Resumo: Diante da crescente improbabilidade de uma solução baseada em dois Estados, diversas solu... more Resumo: Diante da crescente improbabilidade de uma solução baseada em dois Estados, diversas soluções integradoras têm sido propostas como visões para resolver o conflito israelo-palestino. Este artigo apresenta um panorama conceitual das várias propostas de visões polí� ticas inclusivas e igualitárias para todos os habitantes de Israel/Palestina, identificando três principais vertentes integradoras: liberal, binacional e de soberania compartilhada. Além disso, o artigo avalia criticamente os pontos fortes e fracos dessas abordagens e analisa a preferência dos defensores dessas soluções pela reconciliação histórica como um modelo alternativo ao discurso de pacificação, predominante no processo de paz de Oslo.
Erinnerungsverbot? : DIE AUSSTELLUNG „AL NAKBA“ IM VISIER DER GEGENAUFKLÄRUNG, 2023
versucht, einen theoretischen Rahmen für einen gemein-samen und integrativen jüdischen und paläst... more versucht, einen theoretischen Rahmen für einen gemein-samen und integrativen jüdischen und palästinensischen Diskurs über die Erinnerungen an den Holocaust und die Nakba 1 zu entwerfen. Wir gehen davon aus, dass eine öffentlich ausgetragene gemeinsame arabisch-jüdische Deliberation über die traumatischen Erinnerungen an diese beiden Ereignisse nicht nur möglich, wie herausfordernd und (ver)störend sie auch sein mag, sondern von ebenso essenzieller Bedeu-tung ist. Dafür gibt es mehrere Gründe: Erstens sind der Holocaust und die Nakba prägende Ereignisse im politischen Bewusstsein und in der kollektiven Identität der beiden Völker, die zunehmend miteinander verflochten sind, und beide Ereig-nisse tragen zum Entstehen eines vorherrschenden kollektiven Bewusst-seins bei, das Elemente einer Opferrolle enthält. Daher ist es in arabisch-jüdischen Debatten so schwer geworden, das eine anzusprechen, ohne das andere zu erwähnen. Zweitens sind die beiden Ereignisse historisch miteinander verbun-den. Unstrittig ist, dass die Ereignisse von 1947/48 in Palästina/Israeldie Gründung des Staates Israel und die palästinensische Nakbadirekt wie auch indirekt stark von dem Geschehen in Europa zwischen 1933 und 1945 beeinflusst wurden. 2 Deshalb sind Holocaust und Nakba im Hinblick auf den scheinbar unlösbaren Konflikt in Palästina/Israel nicht voneinander zu trennen. Drittens beruht die "Ethik der Katastrophe", für die der Holocaust ein wichtiges Symbol ist, vor allem auf der "rejection of the metaphysics of comprehension". 3 Während die "metaphysics of comprehension" Geschlossenheit, Konsens und Einheit fordert und betont, besteht die "Ethik der Katastrophe" auf der Anerkennung der konstitutiven und zugleich 1 Das arabische Wort Nakba bedeutet Katastrophe und bezieht sich auf die Enteignung, Vertreibung und den nationalen Niedergang der Palästinenser im Jahr 1948 und danach.
The Arab and Jewish Questions brings scholars together from various disciplinary backgrounds to c... more The Arab and Jewish Questions brings scholars together from various disciplinary backgrounds to consider what might be gained when we treat the Arab and Jewish questions not as separate queries about two siloed identities, but as intersecting questions concerning the political and social status of two groups whose histories, politics, and societies have been, and continue to be, inextricably intertwined. Importantly, the book shows that European political and epistemological structures are the underlying factors that constitute, shape, and make such questions necessary to engage in the !rst place, and as such, must be scrutinized and critiqued if a path forward is to be imagined. In this post, Bashir Bashir places the The Arab and Jewish Questions into the wider research project out of which the book was born. He introduces alternatives to partition, the Holocaust and the Nakba, and the Arab and Jewish questions as major themes in this research and argues for egalitarian binationalism as the most fruitful political way forward in the region.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, a... more JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
This chapter critically explores the potential of democratic citizenship and civic education to a... more This chapter critically explores the potential of democratic citizenship and civic education to accommodate and settle social and political problems in deeply divided and intertwined societies. It argues that while the ever-growing and various forms and conditions of regional and global entwinements weaken the tight association between territorial nation-state, rights and citizenship, these conditions also pave the way for a different, reconfigured, notions of citizenship and civic education. These reconfigured notions transcend conventional national borders and endow citizenship and civic education with at least two additional and transnational potentials that are often ignored or underestimated, namely regional integration and normalization. These capacities, the chapter goes on to argue, considerably strengthen the ability of democratic citizenship and civic education to contribute to mitigating, accommodating, and sometimes even solving otherwise lingering and intractable political and social conflicts.
In light of the increasing unlikelihood of a two-state solution, several integrative solutions ha... more In light of the increasing unlikelihood of a two-state solution, several integrative solutions have been proposed as alternative visions for settling the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Offering a nuanced conceptual map of the various proposals for inclusive, egalitarian political visions for all the inhabitants of Israel/Palestine, this article identifies three strands of integrative approaches: liberal, binational, and shared sovereignty. It critically assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these integrative strands and evaluates integrationists' preference for historical reconciliation as an alternative framework to the peacemaking discourse of the Oslo peace process.
The past forty years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way many Western democracies deal wi... more The past forty years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way many Western democracies deal with issues of ethnocultural diversity. In the past, these democracies typically adopted majoritarian models of democracy and difference-blind models of national citizenship. In these traditional models, ethnocultural diversity was often seen as a threat to political stability, and hence as something that should be relegated to the private sphere and not publicly supported in the form of minority rights or multiculturalism. As a result, immigrants, national minorities, and indigenous peoples were all subject to a range of policies intended either to assimilate or marginalize them. Today, however, many Western democracies have abandoned these exclusionary models, and shifted towards a more accommodating approach to diversity. In short, we have witnessed a clear shift from 'assimilationist' models that suppress diversity to 'accommodationist' models that recognize diversity.
This article argues in favor of a Levantine approach to citizenship and citizenship education. A ... more This article argues in favor of a Levantine approach to citizenship and citizenship education. A Levantine approach calls for some sort of Mediterranean regionalism, which accommodates and promotes overlapping and shared sovereignties and jurisdiction, multiple loyalties, and regional integration. It transcends the paradigmatic statist model of citizenship by recasting the relationship between territoriality, national identity, sovereignty, and citizenship in complex, multilayered and disaggregated constellations. As the case of Israel/Palestine demonstrates, this new approach goes beyond multicultural accommodation and territorial partition. It proposes, among other things, extending the political and territorial boundaries of citizenship to take all the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River as one unit of analysis belonging to a larger region.
Deliberative democracy is often celebrated and endorsed because of its promise to include, empowe... more Deliberative democracy is often celebrated and endorsed because of its promise to include, empower, and emancipate otherwise oppressed and excluded social groups through securing their voice and granting them impact in reasoned public deliberation. This article explores the ability of Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy to accommodate the demands of historically excluded social groups in democratic plural societies. It argues that the inclusive, transformative, and empowering potential of Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy falters when confronted with particular types of historical injustices. It falters because it pays little attention to the historical dimension of injustices and the demands to which it gives rise. The historical dimension of longstanding injustices, it is argued, gives rise to a set of distinctive demands, such as collective memory of exclusion, acknowledgement of historical injustices, taking responsibility, and offering apology and reparations for causing these injustices, which go beyond the type of democratic inclusion that is often offered by deliberative democracy. Yet, the solution is not to abandon the model of deliberative democracy. Quite the contrary, it remains a valuable basis for forward-looking political decision making. The article concludes that in order to achieve inclusive, empowering and transformative deliberation in consolidated democracies that have experienced historical injustices, the politics of reconciliation is indispensable.
Theorizing the possibility of thinking the Jewish Holocaust and the Palestinian Nakba together al... more Theorizing the possibility of thinking the Jewish Holocaust and the Palestinian Nakba together along binational lines
In this groundbreaking book, leading Arab and Jewish intellectuals examine how and why the Holoca... more In this groundbreaking book, leading Arab and Jewish intellectuals examine how and why the Holocaust and the Nakba are interlinked without blurring fundamental differences between them. While these two foundational tragedies are often discussed separately and in abstraction from the constitutive historical global contexts of nationalism and colonialism, The Holocaust and the Nakba explores the historical, political, and cultural intersections between them. The majority of the contributors argue that these intersections are embedded in cultural imaginations, colonial and asymmetrical power relations, realities, and structures. Focusing on them paves the way for a new political, historical, and moral grammar that enables a joint Arab-Jewish dwelling and supports historical reconciliation in Israel/Palestine.
This book does not seek to draw a parallel or comparison between the Holocaust and Nakba or to merely inaugurate a “dialogue” between them. Instead, it searches for a new historical and political grammar for relating and narrating their complicated intersections. The book features prominent international contributors, including a foreword by Lebanese novelist Elias Khoury on the centrality of the Holocaust and Nakba in the essential struggle of humanity against racism, and an afterword by literary scholar Jacqueline Rose on the challenges and contributions of the linkage between the Holocaust and Nakba for power to shift and a world of justice and equality to be created between the two peoples. The Holocaust and the Nakba is the first extended and collective scholarly treatment in English of these two constitutive traumas together.
Resumo: Diante da crescente improbabilidade de uma solução baseada em dois Estados, diversas solu... more Resumo: Diante da crescente improbabilidade de uma solução baseada em dois Estados, diversas soluções integradoras têm sido propostas como visões para resolver o conflito israelo-palestino. Este artigo apresenta um panorama conceitual das várias propostas de visões polí� ticas inclusivas e igualitárias para todos os habitantes de Israel/Palestina, identificando três principais vertentes integradoras: liberal, binacional e de soberania compartilhada. Além disso, o artigo avalia criticamente os pontos fortes e fracos dessas abordagens e analisa a preferência dos defensores dessas soluções pela reconciliação histórica como um modelo alternativo ao discurso de pacificação, predominante no processo de paz de Oslo.
Erinnerungsverbot? : DIE AUSSTELLUNG „AL NAKBA“ IM VISIER DER GEGENAUFKLÄRUNG, 2023
versucht, einen theoretischen Rahmen für einen gemein-samen und integrativen jüdischen und paläst... more versucht, einen theoretischen Rahmen für einen gemein-samen und integrativen jüdischen und palästinensischen Diskurs über die Erinnerungen an den Holocaust und die Nakba 1 zu entwerfen. Wir gehen davon aus, dass eine öffentlich ausgetragene gemeinsame arabisch-jüdische Deliberation über die traumatischen Erinnerungen an diese beiden Ereignisse nicht nur möglich, wie herausfordernd und (ver)störend sie auch sein mag, sondern von ebenso essenzieller Bedeu-tung ist. Dafür gibt es mehrere Gründe: Erstens sind der Holocaust und die Nakba prägende Ereignisse im politischen Bewusstsein und in der kollektiven Identität der beiden Völker, die zunehmend miteinander verflochten sind, und beide Ereig-nisse tragen zum Entstehen eines vorherrschenden kollektiven Bewusst-seins bei, das Elemente einer Opferrolle enthält. Daher ist es in arabisch-jüdischen Debatten so schwer geworden, das eine anzusprechen, ohne das andere zu erwähnen. Zweitens sind die beiden Ereignisse historisch miteinander verbun-den. Unstrittig ist, dass die Ereignisse von 1947/48 in Palästina/Israeldie Gründung des Staates Israel und die palästinensische Nakbadirekt wie auch indirekt stark von dem Geschehen in Europa zwischen 1933 und 1945 beeinflusst wurden. 2 Deshalb sind Holocaust und Nakba im Hinblick auf den scheinbar unlösbaren Konflikt in Palästina/Israel nicht voneinander zu trennen. Drittens beruht die "Ethik der Katastrophe", für die der Holocaust ein wichtiges Symbol ist, vor allem auf der "rejection of the metaphysics of comprehension". 3 Während die "metaphysics of comprehension" Geschlossenheit, Konsens und Einheit fordert und betont, besteht die "Ethik der Katastrophe" auf der Anerkennung der konstitutiven und zugleich 1 Das arabische Wort Nakba bedeutet Katastrophe und bezieht sich auf die Enteignung, Vertreibung und den nationalen Niedergang der Palästinenser im Jahr 1948 und danach.
The Arab and Jewish Questions brings scholars together from various disciplinary backgrounds to c... more The Arab and Jewish Questions brings scholars together from various disciplinary backgrounds to consider what might be gained when we treat the Arab and Jewish questions not as separate queries about two siloed identities, but as intersecting questions concerning the political and social status of two groups whose histories, politics, and societies have been, and continue to be, inextricably intertwined. Importantly, the book shows that European political and epistemological structures are the underlying factors that constitute, shape, and make such questions necessary to engage in the !rst place, and as such, must be scrutinized and critiqued if a path forward is to be imagined. In this post, Bashir Bashir places the The Arab and Jewish Questions into the wider research project out of which the book was born. He introduces alternatives to partition, the Holocaust and the Nakba, and the Arab and Jewish questions as major themes in this research and argues for egalitarian binationalism as the most fruitful political way forward in the region.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, a... more JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
This chapter critically explores the potential of democratic citizenship and civic education to a... more This chapter critically explores the potential of democratic citizenship and civic education to accommodate and settle social and political problems in deeply divided and intertwined societies. It argues that while the ever-growing and various forms and conditions of regional and global entwinements weaken the tight association between territorial nation-state, rights and citizenship, these conditions also pave the way for a different, reconfigured, notions of citizenship and civic education. These reconfigured notions transcend conventional national borders and endow citizenship and civic education with at least two additional and transnational potentials that are often ignored or underestimated, namely regional integration and normalization. These capacities, the chapter goes on to argue, considerably strengthen the ability of democratic citizenship and civic education to contribute to mitigating, accommodating, and sometimes even solving otherwise lingering and intractable political and social conflicts.
In light of the increasing unlikelihood of a two-state solution, several integrative solutions ha... more In light of the increasing unlikelihood of a two-state solution, several integrative solutions have been proposed as alternative visions for settling the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Offering a nuanced conceptual map of the various proposals for inclusive, egalitarian political visions for all the inhabitants of Israel/Palestine, this article identifies three strands of integrative approaches: liberal, binational, and shared sovereignty. It critically assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these integrative strands and evaluates integrationists' preference for historical reconciliation as an alternative framework to the peacemaking discourse of the Oslo peace process.
The past forty years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way many Western democracies deal wi... more The past forty years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way many Western democracies deal with issues of ethnocultural diversity. In the past, these democracies typically adopted majoritarian models of democracy and difference-blind models of national citizenship. In these traditional models, ethnocultural diversity was often seen as a threat to political stability, and hence as something that should be relegated to the private sphere and not publicly supported in the form of minority rights or multiculturalism. As a result, immigrants, national minorities, and indigenous peoples were all subject to a range of policies intended either to assimilate or marginalize them. Today, however, many Western democracies have abandoned these exclusionary models, and shifted towards a more accommodating approach to diversity. In short, we have witnessed a clear shift from 'assimilationist' models that suppress diversity to 'accommodationist' models that recognize diversity.
This article argues in favor of a Levantine approach to citizenship and citizenship education. A ... more This article argues in favor of a Levantine approach to citizenship and citizenship education. A Levantine approach calls for some sort of Mediterranean regionalism, which accommodates and promotes overlapping and shared sovereignties and jurisdiction, multiple loyalties, and regional integration. It transcends the paradigmatic statist model of citizenship by recasting the relationship between territoriality, national identity, sovereignty, and citizenship in complex, multilayered and disaggregated constellations. As the case of Israel/Palestine demonstrates, this new approach goes beyond multicultural accommodation and territorial partition. It proposes, among other things, extending the political and territorial boundaries of citizenship to take all the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River as one unit of analysis belonging to a larger region.
Deliberative democracy is often celebrated and endorsed because of its promise to include, empowe... more Deliberative democracy is often celebrated and endorsed because of its promise to include, empower, and emancipate otherwise oppressed and excluded social groups through securing their voice and granting them impact in reasoned public deliberation. This article explores the ability of Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy to accommodate the demands of historically excluded social groups in democratic plural societies. It argues that the inclusive, transformative, and empowering potential of Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy falters when confronted with particular types of historical injustices. It falters because it pays little attention to the historical dimension of injustices and the demands to which it gives rise. The historical dimension of longstanding injustices, it is argued, gives rise to a set of distinctive demands, such as collective memory of exclusion, acknowledgement of historical injustices, taking responsibility, and offering apology and reparations for causing these injustices, which go beyond the type of democratic inclusion that is often offered by deliberative democracy. Yet, the solution is not to abandon the model of deliberative democracy. Quite the contrary, it remains a valuable basis for forward-looking political decision making. The article concludes that in order to achieve inclusive, empowering and transformative deliberation in consolidated democracies that have experienced historical injustices, the politics of reconciliation is indispensable.
Theorizing the possibility of thinking the Jewish Holocaust and the Palestinian Nakba together al... more Theorizing the possibility of thinking the Jewish Holocaust and the Palestinian Nakba together along binational lines
In this groundbreaking book, leading Arab and Jewish intellectuals examine how and why the Holoca... more In this groundbreaking book, leading Arab and Jewish intellectuals examine how and why the Holocaust and the Nakba are interlinked without blurring fundamental differences between them. While these two foundational tragedies are often discussed separately and in abstraction from the constitutive historical global contexts of nationalism and colonialism, The Holocaust and the Nakba explores the historical, political, and cultural intersections between them. The majority of the contributors argue that these intersections are embedded in cultural imaginations, colonial and asymmetrical power relations, realities, and structures. Focusing on them paves the way for a new political, historical, and moral grammar that enables a joint Arab-Jewish dwelling and supports historical reconciliation in Israel/Palestine.
This book does not seek to draw a parallel or comparison between the Holocaust and Nakba or to merely inaugurate a “dialogue” between them. Instead, it searches for a new historical and political grammar for relating and narrating their complicated intersections. The book features prominent international contributors, including a foreword by Lebanese novelist Elias Khoury on the centrality of the Holocaust and Nakba in the essential struggle of humanity against racism, and an afterword by literary scholar Jacqueline Rose on the challenges and contributions of the linkage between the Holocaust and Nakba for power to shift and a world of justice and equality to be created between the two peoples. The Holocaust and the Nakba is the first extended and collective scholarly treatment in English of these two constitutive traumas together.
Recent years have seen a revitalisation of decolonisation as a framework of analysis in the Israe... more Recent years have seen a revitalisation of decolonisation as a framework of analysis in the Israeli– Palestinian conflict. This article maps changes in the meanings attached to decolonisation in the Israeli Israeli–Palestinian context, paying particular attention to the one-state paradigm. One-state proposals highlight bi-national realities in historic Palestine in order to lay out a decolonising vision grounded in equal civic rights. Many one-state advocates, however, are suspicious of a prescriptive bi-national paradigm that would afford the two national groups equal collective rights, primarily because its recognition of Jewish national self-determination is seen as entrenching, rather than decolonising, colonial relations of power. We argue that a prescriptive bi-nationalism in fact offers rich resources for a decolonising project in Israel/Palestine that seeks to establish a polity based on the principles of justice and equality – come to terms with historical injustice and imagine alternative pasts, presents and futures based on Arab–Jewish relationships.
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This book does not seek to draw a parallel or comparison between the Holocaust and Nakba or to merely inaugurate a “dialogue” between them. Instead, it searches for a new historical and political grammar for relating and narrating their complicated intersections. The book features prominent international contributors, including a foreword by Lebanese novelist Elias Khoury on the centrality of the Holocaust and Nakba in the essential struggle of humanity against racism, and an afterword by literary scholar Jacqueline Rose on the challenges and contributions of the linkage between the Holocaust and Nakba for power to shift and a world of justice and equality to be created between the two peoples. The Holocaust and the Nakba is the first extended and collective scholarly treatment in English of these two constitutive traumas together.
This book does not seek to draw a parallel or comparison between the Holocaust and Nakba or to merely inaugurate a “dialogue” between them. Instead, it searches for a new historical and political grammar for relating and narrating their complicated intersections. The book features prominent international contributors, including a foreword by Lebanese novelist Elias Khoury on the centrality of the Holocaust and Nakba in the essential struggle of humanity against racism, and an afterword by literary scholar Jacqueline Rose on the challenges and contributions of the linkage between the Holocaust and Nakba for power to shift and a world of justice and equality to be created between the two peoples. The Holocaust and the Nakba is the first extended and collective scholarly treatment in English of these two constitutive traumas together.