlands. The move came about as an eff ort at building respect for Polish government officials among the local people, above all, members of the national minorities, in consideration of the frequent contact between the clerks and the military. In central Poland, where the positions of the fi rst starostas were fi lled by representatives of the local elites, the introduction of separate uniforms served to show the diff erence between governmental offi cials (including local) and civil society. The civil service law of 1922 aimed to settle the question of uniforms. It allowed for the introduction of separate uniforms for clerks, but left the details to subsequent regulation. As a result, regulations governing civil clerks’ uniforms (e.g. railwaymen, customs offi cials, diplomats, etc.) were left to successive administrations. Talk of uniforms for clerks in the general administration continued, though up until the end of the Second Republic the problem remained unsolved. Among the biggest problems was a lack of money, whether in the state budget or the clerks’ own pockets.
Polityka i politycy w prasie XX i XXI wieku. Prasa organizacji politycznych, pod red. M. Dajnowicz i A. Miodowskiego, Białystok, 2017
Krakow was a important location for the veteran's organizations in the Second Republic. Among the... more Krakow was a important location for the veteran's organizations in the Second Republic. Among the others, the first modern associations of combatants were established there. For the whole interwar period many of them were very active. One of the various forms of its activity was the veteran's press. Most of the press titles were issued by Association of the Polish Legionaries. the earliest among them was published in 1928, however the first number of the most outstanding of veteran's periodicals was issued in 1929. It was entitled "Legion". During those four years it was being published there were many famous researchers, writers and politicians among the authors of the articles. The covers were designed by the students of Cracovian Academy of Fine Arts and the magazine was printed on the high-quality paper. Aside from that, some press initiatives were undertaken by Cracovian invalids and reserve officers. Several interesting titles were published by organizations of Jewish combatants. The crucial problem of the veteran's press were money - many of titles were edited during The Great Depression, so obtaining the advertisements was extremely difficult. The other reason of financial problems was the limited group of readers.
In servitute scientiarum. Biografistyka. Galicja. Druga Rzeczpospolita. Księga pamiątkowa w 10. rocznicę śmierci Profesora Leszka Kuberskiego, 2017
Kazimierz Duch’s path from army to administration – an original example
of the Piłsudski governme... more Kazimierz Duch’s path from army to administration – an original example of the Piłsudski government’s personnel policy The movement of officers from the Polish army to administration in interwar Poland has already been the topic of research, but recent publications show it to be a more complicated process then we had expected. The example of Kazimierz Duch’s biography provides insight into its complicated mechanisms. Duch was born in the Tarnobrzeg district in 1890. During his high school and university years he joined the Polish independence movement. During the First World War Duch fought as a soldier and officer of the Austrian army on the Eastern and Italian fronts. Towards the end of the war he co-organized the underground independence structure “Freedom”. After Poland regained independence Duch joined the Polish army, where he fought the Bolsheviks. After the Bolshevik War he continued his military service until Pilsudski’s coup d’etat, but he also considered moving into public administration. His chance came in the 1926 thanks to his acquaintance with Col. Pieracki, when he was appointed starosta of Nowy Sącz. He went on to become vice-voievod of Krakow, but left soon after and in the 30’s took his seat as the Vice Minister and a member of parliament.
[w:] Akt 5 listopada 1916 roku i jego konsekwencje dla Polski i Europy, red. J. Kłaczkow, K. Kania, Z. Girzyński, Toruń 2016, 2016
l w. suleja, próby budowy zrębóll polskiej państwowoś ci w okresie istnienia Tymczasowe1 Rady Sta... more l w. suleja, próby budowy zrębóll polskiej państwowoś ci w okresie istnienia Tymczasowe1 Rady Stanu, Wrocł aw 1981, s, 5, r,J.Pajewski'odbuclow,apańsn*apolskiegolg14-19]8,Poznań 005,s.144.
Polityka i politycy w prasie XX i XXI wieku, pod red. M. Dajnowicz i A. Miodowskiego, 2016
The attitude of the general administration toward press in the interwar Poland was researched by ... more The attitude of the general administration toward press in the interwar Poland was researched by many authors before but, specifically, from the position of the central institution. This article is an attempt to systemize the problem by showing press as: the instrument of the communication with the society (in the multiple aspects); the source of information for the administration; and the instrument of the social control over the general administration. Probably the best presented in the literature, was the problem of the censorship in the interwar period – this aspect was also described in the article.
The coup d’etat of Marshall Pilsudski was the crucial
fact in the Polish political history. Never... more The coup d’etat of Marshall Pilsudski was the crucial fact in the Polish political history. Nevertheless, the most significant was the army activity then, the attitude of the general administration was also important. Firstly, all the voievods and the starostas had to take care about the public security and the food supplies. Aside from that some of them thought about supporting the legal government. Other had leaning toward Pilsudski. The first group was generally in better position cause of the character of administration. Its hierarchical structure drove to the government subjection as an obvious solution.
Stało się tak dlatego, iż oddziały, z których powstała następnie 4 Dywizja Strzelców były już wów... more Stało się tak dlatego, iż oddziały, z których powstała następnie 4 Dywizja Strzelców były już wówczas integralną częścią Armii Polskiej we Francji. Stąd też podlegały one rozkazom Kwatery Głównej Wojsk Koalicyjnych. Poza tym, co najmniej w styczniu 1919 r., gen. Żeligowski uznawał nad sobą zwierzchnictwo wojskowe i cywilne Józefa Piłsudskiego oraz pozostałych warszawskich ośrodków polskiej władzy państwowej-vide: Moskwa, �оссийский �осу-�оссийский �осу-�осу-�осударственный Военный �р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-Военный �р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-Военный �р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-(�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�сторико-Документаль-�сторико-Документаль-Документаль-Документаль-ны� Коллекции) [dalej: ��В� (���ДК)], II-ой Отдел �енерального Штаба
Droga do Niepodległości 1914-1919, wstęp i red. T. Skoczek, Warszawa, 2018
Powiaty Polski Niepodległej i ich starostowie. W 100-lecie Odzyskania Niepodległości Historia mię... more Powiaty Polski Niepodległej i ich starostowie. W 100-lecie Odzyskania Niepodległości Historia międzywojennych starostów jest de facto opowieścią o tym jak budowano Drugą Rzeczpospolitą. W latach 1918Rzeczpospolitą. W latach -1922 powstało państwo zszyte z ziem wchodzących przez ponad 100 lat w skład trzech różnych organizmów państwowych, o odmiennych tradycjach i systemach administracyjnych. Proces ujednolicania porządku prawnego trwał przez całe dwudziestolecie i nie został w 1939 r. zakończony.
Wydarzenia z maja 1926 roku do dziś rozpalają emocje wśród zawodowych historyków, ale także oddzi... more Wydarzenia z maja 1926 roku do dziś rozpalają emocje wśród zawodowych historyków, ale także oddziałują na wyobraźnię szerszych kręgów społecz- nych czy polityków. Podziały dotyczą kwestii nazewnictwa – w zależności od sympatii w stosunku do marszałka Piłsudskiego używa się pojęć takich jak: wypadki majowe, rewolucja majowa, przewrót majowy; niechętni mu częściej będą używali określeń, takich jak zamach majowy czy wręcz pucz. Podejmuje się oceny tych wydarzeń z perspektywy krótko i długofalowych konsekwencji. Próbuje się ważyć na szali, z jednej strony korzyści, a z dru- giej – blisko 400 zabitych. Niektórzy starają się przenosić ów spór na płasz- czyznę moralną, która nie jest adekwatną dla oceny polityki i polityków. Jedna rzecz nie ulega wątpliwości – przewrót majowy i powrót Marszałka do władzy nieodwracalnie zmieniły losy Polski w XX wieku.
Międzywojenną maturę postrzegano jako wrota do lepszego świata. Powszechna była świadomość, że ed... more Międzywojenną maturę postrzegano jako wrota do lepszego świata. Powszechna była świadomość, że edukacja jest kluczowym czynnikiem warunkującym awans cywilizacyjny i powodzenie materialne
Uploads
Books by Janusz Mierzwa
The study consists of four chapters arranged in a problem frame. Chapter 1 is of an introductory character. It discusses the background of the social unrests of the Great Crisis era. The chapter contains two sub-chapters dedicated to social and economic (1.1) and political issues (1.2). In Chapter 2 we have recreated the most important forms of social riots. In the first five sub-chapters we have taken into account the variety of the distress origins. We have discussed social unrests based upon: strikes (2.1), unemployment (2.2), the resistance against the state policy in rural areas as well their inhabitants’ attitude towards the property right (2.3), political conflicts, understood as clashes between the opposition and the ruling party (2.4) and the opposition against the police activities (2.5). The next two parts present armed actions (2.6) and incidents that did not comply with the accepted classification method (2.7). The last part (2.8) of Chapter 2 contains a characteristics of groups of participants in several incidents (including, among others, the sex, age, material status, education). Chapter 3 discusses the role of the state apparatus. In contains an analysis of reactions of the state institutions to cases of social unrest. The next sub-chapters discuss activities of all levels of political administration subordinated to the Ministry of the Interior (3.1), the police (3.2), tax administration (3.3), courts and the public prosecutors (3.4), self-governments (3.5) and the army (3.6). Chapter 4 presents various repercussions of social riots. We have discussed the problem of the ruling camp elite’s response to the incidents (4.1), described the consequences of the events for the legal system and the shape of political geography (4.2), and have presented changes that occurred within the system of securing the public order (4.3). Separate sub-chapters have been dedicated to echoes of social unrests in public opinion (4.4) and the riots’ long-term effects that chronologically exceed the interwar period (4.5). An integral part of the study is the annex. It contains a catalogue of 830 incidents of social riot that constituted the base for the analysis. It comes in the form of a tabular listing. The annex contains data on the location of each incident, its date (a day date when possible), a short presentation of the incident’s course, an approximate number of participants, a keyword description of the state authorities’ reaction. The catalogue also provides the number of victims: injured and killed. It takes into account both the perpetrators of the incidents and the law enforcement representatives. The book contains a name and geographical index.
The social riot in Poland during the Great Crisis era had its dynamics and regional specificity. It reached its climax in the years 1932-1933, when most spectacular public outbreaks occurred. During that period several armed incidents took place and the social unrest in rural areas involved thousands of peasants. In the years 1934-1935 a significant decrease in the protests’ intensity can be observed. Taking into consideration the whole period 1930–1935, one can conclude that incidents occurred more often in the western part of the country where people of Polish nationality were predominant. In the eastern part incidents took place mostly in rural areas. The events resulted in ca. 170 fatalities and several hundred of the injured. One can assume the unrests involved several hundred thousand people.
In the vast majority of cases the distress took form of singular, short-lived, territory-isolated incidents. They did not provide a pretext for cooperation of main opposition groups, they did not simultaneously involve representatives of various social groups either. They were either peasant (rural) or workers’/unemployed outbreaks. Dispersion of the protests made suppressing them by the ruling parties easier. Yet the success of the authorities did not mean violent protests of the public had been eliminated for long. They intensified again in 1936.
standing at the head of the general administration as well as the local
administrative institutions in the counties (powiats). They were responsible
not only for matters of the economic development in the area of their
administration but also for public safety, supervision over the municipal
self-government and other administrative matters. They were the ‘eyes
and ears’ of the central authorities; not only did they gather and communicate
information on the social and political life in the counties but
also responded to actions against public order. These issues are discussed
in the work ‘Starostas of Poland between the World Wars. A collective portrait’
(1st edition – 2012, 2nd edition – 2018).
Due to the considerable influence of the representatives of this professional
group on the functioning of the state, an attempt was made to
bring together all of them who held the office of starosta in the Second
Polish Republic. Its effect is the ‘Biographical dictionary of starostas of the
Second Polish Republic’, the first volume of which the reader has before him.
In its structure the dictionary follows the so-called Dutch system, i.e.
alphabetical order within each volume. The search for a person of interest
is facilitated by an index of surnames as well as information on where
the given official was a starosta, provided in bold in the lead to each bio.
Biographical entries, designed according to the general pattern, are
supplemented with information on bibliography and a photo if possible.
These findings were based on queries in several archives in Poland as well
as in Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania and Great Britain, and also on other
published sources and the literature of the subject. As an aid for the
reader, there is a list of counties (powiats) in the Second Polish Republic
which enables following the changes taking place in their structure.
Papers by Janusz Mierzwa
In Poland, the political elites agreed that the western border would be demarcated at the Paris Peace Conference, while chances for a more independent resolution were seen in the east. There were two competing notions of the Polish presence in this area: the incorporationist view, promoted by nationalists and advocating the division of the so-called partitioned terri- tories between Poland and Russia, and the federal view, under which socialists and Pilsudski supporters championed the establishment of independent Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus, which were bound to it by alliances, on the eastern fringes of the Republic. Although the final decisions at Riga were closer to the former, the territory of Poland that was outlined in both concepts raised objections from Ukrainians and Lithuanians. Germany reacted similarly to demands that Pomerania, Greater Poland and Upper Silesia be annexed to Poland, and Czechs opposed the annexation of Cieszyn to Silesia. These demands were only moderately strengthened by the ethnic predomi- nance of Poles in these areas, but the final decisions were influ- enced by the pressure of uprisings and the goodwill of France.
The borders postulated by the nationalists and the Pilsuds- kiites corresponded with their vision of policy toward national minorities. The nationalists believed that Slavic minorities, who were denied the right to a separate state, should be assim- ilated. The Pilsudskiites, on the other hand, advocated state assimilation: they allowed religious, cultural and linguistic separateness of national minorities on condition of loyalty to the Polish state. Ultimately, however, the Second Republic failed to develop a long-term and consistent policy towards national minorities, as well as towards Poles living abroad.
The study consists of four chapters arranged in a problem frame. Chapter 1 is of an introductory character. It discusses the background of the social unrests of the Great Crisis era. The chapter contains two sub-chapters dedicated to social and economic (1.1) and political issues (1.2). In Chapter 2 we have recreated the most important forms of social riots. In the first five sub-chapters we have taken into account the variety of the distress origins. We have discussed social unrests based upon: strikes (2.1), unemployment (2.2), the resistance against the state policy in rural areas as well their inhabitants’ attitude towards the property right (2.3), political conflicts, understood as clashes between the opposition and the ruling party (2.4) and the opposition against the police activities (2.5). The next two parts present armed actions (2.6) and incidents that did not comply with the accepted classification method (2.7). The last part (2.8) of Chapter 2 contains a characteristics of groups of participants in several incidents (including, among others, the sex, age, material status, education). Chapter 3 discusses the role of the state apparatus. In contains an analysis of reactions of the state institutions to cases of social unrest. The next sub-chapters discuss activities of all levels of political administration subordinated to the Ministry of the Interior (3.1), the police (3.2), tax administration (3.3), courts and the public prosecutors (3.4), self-governments (3.5) and the army (3.6). Chapter 4 presents various repercussions of social riots. We have discussed the problem of the ruling camp elite’s response to the incidents (4.1), described the consequences of the events for the legal system and the shape of political geography (4.2), and have presented changes that occurred within the system of securing the public order (4.3). Separate sub-chapters have been dedicated to echoes of social unrests in public opinion (4.4) and the riots’ long-term effects that chronologically exceed the interwar period (4.5). An integral part of the study is the annex. It contains a catalogue of 830 incidents of social riot that constituted the base for the analysis. It comes in the form of a tabular listing. The annex contains data on the location of each incident, its date (a day date when possible), a short presentation of the incident’s course, an approximate number of participants, a keyword description of the state authorities’ reaction. The catalogue also provides the number of victims: injured and killed. It takes into account both the perpetrators of the incidents and the law enforcement representatives. The book contains a name and geographical index.
The social riot in Poland during the Great Crisis era had its dynamics and regional specificity. It reached its climax in the years 1932-1933, when most spectacular public outbreaks occurred. During that period several armed incidents took place and the social unrest in rural areas involved thousands of peasants. In the years 1934-1935 a significant decrease in the protests’ intensity can be observed. Taking into consideration the whole period 1930–1935, one can conclude that incidents occurred more often in the western part of the country where people of Polish nationality were predominant. In the eastern part incidents took place mostly in rural areas. The events resulted in ca. 170 fatalities and several hundred of the injured. One can assume the unrests involved several hundred thousand people.
In the vast majority of cases the distress took form of singular, short-lived, territory-isolated incidents. They did not provide a pretext for cooperation of main opposition groups, they did not simultaneously involve representatives of various social groups either. They were either peasant (rural) or workers’/unemployed outbreaks. Dispersion of the protests made suppressing them by the ruling parties easier. Yet the success of the authorities did not mean violent protests of the public had been eliminated for long. They intensified again in 1936.
standing at the head of the general administration as well as the local
administrative institutions in the counties (powiats). They were responsible
not only for matters of the economic development in the area of their
administration but also for public safety, supervision over the municipal
self-government and other administrative matters. They were the ‘eyes
and ears’ of the central authorities; not only did they gather and communicate
information on the social and political life in the counties but
also responded to actions against public order. These issues are discussed
in the work ‘Starostas of Poland between the World Wars. A collective portrait’
(1st edition – 2012, 2nd edition – 2018).
Due to the considerable influence of the representatives of this professional
group on the functioning of the state, an attempt was made to
bring together all of them who held the office of starosta in the Second
Polish Republic. Its effect is the ‘Biographical dictionary of starostas of the
Second Polish Republic’, the first volume of which the reader has before him.
In its structure the dictionary follows the so-called Dutch system, i.e.
alphabetical order within each volume. The search for a person of interest
is facilitated by an index of surnames as well as information on where
the given official was a starosta, provided in bold in the lead to each bio.
Biographical entries, designed according to the general pattern, are
supplemented with information on bibliography and a photo if possible.
These findings were based on queries in several archives in Poland as well
as in Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania and Great Britain, and also on other
published sources and the literature of the subject. As an aid for the
reader, there is a list of counties (powiats) in the Second Polish Republic
which enables following the changes taking place in their structure.
In Poland, the political elites agreed that the western border would be demarcated at the Paris Peace Conference, while chances for a more independent resolution were seen in the east. There were two competing notions of the Polish presence in this area: the incorporationist view, promoted by nationalists and advocating the division of the so-called partitioned terri- tories between Poland and Russia, and the federal view, under which socialists and Pilsudski supporters championed the establishment of independent Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus, which were bound to it by alliances, on the eastern fringes of the Republic. Although the final decisions at Riga were closer to the former, the territory of Poland that was outlined in both concepts raised objections from Ukrainians and Lithuanians. Germany reacted similarly to demands that Pomerania, Greater Poland and Upper Silesia be annexed to Poland, and Czechs opposed the annexation of Cieszyn to Silesia. These demands were only moderately strengthened by the ethnic predomi- nance of Poles in these areas, but the final decisions were influ- enced by the pressure of uprisings and the goodwill of France.
The borders postulated by the nationalists and the Pilsuds- kiites corresponded with their vision of policy toward national minorities. The nationalists believed that Slavic minorities, who were denied the right to a separate state, should be assim- ilated. The Pilsudskiites, on the other hand, advocated state assimilation: they allowed religious, cultural and linguistic separateness of national minorities on condition of loyalty to the Polish state. Ultimately, however, the Second Republic failed to develop a long-term and consistent policy towards national minorities, as well as towards Poles living abroad.
of the Piłsudski government’s personnel policy
The movement of officers from the Polish army to administration in interwar Poland has already been the topic of research, but recent publications show it to be a more complicated process then we had expected. The example of Kazimierz Duch’s biography provides insight into its complicated mechanisms. Duch was born in the Tarnobrzeg district in 1890. During his high school and university years he joined the Polish independence movement. During the First World War Duch fought as a soldier and officer of the Austrian army on the Eastern and Italian fronts. Towards the end of the war he co-organized the underground independence structure “Freedom”. After Poland regained independence Duch joined the Polish army, where he fought the Bolsheviks. After the Bolshevik War he continued his military service until Pilsudski’s coup d’etat, but he also considered moving into public administration. His chance came in the 1926 thanks to his acquaintance with Col. Pieracki, when he was appointed starosta of Nowy Sącz. He went on to become vice-voievod of Krakow, but left soon after and in the 30’s took his seat as the Vice Minister and a member of parliament.
fact in the Polish political history. Nevertheless, the most
significant was the army activity then, the attitude of the
general administration was also important. Firstly, all the
voievods and the starostas had to take care about the public
security and the food supplies. Aside from that some
of them thought about supporting the legal government.
Other had leaning toward Pilsudski. The first group was
generally in better position cause of the character of administration. Its hierarchical structure drove to the government subjection as an obvious solution.