Papers by Oleksii Polegkyi
Studia Polityczne, 2024
The article explains the reasons for the Russian offensive against Ukraine
in terms of national ... more The article explains the reasons for the Russian offensive against Ukraine
in terms of national security and Putin’s regime’s fear of democratization. It also offers a reflection upon ideological foundations prevalent in the Russian society. Such an approach will facilitate the understanding of how, in light of the core values and characteristics of that society, Ukraine has been portrayed as both a threat for Russian identity and an existential threat for Russia itself. The Russian invasion of Ukraine was undoubtedly aimed at gaining support at home and strengthening Putin’s regime. However, war is also integral to Putin’s project of Russia. Putin’s imperial thrust is rooted in the internal dynamics of this system. The current Russian regime is not so much based on ideology as it is striving to turn its propaganda clichés into an ideological platform. On the other hand, the war is accelerating the process of change in Russia – the current situation could lead to the collapse of Putin’s regime and even the disintegration of the Russian Federation itself, which harkens back to the collapse of the USSR.
Polish Political science Yearbook, 2024
Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle a... more Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle and identity issues. Both are experiencing an ongoing process of national identity strengthening and redefinition. External factors, such as Russia's 2014 occupation of Crimea and the subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine and China's increasing pressure on Taiwan, have shaped both Ukrainian and Taiwanese identities and people's attitudes. On the one hand, this paper explores the transformation of Ukrainian identity in the wake of Russian aggression, focusing on how the invasion has influenced the strengthening of civic attachment among Ukrainians. On the other hand, we explore the development of Taiwanese identity in the context of growing distinctions from mainland China, primarily focusing on Taiwan's ongoing democratization process and developing a self-confident national identity distinct from the mainland. The rise of Taiwanese identity coincided with growing sympathy for Taiwan's independence. Additionally, we consider the evolving nature of civic and national identities, emphasizing their fluidity and adaptability in response to political and social complexity.
„Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 21 (2023), z. 1, s. 91-107, 2023
Russian disinformation and propaganda before and after the invasion of Ukraine Rosyjska dezinform... more Russian disinformation and propaganda before and after the invasion of Ukraine Rosyjska dezinformacja i propaganda przed i po inwazji na Ukrainę Abstract: Disinformation and propaganda are key aspects of Russia' s war strategy as it uses the information environment to justify its actions in international politics, both domestically and abroad, and to coerce audiences into unwittingly supporting its actions. Russia, leading up to and throughout the conflict with Ukraine, brought the full scope of its propaganda apparatus to bear, leveraging overt and covert capabilities on both media and disinformation tools to justify the invasion and [attempt to] destroy international support for Ukraine. What kind of instruments, methods, and narratives has Russia used before and after its invasion of Ukraine? The spread of disinformation by the Russian Federation prior to and after the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 as well as the actions taken in response by Ukraine, allied governments, and civil and international organizations provide an important perspective as well as lessons on how to counteract disinformation and propagandistic narratives.
China towards Eastern Europe: between plague and war, 2022
Russia and China currently describe their relationship
as “strategic cooperation and comprehensiv... more Russia and China currently describe their relationship
as “strategic cooperation and comprehensive partnership”.
For Moscow and Beijing, the war in Ukraine is part
of a struggle to weaken American influence and secure
their positions as authoritarian leaders against “Western-
type democratizations”.
▪ But their partnership has its limits. Beijing and Moscow
are increasingly competing for the same global markets.
China has overtaken Russia to become the world’s second-
largest arms producer.
▪ The key problem of the Russia-China alliance is the lack
of trust on both sides and the asymmetry of relations,
which cannot be resolved. And the problems between
China and Russia are potentially broader and deeper, but
Beijing has not yet put them on the official diplomatic
agenda, while Moscow is trying not to notice growing
Chinese revanchism.
Ukraine under Zelenskyy: Domestic, Foreign and Security Policy in Flux, 2021
This publication of the Institute of Central Europe in Lublin is devoted to the situation of Ukra... more This publication of the Institute of Central Europe in Lublin is devoted to the situation of Ukraine under Zelenskyy
in flux from the point of view of the internal political processes (endless confrontation with the opposition, decentralization, deoligarchization, judicial reform), economic
transition (privatization, digitization, opening of the agricultural market, integration with EU markets) and the security (multi-vectoral approach to conteract Russian threats).
What does it mean "the crisis" in Ukraine in 2013-2014? Is it a new geopolitical battle between '... more What does it mean "the crisis" in Ukraine in 2013-2014? Is it a new geopolitical battle between 'East' and 'West' only? Or it is the end of 'post Soviet' Ukraine? There are two dimensions of possible discussions: first, from geopolitical perspective-Ukraine as a battleground between Russia and the 'West'. Much of the coverage portrays the Ukrainian Euromaidan revolution 2013-2014 as a resurgence of the Cold War-a battle between 'East' and 'West'. The second, Ukrainian Euromaidanis the end of post Soviet transformations and was the natural protest of Ukrainians against authoritarian rules of President Yanukovych. I would claim that the main reason of Euromaidan protests in 2013-2014 was an unfinished Ukrainian transformation from 'post-Soviet' state toward a real democratic and independent Ukraine. It was a threefold revolution: democraticin the sense of protests against cleptocratic and oligarchic regimes of Victor Yanukovych; anti-colonialin the sense of struggle for real independence from Russia; and value revolutionin the sense of struggle of European Ukraine vs Soviet Ukraine, which are differing on the basis of relations towards state, sovereignty and the past. Was it really 'revolution' or notwe will see soon, according to results and prospects of reforming of Ukrainian political system.
Central European Journal of Communication, 2016
The topic of European integration is one of the most important for Ukrainian political discourse ... more The topic of European integration is one of the most important for Ukrainian political discourse and reflects the main controversy in politics and society. This paper is based on a case study: how are European integration and widely the idea of Europe conceptualized in Ukrainian political discourses and how are they presented and framed in the Ukrainian press in the period 2005–2010? What are the dominant frames in the representation of European integration in the Ukrainian press? This study demonstrates that conceptualization of European integration and, connected with it, the foreign policy choice of Ukraine is proceeding in the Ukrainian media discourse with usage of the following dominant frames: geopolitical confrontation, civilizational choice and an instrument of inner changes.
Information wars against Ukraine and other European countries: Lithuania’s experience in tackling propaganda, 2020
The threat of Russian disinformation is becoming increasingly relevant for all European countries... more The threat of Russian disinformation is becoming increasingly relevant for all European countries. Some countries have begun to realize the severity of the threat, but other governments still doubt whether such a threat exists for them or even tolerate a Russian presence in Europe. Many governmental and non-governmental initiatives and institutions, especially in the Central and Eastern European region, have tried to identify, analyze, expose and tackle Russian propaganda.
This paper is an overview of attempts made by EU countries to counteract disinformation activities of Russia after 2014.
East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies, 2021
The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, crises in the European Union (EU), and armed conflicts in... more The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, crises in the European Union (EU), and armed conflicts in the EU neighbourhood have influenced the prospects of future development in eastern and central Europe. A search for new security architecture on the margins of the EU and regional collaborations that prevail across formal EU borders have forced national elites in Poland and Ukraine to redefine their efforts regarding regional and security co-operation. Rationales for joining an Intermarium (a regional, transnational project involving successor states of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth countries) are based on the perception of a threat coming from Russia. This article analyzes the Intermarium concept, first, from the perspective of “geopolitical imaginary” with emphasis on periphery-centre relations and, second, in the light of regional “security dilemma” as it appears in attempt of “smaller” states to counteract Russian threats.
Politics, Culture and Socialization
This text is a part of critical and curatorial reflections from the II Venice International Perfo... more This text is a part of critical and curatorial reflections from the II Venice International Performance Art Week 2014 catalogue "Ritual Body - Poetic Body". The biological body becomes indistinguishable from the political body and the body’s limits are set by the political manipulations of biological life. The body is discursively constructed and cannot be separate from its social, aesthetic and symbolic formation. Rituals as a powerful social practice reaffirm the identity of participants as a group or community members and help to create and reproduced the social and political order. What connect the ritual body and political body – is a desire to accomplish or implement this ‘symbolical order’. What are the social, gender and aesthetic dimensions of the body within the performance art? Can we liberate our own bodies from the total domination of power and politics?
The Soviet Union’s victory in World War II has become a cornerstone of Russian national identity ... more The Soviet Union’s victory in World War II has become a cornerstone of Russian national identity building process, especially under the rule of Putin, which has actively exploited it to mobilize support for the current political regime in the Kremlin. The heritage of victory in 1945 is the basis used to represent Russia as a great power and claim a special position for it in Europe.
History and the past are symbolic resources, which have become instruments for achieving political goals and strongly influence politics in Russia. Russian propaganda has actively utilized Soviet mythology and the narrative of the Cold War to frame cur-rent events in Ukraine. Any challenge to the myth of victory in World War II amounts to a threat to Russian hegemony in the post-Soviet space and, even more directly, as a danger to the existence of Russia as a state.
The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union created optimistic expectations that autocracies wi... more The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union created optimistic expectations that autocracies will be quickly transformed into functioning democracy, but the outcomes in democratization process vary from success stories in Central European countries to the regress on democratic reforms in former Soviet republics.
What are the lessons learned and what is the relevance of Post-communist transitions to the democratization process around the world? Can we expect the reversal of democratic development in post-Soviet countries and the emergence of new forms of authoritarian rule?
What are the main differences in the development of countries in Central and Eastern Europe?
What does it mean “the crisis” in Ukraine in 2013-2014? Is it a new geopolitical battle between ‘... more What does it mean “the crisis” in Ukraine in 2013-2014? Is it a new geopolitical battle between ‘East’ and ‘West’ only? Or it is the end of ‘post Soviet’ Ukraine?
I would claim that the main reason of Euromaidan protests in 2013-2014 was an unfinished Ukrainian transformation from ‘post-Soviet’ state toward a real democratic and independent Ukraine. It was a threefold revolution: democratic – in the sense of protests against cleptocratic and oligarchic regimes of Victor Yanukovych; anti-colonial – in the sense of struggle for real independence from Russia; and value revolution – in the sense of struggle of European Ukraine vs Soviet Ukraine, which are differing on the basis of relations towards state, sovereignty and the past. Was it really ‘revolution’ or not – we will see soon, according to results and prospects of reforming of Ukrainian political system.
is an interdisciplinary board of directors, responsible for reviewing proposals and accepting int... more is an interdisciplinary board of directors, responsible for reviewing proposals and accepting international high quality scienof the Europe and the Balkans International Network and the Association of Italian Slavists.
Book chapters by Oleksii Polegkyi
Olga Bogdanova, Andrey Makarychev (Eds.) Baltic-Black Sea Regionalisms Patchworks and Networks at Europe’s Eastern Margins, 2020
The Russian–Ukrainian conflict and growing tensions in the post-Soviet
area since 2014 have broug... more The Russian–Ukrainian conflict and growing tensions in the post-Soviet
area since 2014 have brought back geopolitical thinking and put security issues into central focus for Europe. The Russian aggressive revanchism, deep internal crisis within the European Union, and armed conflicts in the EU’s neighborhood affect the debate on the future development of Eastern and Central European countries and potential of regional collaboration overlooking formal EU borders. All these factors have pushed the national elites in Poland and Ukraine to seek a redefinition of regional and security cooperation. Current ideas for regional cooperation are being developed under different initiatives: the ‘Intermarium,’ Three Seas Initiative, Baltic–Black Sea Union, 16 + 1 initiative etc. Aiming to assess the political potential for transnational cooperation in this part of Europe, this paper takes as a starting point the identification of the main discourses on these topics that dominate
among Ukrainian and Polish elites.
The Process of Politicization: How Much Politics Does a Society Need?, 2017
Why did Ukrainians take to the streets in 2013-2014? How can we understand the seemingly extreme ... more Why did Ukrainians take to the streets in 2013-2014? How can we understand the seemingly extreme behaviour among the normally calm and peaceful Ukrainian citizens? What are the main differences between the“Euromaidan” in 2013–14 and previous protests, such as the Orange Revolution in 2004?
Was the crisis in Ukraine in 2013–14 a new geopolitical battle between “East” and “West”? Or was it the end of post-Soviet Ukraine? The main assumption of the present study is that the recent events in Ukraine were the result of the unfinished transformations and modernisations of this post-Soviet state.
Ukraine is big country in the heart of Eastern Europe and has a strategic location between Europe... more Ukraine is big country in the heart of Eastern Europe and has a strategic location between Europe and Asia. Despite the fact that Ukraine is one of the largest countries in Europe with a population of nearly 45 million people, little is known about this country around the world. Recent political events known as the ‘Euromaidan Revolution’ and further Russian aggression have attracted the world’s attention to Ukraine, but what are the specifics of this country?
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Papers by Oleksii Polegkyi
in terms of national security and Putin’s regime’s fear of democratization. It also offers a reflection upon ideological foundations prevalent in the Russian society. Such an approach will facilitate the understanding of how, in light of the core values and characteristics of that society, Ukraine has been portrayed as both a threat for Russian identity and an existential threat for Russia itself. The Russian invasion of Ukraine was undoubtedly aimed at gaining support at home and strengthening Putin’s regime. However, war is also integral to Putin’s project of Russia. Putin’s imperial thrust is rooted in the internal dynamics of this system. The current Russian regime is not so much based on ideology as it is striving to turn its propaganda clichés into an ideological platform. On the other hand, the war is accelerating the process of change in Russia – the current situation could lead to the collapse of Putin’s regime and even the disintegration of the Russian Federation itself, which harkens back to the collapse of the USSR.
as “strategic cooperation and comprehensive partnership”.
For Moscow and Beijing, the war in Ukraine is part
of a struggle to weaken American influence and secure
their positions as authoritarian leaders against “Western-
type democratizations”.
▪ But their partnership has its limits. Beijing and Moscow
are increasingly competing for the same global markets.
China has overtaken Russia to become the world’s second-
largest arms producer.
▪ The key problem of the Russia-China alliance is the lack
of trust on both sides and the asymmetry of relations,
which cannot be resolved. And the problems between
China and Russia are potentially broader and deeper, but
Beijing has not yet put them on the official diplomatic
agenda, while Moscow is trying not to notice growing
Chinese revanchism.
in flux from the point of view of the internal political processes (endless confrontation with the opposition, decentralization, deoligarchization, judicial reform), economic
transition (privatization, digitization, opening of the agricultural market, integration with EU markets) and the security (multi-vectoral approach to conteract Russian threats).
This paper is an overview of attempts made by EU countries to counteract disinformation activities of Russia after 2014.
History and the past are symbolic resources, which have become instruments for achieving political goals and strongly influence politics in Russia. Russian propaganda has actively utilized Soviet mythology and the narrative of the Cold War to frame cur-rent events in Ukraine. Any challenge to the myth of victory in World War II amounts to a threat to Russian hegemony in the post-Soviet space and, even more directly, as a danger to the existence of Russia as a state.
What are the lessons learned and what is the relevance of Post-communist transitions to the democratization process around the world? Can we expect the reversal of democratic development in post-Soviet countries and the emergence of new forms of authoritarian rule?
What are the main differences in the development of countries in Central and Eastern Europe?
I would claim that the main reason of Euromaidan protests in 2013-2014 was an unfinished Ukrainian transformation from ‘post-Soviet’ state toward a real democratic and independent Ukraine. It was a threefold revolution: democratic – in the sense of protests against cleptocratic and oligarchic regimes of Victor Yanukovych; anti-colonial – in the sense of struggle for real independence from Russia; and value revolution – in the sense of struggle of European Ukraine vs Soviet Ukraine, which are differing on the basis of relations towards state, sovereignty and the past. Was it really ‘revolution’ or not – we will see soon, according to results and prospects of reforming of Ukrainian political system.
Book chapters by Oleksii Polegkyi
area since 2014 have brought back geopolitical thinking and put security issues into central focus for Europe. The Russian aggressive revanchism, deep internal crisis within the European Union, and armed conflicts in the EU’s neighborhood affect the debate on the future development of Eastern and Central European countries and potential of regional collaboration overlooking formal EU borders. All these factors have pushed the national elites in Poland and Ukraine to seek a redefinition of regional and security cooperation. Current ideas for regional cooperation are being developed under different initiatives: the ‘Intermarium,’ Three Seas Initiative, Baltic–Black Sea Union, 16 + 1 initiative etc. Aiming to assess the political potential for transnational cooperation in this part of Europe, this paper takes as a starting point the identification of the main discourses on these topics that dominate
among Ukrainian and Polish elites.
Was the crisis in Ukraine in 2013–14 a new geopolitical battle between “East” and “West”? Or was it the end of post-Soviet Ukraine? The main assumption of the present study is that the recent events in Ukraine were the result of the unfinished transformations and modernisations of this post-Soviet state.
in terms of national security and Putin’s regime’s fear of democratization. It also offers a reflection upon ideological foundations prevalent in the Russian society. Such an approach will facilitate the understanding of how, in light of the core values and characteristics of that society, Ukraine has been portrayed as both a threat for Russian identity and an existential threat for Russia itself. The Russian invasion of Ukraine was undoubtedly aimed at gaining support at home and strengthening Putin’s regime. However, war is also integral to Putin’s project of Russia. Putin’s imperial thrust is rooted in the internal dynamics of this system. The current Russian regime is not so much based on ideology as it is striving to turn its propaganda clichés into an ideological platform. On the other hand, the war is accelerating the process of change in Russia – the current situation could lead to the collapse of Putin’s regime and even the disintegration of the Russian Federation itself, which harkens back to the collapse of the USSR.
as “strategic cooperation and comprehensive partnership”.
For Moscow and Beijing, the war in Ukraine is part
of a struggle to weaken American influence and secure
their positions as authoritarian leaders against “Western-
type democratizations”.
▪ But their partnership has its limits. Beijing and Moscow
are increasingly competing for the same global markets.
China has overtaken Russia to become the world’s second-
largest arms producer.
▪ The key problem of the Russia-China alliance is the lack
of trust on both sides and the asymmetry of relations,
which cannot be resolved. And the problems between
China and Russia are potentially broader and deeper, but
Beijing has not yet put them on the official diplomatic
agenda, while Moscow is trying not to notice growing
Chinese revanchism.
in flux from the point of view of the internal political processes (endless confrontation with the opposition, decentralization, deoligarchization, judicial reform), economic
transition (privatization, digitization, opening of the agricultural market, integration with EU markets) and the security (multi-vectoral approach to conteract Russian threats).
This paper is an overview of attempts made by EU countries to counteract disinformation activities of Russia after 2014.
History and the past are symbolic resources, which have become instruments for achieving political goals and strongly influence politics in Russia. Russian propaganda has actively utilized Soviet mythology and the narrative of the Cold War to frame cur-rent events in Ukraine. Any challenge to the myth of victory in World War II amounts to a threat to Russian hegemony in the post-Soviet space and, even more directly, as a danger to the existence of Russia as a state.
What are the lessons learned and what is the relevance of Post-communist transitions to the democratization process around the world? Can we expect the reversal of democratic development in post-Soviet countries and the emergence of new forms of authoritarian rule?
What are the main differences in the development of countries in Central and Eastern Europe?
I would claim that the main reason of Euromaidan protests in 2013-2014 was an unfinished Ukrainian transformation from ‘post-Soviet’ state toward a real democratic and independent Ukraine. It was a threefold revolution: democratic – in the sense of protests against cleptocratic and oligarchic regimes of Victor Yanukovych; anti-colonial – in the sense of struggle for real independence from Russia; and value revolution – in the sense of struggle of European Ukraine vs Soviet Ukraine, which are differing on the basis of relations towards state, sovereignty and the past. Was it really ‘revolution’ or not – we will see soon, according to results and prospects of reforming of Ukrainian political system.
area since 2014 have brought back geopolitical thinking and put security issues into central focus for Europe. The Russian aggressive revanchism, deep internal crisis within the European Union, and armed conflicts in the EU’s neighborhood affect the debate on the future development of Eastern and Central European countries and potential of regional collaboration overlooking formal EU borders. All these factors have pushed the national elites in Poland and Ukraine to seek a redefinition of regional and security cooperation. Current ideas for regional cooperation are being developed under different initiatives: the ‘Intermarium,’ Three Seas Initiative, Baltic–Black Sea Union, 16 + 1 initiative etc. Aiming to assess the political potential for transnational cooperation in this part of Europe, this paper takes as a starting point the identification of the main discourses on these topics that dominate
among Ukrainian and Polish elites.
Was the crisis in Ukraine in 2013–14 a new geopolitical battle between “East” and “West”? Or was it the end of post-Soviet Ukraine? The main assumption of the present study is that the recent events in Ukraine were the result of the unfinished transformations and modernisations of this post-Soviet state.
Zwycięstwo Związku Radzieckiego w II Wojnie Światowej stało się główną zasadą rosyjskiego procesu budowania tożsamości narodowej, zwłaszcza w czasach rządzenia W. Putina. Dziedzictwo zwycięstwa w 1945 roku - jest podstawą do dalszego reprezentowania siebie jako mocarstwa, które ma szczególną pozycję i rolę w Europie.
Polityka współczesnej Rosji w dużej mierze opiera się na mitach, które istniały w ZSRR. Z nich korzysta Kreml dla uzasadnienia swoich działań na Ukrainie, zwłaszcza dotyczących aneksji Krymu i wojny w Donbasie. Rosja wykorzystuje tematy historyczne dla moralnej legitymizacji agresywnej polityki zagranicznej. Próby byłych republik radzieckich kształtowania własnej wizji na temat swojej historii są postrzegane przez rosyjskich historyków i polityków jako ingerencja w historię i atak na samo państwo – Rosję.
militarized zones in Europe. Russia has pursued highly aggressive policies in order to secure its dominance over the Black Sea region. After the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by Russia in 2014, the Black Sea area has gradually turned into a hotbed of mutual NATO-Russia tensions. Moscow’s threats to Ukraine are multi-dimensional in nature, as are its similarly conceived threats to Europe. NATO’s inaction would greatly enhance Russia’s prestige, demonstrating its ability to challenge the West.
How these security dilemma will be solved in the nearest future?
In 2019 Volodymyr Zelenskyi announced a “new policy” toward the resolution of the Russian–Ukrainian war in the Donbas. There are different models of “negotiations”, but conflict solutions is still far away.
The main problem is not only the different approaches towards the negotiations, but also in the different aims of Russia and Ukraine. There are no changes in Russia’s attitude towards Ukraine and conflict resolution. Moscow wants to become a “mediator” but not part of conflict. For Ukraine, the end of conflict means restoration of its sovereignty. For Russia it means keeping Ukraine in its “sphere of privileged interests” and control of Ukraine.